This dissertation has been

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BRINKMAN, James Milton, 1931-
THE GERMAN MALE CHORUS: ITS ROLE AND
SIGNIFICANCE FROM 1800-1850.
University of niinois, Ed.D., 1966
Music

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan

© COPYRIGHT

by

JAMES MILTON BRINKMAN

1967 '
 THE GERMAN MALE CHORUS
ITS ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE FROM 1800-1850

BY

JAMES MILTON BRINKMAN

B S , Quincy College, 1957
M S , University of Illinois, i960

THESIS

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of Doctor of Education in Music Education
in the Graduate College of the
University of Illinois, 1966

Urbana, Illinois
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

T H E GRADUATE COLLEGE

S e p t e m b e r , 1966

I HEREBY RECOMMEND T H A T T H E T H E S I S PREPARED UNDER MY

SUPERVISION RV JAMES MILTON BRINKMAN

ENTITLED. THE GERMAN MALE CHORUS; ITS ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE

FROM 1800-1850

BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR

T H E DEGREE OF_ DOCTOR OF EDUCATION IN MUSIC EDUCATION

In Charge of Thesis

«fi-
Head of Department
Dipartau

Recommendation concurred inf

Committee

on

Final Examinationf

t Required for doctor's degree but not for maSter'i

D517
 ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The author wishes to acknowledge, with deep gratitude and

appreciation, his advisor, Dr. Charles Leonhard, for his insight,

guidance and timely advice in the preparation of this work.

He would further like to recognize the members of his committee;

first, Professor J. Alden Nichols, for his inspiring help in the

beginning of this investigation; and Professors Colleen Kirk, Foster

McMurray and Glenn Blair for their encouragement and meaningful

comments in the organization of the study.

A special expression of thanks is given to a friend and colleague,

Richard J. Colwell, for his continuing inspiration through the years.

Finally, the highest tribute is paid to the-author's wife, Paula,

without whose patience, understanding and love this work would never

have been completed.

 iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER I THE INTRODUCTION 1

II GERMAN CULTURE IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY 12

III THE POET AND HIS RELATIONSHIP TO THE MALE CHORUS 35

IV GERMAN NATIONALISM: A SEARCH FOR UNITY 58

V THE LIEDERTAFEL: ITS GROWTH AND SIGNIFICANCE 93

VI THE MALE CHORUS IN ALL SEGMENTS OF THE SOCIETY -....125

VII THE MUSIC OF THE MALE CHORUS 155

VIII SUMMARY 174

BIBLIOGRAPHY 182

APPENDIX 198

VITA 199
 1

Chapter I

THE INTRODUCTION

"There is not any Musicke of Instruments

whatsoever, comparable to that which is made of the
voyces of men, where the voyces are good, and the
same well sorted and ordered."

William Byrd (1542-1623)

Although men have sung together for centuries, in different

situations and under different conditions, not until the early

nineteenth century in Germany did the male chorus take on a special

social significance and meaning that has given it a unique role

in history. The musical ideal voiced by William Byrd in the

sixteenth century was actualized by the German people in the early

nineteenth century and is felt even today in our own country.

The Purpose

It is the purpose of this investigation to evaluate the

historical, sociological and cultural role of the male chorus in

Germany from 1800-1850 through the examination of representative

works sung by the male chorus during that period. The male chorus

has an interesting history and development that has been touched

upon only lightly by writers in the past. It is the belief of this

writer that the male chorus serves a far more important social role

than is generally recognized. It is hoped that this study will lead

to a greater knowledge, appreciation and understanding of the nature

of the male chorus and its motives as they originated in the German

culture of the early nineteenth century.

 2

A broad evaluation of such a nature can best be attained by

exploring the following sub-problems:

1. What are some of the social and political factors that

influenced German culture in the early nineteenth century?

2. What was the role of the poets in the growth of the male
chorus in Germany from 1800-1850?

3. What influence did military life and events have on the

growth of the male chorus in Germany from 1800-1850?

4. How did the spirit of nationalism influence the growth

of the male chorus in Germany from 1800-1850?

5. How was the rise of the middle classes manifested through:

a) Liedertafel; b) Studentenmusik; c) Handwerkergesangverein;
and d) Ma'nnerchor und Kirchengesang in Germany from 1800-1850?

6. What was the nature of the music sung by the male chorus
in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century?

Need for the Study

It has been the author's privilege during many years of teaching

to be the conductor of choral groups composed of high school boys,

college men and men of the community. This has naturally led to the

examination, performance and evaluation of much literature for the

male chorus. It has also led the author to attempt to discover the

motives that lead to membership in such an organization. Although

this particular medium is limited because of the range and texture of

the male voices, this unique choral sound has always appealed to

audiences and certainly to the singers themselves. There is a parti-

cular esprit de corps associated with a male chorus that is not usually

found in other choral groups. This leads to the singing of much

spirited, martial and, often, sentimental types of songs.

There is a great wealth of music composed for male chorus during

the nineteenth century that merits comprehensive study. More than in

 3

any other period of music the male chorus was given attention,

significance and meaning in the first half of the nineteenth century,

especially in Germany. There are many indications that the great

interest in the male chorus and its growth at this time were caused

more by underlying social and cultural factors in the German society

than by musical factors alone. The French Revolution fostered the

idea of groups gathering together to sing the songs of the people, to

sing of freedom and a new way of life. Johann Gottfried von Herder's

publication of 1778, Stimmen der Volker in Liedern (The Voices of the

People in Song), a collection of all types of folk songs from various

countries, led to a greater interest in folk music and increased par-

ticipation by the people in the performance of such music. In early

nineteenth century Germany this growth in popularity of folk music

found its expression in the male chorus, a symbol of German male

leadership.

The role that the male chorus played in G e m a n society from 1800-

1850 is important to us today insofar as it reveals some of the far-

reaching social changes that took place during this period. The male

chorus became an instrument of such changes as is exemplified in the

importance of military activity, the rise of nationalism and the growth

and increased activity of the middle classes. The poets became the

leaders and prophets of a new age. The composers of the time were

caught up with the spirit of male singing and used texts that spoke

consistently of the German ideal, German freedom and German unity.

This musical organization thus became an integral part of the total

culture.

^•Ernst Rose, A History of German Literature, N.Y.U. Press,

New York, 1960; p. 181
i
 4

Definition of Terms

The term "male chorus" in this investigation refers to any

group of men who gathered together to sing unison or part songs,

whether informally or within an organizaed formal structure.

The term "Germany" refers to all the German states and cities

making up the German empire up to 1815, including German-speaking

towns on the perimeter; and all the German states of the new federal

union called Deutscher Bund (Germanic Confederation)2 which was devised

by the Congress of Vienna of 1815 and lasted until 1871. The two

principal states were Austria and Prussia.

Delimitations

The growth and development of the male chorus was not limited

strictly to Germany but its influence was most profoundly felt in this

country. The majority of musicians who composed works for male chorus

during the first half of the nineteenth century were German. Hence,

this study is limited to the investigation of the male chorus in Germany.

Although the male chorus continued to grow in the latter half of the

nineteenth century and see its influence felt in other countries, the

original motives for its existence and growth lie in the period from

1800-1850 in Germany. This study is limited to those years.

Related Literature

There is at present no available study about the German male chorus

in English.

2
Jethro Bithell, Germany, Methuen & Co., LTD, London, 1955;
p. 81
 ~ There are two available books in German that dwell on the growth

of the male chorus in specific areas. The first is Anfange und Ent-

wichlung des Mannerchorwesens am Niederrhein (The Origin and Development

of the Existence of the Male Chorus on the Lower Rhine)^ by Heinz

Blommen. Mr. Blommen gives a comprehensive historical picture of the

growth of the male chorus in the communities along the lower Rhine. He

includes some very pertinent data on the Liedertafeln (Singing Socie-

ties) and Handwerkergesangvereine (Workers' Singing Societies) and the

parallel between them. He shows the relationship between the male

chorus and other music societies. He then shows its growth and national

influence through the large music festivals along the Rhine. His study

is made complete by Lie inclusion of the social, political and economic

background of the Rhineland male choruses.

The second work is Geschichte der Zelterschen Liedertafel von 1809

bis 1909 (The History of the Zelter Singing Society from 1809 to 1909)*

by Hermann Kuhlo. This book provides a thorough history of the Zelter

Liedertafel, first under its founder, Karl Friedrich Zelter, in Berlin

and later under other conductors. Mr. Kuhlo describes the members of

the Liedertafel, their leaders, the types of meetings they had, the

composers who wrote for them and the poets whose texts they used. The

book provides a background of the Liedertafel movement in Germany.

^Heinz Blommen, Anfange und Entwichlung des Mannerchorwesens am

Niederrhein. Beitrage zur Rheinischen Musikgeschichte, Heft 42,
Arno Volk-Verlag, Koln, 1960

^Hermann Kuhlo, Geschichte der Zelterschen Liedertafel von 1809

bis 1909, Eigentum d?r Sing Akademie zu Berlin zu beziehen durch
Horn und Raasch, Berlin, 1909
 6

Procedure of the Study

The great number of pieces composed for male chorus from 1800-

1850 across the German land provide the key to the vast growth of male

singing societies during those years. The thing that attracted the men

of Germany to gather together and raise their voices in song was the

great meaning they found in the texts of these songs for their daily

lives. The poets of the time were providing the food for thought that

would lead to a new and revitalized Germany, and the composers were

incorporating these ideas in German song that would inspire men to

organize themselves and their brothers in a new social way of life.

The texts of the outstanding representative songs of the age will

be treated in detail to discover the meaning they had for the male

singing societies of the day. The songs of the leading poets and com-

posers of the time have been chosen for examination to discover the role

these men played in German society.

The texts have been chosen from the following collections of

original settings for male chorus:

1. Musikalischer Hausschatz (Musical Treasury) •>

Fur Mannerchor oder vier Mannerstimmen:

a) Vaterlands-und Heimatslieder
b) Studentenlieder
c) Soldaten*und Jagerlieder
d) Liedertafel-und Gesellschaftslieder
e) Minnelieder
f) Lieder zum Peise der Natur
g) Erbauungslieder

3
G.W. Fink, Musikalischer Hausschatz, Eine Sammlung von iiber 1100
Liedern und Gesangen mit Singweisen und Klavierbegleitung, Verlag des
Musikalischen Hausschatz, Leipzig
 7

2. Volksgesange fur den Ma'nnerchor (Folk Songs for Male Chorus)*"

3. Volksliederbuch fur Mannerchor (Folk Song Book for Male

Chorus)7

Erster Band:

a) Geistliche Lieder
b) Ernstes und Erbauliches
c) Vaterland und Heimat
d) Natur
e) Wandern und Abschied
f) Soldatenlieder
g) Lieder der Ja'ger, Schiffer, Bauern, Begleute

Zweiter Band:

a) Festlieder
b) Gesellige und Trinklieder
c) Liebeslieder
d) Balladen
e) Scherz-und Spottlieder
o
4. Chorwerke filr Mannerchor (Choral Works for Male Chorus)
The Complete Works for Male Chorus - Schubert

5. The Complete Works for Male Chorus - Schumann**

The specific songs to be examined in this study are the following:

Chapter II: Nationalgesang (Song of the Nation).^ the poem and

music by Hans Georg Nagell; and Bundeslied (Group Song), the poem by

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and the music by Karl Friedrich Zelter.

°J. Heim, Volksgesange fur den Ma'nnerchor, Liederbuch fur Schule,

Haus und Verein, Musikalienhandlung, P. Pabst, Leipzig, 1902

R.F. von Liliencron, Volksliederbuch fur Mannerchor, Herausgege-

ben auf Veranlassung seiner Majestat des Deutschen Kaisers Wilhelm II,
Vol. I & II, Leipzig, 1906

°Franz Schubert, Chorwerke fur Ma'nnerchor. The Complete Works for

Male Chorus (43), Alfred Dorffel, C.F. Peters, Leipzig

^Robert Schumann, The Complete Works for Male Chorus (18),

Verlag von Breitkopf und Hartel, Leipzig

10j. Helm, Volksgesange fur den Mannerchor. No. 47

H R . F . von Liliencron, Volksliederbuch fiir Ma'nnerchor. Vol. II,

No. 340
 8

These songs were chosen because of their place in the early period

of male chorus music, because of the influence of Goethe, and because

of the important role that Zelter and Nagell played in the history of

the organization of the male chorus movement.

Chapter III: Liebe (Love),12 the poem by Friedrich von Schiller

and the music by Franz Schubert; Die Lotosblume (The Lotos Flower),

the poem by Heinrich Heine and the music by Robert Schumann; and

Deutschland, Deutschland, Uber Alles (Germany, Germany, Above All

Else), 1 ^ the poem and musical setting by Heinrich Hoffmann von

Fallersleben and the melody by Franz Joseph Haydn.

The first two of these three songs were chosen because of the

important nature of their subject matter, love and nature, in German

culture; and because of the outstanding quality of the poetry and

music. The third song was chosen because of the great impact it had

on the people of the 1840's and because of the national, political

influence of the poet, Hoffmann von Fallersleben.

Chapter IV: Schwertlied (Sword Song), the poem by Theodor

Korner and the music by Karl Maria von Weber; Manner und Buben (Men

and Boys), hy the same poet and composer; Deutsche Liebe zur Freiheit

(German Love of Freedom), the poem by Maximilian von Schenkendorf and

12
Franz Schubert, Chorwerke fur Ma'nnerchor, Op. 17, No. 2; p. 27

"Robert Schumann, The Complete Works for Male Chorus, Op. 33

No. 3

^G.W. Fink, Musikalischer Hausschatz, No. 269

^R.F. von Liliencron, Volksliederbuch fur Ma'nnerchor, Vol. I,

No. 255
16
G.W. Fink, Musikalischer Hausschatz. No. 410
17
Ibid, No. 394
the music by G. August Grosz; and Des Deutschen Vaterland (The German
1ft '
Fatherland),±0 the poem by Ernst M. Arndt and the music by Gustav

Reichardt. *

The first two songs of this group are among the most famous songs

ever written for male ,voices. In addition they show the great import-

ance that the War of Liberation had on the lives of all German people.

Korner's role of soldier-poet was an inspiration to his countrymen not

only during the glorious days of 1813, but symbolically throughout

the century. The third song beautifully exposes

expaf the rising German
1
feeling on a new freedom for all classes tnat
that was opening its doors to

them in the early nineteenth century. The last of the four songs was

the most revered of all the songs of the fatherland during the first

half of the nineteenth century. It was written by Ernst M. Arndt, an

ardent liberal who fought against the excesses of princely rule and for

a greater measure of equality for the masses.

Chapter V: Trinklied (Drinking Song), 1 * the poem and music by

Karl Friedrich Zelter; Freie Kunst (Free Art), 2 0 the poem by Ludwig

Uhland and the music by Christian Schulz; Der Ja'ger Abschied (The

Hunter's farewell), 21 the poem by Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff and

the music by Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy; and Der Deutsche Rhein (The

German Rhine), 22 the poem by Nicolaus Becker and the music by Robert

^R*F. von Liliencron, Volksliederbuch fur Mannerchor, Vol. I,

No. 131)
ly
G.W. Fink, Musikalischer Hausschatz, No. 703
20
Ibid., No. 680

•'•R.F. von L i l i e n c r o n , Volksliederbuch fur Ma'nnerchor, Vol. I ,

No. 179
2?
Ibid., No. 133
 10
!

Schumann. '

Zelter's Trinklied is typical of the popular songs sung by the

Liedertafeln and in this case is also a song of unity. We can note

the union of the poet and musician that we also found in the case of
i

Nagell and von Fallersleben. The second song of this group, by Uhland,

is a tribute to all that is sacred to Germans: the forest, the seasons,

art and song; in other words, the living, German spirit, vitally con-

cerned with and directed toward God. The third song is a lovely lyric

tribute of the hunter to the forest, two concepts dear to every German

heart. The last song in this group is the fiery German answer to the

French threat to conquer the Rhine in 1840. Becker's patriotic words

were on many German lips in those tense, suspenseful days.

Chapter VI: Vaterlandslied (Song of the Fatherland), also titled

Deutscher Freiheit Schlachtruf (The War-Cry of Freedom),2-* the poem by

Ernst M. Arndt and the music by Albert Methfessel; Integer Vitae-Hier

24
in des Abends (Here in the Evening), the Latin poem by Horatius

Flaccus, the German by Christian Schulz and the music by Friedrich

25
Flemming; Deutsche Messe (German Mass), the text by Johann Philipp

Neumann and the music by Franz Schubert; and Gebet vor der Schlacht
26
(Prayer Before the Battle), the poem by Theodor Korner and the music

by Karl Maria von Weber.

The first song of this group became the theme song of German

2
3lbid., No. 122

2
*G.W. Fink, Musikalischer Hausschatz, No. 496
2
^Franz Schubert, Chorwerke fur Mannerchor, p. 138
2
&R.F. von Liliencron, Volksliederbuch fur Mannerchor, Vol. I,
No. 253
 11

students and became their rallying cry for a triumph over slavery.

The second was a popular student drinking song, taken from the classical

Latin poetry of Horace. Its spirit of unity and youth fit the mood

of German students perfectly in this age. The work Deutsche Messe

shows the influence of folk music on the Mass and the signs of more

unity of thinking between Protestant Prussia and Catholic Austria.

The evidence of male singing in church shows the vast influence this

movement had on German society. The final song of this group shows

how strongly the Germans felt about any cause they sought to promote

and how they brought their God into every phase of their lives, even

their battles.

In relation to the texts of these songs we shall study the whole

German culture of the period and evaluate the historical, cultural,

literary, musical and biographical sources for meaningful relationships

to each other as applied to the male chorus and the motives of its memr-

bers for participating in such a group. We shall then study the music

sung by the male chorus to see what made it so appealing to the men

of the German nation.

As German society changed from a conservative, aristocratic

empire to a more liberal way of life during the first half of the

nineteenth century, certain elements of that society emerged as

dominant forces of that change. The male chorus played a vital role

in the social, political and musical life of the German nation. It

is the purpose of this study to show how and why this happened.
 12

Chapter II

GERMAN CULTURE IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY

Any study of the culture of Germany in the early nineteenth

century must reflect on the changes in thought and attitude that took

place throughout Europe in the latter half of the eighteenth century.

Many literary leaders such as Herder, Schiller and Klopstock were ex-

pressing ideas both in prose and poetry that were to become heralds of

a new age of freedom, nationalism, and a new political structure of the

state, built on a greater active role of the people in governing their

own lives.

One of the most influential events that fostered these ideas in

the minds of the German people was the French Revolution. The idea

that men could rise up and be free spread throughout Europe. Even in

Germany, where the ever-present hatred of France still existed in the

hearts of most Germans, the men of ideas were beginning to write favor-

ably of the principles that motivated the French people to such an

uprising, if not of their method. Goethe himself, though detesting

~ violence in any form and striving to remain neutral above the conflict,

admitted the need for reform that caused the French people to revolt

when he said in 1824:

"Indeed I was perfectly convinced that a great revolution

is never the fault of the people. Revolutions are utterly
impossible so long as governments are just and vigilant.
Because I hated the Revolution, I was named a friend of
the powers that be. I must decline that title, because
it denotes little less than the friend of the evil and the
obsolete. All premeditated revolutions are unsuccessful,
for they are without God, who stands aloof from the bung-
ling. If, however, there exists an actual necessity for
 13

a great reform amongst a people, God is with it and

it prospers."1

Gooch tells us that the ideas of 1789 produced two results in

Germany:2 1) the destruction of the political framework of the country

—weakness of the Empire, collapse of Prussia at Jena in 1806 and the

dissolution of the Ecclesiastical Electorates; and 2) the Renaissance

of Prussia brought on by the disaster of 1806. This profound change

in the social and political mores taking place in the early years of

the nineteenth century is best described in Gooch's words:

"The political awakening begun by the Revolution and

its German interpreters was continued by the im-
passioned appeal of Arndt and Jahn, by the lectures
of Fichte, the sermons of Schleiennacher and the
dramas of Kleist."3

Treitschke assigns a third effect of the Revolution on German

life:* the force of religious freedom. He claims that this new freedom

was essentially Protestant, occurring principally in the north of

Germany, where ecclesiastical tolerance became more widespread. There

was less agitation in South Germany which was predominantly Catholic

5
and still the conservative citadel of the old Empire. The orderly way -

of life of the people who were somewhat sheltered and protected in

their romantic Austrian mountains, did not lend itself well to the new

ideas emanating from France. In fact, they were often stifled. Not

^•G.P. Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution. Longmans, Green

& Co., London, 1920; p. 205
2
Ibid,, ps. 515-518
3
Ibid., p. 535

^Heinrich von Treitschke, History of Germany in the Nineteenth

Century, Translated by Eden and Cedar Paul, McBride, Nast & Co.,
New York, 1915; Vol. I, p. 6
5
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, ps. 295-296
 14

until the foment of the 1840's, brought on by the new threat of French

power, did the influence of Metternich and the conservatives begin to

wane in the South.

The principle of status, on which German society was based up to

the end of the eighteenth century, began to weaken in the face of the

new ideas of a free and united Germany. As Bramsted notes, the demar-

cation of the different Estates (aristocracy, commons and peasantry)

was broken down considerably by the legislation enacted by Stein and

Hardenberg between 1807 and 1813. Citizens and peasants were free to

pursue,middle class professions; cities were free to administer them-

selves through elected bodies; and ownership and ability began to re-

place heredity and tradition in political and economic life. The

nobility resisted these innovations of course, but the wisdom and social

leadership of Stein,8 appointed first Minister in 1806, sewed the seeds

of social change in Germany that were to grow and blossom throughout

the entire nineteenth century. The principles of Rousseau and Montes-

quieu were being realized in the daily lives of the people. The

"Nassau Programme", written by Stein even before his appointment, became

the model for reform throughout Prussia. The bourgeoisie became a force

in German society and exerted its influence in promoting German unity

q
during the War of Liberation of 1813. The result was the formation

of a new constitution in the Congress of Vienna in 1815 with a greater

"Ernest K. Bramsted, Aristocracy and the Middle Classes in Germany.

1830-1900, U. of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1964; p. 15

7
Ibid, p. 36

8G.P. Gooch, Studies in Germany History, Longmans, Green & Co.,

London, 1948; ps. 196-197

^Ernest K. Bramsted, p. 36
 15

voice for the people in ruling the land. Although a full realization

of the democratic ideas of Stein and his followers remained years away

because of the continuing power of the princes and junkers (landed

property owners), nevertheless, political unification had at last begun

and a bright new hope of social activity and power had been born among

all the classes in Germany.

Stein's social ideas were deeply influenced by his moral ideals.10

The ancient German idealism that sought a full development of the in-

dividual found its realization in Stein's legislation. This was an

outgrowth of the optimistic rationalism and moralism of the German

enlightenment, tempered by Lutheran faith. The key to Stein's concept

of the growth of man's personality was the development of his capacity

for fulfilling his duties toward his fellow man. Thus, individual

and communal growth were complementary. This is consonant with Goethe's

thinking that a completer humanity comes from loyal fulfillment of

duty, *• and Herder's contention that the secret of both political and

intellectual progress lay in the ever widening measure of ordered

liberty. When we couple this with Scharnhorst's devotion to national

strength and the blending of individual rights and states' rights, and

Gneisenau's desire to equalize different classes through equal taxation

13
of property in order to lead to a more productive national capital,

we can see some of the elements of the growing nationalistic and social

10
Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany. 1648-1840, Alfred A.
Knopf, New York, 1964; p. 397

^ G . P . Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution, p. 207

12
Ibid., p. 173
13
G.P. Gooch, Studies in German History, ps. 199-201
 16

unity of the early years of the nineteenth century that led to the War

of Liberation of 1813.

The national consciousness that exploded so dramatically among

the German people in 1813 was certainly not a sudden, unpremeditated

occurrence. Centuries of Teutonic tradition formed a firm foundation

for this feeling. Luther had revived a new spirit of Christianity in

North Germany in the sixteenth century. Then in the latter half of the

eighteenth century a new spirit of freedom and unity began to spread

across the many, separate electoral states and provinces that comprised

the German Empire. This theme of nationality is nobly expressed by

Friedrich von Schiller, the poet who foresaw the liberty and national

feeling of the nineteenth century:

"German Empire and German Nation are different things.

The majesty of the German does not rest on the head
of his princes. German worth is a moral greatness
which, dwelling in the culture and character of the
nation, is independent of its political vicissitudes.
Every people has its day; but the day of the German
is the harvest of the whole span of time."1^

This new feeling of nationality became a real and active thing in

the time of Frederick the Great and grew steadily thereafter. There

was a new devotion to the fatherland, independent of imperial authority

and the will of the princes. The rulers after Frederick saw the rest-

lessness among the people and the need for reform, but this reform came

slowly. The German people were not ready to throw off the yoke of the

monarchical rule to which they had grown so accustomed. There was a

^ W . H . Bruford, Germany in the Eighteenth Century: Social Back-

ground of the Literary Revival, Cambridge U. Press, Cambridge, 1959;
Appendix II

15
G.P. Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution, p. 229

^Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. I, p. 60

 17

conservative element among the people that wanted the unity of the

fatherland but under the traditional mantle of princely rule, with a

definite class structure for the society. Hamerow describes this

element very clearly when he writes:

"The Junker, resisting liberalism with the same

courage which he traditionally displayed on the
field of battle, found his reward after 1815 in a
renewed political ascendancy. It was he who now
had the ear of the King, who sat in the councils
of state and jailed his opponents. The system of
municipal self-government established in 1808 was
restricted in 1831, the plan for a written constitu-
tion never advanced beyond the establishment of
provincial diets, the dominant economic position of
the latifundia survived the emancipation of the
peasantry, and the aristocratic monopoly of higher
positions in the civil service and the armed forces
remained unbroken. Conservatism succeeded in reviving
the alliance between crown and nobility formed under
benevolent despotism, and while the doctrines of
liberalism still constituted a serious threat to royal
authority, their effectiveness was reduced through
the activities of police censors and the efforts of
conservative publicists who found a warm welcome
in the Berlin of the Restoration."17

The nationalistic concept of a united Germany during the first

half of the nineteenth century existed in the two widely divergent

political camps of liberalism and conservatism. The persistent

growth of the liberal concept and the simultaneous increase of activity

among the middle classes, coupled with the desire to make Germany

supreme helped bring on the revolution of 1848 and the hope for more

permanent changes, the climax of a struggle begun in another age by

the far-sighted thinkers of the late eighteenth century.

One of these thinkers was Johann Gottfried von Herder. Herder

has been called the child of the eighteenth century and the father of

1
'Theodore S. Hamerow, Restoration, Revolution, Reaction.
Economics and Politics in Germany, 1815-1871, Princeton U. Press,
Princeton, New Jersey, 1958; p. 70
 18

the nineteenth century. He had a vital interest in the people and

their total culture. He traveled through Europe and Russia, gaining

material for later excursions into folk literature, folk customs and

folk religions.18 It is not surprising that his collection of original

folk songs included translations of Norse, Lappish, Finnish, Spanish,

Lithuanian, Serbian and English songs, in addition to the German.

Benz tells us that the folk song was understood by Herder to be half

song and half speech, arising out of the simple, primitive experiences

of the people." This is in opposition to the more cultural, intellect-

ual polyphony usually associated with the courts and upper classes of

the eighteenth century. Thus Herder considered the true romantic to be

the poet whose words were not only read and understood by the common
21
people, but were outwardly expressed in song.

These outward manifestations of inner feelings through song were

becoming increasingly popular even in the late eighteenth century.

Again the Frencl- Revolution becomes a herald of what is to come. Great

outdoor gatherings would take place to stir the sentiments of the people

toward revolutionary ideas. The natural emotional outlet was song!

Simple texts were needed to facilitate understanding and simple folk

melodies made performance possible for all. The development of a unity

18
C.J.H. Hayes, Contribution of Herder to the Doctrine of Nation-
alism, American Historical Review, Vol. XXXII, No. 4, New York;
July, 1927

iy
C.E. Vaughan, Periods of European Literature (Ed. by Prof.
Saintsbury), Vol. X: The Romantic Revolt, C. Scribner's Sons, New York,
1907; ps,-210-211

^Richard Benz, Die Welt der Dichter und die Musik, Diederichs
Verlag Dilsseldorf, 1949; p. 94

Ibid, p. 96
 I

19

of feeling among the people resulted in action in 1789. This unity

appealed to the German people observing the events in France. And their

strong belief in the superiority of the German tongue and driving desire

to be greater than France caused them to seek this same unity through

song, only in a much more lasting way.

The total music culture of Germany was undergoing change at the

turn of the century. Music began to be carried on more independent of

the courts. It changed its main center of activity from the church and

court-sponsored activities to the burgher's home, and musical events

centered in the community. The development and growing popularity of

the piano caused a re-awakening of music culture among a greater number

of people. Citizens of the villages and towns were organizing and sup-

porting their own orchestras and glee clubs such as the Gewandhaus

Orchestra in Leipzig (1763) and the Sing-Akademie in Berlin (1791). 22

The growth in popularity of folk tunes can even be seen in the instrument-

al music of Haydn wherein this popular composer used delightful Austrian

folk melodies in many of his symphonies.

The spirit of Herder's love for folk song was captured by many

others. Achim von Arnim and Clemens Brentano published Des Knaben
3
Wunderhorn (The Wondrous Horn of the Boy), a collection of German

folk poems, in 1805. It brought out the great meaning of the ancient

Volkslied (Folk Song) with its motive of national individuality. Arnim,

in his introduction, calls this Volkslied the expression of a common

consciousness, the result of a national organization which united the

22
Hajo Holborn, p. 310
23
Kuno Francke, A History of German Literature, Henry Holt & Co.,
New York, 1907; p. 460
\

20

people in a free, public life, in guilds and trade associations, in

common worship and common mirth. In Arnim's own words we find the key

to the spirit of this new age: "Without popular activity there is no

popular song, and rarely is there popular activity without the latter.

Poetry speaks to all and in all..."2*

Friedrich Klopstock created an artistic circle of friends during

the latter half of the eighteenth century that had a fantastic enthusi-

asm for the fatherland. With the publication of his Messias this

sentiment grew gradually throughout all levels of the German middle

class. Truth, loyalty, strength and ardour were promulgated as the

ideal virtues for all Germans.

26
In 1807 Ludwig Tieck published his Mlnnelieder (Songs of Love).

This was an extension and development of medieval German poetry con-

sidered in its full national bearing. These were songs of spring,

beauty, longing, joy, war and tournaments, all founded on a religion

that embraced the whole of life and held all hearts in an equal bond of

love. This was the type of feeling that the poets of the day were in-

stilling in the people. Francke, writing in 1907, reflects back a

century and poses the question: "And who knows whether from these songs

of students and journeymen, of soldiers and hunters, of peasant lads

and lusty squires there is not to spring forth a new and healthy era
27
of national existence?"

2
*Ibid, p. 461
2
5Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. I, p. 110

26Kuno Francke, p. 458

27
• Ibid, p. 461
 21

Treitschke provides a partial answer when he tells us that the

wars (of 1792, 1806 and 1813) 2 8 steeled the energies of the German

people and the new poesy advocated a return to nature and the simply

human. National customs became more manly, vigorous, natural and

unconsciously more democratic. The age of private clubs and select,

closed circles of friends was changing to a more open, public, communal

spirit among the people. The middle classes were acquiring a taste for

forms of art such as painting, music and literary drama that had pre-

viously belonged to the courts. Herder, Goethe and Schiller were being

read by more and more segments of the society, and their ideal of

Humanitat (supreme value of morality, religion, art and philosophy) was

29
spreading throughout the land. Hegel's philosophy of a collectivis-

tic view of life with the state reigning supreme for the good of all

the people was finding its way into the lives of the people as they
30
sought a new life for themselves through a revitalized Germany.

The political barriers were beginning to break down as people

began to travel more and to share their common heritage. Men like

August von Binzer,31 a student at the University of Jena after the War

of Liberation and the pride of the Jena Burschenschaft (Student Poli-

tical Federation), would travel about Germany, guitar on shoulder, and

sing the songs of German love, strength and unity. People would gather

to listen, and then to sing. Soon all Germany had a common bond

their songs. People began to feel at home anywhere on German soil.

28
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 294

29
W.H. Bruford, p. 269
30
Kuno Francke, p. 542
31
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 294
 22

As cultural interests increased, so did political sentiments and long

suppressed desires for change. No longer did the petty princes appear

as the holy protectors of the welfare of the people. Herder himself

advised the princes to prove themselves through deeds, not just rank
32
and tradition. He wrote that they must develop themselves and prepare

for their duties so that they could truly lead. He saw the need for

Germany to benefit from the French Revolution, to learn from its poli-

tical teachers; and still to focus these ideas around the concept of one
33
people, one language and one fatherland. If criticism was to become

open, as was becoming obvious in the increased activity of the people,

then the leaders, Herder said, must be prepared to meet it.

The group that often criticized the existing social order in

Germany was the youth of the nation. The aforementioned Burschenschaft

became a powerful and recognized force in German life after the War of

Liberation and the men in the universities were demanding to be heard.

This great activity among youth was not new. It had its forerunner in

the late eighteenth century which was called Sturm und Drang (Storm and

Stress). It was named after Friedrich Maximilian von Klinger's play

of 1776 of the same name and was essentially a revolt of youth against

the deadening cold of rationalism and the great attention to rules and

traditions. Social unconventionalities became popular. In the literary

world originality, force and freedom became battle cries. In the

musical world chromaticism, strange modulations and sudden changes of

32
G.P. Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution, p. 173

33
Ibid., p. 169

34jethro Bithell, p. 251

 23

texture became common.35 The emotionalism that was to become a trade-

mark of the nineteenth century was already revealing itself in the bvy-

day of eighteenth century classiscism.

This emotionalism was especially strong among poets and some

composers. As liberalism found difficult times in the spirit of re-

action that set in after the high-sounding promises of the Congress of

Vienna of 1815, it was left to the men of the arts and the academic

world to carry on the fight. They even used their large scientific and

art congresses, of which we shall hear more later, for the dissemination

of political ideas.36 Thus it was that these leaders, who felt they

were representatives of the growing middle class movement, became in-

volved with the social and political world, and how it became inter-

twined with their art, be it teaching, composing or creating a poem for

the masses.

At times all of these arts were found in the lives and works of a

single, outstanding individual. Two such individuals who became lea-

ders in their communities and throughout Germany were Karl Friedrich

Zelter and Hans Georg Nagell, founders of two of the most famous Li^der-

tafeln in the male chorus movement. Nageli was a musician in the city

of Zilrick. During the years of social upheaval between 1805 and 1810

Nageli founded a mixed chorus, a children's chorus and the famous

37
Liedertafel which gained him much fame. This shows the growing

35
Donald J. Grout, A History of Western Music, W.W. Norton & Co.,
New York, 1960; p. 422
36
Ernest K. Bramsted, p. 73
37
Eberhard Preuszner, Die Biirgerliche Musikkultur. Ein Beitrag
zur deutschen Musikgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts, Zweite Auflage,
Barenreiter-Verlag Kassel und Basel, Hamburg, 1950; p. 131
 24

interest that the people of the community were taking in new social

activities and particularly in music. A man like Nageli was not simply

a conductor or church organist who happened to be hired to produce

Sunday music for the community. He was much more. Like Zelter in

Berlin, Nageli was a motivating force behind the whole organization,

the whole idea of people sitting down and singing together. It is

interesting to note that Nageli was actually Swiss and the city of

Zurick was not within the limits of the Empire. But the people spoke

German and their mores were German. And Nageli himself could not have

been any more German in spirit. He is particularly remembered for his

compositions for male chorus, of which we find many listed in Fink's

and Helm's publications. One particular song is very meaningful to us

in our study of the male chorus. It is entitled Nat ionalg esang (Song of
38

the Nation). Both text and music were composed by Nageli in the early

years of the nineteenth century. This practice was becoming common

with the growth of the Liedertafel. This fact points to the changing

cultural climate in Germany at that time: a growth of unity among the

arts; a growing emphasis on the texts of songs and their meaning in the

lives of the people; a greater activity of artists in the common life of

the people as exemplified by Nageli, the poet-composer conducting and

leading the Liedertafel. made up of amateur singers in the community;

and the revolutionary concept of immediate interchange of cultural

ideas between leader and people on a common social level.

Nageli1s song of national unity is one of the thousands of songs

composed for male voices during this period that appealed to the German

male's intense pride in his country and the religious foundations on

38
J. Helm, No. 47
 which it was built. The original German is given below followed by an

English translation:

NATIONALGESANG

Words and Music by

Hans Georg Nageli (1773-1836)

Lebhaft
1. Nation! Nation! Wie voll klingt der Ton!
Nation, wie voll klingt der Ton!
Hinab zu den Thalern, hinauf zu den Hugeln,
das Herz zu erweitern,
Den Geist zu beflugeln, so ruft es, so schallt es,
0 strebet hinan,
Die Eine, die grosze, die herrliche Bahn,
die herrliche Bahn!
Die Eine, die grosze, die herrliche Bahn, die herrliche Bahn!

2. Nation! Nation! Wie voll klingt der Ton!

Nation, wie voll klingt der Ton!
Verkvindet's in himmelan jubelnden Liedern!
Wir wollen, wir sollen uns treulich verbrudem.
Wo Liebe das Leben der Freien verschdnt,
Wird siegreich die Freiheit zur Gottin grkrdnt,
Wird siegreich die Freiheit zur Gottin gekront, zur Gottin
gekront.

3. Nation! Nation! Wie voll klingt der Ton!

Nation, wie voll klingt der Ton!
Uns wiedergebornen in ho her em Lichte,
wie reifen des Lebens veredelte Fruchte!
Das scheme und Gute im himmlischen Strahl,
Durch Einheit nur, Bruder, wird's national,
Durch Einheit nur, Bruder, wird's national, wird's national.

SONG OF THE NATION

Lively
1. Nation! Nation! How full rings the sound!
Nation, how full rings the sound!
Down to the valleys, up to the hills, to amplify the heart,
To give wings to the soul, so it is sounded,
0 struggle upwards,
The one, the great, the magnificent pathway,
the magnificent pathway,
The one, the great, the magnificent pathway,
the magnificent pathway!

2. Nation! Nation! How full rings the sound!

Nation, how full rings the sound!
Let it be proclaimed heavenwards in triumphant songs!
We will, we must truly unite closely together.

I
 26

Where love adorns the life of the free,

Freedom will be crowned triumphantly as a goddess,
Freedom will be crowned triumphantly as a goddess,
crowned as a goddess.

3. Nation! Nation! How full rings the sound!

Nation, how full rings the sound!
How ripe is the ennobled fruit of life!
The beautiful and the good in heavenly ray,
Only through unity, brothers, will we become national,
Only through unity, brothers, will we become national,
will we become national.

Throughout the poem there is a certain religious mood created that

reveals the profound conviction of the poet that all German unity leads

to God and that God is the true protector of all that is German. We

shall also find this religious mood later in the songs of war, the songs

of nature, the songs of love and even the songs of fellowship. The re-

ligious freedom that blossomed in Germany after the French Revolution

produced a boldness of thought that found its greatest advocates in the

poets of the age. 3 ' Their humanism awakened a new hope among the peo-

ple. This new hope involved a freer, more personal relationship with

God for every German and, in turn, a closer relationship between indi-

viduals striving for a mutual social freedom. This striving led to a

natural, national unity that saw God in all of its undertakings, whether

admiring a flower, drinking a glass of wine or fighting a battle.

The theme of Nageli's poem is quite clearly stated in the refrain

sung at the beginning of each verse: "Nation! Nation! How full rings

the sound! Nation, how full rings the sound!" The very repetition of

this simple line shows how deeply felt is this emotional outlet of

national consciousness. His search for unity starts with nature in the

first verse. The sound of the nation rings both in valleys and on hill-

tops, and the heart and soul are broadened so as to include all in

39
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. I, p. 7
 27

in their thoughts and feelings. These are directed up the magnificent

pathway of life, a German one to be sure, towards God. This symbolic

pathway of life is used also by Goethe as we shall see later, and in

much the same manner. A new self-confidence among the German people

becomes evident here in their belief that German unity leads ultimately

to heaven.

In the second verse the poet jubilantly exhorts the people to lift

their voices in song heavenward in praise of their nation, and cautions

them to unite very closely together. He then draws a beautiful parallel

between love and freedom: where love exists in the life of the free,

freedom truly reigns supreme. So we can see that the unity and freedom

the Germans seek will be gained primarily through love and directed

toward each other and toward heaven as a final goal.

The first two lines of the third verse show the new spirit of the

people. A new age is dawning in Germany and the poet is sounding a

rallying cry. The "fruit of life" is ready to be picked and used in

rebuilding the nation. By the words "noblest light" we detect a feeling

of grandeur and majesty that anticipates the fiery emotions that will

erupt in the War of Liberation of 1813. This new life of the Germans

is then equated with all that is good, again leading to heaven. The

climax of the poem then comes with the words: "Only through unity, bro-

thers, will we become national, will we become national." This driving

desire to be born again as a nation will be resolved through an all-

pervading unity of the German people spiritual, social and political.

It is obvious that the days of the independent city-states, all living

their own separate lives and governed by a loose empire of princes, are

here beginning to wane. For Nageli is speaking here not only of the
 28

people of Zurick, but of all the German people, north and south. His

poem clearly shows us that German unity is a goal that needs to be met

by the Germans of the early nineteenth century.

Although Nationalgesang was composed by Nageli in Zurick this does

not mean that it was sung only by the men of that community. The lead-

ing musicians of the time knew and associated with each other. Poets

and musicians came to have common goals as we shall see with Zelter and

Goethe. The songs were being passed on from village to village not only

through the association of poets and musicians but by wandering min-

strels like August von Binzer and Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben.

And most significantly of all, these songs were set to music for male

voices and were sung by German men. The new unity of which the poets

were singing was to be understood by and br'ough into being by the men of

the society; and no longer just by the princes, nobles and men of

wealth, but by all the men of the German nation.

The musical setting of Nageli's song is a lively, spirited,

march-like arrangement. It begins with a brilliant, unison sound on the

words "Nation! Nation!", making them stand out in bold relief. The

setting is rhythmically driving and the key of D major offers a clear,

trumpet-like sound. There are several passages for only three voices

which lend a climactic effect to the fuller, four-part passages. The

music is simple and could be easily learned by amateur voices. Nageli

knew the type of men that would sing this song and composed accordingly

to make it accessible to all. The fact that this song and so many

others were composed for male voices shows the beginning of the trend

that was to continue throughout most of the century. The male chorus

was a new musical medium that would be used in every avenue of German
 29

life, The German male was taking on a new role in organizing all

Germans in a new spiritual and social unity through the cultural

milieu of song. This wave of enthusiasm for male singing touched

almost everyone, regardless of station. Even a man like Johann

Wolfgang von Goethe, on his lofty universal plane, became involved

when composers such as Schubert and Zelter seized his beautiful,

meaningful poems and set them to music.

Such is the case with the second song we have chosen to examine,

Bundeslied (Group Song). ^ The poem is by Goethe and was set to music

by his good friend, Zelter. Although the poem was written in 1775 and

the music composed in 1799, it is a perfect example of the herald of

a new phase of German society, a real and living sign of things to

come. For only ten years after Zelter composed it he formed the

famous German Liedertafel in Berlin that became known as the Zelter-

tafel. And speaking of this poem Zelter himself said: "The Liedertafel

in Berlin originated well in the senses as Goethe wrote in Bundeslied:

'In alien guten Stunden' (In all good times)."* 1 As we shall see in

the translation Goethe speaks of a group of men gathering together

for good fellowship, but implies that the unity of such a group can

lead to a greater good. This was Goethe's philosophy: that the good

gradually becomes better.*2 And this is nobly revealed in Bundeslied.

Thus, even in the late eighteenth century we see the signs of change

in a Germany long seething under monarchical rule. It Is strangely

ironic that the aristocratic Goethe, believing all his life in an

40
R.F. von Liliencron, Vol. II, No. 340

^Hermann Kuhlo, p. 57

*2G.P. Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution, p. 208

 30

ordered, benevolent autocracyi should become a prophet of the democratic

principles that would begin to blossom in the early years of the nine-

century. On the other hand we can more correctly look upon it as a

tribute to the greatness of his vision.

We shall discuss the Zelter Liedertafel at greater length in Chap-

ter V. Suffice it to say here that Zelter, like Nageli, was a man

vitally concerned with the artistic life in his community. He was a

conductor in the finest sense of the word, meaning that he was a leader;

but not a leader who was simply hired to produce fine music, but one

who lived with and understood the members of his group. Although he

composed music for various combinations of voices in addition to in-

strumental compositions, he is best remembered for his Liedertafel

songs, and his favorite poetic contributor was, naturally enough, his

good friend, Goethe.

One of the earliest male chorus songs in the Liedertafel tradition

is given below with its English translation. It becomes a welding

together of the German past and present with the future coming alive

as a bright, exciting hope.

BUNDESLIED

Poem by Johann W. von Goethe (1749-

1832)
Music by Karl Friedrich Zelter (1758-
1832)

Deutsch und fest

1. In alien guten Stunden, erhoht von Lxeb und Wein,
soil dieses Lied verbunden von uns gesungen sein.
Uns halt der Gott zusammen, der uns hier hergebracht,
erneuert unsre Flammen; er hat sie angefacht.

2. So gltihet frohlich heute, seid recht von Berzen eins!

Auf, trinkt erneuter Freude dies Glas des echten Weins!
Auf, in der holden Stunde stb'sst an undtalisset treu
bei jedem neuen Bunde die alten wieder neu!
 31

3. Wer lebt in unserm Kreise und lebt nicht selig drin?

Geniesst die freie Weise und treuen Bruder sinn!
So bleibt durch alle Zeiten Herz Herzen zu'ge kehrt,
von keinen Kleinigkeiten wird unser Bund gestort.

4. Uns hat ein Gott gesegnet mit freiem Lebensblick,

und alien, was begegnet, erneuert unser Glu'ck.
Durch Grillen nicht gedrKnget, verknickt keine Lust;
durch Zieren nicht geeignet, schla'gt freier unsre Brust.

5. Mit jedem Schritt wird welter die rasche Lebensbahn,

und heiter, immer heiter steigt unser Blick hinan.
Uns wird es nimmer bange, wenn alles steigt und fallt,
und bleiben lange, lange auf ewig so gesellt.

GROUP SONG

Honest (German) and Strong

1. In all good times, raised aloft to love and wine,
This song is intended to be sung by us and to unite us.
God held us together, He assembled us here,
He renewed our flame; He has cared for us.

2. So glow joyfully today, be right with one heart!

For this glass of true wine drinks renewed friendship!
For, in the friendly hours the old truly joins
and greets the new in every new group!

3. Does not he who belongs to our circle dwell happily therein?

He enjoys free wisdom and character of true brothers!
So it remains through all times that the attraction of the heart
draws other hearts, from no small matters will our group
become divided.

4. God has blessed us with a free view of life,

and everything that happens renews our happiness.
From whims that are not thought out results no pleasure;
at frills that are not appropriate our breast beats more boldly.

5. With every step the lively pathway of life becomes wider,

and brighter, ever brighter becomes our view.
It will never make us fear, when everything rises and falls,
and it continues for a lone time, and later joins with eternity.

The theme of the poem is the hope for a better life through the

brotherly unity found in a group of men. As Goethe points out in the

first verse the bond of unity is sealed with song. This' shows what

power the value of song had over the German people. As the text points

out, song draws men together and then helps make such unity grow. It
 32

is evident here, too, that good wine (or beer) is the natural companion

of good singing. It would be unthinkable for a group of German men to

gather for an evening of fellowship without a keg of beer or a cask of

wine to heighthen their spirits. Except in the case of student drinking

bouts, which did become excessive, the drinking of male groups such as

•".he Liedertafel was a healthy and vigorous part of German culture. Fine

singing together with fine wine would combine to form a brotherhood

that would lead ultimately to heaven. Goethe even goes so far as to

say, in the first verse, that God assembled the group and Inspired the

men to stay together. We can see here the same type of spiritual and

social unity that Nageli expressed. While Nageli's words are more

openly nationalistic and political, and Goethe's primarily social, the

ultimate goal is, nevertheless, the same: a better life for the Germans

through a unity of ideas and associations.

In the second verse Goethe expresses the belief that the past and

present truly join through the act of the old greeting and welcoming

the new members of a group. He also exhorts the members to be right

with one heart. He amplifies and explains these ideas in the third

verse when he says that every member can gain from the wisdom and char-

acter of the others. He also uses the theme of love, as did Nageli,

when he tells us that those united in heart naturally draw others to

themselves. He here implies growth of ideas and feelings through the

unity and strength of the group. How prophetic this poem is will become

evident as we examine the growth of male singing groups in the military,

in the universities, and in the villages and churches throughout

Germany.

In the fourth verse Goethe leans back on God as the very foundation
 33

of the free life that the Germans have. We can see here some of the

individualistic, religious freedom mentioned earlier; The new freedom

of thought is beginning to show in this early poem of the master. With-

in it lies a tremendous optimism which believes that the Almighty is

behind it all. The religious tone that runs through German poetry

at this time provides the German people with a justification for their

desire for a new way of life. It grows In the early nineteenth century

to the point where God becomes the foundation, the inspiration and the

final goal of the new social freedom sweeping through Germany.

This final goal is beautifully expressed by Goethe in the final

verse of Bundeslied. The pathway of life, as Nageli also named it,

becomes ever brighter and wider, inspires a victory over fear, and

finally leads us to eternity. Goethe the romantic comes to the fore

here, expressing the nineteenth century ideal of the true culmination

of this life on earth through death.

The musical setting of Goethe's poem was composed in 1799 by

Zelter. It is a very simple setting that would appeal to and could be

sung by any group of male singers. It begins in unison and moves in a

lilting, four-four rhythm that becomes almost hymn-like at times,

fitting the meaning of the words most appropriately. It expands to

two and three voices but never goes into a full, four-part harmony.

Simplicity and singability are the keys to its appeal and we shall

find this to be true with the vast majority of male chorus songs

composed during this period.

The men who sang these words took them as their cue for a better

life and started to build that life through the very group that Goethe

says will lead to greater unity. In 1809 this symbolic group became
 34

a social reality with the formation of Zelter's Liedertafel. Together

with Nageli's group in Zurick these singing organizations became the

models for the hundreds of male singing societies that sprang up all

over Germany throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. As

we can see from the first two songs examined the central theme that

appealed to these men was German unity, supported and fostered byva

deep religious faith. This theme was broadened and strengthened

through the social and political activities that changed the face of

Germany from 1800 to 1850. The male chorus grew to become a subtle and

effective instrument in causing this change.

 35

Chapter III

THE POET AND HIS RELATIONSHIP TO THE MALE CHORUS

The poets of early nineteenth century Germany wielded a wide, per-

vasive influence over the cultural and political life of the people.

Beginning with Goethe and Schiller in the eighteenth century and contin-

uing with such men as Korner, Arndt, Uhland, Heine and von Fallersleben

in the nineteenth century, the words of the poets spread to the farthest

reaches of German-speaking lands. The German unity of which they spoke

was exemplified in their own lives as they sought to realize the German

ideal in deed as well as in word. Through their unrelenting zeal in

fostering a freer Germany they became the leaders of their age. They

wrote of love, of nature, of freedom and victory, and most emphatically

of the beauties and glories of the German fatherland. They became cri-

tics of the social order of which they were a living and active part.

The people listened and were inspired by the meaning of their words.

The composers of the age were devoting increasing energy to the composi-

tion of folk songs, the music of the people. They were living in a life

that was closer to the people for whom they wrote, so that their music

became more understandable to the people of their time. As the men of

this society became vitally concerned with their own progress, the

union of poetry and music led to the social outpouring of their ideas

through the organization of the male chorus.

Friedrich von Schiller decried, as did Goethe, the destruction and

violence bred by the French Revolution. But he too saw hope in the fu-

ture in his work Das Lied von der Glocke (The Lay of the Bell).* The

perfect bell became the symbol of an ideal society, a union resting on

^•G.P.Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution, p. 227

 36

love and brotherhood, which forms the eternal if unattainable goal of

human endeavor. This idealistic spirit was infused into the people as

the poets themselves united in their efforts to produce a new life for

the German people. Their own poetic ideal remained embodied in the
2
master, Goethe. Heinrich Heine compared Goethe to a venerable oak.

Some would try to make it a tree of liberty; others would try to make a

barricade out of its timber; many would try to plant a crown on its sum-

mit. None succeeded. The oak was too big and too high to be used or

conquered by anyone. So Goethe's lines remained the ideal for the

future poets to build on. But they fashioned a new concept. Whereas

Goethe's idealistic spirit always remained on a lofty, universal level,

the German poets of the early nineteenth century built a new pathway of

human endeavor that had a definite, nationalistic foundation. The union

of the people resting on love and brotherhood was now distinctly and

truly German.

The significance of Schiller's poetry became apparent in Theodor

Korner's lofty emotions, displayed in their patriotic passion. Korner

was the son of Schiller's most intimate friend and appeared to the

younger generation to be the heir of Schiller. As we shall see in Chap-

ter IV Korner was a true romantic, the soldier-poet living what he

wrote. The spirit of nationalism that Schiller foresaw was truly em-

bodied in the battle songs of Theodor Korner. He wanted a proud and

victorious Germany and his moving lines were certainly instrumental in

achieving that goal in the War of Liberation of 1813.

Probably the most popular of all German poets of this age was

2
Ibid., p. 207
3
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. I , p. 510
 37

Ludwig Uhland. He came from Swab la in the kingdom of Wurtemberg. This

shows again the growing tendency of the people in the south of Germany

to join in ideas and ideals with the people in the north of Germany.

Just as the Liedertafeln of Zelter and Na'geli were singing the same

songs, so the people of the north were growing to love the verses of a

poet from the south. Uhland was expert in reproducing the spirit of the

folk song. His lyrics were simple in form and content. His heart was

in communion both with nature and the feelings of his people. This was

largely due to the fact that he was interested in German history, liter-

ature and folk-lore. He had a knack for disclosing some intimate secret

of the German people in a few unpretentious words. As he himself put

it: "Plain speaking and good feeling make the true German song."5 His

ballads were quickly grasped by composers who rivalled one another in

setting them to music. They became beloved first in Swabia and then

throughout Germany. He could express in vigorous language the joys and

sorrows of love; the happiness of the wanderer; the pain of parting; the

pleasures of wine and arms. He could rediscover for his people the

vivid memories of their own lives.

Uhland's songs became a fresh flower in the newly blossoming and

vigorous folk-life of the new country. His songs were sung by all:

soldiers, students, singers, shopkeepers, peasants and businessmen.

Festivals were held which necessitated travel and the coming together of

men from different sections of Germany. Songs such as Uhland's "Parting

*Harvey W. Hewett-Thayer, An Anthology of German Literature in ithe

Nineteenth Century, 1795-1910, Princeton U. Press, Princeton, New
Jersey, 1932; p. 81
5
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 261

Ibid, p. 264
 38

Song", Es zieht der Bursch in die Weite (The Youth Goes Abroad), became

a theme song for travelers. The forests and the villages began to be

filled with song. People who had never read before were beginning to

understand the poems of their own day. The deep chasm that had separa-

ted the cultured from the uncultured was being bridged by the new folk

songs of Uhland and others. And the most popular and understandable of

these poems were being set to music for male voices. The poets and

composers were sounding the prophecy that German men would rise up and

lead their nation in song.

Another romantic poet of this period, and probably its most gifted

lyricist, was Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff. He was a Prussian

officer in the War of Liberation so he, too, knew and understood the

life of the people. Like Uhland he was strongly influenced by folk song

and it retained a permanent hold on his poetry. He was stimulated in

this direction by the Heidelberg group of romantics. His lyrics were

wide in range and resembled Goethe's at times. His patriotism was

strong like Korner's and he incorporated a mixture of piety and home

life with his nationalistic feeling. Most significantly of all he in-

terpreted nature as the moods of man. This is true of many German

romantics as they found a certain spiritual strength in the German

forest and landscape and related this strength to their daily lives.

Again we see the religious meanings that ran so strongly through the

lines of German poetry in the early nineteenth century.

The patriotic poetry of the time had a fiery nationalistic flavor

unparalleled in German history. Together with the brilliant young

Korner's famous battle songs, the nationalistic poems of the Swedish-

7
Harvey W. Hewett-Thayer, p. 57
 39

born Ernst M. Arndt stand out as the most brilliant examples of love and

devotion to the German fatherland that have ever been written. He spoke

of defending the freedom and unity of the German people to the death.

His words became the battle cry of the liberals, and his untiring devo-

tion to the German cause made him the idol of German youth. In the

first half of the nineteenth century the songs of Korner and Arndt were

sung more often by the German people than any other songs. They merit

special consideration in Chapter IV for the great meaning they had in

the lives of the people.

One of the most influential groups of poets in the nineteenth cen-

tury was a group of men known as Das Junge Deutschland (The Young Ger-

many) . It included the noted Heinrich Heine, a Jewish liberal whose

satirical works helped break down tyranny and ancient prejudice. Heine

was the leader of a group of romantic poets that took a different atti-

tude toward Germany than men like Arndt, Uhland and Korner. Their

poems, while expressing the hope for German unity and freedom, had a

strong flavor of social criticism. In the words of Solomon Liptzin,

in the period from 1830-1848, "Poets were prized not for the beauty of

their imagery or depth of their emotion, but for their specific mes-

sage."11 By 1840 politics reached its highest pitch and the political

message of a poem would win for a lyricist popular approval or condemn-

ation. The transformation of Germany from an agrarian to an industrial

8
Jethro Bithell, p. 268

9
Harvey W. Hewett-Thayer, p. 180

^Solomon Liptzin, Lyric Pioneers of Modern Germany. Columbia U.

Press, New York, 1928; p. 2
n
ibid, p. 3
 40

state from 1830 on caused an awakening of interest in social problems.

The words of the poets were being read by all through the distribution

of pamphlets across the land. In these political poems the interest

in artistic form was definitely subordinated to content.

Three of these poets, however, are also noted for their artistic

contributions to German life, but in very different ways. The first is

Heinrich Heine. He wrote some of the tenderest, sweetest lines ever

expressed by a German poet. These poems of German emotions and inward

feelings became extremely popular with the composers of the time.

German musicians chose his poems for musical settings more often than

those of any other German poet because of their timeless nature and
12
their great understanding of German character. Many of these are

settings for male voices. Heine himself said in his own writings that

the folk poems from Des Knaben Wunderhorn were the fairest flowers of

German spirit and feeling, and he who would know the people from their
13
best side should know these songs. Heine certainly excelled in this

same spirit with his songs of love, nature and the traditions of the

German people.

But there was another side to Heine. He was considered the great-
14
est social lyricist of his generation. He saw his nation at the

turning point of its political development—a nation striving to end

its one thousand year old struggle for unification. He was, however,

an outcast in the eyes of the German political leaders. He was a Jew,

he had sympathy for the French and he was of the young German school

12jethro Bithell, p. 268

13
Heinrich Heine, Germany, Vol. II, Translated by Charles G.
Leland, John W. Lovell Co., New York, 1892; p. 6

Solomon Liptzin, p. 80
 41

that was condemned for its subversive activities. This led Heine to

take up residence.in Paris. He was glad to see the impending collapse

of the rotten regime of the nobles but he was fearful, too, of the new

order might result in mob rule. 15 He feared this new rule might ostra-

cize art and the poet, thus weakening an already limited culture; and

through the new mechanized age lead to a regimentation of life that

would lack beauty and creativity. He tried to sing of a better world,

but by the time of the Revolution of 1848 he had despaired of his desire

for a true equality among the people.

A poet who found the ideal life centered in a good-natured, compla-

cent citizen was Adalbert von Chamisso.17 This poet of the middle class

got along with both the nationalistic romantics like Uhland and with the

young Germans like Heine. Liptzin tells us: "Optimism and faith in

continual and inevitable progress which have always been part of the

philosophy of the middle class find expression in Chamisso's poems."1"

Many of his poems were set to music for male voices and some for solo
iq
voice, the most lasting ones by Robert Schumann.

The poet who stands out as the true representative of all the peo-
20
pie in this age of change was Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben. He

was German to the core and lived the life of a gay, nomadic bard, tra-

veling through the hills and valleys of Germany, singing the songs of

15
Ibid., p. 146

16
Ibid, p. 93
17
Ibid, p. 20
18
Ibid, p. 21

19
Jethro Bithell, p. 262
20
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. VI, ps. 579-581
 42

the people. He was expelled from the university faculty at Breslau in

1844 for his poltical activity. He had previously published his

Unpolitische Lieder (Unpolitical Songs) in Hamburg. Not all of them

were political but they were considered dangerous by the Prussian

government. The more he was censored the more his popularity increased.

Regardless of where he sang or what he sang his presence had the effect

of raising antagonism toward the state. He was a symbol of a free,

united Germany, and this symbolism was never more beautifully expressed

than in his famous song of 1841, Deutschland. Deutschland. Uber Alles.

set to music for male voices by the poet on a melody by Haydn. It ex-

pressed the deepest feelings of the people at a time when German

nationalism was reaching its peak. It had a lasting effect on Germany.

It became so beloved by the people that by 1871 it had become the

21
national anthem. The collections of folk songs compiled by Hoffmann

von Fallersleben are treasure stores of German verse and they became

ripe material for the hundreds of Liedertafel societies of the 1830's

and 1840's who were hungering for the songs that would free their
22
hearts and unify their land.

Three other political poets of lesser literary stature were Georg

Herwegh, Ferdinand Freiligrath and Franz von Dingelstedt. The artistry

of their poems was passing but their topical ideas helped express the
23
thoughts of a generation whose political will was slowly ripening.

21
0scar J. Hammen, The Failure of an attempted Franco-German
Liberal Rapprochement. 1830-1840, American Historical Review, Vol. LII,
No. 1, Oct., 1946, New York; p. 64

"Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Volksthumlichen Lieder,

Deutscher Volksgesangbuch, Verlag von W. Engelmann, Leipzig, Vol. I -
1869; Vol. II - 1900
23
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. VII, p. 124
Other romantics who helped foster the ideal of German unity and freedom

were Maximilian von Schenkendorf and Nicolaus Becker, author of the

famous poem that became a rallying cry against the French in 1840,

Der Deutsche Rhein, set to music for male voices by Robert Schumann.

As the power and wealth of the aristocracy declined and the status

of the middle class began to rise in the early nineteenth century, the

lives of the composers began to change also. The patronage of the

courts, the life-blood of support for musicians in the eighteenth

century, began to disappear at the turn of the century and musicians

were left on their own to support themselves through teaching, perform-

ing and publication of their compositions. As choral and orchestral

societies were formed in the next decade, agencies were formed by pub-

lishers and impressarios to support composers and performers. But more

often a group of amateurs would organize, choose a conductor from among

its ranks (usually the local organist or school master) and seek support

from the community. The most popular musical organization of such a

25
nature between the years 1800-1850 was the male chorus.

As composers were forced to seek support from the common members

of the society in which they lived, they began to take a more active

social role in that society. They were becoming a part of their commu-

nities in contrast to living the life of the courts. Men like Karl

Maria von Weber, most popular composer of his day, associated with his

contemporaries such as Kind, the poet; Bdttcher, the scientist; Forster,

2
*Hans Gal, The Golden Age of Vienna, Max Parrish & Co., London,
1948; p. 60
J
Henry F. Chorley, Modern German Music, Smith, Elder & Co.,
London, 1854; Vol. I, p. 235
 44

the philosopher; and Hell, the dramatist. ° Weber had a knack for un-

derstanding the feelings of his people and setting to music the texts

that had meaning for them at a particular time in their daily lives.

Such was the case in 1814 when he composed the music for Theodor Korner's
27
stirring battle songs, Leier und Schwert (The Lyre and the Sword). No

moment in German history has been kept so vividly alive and been so nobly

enshrined as the German victory over the French in 1813 as expressed in

these songs. He captured the spirit of the day in an unforgettable

manner. Only Franz Schubert composed more for male voices than did We-

ber. But Weber, more than any other composer, combined the simple,

naive, folk-like melodies of his people with the rich male harmony that

the men of his society yearned for, and set to music the exciting words

of the poet in such a soul-stirring manner that these songs of 1814 have

meaning for Germans even today. They form the musical-poetical founda-

tion on which the whole male chorus movement was built. And Theodor

Korner and Karl Maria von Weber seized the ideal social mement the day

of supreme victory over the French to launch this movement in such a

firm and lasting way that it would affect the whole future history of

its people.

The composer who created more settings for male voices than any

other composer before or since the period from 1800-1850 was, strangely

enough, Franz Schubert. Schubert lived a very different life than

2
°Baron Max Maria von Weber, Karl Maria von Weber. Translated from
the German of his son by J. Palgrave Simpson, Ditson & Co., Boston,
1865; Vol. II, p. 91

'Sir Julius Benedict, Weber, Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and

Rivington, London, 1881; p. 145
28
Robert H. Schauffler, Franz Schubert, G.P. Putnam & Sons,
New York, 1949; p. 325
 45

did Weber. He lived apart from the existing, super-charged atmosphere

of war and victory, of political activity and of complex social con-

tacts. His was a simple, Austrian, village-like social existence where-

in he observed the society in which he lived from a distance. But the

feelings of the people and the role of the German male did not escape

him. In simple choral settings such as Das Dorfchen (The Little

29
Village), with a guitar accompaniment, Schubert took Burger's poem

about a small German community and set it to music in a folksy style

with the close harmony of the street corner, appealing and understand-

able both to the men who sang it and the citizens who listened to it.

They preferred this to a more complex setting that might involve more

counterpoint and a higher realm of musical form. Schubert could and

did compose in both styles but in writing for male voices he had a good

conception of what a group of amateur male singers wanted to gain from

a song: the enjoyment of singing a meaningful text in good harmony

after one hearing during an evening of song; and one whose message they

could carry with them upon leaving. Schubert's gift of intuitive pene-

tration into the soul of a poem was most fitting for the texts he

chose: love, nature, work and religious themes, from Goethe, Schiller,
31
Heine and others, all appropriate and appealing to the German ideal.

A leading composer of the first half of the nineteenth century,

not only in Germany but in all of Europe, was Felix Mendelssohn-Bathol-

dy. He had, however, a much different attitude toward male singing

than did Weber or Schubert. He was unsympathetic to the singing

29
Ibid., p. 325
30
Ibid., p. 326
31
Hans Gal, p. 62
 46

societies and expressed such ideas to his friends. 32 He was, neverthe-

lessm drawn into this great movement through the great respect and

admiration that all Germans had for him. He even directed a Liedertafel

society for a period and was the honored guest and special conductor of

the mammoth Mannergesangfest (Male Singing Festival) of 1846 in Koln, 33

for which he composed the work, Festgesang an die Kunstler (Festival Ode

to Artists), for male voices and thirteen brass instruments. He

agreed with some of the artists of the day that after the death of Weber

in 1826 and of Zelter in 1832, the Liedertafeln declined and degenerated

into Philistinism and nationalism.35 He himself, however, became more

and more conscious of the fatherland during the 1840 's and this is re-

flected in the large number of tunes he set for male voices around

this theme. Mendelssohn inclined toward the reflective-artistic rather

than the naive-folklike element we find in Weber and Schubert. He

wrote in a more musically stylized form, choosing the thoughtful poems

of Eichendorff and Heine for his settings. A religious theme runs

through much of his choral writing, whether he is writing of love, na-

ture or patriotism, that brings out the highest aspirations of man. He

became a model later in the nineteenth century of popular choral compo-

sition, noy in Germany as one might expect, but in the English speaking

world where his universality of attitude and global fashion of musical

writing appealed to many different types of men.

32
Eric Werner, Mendelssohn. Translated by Dika Newlin, The Free
Press of Glencoe, Collier-Macmillan, London, 1963; p. 354
33
Henry F. Chorley, Vol. II, p. 331

3
*Robert King Music Co., No. Easton, Mass.; Music for Voices-Brass
35
Eric Werner, p. 354
36
Ibid., p. 356
 47

Another composer who was drawn into the powerful hold that male

singing had on the people of Germany during these years was Robert

Schumann. He felt, like Mendelssohn, that taste had declined in the

arts in the early nineteenth century and he strived hard to change the

people's tastes through his writings in Der Neue Zeitschrift fur Musik
37
(The New Journal of Music), which he edited. The chief incentive to

Schumann's experiments with choral forms was the rise of choral unions

and the parallel growth of male singing societies in the 1830's and
38
1840's. Schumann's own excitement over his new interest in song

writing is expressed in a letter dated February 19, 1840, to his friend,

Keferstein: "I am at present writing nothing but music for the voice,

on both a large and small scale besides quartets for male voices." 39

In 1848 he took over Hiller's leadership of the Dresden Liedertafel.

He composed all types of songs for male voices, including the songs of

war and freedom, Drei Lieder fur Mannerchor (Three Songs for Male

Chorus), composed a few months before the Revolution of 1848; a setting

of Uhland's Hymn to the Fatherland; and numerous settings of hunting

songs and songs of nature such as Die Lotosblume, a poem by Heine.

Schumann, like Mendelssohn, was greatly 'admired in his day, especially

for the inner meanings that he could express in his short works for

male chorus. From examining his works one can gain a deep insight

into the highest realms of German thinking and German feeling. As in

the case of any artistic, social endeavor, it has its highest and its

37
Herbert Bedford, Robert Schumann: His Life and his Work. Kegan
Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., LTD, London, 1925; p. 185
38
Gerald Abraham, Schumann: Choral Music, John Horton, Oxford U.
Press, London, 1952; p. 287
39
Ibid, p. 287
 48

lowest levels. Schumann represents the highest artistic level that male

singing could achieve in the early nineteenth century.

We have seen the effect that male singing had on the major compo-

sers of the time. It had an even more profound effect on the hundreds

of minor composers who set poems to music for male chorus. Men like

Karl Zelter, Hans Nageli, Albert Methfessel (also a poet), and Gustav

Reichardt were active musical and social leaders in their communities.

Like the people they associated with they were captivated by the in-

spiring and stirring poetry of the age. Very often they belonged to the

same organizations as the poets and other intellectuals. One example of

this was the Berlin Aufklarung (Enlightenment), an organization of

liberal intellectuals with an understanding of French revolutionary

ideas. But always they remained German, with German ideals, German

language and German faith in the fatherland. An outstanding example

1
of a man with such beliefs was Gustav Reichardt. He was a staunch

liberal and active in the Aufklarung but he composed the most beautiful

and most lasting setting of Arndt1s immortal Des Deutschen Vaterland,

which was sung by every German male chorus from the time it was composed

in 1825. It was traditional in the early days of the Liedertafel

societies for poets to provide the texts and the composers the music

from within the ranks of the organization. Such was the case with the

musicians, Berger and Klein, and the poet, Fo'rster, when they formed

a Liedertafel in Berlin in 1815.42

*°G.W. Fink, J. Helm and R.F. von Liliencron, Vol. I & II,
Indexes of Songs

^G.P. Gooch, Germany and the French Revolution, p. 381

I *2Henry F. Chorley, Vol. I, p. 93

»

I
i
 49

Mendelssohn and Schumann, and Weber to a degree, lived a life that

was still aristocratic in nature, a life removed from the daily lives

of the German masses. It was the poets like Korner, Arndt and Eichen-

dorff who stood and fought with their countrymen in 1813 and then wrote

the lines that spoke of their love for the fatherland. It was these

plus the hundreds of poets who wrote of German nature and German faith

that instigated this great movement of German song. And it was the

thousands of minor composers and local musicians and school masters

who formed the leadership of the groups of German men who wanted to

raise their voices in song. It is true that the greatest songs of this

time were written by Weber, Schubert, Mendelssohn and Schumann, but it

remained for the great band of lesser musicians, led and inspired by the

leadership of the ever-active poets, to lead the hundreds of German male

singing societies in their pursuit of a greater and freer Germany

through song.

One of the most universal themes in all poetry is the theme of love.

The Germans, and especially those of the early nineteenth century,

placed a special value on love and made it the foundation of their stri-

ving for a freer, more equal life for all Germans. But they often liked

to take love from its abstract realm and make it come alive, particular-

ly through nature. The Germans had a great love of nature, especially

of the hills and valleys of their own fatherland. They found a solace

in its quietude that no other people had found. This theme of love

has seldom been expressed with more beauty and simplicity than in

Friedrich von Schiller's poem, Liebe (Love). We shall examine this very

short hymn of love, set to music by Franz Schubert for unaccompanied

male voices and discover what made these lines so attractive to

 50

male singers. The original German is given below followed by an

English translation:

LIEBE

Poem by Friedrich von Schiller

(1759-1805)
Music by Franz Schubert (1797-1828)
Andantino
Liebe rauscht der Silberbach, Liebe lehrt ihn sanfter wallen,
Liebe rauscht der Silberbach, Liebe lehrt ihn sanfter wallen,
Seele haucht sie in das Ach! klagenreicher Nachtigallen;
Liebe, Liebe lispelt nur auf der Laute der Natur,
Liebe, Liebe, lispelt nur in der Natur.

LOVE

Flowing
Love murmurs in the silver stream and
Love murmurs in the silver stream and
Love breathes soul into the plaint of
Love, love alone sounds from nature's
teaches it to flow more gently,
teaches it to flow more gently,
the nightingale;
lute,

Love, love alone sounds in nature.

Schiller very beautifully personalizes love in the silver stream and

makes that stream act as a lover. This personalization is common with

the Germans and helps to make their love more real. In the second line

the nightingale takes on a new role, that of singing the lover's message.

The nightingale expresses what the human cannot. Finally the poet pays

the supreme tribute to nature, telling us that love and love alone comes

from this wonder we call nature, implying to the German that if he lives

by nature he will find love. And very appropriately Schiller makes

nature's weapon a musical one the lute. The songs of nature bring a

peace of mind that breathes love into one's whole existence.

The musical setting by Schubert brings out the warmth and tenderness

of the poem through the beautiful melody, the subtle changes of harmony

and the resonant sound of the men's voices in close position. The

emphasis of the first line is brought out with great depth by repeating
 51

it very softly with almost the same musical material. Harmonic changes

and a variety of dynamics add color to the second line and build a ten-

sion that is resolved in the last lines by simple, diatonic chords, sung

as softly as possible. The Germans are sentimental in a strong and

vigorous way and this song of love that contrasts so beautifully with the

robust and march-like Nationalgesang only serves to show what great va-

riety of emotions the Germans could show through their songs. They

nobly sought to apply the love they found in nature first to their

brothers, as we saw in Bundeslied. and then to their God.

The second song which we shall examine that had much meaning in this

period of male singing in the realm of nature was Die Lotosblume (The

Lotos Flower). Here is the contemplative Heinrich Heine at his best. It

is considered one of the most beautiful poems in all German literature.

Robert Schumann set it to music for solo voice and also for male voices

without accompaniment. We find here the exquisite comparison of a little

flower to a maiden in love. It was composed in 1840 when male singing

was beginning to reach its peak and has retained its popularity to the

present day. The original German is given below followed by an

English translation:

DIE LOTOSBLUME

Poem by Heinrich Heine (1797-1856)

Music by Robert Schumann (1810-1856)

Langsam. aber nicht schleppend

1. Die Lotosblume anstigt sich vor der Sonne Pracht,
Und mit gesenktem Haupte erwartet sie traumend die Nacht.

2. Der Mond 1st ihr Buhle, erweckt sie mit seinem Licht,
Und ihm entschleiert sie freundlich ihr frommes Blumengesicht.

3. Sie bliiht und gluht und leuchtet, und starret stumm in die Hon',
Sie duftet und weinet und zittert vor Lieb' und Liebesweh',
Vor Lieb und Liebesweh'.
 1
52

THE LOTOS FLOWER

Slowly but not dragging

1. The lotos flower trembles in fear of the sunshine bright,
And with her head cast downward, waits dreaming for the night.

2. She is waked by the moon, her lover, by moonbeams' light embrace,

And she unveils in kindness her gentle flower face.

3. She blooms and glows, and shining all silent looks above:
With tears and fragrance she trembles, in love and the woes of
love, in love and the woes of love.*3

Heine's metaphor of the lotos flower is an example of how senti-

mental and tender the social cynic could become. One can almost en-

vision a German maiden in the first verse, dutifully awaiting her lover.

In the second verse she lovingly reveals her face and finally in the end

is enraptured with her love and all that love entails. We see here

again the great symbolism the German found in nature and how some part

of nature can become so very human. This poem also reveals the roman-

tic's great respect for love and womanhood. This was more prevalent in

France in the nineteenth century and the influence of France on Heine

is subtly shown here. The many songs of love published for male chorus

show the gentle side of the German character, and coupled with the songs

of battle, the songs of the fatherland and the religious songs, they

show his genuine desire for a better life for himself and for his fellow

Germans.

The musical treatment of Die Lotosblume shows the musical heights

which can be reached in a piece of music that is limited both by its

length and by the sameness of texture of the male voices. Schumann's

*3Margarete Miinsterberg, A Harvest of German Verse, D. Appleton &

Co., New York, 1916; p. 125
 53

lovely lyric melody is similar to Schubert's but his harmonic texture

is somewhat thicker and more complex. He often uses chromaticism

and enharmonicism to bring out the expressiveness and inner meaning

of a particularly moving part of the text (e.g., "with tears and

fragrance she trembles"). The dynamic shadings help express the great

sentiment and feeling that any lover might experience. The song

would be challenging to any group of singers and shows the high level

of artistic male singing to which some groups rose. Although music

literature of this nature was more the exception than the rule during

this period, as is evidenced by the great volume of simpler music

for male voices, it was, nevertheless, a part of the repertoire and

represented a goal toward which all male singers could strive.

One of the most famous of all German poems was wirtten and set

to music by the beloved wandering minstrel, Heinrich Hoffmann von

Fallersleben, in the exciting and momentous days of 1841. It came at

a time when German hearts were overflowing with national fervor,

largely due to the new threat from France along the Rhine. Fallers-

leben caught the mood of the people and set it down in the unforgettable
it

lines of Deutschland, Deutschland. Uber Alles (German Land, German

Land Above All Others). He used a folk song melody from the eminent

Austrian composer, Franz Joseph Haydn, a man who also knew the feelings

of the people and the tunes they loved to hear. All the people, includ-

ing many of the princes, took up the cry of the words of this poet and
44
sang them all over Germany. The original German is given below,

followed by an English translation:

**Oscar J. Hammen, p. 64
 54

DEUTSCHLAND. DEUTSCHLAND. UBER ALLES

Poem and Arrangement by Heinrich Hoffmann

von Fallersleben (1798-1874)
Music by Franz Joseph Haydn (1732-1809)

Getragen
1. Deutschland, Deutschland, iiber alles, u'ber alles in der Welt,
Wenn es stets zu Schutz und Trutze bruderlich zusammen halt.
Von der Maas bis an die Memel, von der Etsch bis an den Belt.
Deutschland, Deutschland, u'ber alles, iiber alles in der Welt!

2. Deutsche Frauen, deutsche Treue, deutscher Wein und

deutscher Sang,
Sollen in der Welt behalten ihren alten schtinen Klang,
Und zu edler That begeistera unser ganzes Leben lang.
Deutsche Frauen, deutsche Treue, deutscher Wein und
deutscher Sang!

3. Einxgkeit und Recht und Freiheit, fiir das deutsche Vaterland,

Danach laszt uns alle streben, bruderlich mit Herz und Hand!
Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit sind das Gluckes Underpfand.
Bliih im Glanze dieses Gluckes, bluhe, deutsches Vaterland!

GERMAN LAND. GERMAN LAND. ABOVE ALL OTHERS*5

Trustingly
1. German land, above all others, dear above all other lands,
Like a faithful host of brothers, evermore united stands,
And from Maas to farthest Memel, as from Etsch to Belt expands:
German land above all others, dear above all other lands!

2. German faith and German women, German wine and German song
In the world shall keep the beauties that of all to them belong;
Still to noble deeds inspiring, they shall always make us strong:
German faith and German women, German wine and German song!

3. Union, right and freedom ever for the German fatherland!

So with brotherly endeavor let us strive with heart and hand!
For a bliss that wavers never, Union right and freedom stand
In this glory bloom forever, bloom, my German fatherland!

The first verse is the central theme of the German poets of the

early nineteenth century. The first two lines show how strongly the

German feels about his own land: that it is definitely the best, and

what makes it the best is the unity of its brothers in standing together

*5Margarete Miinsterberg, p. 121

 55

before the world. We shall find this theme in all the poetry we exam-

ine and see how it shaped the minds of the people, especially through

the social outlet of male singing organizations. The poet concludes

the first verse by including the farthest reaches of Germany in his ex-

clamation of German unity.

The four lines of the second verse are among the most beautiful,

prophetic, all-encompassing thoughts about German character and ideals

in the German poetry of this period. The faith that guides German men;

the women who inspire them; the wine that lightens their heatts; and the

song that gives outward expression of their inner feelings all of

these are the uniquely German beauties that must be preserved, for they

induce the people to always remain strong and to look nobly onward to

better things. Herein lies the key to the role of leadership that is

given to the male in German society, and a clear reason for the great

predominance of male singing societies over mixed ones at a time in

German history when its people wanted change in the social structure

and a real and complete unification under the German ideal. The repe-

tition of the first line only shows what meant the most to German men

during this age.

The final verse is an exuberant outburst of the poet for all

Germans to unite in bringing about the bliss that will result from the

union, right and freedom of the fatherland. Surely no German male

could help but be touched and inspired by such words, and be affected

enough to go forth and do something about it. The changes that took

place in German society from 1800-1850 were effected in part by the

fiery zeal of the men who gathered together to sing in this fashion

of the beauties and the glories that only Germany possessed.

 56

Haydn's folk tune bas a bright, lilting spirit that fits perfectly

this song of supreme patriotism. And Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallers-

leben, both poet and musician (again emphasizing the romantic ideal of

making music poetical and poetry musical), set it to music in a robust

and moving style. It alternates between three and four parts and its

diatonically moving lines make each part easy to sing. Its climax comes

on a high-set, brilliant A major chord at the beginning of the last line

of each verse that descends to the lower A major chord at the end of

the phrase. This is then repeated, fortissimo, to give the greatest

emphasis possible to the last line. It is exciting music, meant to fill

the heart with pride and to send the singer away with a mission in mind.

The mission of the poets of the early nineteenth century was to

create a freer, more united Germany through a greater voice of all the

people In governing their own lives. They did this by writing of the

beauties of all that was German: love, nature, religious faith and the

supremacy of the German fatherland. But they did more. They lived

among their people, fought with them, sang with them and experienced the

same joys and sorrows. They made themselves one with their people and

then gave them the symbolic, inspiring messages for which they hungered.

The composers of the time were caught up with the beauty of their age:

the poets' words, the meaning of folk music in the lives of the people

and the demand of the society for male singing. The men of the villages

and towns began to gather in the evenings to sing of a greater, freer

Germany, founded on their own unity as brothers. They would sing

Schiller's and Heine's words of love and nature in Schubert's and

*^Hugo Leichtentritt, Music. History and Ideas, Harvard U. Press,

Cambridge, Mass., 1947; p. 209
Schumann's musical settings of incomparable aesthetic beauty. They

would sing the robust, patriotic songs of Korner, Arndt and Fallers-

leben that reminded them of the beauties of their land: "German faith

and German women, German wine and German song!" They began to sense

the qualities of leadership that they possessed in their own society.

And the obvious avenue of action available to them, one that beckoned

to them with its irresistible strains of German melody, was the

organization of the male chorus.

 58

CHAPTER IV

GERMAN NATIONALISM: A SEARCH FOR UNITY

"Arise, arise, the beacons flame!

Clear from the north shines freedom's light!"1

These moving v trds of the poet, Theodor Korner, describe his

conception of the origin and character of the great movement of German

nationalism. The north he speaks of is the kingdom of Prussia. Here in

the land of the Prussians the seed of nationalism that had been conceived

by Herder in the eighteenth century was born. It was born amidst the

zeal and pride of the German people in fighting the War of Liberation of

1813 against Napoleon and the countries he ruled. Korner was undoubtedly

the greatest star of this war. His ideas and ideals were carried to the

people in the years after the war by Binzer, Jahn and a host of other

patriots. The poems of Schiller, Goethe, Korner, Arndt, Uhland and

countless others were brought to the people through the folk melodies of

Weber, Schubert, Zelter, Nageli and every other German composer of the

day. The people sang these songs of victory, of freedom and of the

fatherland with a fervor they had never known or felt before. German

song accompanied and even instigated national consciousness. And wher-

ever people gathered, whether in festivals, at universities, in battle,

in prayer or at the tavern, the songs would be sung primarily, and in

many cases exclusively, by men. The men of the singing societies of

Hamburg, Koln, Berlin, Vienna and Zurick, while divided in many of their

customs, were singing the same songs of a greater, freer, united

Germany.

heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. I, p. 510

^Poultney Bigelow, History of the German Struggle for Liberty.

Harper & Bros., New York, 1896; Vol. Ill, ps. 58-59
 59

In the course of history certain major events have had a tremendous

influence over the men of the age in which they occur. Such was the

case with the War of Liberation of 1813. It was the people's war, a

rising up of the German nation to preserve its pride and ancient tradi-

tions, to avenge the ignominy and humiliation of the defeats of Jena and

Auerstadt in 1806, and to squelch forever the unrelenting advance of

Napoleon and his Empire. To understand the events of 1813 we must go

back to the dark days of 1806 and the years of the growth of Napoleon's

power preceding them. During the last decade of the eighteenth century

the French gradually gained more and more German land and exercised a

great deal of political control over Austria. The weakness of the

Prussian regime was evidenced by the fact that Napoleon could share his

plunder with the vaccilating Prussian Emperor, Frederick William III.3

Finally, when Napoleon decided the time was right to attack the Prussian

army, the small German states deserted the Empire and the once proud

forces of Frederick the Great, overconfident and unprepared, were over-

run completely on the morning of October 14, 1806. This disgrace of

Prussia was brought about primarily by an army run by a group of nobles.

The incapacity and cowardice that was so flagrant in this professional

army can be traced to the dissolute aristocratic living that had steadi-

ly grown since the death of Frederick the Great. The result was the

shameful defeat at the hands of the French at Jena in 1806 and the re-

sulting ignominious Treaty of Tilsit of 1807, wherein Prussia signed away

to Napoleon half of her territory and the sovereign rights that might

3
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. I, ps. 28-29

*Ibid., p. 72
 60

make her strong in the future.5

It was during the years from 1806 to 1813 that the Prussian spirit,

indeed the spirit of all of Germany, began to rebuild. Johann Gottlieb

Fichte gave his famous "Addresses to the German Nation" in 1807 and

1808.6 He spoke of the ethos, the spiritual life of the nation. He

found the answer to German problems in national education, using Pesta-

lozzi's ideas of a culture of the intellect, practicality and patriot-

ism. The famous "Turnvater" Jahn organized students at German universi-

ties into patriotic national forces through his work in gymnastics. He

preached duty to one another for all Germans, a liberal constitution and

a united empire. He gave a series of lectures in 1812 on Volksthum

(German National Life). The fiery poet, Ernst M. Arndt, placed the

greatest value of a nation in its common language and common descent. A

pure language emanating from a pure race would make a truly great nation.

Korner, in his Ja'gerlied (Song of the Hunter), published in 1813, sums

up Arndt's spirit of the union of language and fatherland, brotherhood

and blood, vengeance and sword. The poem, Song of the Rifleman, ends

with these moving lines:

Doch Bruder sind wir allgusam;

Und das Schwelt unsern Mut,
Uns Kniipft der Sprache heilig Band,
Uns kniipft ein Gott, ein Vaterland,
Ein treues, deutsches Blut.

5
Ibid, p. 101
6
J.A.R. Marriott & Robertson C. Grant, The Evolution of Prussia,
Oxford U. Press, London, 1917; ps. 230-231
7
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. I, p. 230

8
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. II, p. 73
9
Hans Kohn, Arndt and the Character of German Nationalism, American
Historical Review, Vol. LIV, No. 4, July, 1949, New York; p. 794
 61

Yet, brothers, we together stand;

That keeps our courage good.
Bound by one speech, a holy band;
Linked by one God, one fatherland,
One faithful German blood. 10

In the world of politics and government, still controlled by the

monarchy and its world of privilege and favor, a figure rose to power,

Baron Freiherr von Stein, who resisted this control and set in motion the

policies that changed the social life of the German nation between the

years, 1806-1813. Together with Hardenberg, who succeeded him as chief

minister, Humboldt, Scharnhorst and Blucher, Stein instituted reforms in

the economic, educational and military life of the nation that gave the

people a new national unity. 11 Serfdom and forced service were abolish-

ed; men had choice of trades; educational opportunities were extended

to a greater segment of the population; the army was reformed and mo-

dernized; some measure of self-government in the German states was be-

coming a reality.

The noted German historian, Heinrich von Treitschke, wrote in 1789

of the influence of Stein:

"Only in the present day has it been recognized that

this great man was not merely an advocate of the conception
of the national state, but that he also rescued for the
European continent the idea of self-government and a notion
of popular freedom based upon ancient and unforgotten
traditions of Teutonic history. Every advance in our
political life has brought the nation back to Stein's
ideals."!2

There was an awakening among the people of a desire for independent

and responsible political activity, a feeling of confidence and courage,

10
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. II, p. 93
1:L
Jethro Bithell, p. 78
12
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 118
 62

and a driving, unrelenting ambition to s a c r i f i c e all f*for the l o v e of t h e

fatherland. This was evidenced by the great number • of -volunteers that:

l e f t t h e i r v i l l a g e s to fight for the fatherland. Even a the crown recog-

nized the need for a new concept of a "nation i n aras" " to counteract t h e

s p i r i t of the French army. More than professional sol-iiiers w e r e needed.

The Landsturm (Group of l o c a l m i l i t i a ) was formed. ' It vas< composed o f

a l l men from the ages of f i f t e e n to s i x t y who had beemi exempted from t h e

active army. The King's order i n 1813 made i t mandato ory that a Landstuxm

be formed whenever and wherever the enemy invaded the country.

In addition to these groups of peasant soldiers tcrhe government en-

couraged the formation of independent volunteer groups-s of s o l d i e r s ,

composed not only of Prussians but of Germans from anyv state o r area who

were genuinely interested i n a united Germany. Their purpose w a s to

arouse insurrection in the German s t a t e s r e c e n t l y concprquered b y Napoleon.

The most famous of these volunteer groups was the Indespendent F r e e Corps

of General Adolf von Liitzow. In the ranks of this Ofree German regiment

was born the f i r s t great impulse toward a union of a l i U Germans f i g h t i n g

under one imperial head. I t s members came from all owver Germany. Ihey

spoke of Germany, not Prussia. The German tri-color o o f fclack, g o l d and

red was their banner, not the black and white of Prusesia. This banner

became such a f i e r c e l y p a t r i o t i c symbol that the King feared t h ± s band of

volunteers because of the p o l i t i c a l influence they ni^ght vield and the

p o s s i b i l i t y of revolutionary a c t i v i t y , and banned the trl-color after

13
Ibid., p. 319

^Poultney Bigelow, Vol. I I , p. 118

15
Ibid., p. 88
 63

the war. 1 6

Lutzow's Free Corps became the subject of one of Korner's most

famous poems, Lutzow's Wilde Jagd (Lutzow's Wild Chase), immotalized

in song by Weber in his settings of Korner's poems, Leier und Schwert.

It tells in colorful, emotional words the prowess and awesome might of a

fierce charge at the French by Lutzow's volunteers. Lutzow's soldiers

had a trained male chorus among its ranks. Male singing was common in

the Prussian army and many regiments followed the example of Lutzow's
18
group. xo It is significant that the men of this outstanding group of

German fighters came not just from Prussia, but from all over Germany to

live and do battle together, and to sing together. This example of sol-

diers singing the glories of the fatherland was not lost on the people

of Germany. For they were all in this venture together to see it to a

victorious end. And one of the unifying elements was song.

Of the outstanding patriots who fought as members of Lutzow's

volunteers such as Arndt, Jahn and Korner, the young poet, Korner, un-

doubtedly held a unique and hallowed position in the hearts of Germans

of that day; and in the history of the period he stands as its most

glorious champion of German liberty. His inspiring words and his heroic

death in battle have engraved the memory of this young romantic forever

in the hearts of his countrymen. His poetic lines of manly virtue,

maiden purity and a free and united Germany were echoes of the life

that he wanted for every German. Bigelow has expressed Korner's role

in the War of Liberation in these beautiful lines:

16
Ibid., p. 90

17
R.F. von Liliencron, Vol. I, No. 254

18
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 293
 64

"He (Korner) had given up all his worldly prospects (of

congenial literary work in Vienna) for the sake of
fighting the battles of Prussia. His songs were written
by the light of camp-fires, on the march, and not in-
frequently in the saddle. They were sung by his fellow-
fighters immediately after taking shape in his precious
notebook; and this notebook absorbed his heart's blood
when he died in battle, in the last days of August, 1813. n1 ^

With Leier und Schwert Korner and Weber gave to the German people a

new and exciting part of their heritage: their noblest hour expressed in

songs for all future German generations to cherish! Music, particularly

choral music, can enflame the emotions as no other art can. Singing is

both an integral part of the person and an outward vehicle of the emo-

tions of mankind through the poet's words. It thus becomes doubly

powerful: it inspires the individual and unites the group. Treitschke

tells us that choral singing is "the one kind of national life of common

interest to all that is possible in the realm of the higher art."2"

Choral singing has a cohesive element that no other art can claim: a

group of singers shares with the conductor and each other the act of

creating something beautiful and meaningful for all its listeners. The

listeners can take from this message what they choose but are usually

affected by the spirit of the singers. The German society of the

early nineteenth century listened to Ko'rner's Leier und Schwert, Arndt's

Kriegslieder (Songs of War) 2 1 and the glorious odes to the beloved

and respected Queen Luise, written by Korner and another soldier-poet,

Heinrich von Kleist.22 They listened and then they sang. They

sang of a freedom and a unity that they were actually beginning to

19
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. II, p. 88
20
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 294
21
Jethro Bithell, ps. 261-262
22
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. II, p. 91
 65

experience. They passed their love of singing on to others and soon

all Germany was singing. And uniquely in this period of the social

history of mankind the poems were directed to the men of the German

nation, the songs were composed for male singers, and men from every

rank and class were gathering together in both formal and informal

groups to sing of a better German way of life.

The War of Liberation, climaxed by the battle of Leipzig in October

of 1813, came to an end with the first Peace of Paris in May of 1814.

The Congress of Vienna, interrupted by Napoleon's return and subsequent

defeat at Waterloo,fcinallymet in June of 1815 and formed the Deutscher

Bund, a loose federal union comprising all the princes and free cities

of the old Empire with Austria as its hereditary president. But what

was needed most, what the poets had cried for, what the soldiers had

fought for a united Germany did not materialize at this time. The

first half of the nineteenth century was a great struggle for the nation-

al unity and political freedom for which the German people had been

striving for so many years. But the grand hopes of 1813 had to wait

over half a century, and the German people had to wage the great revolt

of 1848 before the German Empire became a reality in 1871. The consti-

tutions that had been promised did become realities after the war in some
25
smaller states such as Baden, Weimar and Wurtemberg. But Austria and

Prussia resisted the will of the people and all of Germany was held back.

Political policies even affected other areas of national life and

Germany remained, economically and commercially, the most backward

23
Jethro Bithell, p. 80

24ibid., p. 81
25
Ibid., p. 82
 66

26
country in Europe throughout the first half of the nineteenth century.

The arch-conservative Austrian chancellor, Metternich, assumed the

dominant role in political affairs and ruled in effect both Vienna and

Berlin. The Paris Revolution of 1830 revived hope for a time among the

liberals but it soon withered. Only in 1848 did Metternich lose his hold

and the portents of change begin to take realistic shape.

Behind this seemingly insurmountable barrier of political reality

burned a vital and throbbing spirit among the German liberals, the rising

middle class and a large segment of the masses, especially in northern

Germany, that sought to make the poets' magical words of national unity

a real and living thing. The prophecy of the German people's resolve to

pursue their coveted goal of the unification of their land was nobly

stated by the patriot, Jahn, on his way home from the victorious campaign

against Napoleon in 1814: "The dawn of the new German world has commenced

...wherever the German tongue is spoken, there is the longing for a new

German empire..."28

This spirit of German nationalism was conceived long ago in the

eighteenth century with the writings of Schiller and Herder. Hayes tells

us that Herder felt that a people is something definite and basic, that
29
it is actually a cultural nationality. The folk-character that makes

a people unique is achieved through cultural diffusion and is lasting

among future generations. It is collective and its most significant and

26

J.A.R. Mariott and Robertson C. Grant, p. 290

27
Jethro Bithell, p. 83
28
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. I, p. 30
2
° C J . H . Hayes, p. 720
 67

30
precious expression is national language. Herder was a pioneer in the

stimulation of romantic appreciation of folk-language, folk-literature

31
and folk-song. He climaxed his ideas with the publication of the

aforementioned Stimmen der Volker in Liedern. Although this work included

songs from many nations Herder always considered the German tongue as

superior to the rest. He stimulated a literature more German than

Luther's bible. This interest in literature led to the rise of a nation-

alistic German literary history, philology, education and religion.32

The emphasis on the German language coupled with the growing popularity

of simple folk melodies led to a new German school of music centered in

the folk song. The folk songs of the people became the unifying element

in the changing German culture of the early nineteenth century. They

drew the German people together from different cities and states, from

different occupations, from different classes. The lifting of the heart

in song became a common bond to Germans that exists to this day. The

combination of language and the emotional qualities of singing began to

obliterate the historic differences that had divided Germany for so long.

The soul of the people was being bared in its purest form through its

folk song.

One of the most ardent exponents of German nationalism, along with

Jahn, was the poet and patriot, Ernst M. Arndt. His stirring words about

his beloved Germany, which we shall soon examine, coupled with his fear-

less deeds in the War of Liberation, instilled in the people a deep and

abiding love for their fatherland. He was an active liberal, constantly

30
Ibid., p. 722

31
C.E. Vaughan, p. 727
32
Ibid., p. 732
 68

seeking a better life for his people. He was censored for a time by a

fearful and thankless government at the time of the Carlsbad Decrees of

1819 when democratic ideas were systematically repressed throughout

33
most of Germany. But his songs became an integral part of German life.

In his writings on German nationalism Hans Kohn says of Arndt that

he firmly believed that the common descent and common language that

constituted the German nation were superior to all other nations.3*'He

placed the greatest emphasis on language as did Herder and Fichte. But

he went further when he said: "Only a whole people in an effective

35
exercise of a vital and free political life can have a whole language."

This "free political life" was sadly lacking in the life of the people

in the days after the War of Liberation. But Arndt never stopped trying

to make it a reality. He did believe, however, that a limited monarchy

was part of the life of the German people. He wanted a constitution that
36
provided a synthesis of peoples' rights and the rights of the monarchy.

Every citizen should take a responsible, active role in the work of the

government. This role of the citizen, Arndt felt, was the bulwark of

national strength. Peasant, burgher and prince should all have a say.

He felt, too, that the burghers were the largest and most venerable class

in Germany, an indication of the dominant position this class would

assume in the 1830's and 1840's. He believed that the German tongue

gave to all Germans not a state or a political community, but a common

33
Jethro Bithell, p. 82
3
*Hans Kohn, p. 787
35
Ibid., p. 791
36
Ibid, p. 801
 69

fatherland.37

The nationalistic movement is revealed in the music of this period

in a variety of ways. Ludwig Uhland and Friedrich Rvickert both came

from the southern part of Germany but their songs appealed to all.

Their romantic songs expressed plainly and straightforwardly that which

was common to all; they realized the ideal of popular art. Uhland at-

tained the heights in his grasp of the people's needs and desires.

Music was the ideal vehicle in accomplishing this goal. As Treitschke

says: "and dilettantism in no art has so good a right as in music it

soon drew the people also into free cooperation."38 An example of

nationalistic German music is the sentimental poem of Moritz Horn, Der

39
Rose Piegerfahrt, set to music by Robert Schumann. The score is

steeped in Teutonic folk music and there is nothing more German than

the woodland scenes, set for male voices and accompanied by four horns

and bass trombone. The strong inclination of Germans towards male sing-

ing was never shown more clearly than in 1817 when Hans Nageli published

his Gesangbilderngslehre fur Mannerchor (Instruction in group singing

for Male Chorus). This shows the extent of the growth of interest

in male singing at this time. Already there was a desire for perfection

in this newly discovered social art. From this point on it was to grow

into a truly national movement. As more poems were published and more

songs were composed, the male singing societies mushroomed all over

Germany. Their political influence deepened and their zealous pursuit

37
lbid, p. 801

38
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 293
39
Gerald Abraham, p. 290

*°Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 294

 70

of a united Germany caused the ruling princes and the King himself to

fear their social power. This was especially true in the 1840's when

the movement reached its climax. The role of the male chorus in inspi-

ring the people to act in the revolution of 1848 cannot be minimized.

The greatest outward expression of German unity since 1813 occurred

in 1840. The threat of a new French attack on the Rhine brought out

the best in the German people.*2 Nicolaus Becker's famous poem, Per

Deutsche Rhein, was set to music over one hundred and thirty times. The

most beautiful and lasting setting was that of Robert Schumann. It had

the effect of several Army Corps on the Rhine. It was actually an

answer to the Frenchman Quinet's poem about the Rhine and was occasioned

by the positioning of the French army at Metz in September of 1840. The

French answered back through three different poets. But the Germans

were not to be outdone. Maximilian von Schneckenburger wrote his famous

Die Wacht am Rhein (The Watch on the Rhine)** and soon after came Fal-
•i
lersleben's Deutschland. Deutschland. Uber Alles. Both have retained

their popularity to this day. Their words of German unity and greatness

transcend both age and time.

When Frederick William IV ascended the throne of Prussia in 1840 he,

too, showed his love for a greater Germany, but one that would reflect

the mystic glories of a divinely consecrated and patriarchal monarchy.

41
Henry F. Chorley, Vol. II, p. 334

*2J. Haller, The Epochs of German History, G. Routledge & Sons,

LTD, London, 1930; p. 226

* Oscar J. Hammen, p. 64

**Ibid, p. 64

* 5 A.W. Ward, G.W. Prothera & S. Leathes (Ed.), Cambridge Modern His-
tory. Vol. XI, Growth of Nationalities, Macmillan & Co., New York, 1918;
p758
 71

Not until 1848, when he was forced to act, did he institute the real

reforms that touched the lives of the people. In 1840 he did make some

gestures that stirred the hearts of the people. He restored the Bonn

professorship to the persecuted patriot, Ernst M. Arndt, and reinstated

the liberal, Boyen, as War Minister. Boyen had been compelled to resign

at the time of the Carlsbad Decrees in 1819. The King connected these

moves to this moment of national consciousness, using the ideals of the

War of Liberation and the existing anti-French feeling to start his

46

regime off as a new era of German unity. This new build-up of nation-

al spirit in the 1840's, thus begun, never stopped growing. No one

really knew the exact direction it should take, but the burning desire

to achieve a truly national, united Germany was greater than ever. Lit-

erary and philosophical interests were giving way to political and

social ones. The political poets were crying for social change. As

the Liedertafeln multiplied across the land they now climaxed much of

their patriotic singing with huge festivals where thousands of men from

all over Germany would gather to sing together. The ruling princes had

reason to fear the political overtones of such gatherings. But they

could do little to stem the tide. National fervor, coupled with politi-

cal unrest, erupted with the revolution of 1848.

It was again the French who gave impetus to the more conservative

Germans. The French revolution of 1848 inspired the Germans to act.

The German revolt of 1848, largely middle class, finally produced some

political changes in the lives of the people. New constitutions were

granted in Austria and Prussia and many of the smaller states in 1848.

*6Ibid, p. 49
47
Ibid, p. 67
 72

But the design for a new German Empire was wrecked by the King of

Prussia's refusal of the imperial crown. Thus reaction again

reigned and the dream of a united Germany again disappeared.

This latter fact is not too surprising. Although the German

people wanted a greater voice in their government they still loved

their king, and many felt, as Arndt did, that a limited monarchy was

still best for the German people. It seemed to be part of their way of

life, a precious part of their heritage. As Hammen says of the period

around 1840, only a liberalism that supported the national cause could
49
flourish. The cosmopolitan liberalism of Hugo and Heine fell on deaf

ears. The Germans rose up and united in the face of another invasion

by France, and the ones who benefited most were the conservative princes

and aristocratic Prussia. The German people wanted a freedom that ended

at the Rhine, not beyond. The social change they desired was to be con-

tained within the limits of the historic German traditions and the Ger-

man ideal of duty, responsibility and faith, voiced through the years by

Goethe, Nageli and Arndt. The rise of nationalism in Germany, echoed by

the myriad songs of the fatherland that were sung by the thousands of

men who loved that land so well, progressed slowly but steadily through-

out the first half of the nineteenth century. It was controlled and yet

encouraged by an ironic mixture of a fervent devotion to the rich Teu-

tonic traditions of the past and a fiery desire for a more active role

for the German male in the freer and greater Germany of the future.

Probably the most stirring battle song of the War of Liberation was

Theodor Korner's Schwertlied (Sword Song). It is the most famous of

*8Jethro Bithell, p. 83

*90scar J. Hammen, p. 67
 73

Korner's group of songs, Leier und Schwert. set to music by Karl Maria

von Weber in 1814. It was written by Korner a few hours before his death

on the battlefield in defense of the liberty of his beloved Germany. It

shows us how intense the Germans felt about fighting for what they be-

lieved in, and what joy they felt in waging battle in the name of and for

the defense of German liberty. The original German is given below,

followed by an English translation:

SCHWERTLIED50

Poem by Theodor Korner (1791-1813)

Music by Karl Maria von Weber
(1786-1826)

Kraftig
1. Du Schwert an meiner Linken, was soil dein heitres Blinken?
Schaust mich so freundlich an, hab meine Freude dran,
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

2. "Mich tragt ein wakkrer Reiter, drum blink ich auch so heiter;
bin freien Mannes Wehr, das freut dem Schwerte sehr."
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

3. Ja, gutes Schwert, frei bin ich, und Liebe dich herzinig,
als warst du mir getraut, als eine Liebe Braut.
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

4. "Dir hab ichs ja ergeben, mein lichtes Eisenleben.

Ach, waren wir getraut! Wann hoist du deine Braut?"
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

5. Zur Brautnachts Morgan-rote, ruft festlich die Trompete.

Wenn die Kanonen schrei'n, hoi' ich mein Liebchen ein.
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

6. "0 seliges Umfangen! Ich harre mit Verlangen,

Du Brautgam hole mich, mein Kranzchen bleibt fur dich."
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

7. Was klirrst du in der Scheide, du helle Eisenfreude,

So wild, so schlachtenfroh? Mein Schwert, was klirrst du so?
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

50
Friedrich Karl Freiherrn von Erlach, Die Volkslieder der
Deutschen, Bei Heinrich Hoff, Mannheim, 1834; p. 477
 74

8. "Wohl klirr' ich in der Scheide, ich sehne mich zum Streite,
Recht wild und schlachtenfroh? Drum, Reiter, klirr ich so."
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

9. Bleib doch im engen Stubchen. Was willst du hier, mein Liebchen?

Bleib still in Kammerlein, bleib, bald hoi' ich dich ein.
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

10. "Lasz mich nicht lange warten! 0 schoner Liebesgarten,

Voll Roslein bliitigroth, und aufgebluthem Tod."
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

11. So komm denn aus der Scheide, Du Reiters Augenweide,

Heraus, mein Schwert, heraus! Fuhr dich in's Vaterhaus.
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

12. "Ach, herrlich ist's im Freien, im riistgen Hochzeitreihem.

Wie gla'nzt in Sonnenstrahl, so brautlich hell der Stahl!"
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

13. Wohlauf, ihr kecken Streiter! Wohlauf, ihr deutschen Reiter!

Wird euch das Herz nicht warm? Nehmt's Liebchen in den Arm.
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

14. Erst that es an der Linken, nur ganz verstohlen blinken,

Doch an die Rechte traut Gott sichtbarlich die Braut.
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

15. Drum druckt den liebeheiszen, Braut lichen Mund von Eisen
An cure Lippen fest. Fluch! wer die Braut verlaszt!
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

16. Mun laszt das Liebchen singen, Dasz helle Funken springen!
Der Hochzeitmorgen graut Hurra, du Eisenbraut!
Hurra, hurra, hurra!

SWORD SONG 51

Forcefully
1. Thou sword at my left side, what means thy flash of pride?"
Thou smilest so on me, I take delight in thee.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

2. "I grace a warrior's side, and hence my flash of pride;

What rapture thus to be the guardian of the free!"
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

3. Good sword, yes, I am free, and fondly I love thee,

As wert thou, at my side, my sweet affianced bride.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

51
Alfred Baskerville, The Poetry of Germany, I. Kohler, Philadel-
phia, Pa., 1864; p. 221
 75

4. "To thee did I not plight my iron troth so light?

0 were the knot but tied! When wilt thou fetch thy bride?
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

5. The clanging trumpets betray the blushing bridal day;

When cannons far and wide shall roar, I'll fetch my bride.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

6. Why in thy sheath dost clash, as wouldst thou brightly flash

In battle, wild and proud? Why clashest thou so loud?
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

7. "0 blissful hour! I sigh in thy embrace to lie.

Come, bridegroom, keep thy vow, my wreath shall deck thy brow.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

8. "Yes, in my sheath I clash; I long to gleam and flash

in battle, wild and proud. 'Tis why I clash so loud."
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

9. Stay in thy narrow cell, what wilt thou here? 0 tell!

In thy small chamber bide, soon will I fetch my bride.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

10. "0 do not long delay! To love's fair fields away,

Where blood-red roses blow, and death blooms round us so!"
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

11. Then quit thy sheath that I on thee may feast mine eye.
Come forth, my sword, and view the Father's mansion blue!
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

12. "0 lovely blue expanse! Where golden sunbeams dance,

How in the nuptial reel will gleam the bridal steel!"
Hurrah, hurrah,- hurrah!

13. Up, warriors, awake! Ye Germans brave! 0 take,

should not your hearts be warm, your bride into your arm.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

14. At first she did but cast a stolen glance; at last

hath truly God allied the right hand to the bride.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

15. Then press with fervent zeal the bridal lips of steel
to thine; and woe betide him who deserts his bride!
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

16. Now let her sing and clash, that glowing sparks may flash!
Morn wakes in nuptial pride—Hurrah, thou iron bride!
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
 I
76

Korner chose for this poem the form of a dialogue between the sol-

dier and his sword, between the bridegroom and his bride. This romantic

concept lends a beauty to the picture of a soldier with sword in sheath

that one would think was not possible in time of war. The first verse

clearly demonstrates what joy the German fighter takes in his sword as he

sings: "Thou smilest so on me, I take delight in thee." The sword gives

a response that mirrors the German feeling that it was necessary to take

up arms to defend the German fatherland: "What rapture thus to be the

guardian of the free!" The soldier then shows just how much he loves his

sword as he calls her, in the third verse, his "sweet, affianced bride."

This is a glowing tribute to the complete devotion Korner felt each

German must have for the cause of German liberty. To call the sword his

bride the soldier must be completely enraptured with his mission; that

first and foremost, above all other loves must come the defense of his

country. But it is a joy rather than a duty! The passionate and loving

patriotism of this war comes alive in this noble song of a soldier and

his beloved sword. What an inspiring inducement to go into battle when

the sword sings: "0 were the knot but tied! When wilt thou fetch thy

bride?"

The discourse continues between soldier and sword concerning the .

sword's urge to do battle. It is climaxed in the tenth verse, one of the

most beautiful, as Korner expresses the ultimate in romanticism: the red.

of soldiers' blood becomes that of roses and death becomes a blooming

flower. Death became the ultimate goal for many romantics and for the

soldier-poet from Vienna this became the noblest poem he could write as

he and his bride fell in battle. In the eleventh verse the soldier takes

his sword from his sheath and prepares for the wedding of battle. In the

fourteenth verse he exhorts his German brothers to do likewise. Then,

 77

very significantly, the name of God is invoked in the fifteenth verse.

The poet boldly states that God Himself has joined "the right hand to the

bride." This confidence that the providence of God smiled on this war,

and for that matter on the whole German ideal, was a dominant and driving

force among the German people, and helped them achieve that very unity

they espoused as emanating from Him. It arose in part from their deep

religious faith and from the concept of German superiority that had

blossomed in the late eighteenth century.

The climax of the poem comes in the last two verses. The poet

warns every soldier to be faithful to his bride, to stand together man

to man! Then, in the last verse, the sword is flashed in the gleaming

sun, and the nuptial union is complete as the soldier sings: "Morn wakes

in nuptial pride Hurrah, thou iron bride!"

This inspiring discourse became a source of strength to Lutzow's

soldiers' chorus and they passed it on to their comrades. Although all

ten poems of this group were inspiring to these men, be it the songs of

prayer, of the fatherland, or Korner's magnificent tribute to their

bravery, Lutzow's Wilde Jagd. Schwertlied was the brilliant, leading

call to arms that fired their hearts and strengthened their hands. The

singing of such meaningful words made fighting a joy, victory a goal

protected by God, and death the supreme act of love for the future of

German liberty and unity. These songs were an integral part of the war

and the men who sang them were far the better soldiers, patriots and

Germans because of them.

Weber's musical setting of Korner's poem is short, rhythmically

moving and has a brisk, martial air that speaks of the tension of

battle. He uses many dotted eighth notes followed by sixteenth notes to

drive the piece forward. We often find marching songs in major keys.
 78

But Weber creates a great deal of interest in this setting by placing

the first half of the song in the key of B minor, which seems to express

Korner'8 seriousness about the beautiful dialogue between soldier and

sword. At the beginning of the second line of each verse he shifts to

the more brilliant key of D major. He then modulates to a 'fortissimo'

unison in all voices on the word "Hurrah." The "Hurrah" is then repeat-

ed on a dominant chord in three voices, and finally comes to the almost

electric, emotional finish on a high-set B major chord in full four-part

harmony. This one final B major chord echoes the great pride and joy

that the soldier feels in wielding his sword in battle; and the ending

of each verse with three resounding "Hurrahs" contrasts beautifully with

the tender tale of courtship between soldier and sword set in the more

thoughtful key of B minor. The "Hurrahs" also remind us that this is a

soldier's tune, and there is no more fitting word to give finality to the

depth of feeling and meaning behind an idea than the word "Hurrah." In

the days of 1813 and 1814 the 'song of the sword' became the bridal song

of every German soldier wedded to the ideals of German victory, liberty

and unity. Its strains ran incessantly in his heart. The German nation

tasted of the first full measure of the unity it would seek so eagerly

for the next sixty years.

The second poem that we shall examine here is also taken from the

famous Leier und Schwert. In this poem, entitled Manner und Buben (Men

and Knaves), Korner becomes a defender of the brave soldier who courts

death in defense of his beloved land, and condemns the coward who finds

weak excuses to stay home from battle. Here we find the other side of

German society: those who have no taste for the heroism of battle.

Korner is scathing in his denunciation of them. In his mind they are

unworthy of the name of German. The original German is given below,

 79

followed by an English translation:

MANNER UND BUBEN

Poem by Theodor Korner (1791-1813)

Music by Karl Maria von Weber
(1786-1826)

Marschmassig. mit Kraft

1. Das Volk steht auf, der Sturm bricht los;
Wer legt noch die Hande jetzt feig in den Schoss?
Pfui ubr dich Buben hinter dem Of en,
Unter den Schranzen und unter den Zofen!
Bist doch ein ehrlos erbarmlicher Wicht!
Ein deutsches Madchen Ku'sst dich nicht,
Ein deutsches Lied erfreut dich nicht,
Und deutscher Wein erquickt dich nicht.
Stosst mit an, Mann fur Mann,
Wer den Flamberg schwingen kann!

2. Wenn wir die Schauer der Regennacht,

Unter Sturmes Pfeiffen wachend voll-bracht,
Kannst du freilich auf upplgen Phuhlen,
Wollustig traumend die Glieder kuhlen.
Bist doch, etc.

3. Wenn uns der Trompeten rauher Klang,

Wie Donner Gottes zum Herzen drang,
Pfui magst du in Theater die Nase wetzen,
Und dich an Trillem und Laufern ergotzen.
Bist doch, etc.

4. Wenn die Glut des Tages versengend druckt,

Und uns kaum noch ein Tropfen Wassers erquickt,
Kannst du Champagner springen Lassen,
Kannst du bei brechenden Tafeln prassen.
Bist doch, etc.

5. Wenn wir vorm Drange der wurgenden Schlacht,

Zum Abschied ans f e m e Treuliebchen gedacht,
Magst du zu deinen Maitressen laufen,
Und dir mit Golde die Lust erkaufen.
Bist doch, etc.

6. Wenn die Kugel pfeift, wenn die Lanze saust,

Wenn der Tod uns in tausend Gestalten umbraust,
Kannst du am Spieltisch dein Septleva brechen,
Mit der Spadille die Konige stechen.
Bist doch, etc.

7. Und schlagt unser Stundlein im Schlachtenrot,

Willkommen dann, seliger Wehrmannstod!
 80

Du musst dann unter seidenen Dekken,

Unter Merkur und Latwergen verrekken.
Stirbst als ein ehrlos erbarmlicher Wicht!
Ein deutsches Madchen beweint dich nicht,
Ein deutsches Lied besingt dich nicht,
Und deutsche Becher klingen dir nicht.
Stosst mit an, Mann fur Mann,
Wer den flamberg schwingen kann!

MEN AMD KNAVES 52

Majestically, with force

1. The storm is out; the land is roused;
Where is the coward who Bits well-housed?
Fie on thee, boy, disguised in curls,
Behind the stove, 'mong gluttons and girls!
A graceless, worthless vight thou must be;
No German maid desires thee,
No German song inspires thee,
No German Rhine-wine fires thee.
Forth in the van, man by man,
Swing the battle-sword who can!

2. When we stand watching the livelong night,

Through piping storms, till morning light,
Thou to thy downy bed canst creep,
And there in dreams of rapture sleep.
A graceless, etc.

3. When, hoarse and shrill, the trumpet's blast,

Like the thunder of God, makes our hearts beat fast,
Thou in the theatre lov'st to appear,
Where trills and quavers tickle the ear.
A graceless, etc.

4. When the glare of noonday scorches the brain,

When our parched lips seek water in vain,
Thou canst make the champagne<corks fly,
At the groaning tables of luxury.
A graceless, etc.

5. When we, as we rush to the strangling fight,

Send home to our true loves a long "Good night",
Thou canst hie thee where love is sold,
And buy the pleasures with paltry gold.
A graceless, etc.

6. When lance and bullet come whistling by,

And death in a thousand shapes draws nigh,

52
C.T. Brooks, The German Classics. The German Publication Society,
New York, 1913; p. 201
 81

Thou canst sit at thy cards, and kill

King, queen and knave, with thy spadilla.
A graceless, etc.

7. If on the red field our bell should toll,

Then welcome be death to the patriot's soul.
Thy pampered flesh shall quake at its doom,
And crawl in silk to a hopeless tomb.
A pitiful exit thine shall be;
No German maid shall weep for thee,
No German song shall they sing for thee,
No German goblets shall ring for thee,
Forth in the van, man for man,

Swing the battle-sword who can!

Korner does not waste any time in stating the purpose of his poem.

He seeks out the object of his scorn in the second line of the first

verse with the words, "Where is the coward." He then shows his contempt

by calling him a boy with curls, hiding with the "gluttons and girls."

The refrain rings clear with the poet's feelings toward such a man. He

is simply worthless and neither German maid, nor song, nor wine is made

for him. The poet then exhorts his countrymen to "swing the battle-

sword who can!" and implies therein that the knave who sits at home

"well-housed" would woefully fail in such a task.

Each verse tells of the hardships the brave soldiers bear compared

to the life of ease and luxury lived by the worthless knaves back home.

The storms, the heat of the day, the lonesome absence from loved ones,

the constant fear of death these were the lot of loyal, faithful Ger-

mans striving to free their land and unite their people; whereas the soft

beds, the champagne, the love that is sold for gold and the daily routine

of games and frivolous diversions these filled the meaningless lives

of the nameless Germans who knew not the meaning of honor, valor and

brotherhood.

In the final verse Korner makes an eloquent tribute to the man who

died the patriot's death. But for the weak and dissolute soul he has
 82

only words of pity and disgust. His crowning condemnation comes when he

poignantly changes the refrain to say that the men who led the life of

ease will die a hopeless death and will have neither maid to weep, nor

song to be sung, nor wine to be drunk in his honor when he dies. He who

had all on earth will have nothing in ^eath; and he who gave all on

earth, even to the point of dying for his countrymen, will gain every-

thing in death.

The symbols of German honor, liberty and unity that Korner created

with his poetry and Weber immortalized with his male chorus settings be-

came a legend in their own time. Their popularity was instantaneous and

far from disappearing from sight as the memory of the war faded, these

songs became the musical watchwords of German nationalism. Benedict has

said: "Never were poetry and song so thoroughly knitted together, and it

is impossible to separate the words from the music or the music from the
CO

words. These are national melodies in their highest expression.

With these songs providing the inspiration the formation of male

choruses could not help but multiply across the land.

One of the most popular concepts that developed in the minds of the

German people in the early nineteenth century was that of freedom. It

meant many things to many people and in the world of politics it was

often an empty, meaningless word. But in the daily lives of the people

it was a hope and a vision of a better life. And if they had that hope

in their breasts they could carry on and meet life's problems. For the

leaders of the day, the poets, it was more than a hope; it was a vital

and growing need. They wanted many of the freedoms that Stein initiated

in Prussia early in the century; they wanted freedom from France's

53
Sir Julius Benedict, ps. 145-146
 83

domain; thpy wanted freedom of association for all Germans across the

fatherland; they wanted freedom of heart and mind. Maximilian Gottfried

von Schenkendorf, a poet very popular with the student singing groups

after the War of Liberation,5* wrote a beautiful poem about freedom in

1815. It expresses in short, concise lines, the thousand different

things that freedom can mean, and also describes its role in German life.

The poem that we shall examine next is entitled Deutsche Liebe Zur

Freiheit (German Love of Freedom). It was written at a time when the

idea of freedom and the emotional outbursts that often accompanied it

were uppermost in the minds of the people. Schenkendorf captured this

moment of post-war feeling with a quiet beauty that was most appealing

after the heat and tension of the war. The original German is given

below, followed by an English translation:

DEUTSCHE LIEBE ZUR FREIHEIT

Poem by Maximilian von Schenkendorf

(1783-1817)
Music by G. August Grosz (1799-1840)

Gehalten
1. Freiheit, die ich meine, Die mein Herz erfiillt,
Komm mit deinem Scheine, Suszes Engelsbild!

2. Magst du nie dich zeigen Der bedrangten Welt?

Ftihrest deinen Reigen nur am Sternenzelt?

3. Auch bei grunen Baumen, in dem luft'gen Wald,

Unter Blutentraumen 1st dein Aufenhalt.

4. Ach! das 1st ein Leben, Wenn es weht und klingt,

Wenn dein stilles Weben Wonnig uns durchdringt;

5. Wenn die Blatter rauschen Suszen Freundesgrusz,

Wenn wir blicke tauschen, Liebeswort und Kusz.

5
*Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. Ill, p. 43
55
0tto Lyon (Herausgegeben von), Auswahl Deutscher Gedichte. Verlag
von Velhagen und Klasing, Bielefeld und Leipzig, 1900; p. 346
 84

6. Aber limner welter nimmt das Herz den Lauf,

Auf der Himmelsleiter steigt die Sehnsucht auf.

7. Aus den stillen Kreisen kommt mein Kirtenkind,

Will der Welt beweisen, Was es denkt und minnt.

8. Bluht ihm doch ein Garten, Reist ihm doch ein Feld
Auch in jener harten Steinerbauten Welt.

9. Wo sich Gottes Flamme in ein Herz gesenkt,

Das am alten Stamme treu und liebend hangt;

10. Wo sich Manner finden, die fur Ehr' und Recht

Mutig sich verbinden, Weilt ein frei Geschlecht.

11. Hinter dunkeln Wallen, hinter en'men Thor

Kann das Herz noch schwellen zu dem Licht empor.

12. Fur die Kirchenhallen, fur der Vater Gruft,

Fur die Liebsten fallen, Wenn die Freiheit ruft:

13. Das 1st rechtes Cluhen, frisch und rosenrot.

Heldenwangen bliihen schoner auf im Tod.

14. Wollest auf uns lenken Gottes Leb' und Lust,

Wollest g e m dich senken in die deutsche Brust,

15. Freiheit, holdes Wesen, glaubig, kuhn und zart!

Hast ja lang' erlassen dir die deutsche Art.

GERMAN LOVE OF FREEDOM56

Steadily
1. Freedom that I love, shining in my heart,
Come now from above, angel that thoupart.

2. Wilt thou ne'er appear to the world oppressed?

With thy grace and cheer only stars are blessed?

3. In the forest gay when the trees are green,

'Neath the blooming spray, freedom, thou art seen.

4. Oh, what dear delight! Music fills the air,

And thy secret might thrills us everywhere.

5. When the rustling boughs friendly greetings send,

When we lovers' vows, looks and kisses spend.

6. But the heat aspires upward evermore,

And our high desires ever skyward soar.

'C.T. Brooks, p. 205

 85

7. From his simple kind comes my rustic child,

Shows his heart and mind to the world beguiled;

8. For him gardens bloom, for him fields have grown,

Even in the gloom of a world of stone.

9. Where in that man's breast glows a God-sent flame,

Who with loyal zest loves that ancient name,

10. Where the men unite, valiantly to face

Foes of honor's right—there dwells freedom's race.

11. Ramparts, brazen doors still may bar the light,

Yet the spirit soars into regions bright;

12. For the father's grave, for the church to fall,

And for dear ones—brave, true at freedom's c a l l —

13. That indeed is light, glowing rosey-red;

Heroes' cheeks grow bright, and more fair when dead.

14. Down to us, oh, guide Heaven's grace, we pray!

In our hearts reside German hearts to stay!

15. Freedom sweet and fair, trusting, void of fear,

German nature e'er was to thee most dear.

The poet begins with a prayer for freedom to come and enter his

world. In the second verse he asks just where he can find this precious

gift of freedom. He soon finds the answer and in characteristic German

fashion he finds freedom in the forest and at the waterfall; in the

strains of music heard everywhere; in a lovers kiss; and in the eternal

sky. He then compares it to a rustic child set free in a world that

knows him not.

The most powerful lines of the poem come in verse ten. Here, in

the spirit of Korner, we find a well-earned freedom, one dependent upon

the unity of men in their defense of honor; for, in the words of the

poet, "there dwells freedom's race." From here on Schenkendorf writes

of a freedom that is very German, wherein we find the bravery of dear

ones standing firm against freedom's opposition, even to the point of

death, so that the poet can say: "more fair when dead." The great
 86

romanticist attraction to death appears again. For some it was an

escape. For the lovers of freedom in these early years of the century

it was an act of German faith. In the final two verses the poet does not

fail to ask for heaven's help. It is clear that the poets of this age

recognized the great faith of the German people and incorporated it into

all their writings. The Germans' God was a part of everything they did.

Schenkendorf, in beseeching the angel that he calls "freedom", reminds

him that it is "German" hearts he will come to. And in his final line he

addresses "freedom" and says: "German nature e'er was to thee most dear."

Nothing could be more explicit: freedom belongs to the German people.

They will fight for it, partly because they love it so dearly and partly

because it is their right and common to their nature. We find here the

feeling of the superior race, not in the abstract terms of the philoso-

pher, but in the songs of the people, being sung by the soldiers, stud-

ents and shopkeepers in the north and in the south. National unity was

growing through the concept of freedom, a freedom for Germans to stand

united before the world. The men who sang these songs did not sing them

with empty hearts, but with the hope and conviction that this freedom

would help them form a greater, united Germany and a better life for

themselves.

The musical setting by the composer, G. August Grosz, has a majestic

martial air about it. Its full, four-part male harmony, moving in sim-

ple, forceful musical lines, suggests a feeling of freedom to the singer.

The brilliancy of the high tenor line reflects the hope and confidence

that the Germans felt at this time. Grosz alternates every two-line

verse between two different musical settings. This creates interest

musically, and poetically it sets off certain verses most effectively

 87

in the more rhythmically moving musical section.

This simple, martial air about the love of freedom, composed in

1815, must have appealed greatly to a people infused with the spirit

of victory after the war. The emotional impact of singing these words

could help them actually feel what freedom meant as they sought unity

and greatness for their beloved land. Both the words and the music of

Deutsche Liebe Zur Freiheit demonstrate how firmly rooted the new

spirit of German nationalism became during those days of common purpose

of 1813 when all Germans rose together to defend their liberty.

The most famous song of the German fatherland was written by the

ardent poet and patriot, Ernst M. Arndt. It was set to music for male

voices by many composers but the finest and most lasting setting was

composed in 1825 by Gustav Reichardt, another active liberal with a great

love for the fatherland. It is entitled Des Deutschen Vaterland (The

German Fatherland). The poem seeks an answer to the burning question of

the day: What is the true meaning of the German fatherland? Arndt found

the answer in a fashion that stirred the hearts of his countrymen. No

German gathering of male singers, large or small, was complete without

at least one rendition of Arndt's song of unity. The original German

is given below, followed by an English translation:

DES DEUTSCHEN VATERLAND

Poem by Ernst M. Arndt (1769-1860)

Music by Gustav Reichardt (1797-1884)

Mit Feuer
1. "Was 1st des Deutschen Vaterland? I s t ' s Preuszenland?
I s t ' s Schwabenland?
I s t ' s , wo am Rhein die Rebe bluht? I s t ' s , wo am Belt
die Mowe zieht?"
"0 nein, nein, nein! Sein Vaterland musz groszer sein!"
 88

2. "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland? Ist's Baierland?

Ist's Steierland?
Ist's, wo der Ma'rsen Rind sich streckt? Ist's, wo
der Marker Eisen reckt?" " 0 nein, etc.

3. "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland? Ist's Pommerland?

Wes tphalenland?
Ist's, wo die Donau brausend geht? Ist's, wo der Sand
der Diinen weht?" "0 nein, etc.

4. "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland? So nenne mir das grosze Land!
Ist's Land der Schweizer, ist's Tirol?" "Das Land und Volk
gefiel mir wohl; Doch nein, etc.

5. Verse about Austria not given in the German

6. "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland? So nenne mir das grosze Land!
Gewisz es ist das 6'sterreich, an Siegen und an Ehren reich?"
"0 nein, etc.

7. "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland? So nenne endlich mir das Land!"
"So weit die deutsche Zunge klingt und Gott in Himmel Lieder
singt, Bas soil es sein! Das wackrer Deutscher, nenne dein!

8. Das ist des Deutschen Vaterland, wo Eide schwert der Druck

der Hand,
Wo treue hell vom Auge blitzt und Liebe warm im Herzen sitzt
Das soil es sein! Das wackrer Deutscher, nenne dein!

9. Das ist des Deutschen Vaterland, wo Zora vertilgt den

welschen Tand,
Wo jeder Franzmann heiszet Feind, wo jeder Deutsche heiszet
Freund—
Das soil es sein! Das ganze Deutschland soil es sein!

10. Das ganze Deutschland soil es sein! 0 Gott vom Himmel, sich
darein,
Und gib uns rechten deutschen Mut, dasz wir es lieben
treu und gut.
Das soil es sein! Das ganze Deutschland soil es sein!"

THE GERMAN FATHERLAND57

#
With Fire
1. Where is the German's fatherland? Is't Swabia?
Is't Prussian's land?
Is't where the grape glows on the Rhine? Where sea-gulls
skim the Baltic's brine?
0 no! More great, more grand must be the German's fatherland!

57
Alfred Baskerville, p. 150
 89

2. Where is the German's fatherland? Bavaria, or the Styrian's

land?
Is't where the Marser's cattle graze? Is it the Mark
where forges blaze? 0 no, etc.

3. Where is the German's fatherland? Westphalia?

Pomerania's strand?
Is't where the sand wafts on the shore? Is't where the
Danube surges roar? 0 no, etc.

4. Where is the German's fatherland? Say how is named

that mighty land!
Is't Tyrol? Where the Switzers dwell? The land and people
please me well. 0 no, etc.

5. Where is the German's fatherland? Say how is named

that mighty land!
Ah, Austria surely it must be, in honours rich and victory,
0 no, etc.

6. Where is the German's fatherland? Say how is named

that mighty land!
Is it the gem which princely guile tore from the German
crown erewhile? 0 no, etc.

7. Where is the German's fatherland? Name me at length

that mighty land!
"Where'er resounds the German tongue, where'er its hymns
to God are sung."
Be this the land, brave German, this thy fatherland!

8. There is the German's fatherland, where oaths are sworn

but by the hand,
Where faith and truth beam in the eyes, and in the heart
affection lies.
Be this the land, brave German, this thy fatherland!

9. There is the German's fatherland, where wrath the Southron's

guile doth brand,
Where all are foes whose deeds offend, where every noble
soul's a friend.
Be this the land, All Germany shall be the land!

10. All Germany that land shall be, watch o'er it God,
and grant that we,
With German hearts, in deed and thought, may love it truly
as we ought.
Be this the land, All Germany shall be the land!

The first six verses are in question form as the poet asks his

countrymen where the German fatherland really is. He asks if it is

Prussia or Swabia; Bavaria or Westphalia; Switzerland or Austria.

 90

He asks if it is in the vineyards of the Rhine, the pastures of the

cattle or the shores of the Danube. He even asks if the princes, full

of guile, took it from the German crown. But he always answers that it

is "more great, more grand" than all of these.

From verses seven through nine he finds his historic answers. The

German fatherland is "Where'er resounds the German tongue, where'er its

hymns to God are sung." It is where faith and truth are part of the

German character; where hearts are united; where guile has no place;

where every noble German is a friend. In these three verses we have the

German ideal. These were the concepts the German people were striving

to actualize in their daily lives. And they had to sing these ideas in

order to make them come alive in their hearts.

The final verse is a prayer to God that He might watch over this

land and that all German hearts might truly love it as they ought. "All

Germany" for Arndt was the union of all German hearts in thought and

word and deed under the protective hand of God. This song became the

epitome of nationalistic thought in the first half of the nineteenth

century. The men who sang it, over and over, in the meetings of the

Liedertafel. in the taverns, in the great festivals and in their homes,

became the architects of German nationalism, which in turn became the

foundation of the future German Empire.

Gustav Reichardt, the composer and nationalist, tells the singers

in the beginning of his musical setting to sing the song "with fire".

And that is exactly how it sound. The first six verses are sung in

strophic style. The question, "Where is the German's fatherland?", is

asked in a ringing, octave unison, begun with three driving eighth notes

in anticipation of the brilliant, unison octave on C. It then goes into

 91

harmony each time the question is continued. Soloists composing a

quartet of male voices sing the second line of each verse. The chorus

then comes in forcefully each time with the third line in exciting

fashion as it boasts of a greater, grander fatherland than one bound

by one or two states.

The all-Important seventh verse deserves and gains a special musical

arrangement by the composer. On the words of the second line that

moving prophecy of what German nationalism really is the musical lines

are sung 'dolce' by the quartet and the chords move suddenly to E flat

major. They move dramtically back to the original key of C major at the

end of this line, thus preparing for the climactic last line, which is

almost the same in the last four verses. The setting of this verse

demonstrates the depth of understanding of Arndt's poem that Reichardt

possessed. He knew what this meant to the German people and every time

they sang it they expressed the deep national feeling that only a great

poet and composer could grasp in such a sensitive, meaningful way.

The last three verses are set in much the same fashion as verse

seven. "Be this the land" is sung four times, first by the basses; then

by the tenors; again by the basses; and finally with great emphasis by

the full chorus of men. The final phrase, "All Germany shall be the

land," receives a very beautiful treatment at the end of the piece.

After three measures where the lower three voices move harmonically

under a high A in the tenors, the low basses and second tenors sustain

an octave C, recalling the beginning of the piece, while the high tenors

and baritones again bring a moving line to the closing C major chord.

It is no wonder that this rousing song of patriotism became the Germans'

call to unity. The heart ruled the mind in the singing of such a song,
 92

and German heartB were captivated by the majesty of their own fatherland.

It was the emotionalism contained in the songs of unity that helped fan

the fires of nationalism during the early nineteenth century, and

helped to make the nationalistic spirit a part of the German character.

The German language that was extolled as the life-blood of the na-

tion by Herder, Arndt and the poets of the early nineteenth century did

in fact become the primary motivating force in the rise of German

nationalism. As the poets sensed the moods and needs of their people,

they set to verse the ideas and ideals of a nation in words that all

could understand. The composers of the same age found these words most

meaningful for male voices among a people that sought to make male

leadership both a symbol and an active force in their society. When

this new spirit fused with the desire to eliminate the French from German

soil in 1813, an explosion of national pride burst upon the German land

through the songs of Korner and Weber and Arndt, and a new age of German

nationalism was born, from which would someday evolve a new, revitalized

German Empire. The organization that carried on this new nationalistic

spirit bred by the war, and caused it to blossom and to grow strong

through the first half of the nineteenth century was the Liedertafel.

German men were uniting, in their own slow and searching way, to trans-

late the principles of German liberty and freedom into a better social

life for the German people. The bond that held them together and

increased their national and social strength was German song.

 93

CHAPTER V

THE LIEDERTAFEL: ITS GROWTH AND SIGNIFICANCE

"German music carried German poetry to every peasant's

cabin, and in their turn, the German poets gave new
impulse to musical effort. The poet spoke to the people;
the people gave inspiration to the composer; the scholar
studied in the market-place as well as in the library.
The ideal seemed about to be realized—a harmony among
all classes—and this springtime of a new political era
promised a revival of the golden age of Hellas."1

The German music of which Bigelow speaks was primarily that of the

male chorus. Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century the

male chorus was the principal outward vehicle of expression of the inner

feelings of the people. The structure that gave a social outlet to this

expression was the organization known as the Liedertafel (Song Table).

The name arises from the fact that one of the earliest known Liedertafeln

was founded by Karl Friedrich Zelter on January 24, 1809, in Berlin,2

and took its name from the inspiration of King Arthur and his Round

Table. The unity gained from singing around the table while sharing

good German beer or wine became, in turn, not only a symbol but a real

and active weapon of influence in the society of the time. Male singing

became a social art that drew men together from all ranks and classes.

While they sang of the German ideal way of life and the unity of their

nation, they formed a powerful and effective part of a new social force

in German life: the middle class. This new class was forging a path

across the German land and one of the builders of this path was the

Liedertafel. German men were becoming vocal because of the meaning they

found in the songs of their age. 3 The power of song in shaping the

^oultney Bigelow, Vol. Ill, p. 60

^Hermann Kuhlo, p. 23

3
Henry F. Chorley, Vol. I, p. 96
 94

German folk-character was revealed in the vital role played by the or-

ganization of the male chorus as it sought to satisfy the social and

political needs of early nineteenth century Germany.

The history of the male chorus in Germany really begins with the

founding of the Sing-Akadamie by C.R. Fasch in Berlin in 1791.* This

group of mixed voices was formed to further the singing of the finest in

choral literature. Very often quartets of men would remain after re-

hearsal to sing for social pleasure. From these quartets evolved larger

groups of men singing informally together. The formation of quartets

such as the one in Berlin was often the key to the growth of larger male

choruses. Such was the case in the city of Essen in the 1830's. The

oldest male chorus formed in Germany was the Bergische Sangerkreis (The

Mountain Singing Circle) in Solingen-Meigen in 1801. Haase quotes the

Frankische Tagepost of July 19, 1950, speaking of this chorus: "It was

in the best male chorus tradition, where one hundred and seventy voices

made up a strong singing body."7 A second male chorus was formed in

this same area in 1812.8 Together with Zelter's and Nageli's groups

these choruses laid the foundation for this great movement of song.

The War of Liberation, with its call for a nation in arms, then made it

a firm, integral and lasting part of German life with the fiery songs

*Ibid, p. 235
5
F. Feldens, Herausgegeben von K.G. Fellerer, Beitra'ge zur Musik-
geschichte der Stadt Essen, Im Staufen-Verlag zu Ko'ln und Krefeld, 1955
p. 98

Rudolph Haase, Geschichte des Solinger Chorwesens, Arno Volk-Ver-

lag Kdln, 1956; p. 11
7
Ibid, p. 11

8
Rudolph Haase, Herausgegeben von K.G. Fellerer, Beitrage zur Musik-
geschichte der Stadt Solingen und des Bergischen Lands. Im Arno Volk-
Verlag zu Kbln, 1958; p. 10
 95

of German liberty and unity. With the ideals of this war as their con-

stant inspiration the men of the German nation formed singing societies

by the hundreds in a new way of life through song.

The most famous German male chorus in the early nineteenth century

was the Zelter Liedertafel. The name Liedertafel became the most pop-

ular for male singing societies that gathered in the evenings for social

singing and drinking. Other names given such groups were Sing Verein

(Singing Union); Liederkranz (Singing Circle); Ma'nnerchor (Male Chorus);

and Mannergesangverein (Men's Singing Club). Zelter*s group originated

in the citizens of Berlin who belonged to the Sing-Akadamle.10 A lot-

tery director named Bornemann had the idea originally for the men to

gather around the table every noon of the working day to talk of busi-

ness and to sing. The meeting time gradually moved to the evening. The

members met in the English House tavern. As Kuhlo mentions, the in-

fluence of good food and drink was helpful to good pitch and spirited

singing. It is significant that one of the conditions for membership

in the Zelter Liedertafel was that every member should take an active
19

role in the group, either by composing, writing poetry or singing.

The creation of poems and songs was not left entirely up to the direct-

or. Very often the members made contributions in this area. Thus we

see again the union of the arts, this time on the lower level of the

common people, and also a new spirit of democracy in the operation of

this group.
^Henry Mayhew, German Life and Manners, W.H. Allen & Co., London,
1864; Vol. I, p. 298
10
Hermann Kuhlo, p. 20
u
I b i d , p. 41
12
Ibid, p. 42
 96

Zelter was chosen to lead this group when it was formed in 1809

because of his fine musicianship and his good reputation in the arts

and in the community. And through his deep friendship with Goethe this

group benefited from many immortal songs from this great poet. 13 They

were light in nature as was fitting for their intended use, but the

influence of the master added Immeasurable stature to this Liedertafel.

Its influence was felt through the years of growth of this remarkable

movement. As Ribbecks pointed out on the twenty-fifth jubilee of the

founding of Zelter's group:

"After the formation of the Tafel others were formed so

that men could take part in this activity...But the -
Zeltertafel will be permanent; a permanent German male
society, an inspiration for German art and morals, founded
on friendship, formed out of the immortal Sing-Akademie;
a society over which the magic wings of Zelter's and Goethe's
inspired genius flew. Such a society will be permanent
that is founded on Frederick William's reputation."1*

The above quotation shows some interesting characteristics of the

male singing movement. The author notes that Zelter's singing group

forms a "permanent German male society." We see the importance that

the German society of this day placed on the leadership of men. It is

natural then that, when taking up the art of music in this great 'vocal'

age, the society should thrive on songs for male voices. The author

further comments that this group would be a model for "German art and

morals." As we have observed in the songs examined thus far the German

ideal included a high devotion to honor and religious faith. This

devotion, coupled with the ties of friendship that helped create this

group, show the powerful social forces that made this group of singers

so effective. Though their own musical and artistic goals always

13
Ibid, p. 57

l*Ibid, p. 110
 97

remained very high, especially while under Zelter's and Goethe's guid-

ance, the effect of their organization on the society of the time was

primarily a social one. The final statement of the quotation above shows

the strong, abiding faith these men had in their king, and displays the

ever-present spirit of conservative nationalism that cultivated German

unity on the one hand, and kept the freedom of the masses under control

on the other.

Preuszner observes that Zelter's group produced a narrower sphere of

influence than did Nageli's group in Zurick. Zelter's group, though

middle class in the spirit of its members, retained a higher musical

ideal and thus kept its membership more limited. It was also confined

to an older group of men. Nageli's group, however, produced a great

middle class movement in music that spread throughout the community and

to other sections of the country. Preuszner calls Zelter's group a small

national cell while Nageli's group he views as a true folk movement that

included all the people. It is as if Zelter's group was the exalted

model, attainable for a few; and Nageli1s group was its offspring that

modified its goals so that all could take part in its operations.

There was the same type of conflict between artistic and socio-

political endeavors in the city of Breslau.16 In 1805 the Zahn Quartet

Society was formed. It was composed of strings, flutes and male singers.

Its purpose was to cultivate higher musical ideals than those being pro-

moted by the informal gatherings of male singers. The situation was

finally resolved when the two groups combined in 1819 and formed the

Breslau Liedertafel of master-singers. By 1840 the nature of this group

15
Eberhard Preuszner, ps. 131-132
16
Ibid, p. 133
 98

had changed, however. It broadened itself and became known as the

Miinchner Middle Class Singers. There was a definite decline in musical

taste throughout the first half of the nineteenth century,17 lamented by

Zelter and Goethe and later by Mendelssohn, Schumann and Heine. But this

very decline can be viewed in another light. Blommen points out that the

low position of the folk culture during these years actually promoted the

gradual development of the male chorus.18 The meaning of the German

music culture was brought out through the medium of the male chorus, and

while this new culture seemed inferior to some of the artistic leaders

of the nation, it, nevertheless, produced a greater interest among the

masses in other musical forms, and even more significantly, helped

produce vital changes in the social structure of German society."

The Zelter Liedertafel, composed primarily of middle class men,

created interest among the younger men in Berlin. In 1815 the musicians,

Ludwig Berger and Berahard Klein, combined with the literary men, Frie-

drich Forster and E.T.A. Hoffmann, to form a Liedertafel society with a

younger spirit.2^ They even invited the ladies on very special occa-

sions. For the most part German men lived in a social world quite

separate from the wives they married. It was common for the men to ga-

ther at the tavern in the evening to discuss business and politics and

to raise their voices in song. The men believed firmly that this was
1
their right as the women were left alone at home to sew and clean.

17
Hans Gal, p. 68

18
Heinz Blommen, p. 244

19lbid, p. 244
2
°Henry F. Chorley, Vol. I, p. 93
21
Henry Mayhew, Vol. I, p. 466
 99

The bitterness of many German women gradually eased as the century

progressed and they were given a more vocal role in their society.

There was also a trend toward more mixed choral singing in the latter
22
half of the century. But the first half of the nineteenth century was

the age of the German male: to defend and unite his land; to achieve the

German moral ideal of love and brotherhood; and to discover the best

method for Germans to run their own lives. One of the chief weapons the

German male used to accomplish these goals was to sing with his fellows

in the meetings of the Liedertafel.

The prototype of the numerous male choral societies of south and

central Germany, and eventually of all Germany, was the Stuttgart Lieder-

kranz, 23 founded in 1824. Not limited to a membership of twenty-five

like the Berlin groups it had a greater membership because of its more

democratic methods or organization. These methods themselves led to less

stringent musical and artistic goals. The growth in popularity of great

music festivals also necessitated the singing of simpler songs in simpler

arrangements so that all could take part. In Treitschke's words: "Music

became the social art of the new century, an indispensable ornament of

every German festival, a genuine pride of the nation."2* The primary

purpose of male singing evolved from the original high, artistic and

musical ideals of Zelter to the broad, social and political goals of

the vast majority of the German population. Haase tells us that there

were two hundred and ten different choruses in the community of Sol-

ingen during the nineteenth century and most of these were male

22
Heinz Blommen, p. 246
23
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 294
2
*Ibid, p. 294
 100

choruses.25 In the city of Eisenach in central Germany, Mayhew says

that by the middle of the century there were five different male singing

societies in the city. 26 Each had a membership of between one hundred

and two hundred members. Almost every grown male in the community be-

longed to one or more of the singing groups. If this many men were

taking an active role in Liedertafel singing in a small community of

approximately seven thousand people, one can imagine the tremendous

breadth and depth of this movement across the rest of Germany.

The growth of the middle class between 1800-1850 was simultaneous

with the growing strength of the Liedertafel societies. One of the most

thriving areas of interest in male singing was the Rhineland. In 1828

Liedertafeln were formed in the cities of Krefeld, Kleve, Willich and

Dulken.27 These male choruses of the lower Rhine produced social groups

that were typical of the class structure of the time. ° The Lieder-

tafeln in Krefeld and Kleve had a membership that belonged primarily

to that of the wealthy and well-educated classes of citizens. In the

village of Willich the singers were from the lower, poorer classes,

with little culture. The Dulken Liedertafel comprised a group of men

of predominantly middle class background. Blommen points out that as

these groups grew and thrived during the 1840's the "new middle class"

took over the leadership of these choruses, and the workers of the

lower classes, together with some elements of the upper classes, were

absorbed into groups that favored the ideals and ways of life of the

25
Rudolph Haase; K.G. Fellerer, p. 10
26
Henry Mayhew, Vol. I, p. 299
27
Heinz Blommen, p. 244
28
Ibid, p. 245
 101

German burgher.2'

The male choruses exhibited the traits of the middle class all over

Germany. Henseler reports that the Bonner Liederkranz. first male chorus
30
in the city of Bonn, was composed in 1830 of middle class citizens.

The citizens of Bonn achieved a greater closeness among themselves be-

cause of the Liederkranz. In his history of music of the state of Er-

langen Hans Lowe mentions that the members of the Liedertafel. founded

in the 1830's, were men who belonged to other middle class organizations
31
and their sons. This group of singers under Johann Maier's leadership

became quite well-known, especially through participation in the large

festivals held in the area. The proliferation of these groups continued

through the 1840's. The Essen Mannergesangverein was formed in 1846 and

in the revolutionary year of 1848 another group, the Steeler Ma'nnerge-

32
sangverein, was organized in the same area.

The life and songs of the Liedertafel promoted a fellowship and

comraderie among the citizens of these communities that had not existed

before. Preuszner lists the middle class professions that were repre-

sented in typical Liedertafeln of the day: professors, shopkeepers, art-

ists, teachers, editors, councilmen and police officers.33 These men of

the middle class were imbued with a genuine enthusiasm for their common

2
^Heinz Blommen, p. 246
3
"Theodor A. Henseler, Das Muslkalische Bonn im 19. Jahrhundert,
Aus Anlasz der Einweihung der neuen Beethovenhalle am 8. Sept., 1959,
Bonn; p. 127
31
H . Lowe, R. Steglich & B. Stablein, Musikgeschichte der Stadt
Erlangen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Vorgelegt von Adolf Pongratz furth
im Wald Tag der Mundlichen Prufung, 3 Aug., 1957; ps. 164-165
32
F. Feldens; K.G. Fellerer, p. 99

33
Eberhard Preuszner, p. 133
 102

way of life and they used German folk song to further their own national

political cause. By the time the peak period of male singing had been

reached in the 1840's, the primary purpose of a song was to demonstrate

its meaning for national unity and the rising strength of its singers as

members of the middle class.3* The artistic musical rendition of a num-

ber had definitely become secondary. The one constant quality was the

unique German characteristic of a man expressing his thoughts and ideals

through song. Even in the beginning of this great movement the evidence

of its middle class tendencies and make-up were clear. It is interesting

to examine the occupations of the men who signed the first membership

list of Zelter's Liedertafel on January 24, 1809. It gives us an indi-

cation of what was to come in the years ahead:

" G e m , actor; Beschort, actor; Loos, warden; Miiller,

book-dealer; Lortzing, shopkeeper; Thielemann, artist; Bechtold,
military advisor; Woltmann, professor; Hellwig, attorney;
Patzig, policeman; Loest, judge; and Bornemann, lottery
director."35

These were the men who were sitting down together to sing of a

greater Germany and a better way of life for all. And though there were

student choruses, workers' choruses and choruses among the upper class-
36
es, Engel emphasizes that it was predominantly a middle class movement.

One of the main reasons for this pervading middle class atmosphere

of the Liedertafel was because its leaders were mainly drawn from this

class. Although men like Mendelssohn and Schumann at one time or another

directed a Liedertafel. it was primarily the local schoolmaster or choir

3
*Ibid., p. 134

35
Hermann Kuhlo, p. 23
36
Hans Engel, Musik, Gesellschaft. Gemeinschaft in: ZFMW XVII,
Leipzig, 1935; p. 175
 103

director at the village church who assumed the leadership of the male

singing societies.37 It was often tradition that dictated this practice,

as was the case in the community of Solingen.3 Examples of such

leaders, addition to Zelter and Nageli, were Johann Maier, a teacher

in Erlangen;39 Wilhelm Greef, teacher of singing, organist and composer

in Kettwig;*0 Ludwig Erk, teacher and composer in Moers;*1 and Heinrich

Ziskoven, choir director in Mulheim.*2 There was at unique unity among

the teachers of male singing, too, as is evidenced by the Bergischen

Teacher-Songfest, held for the benefit of the leaders of the Liedertafeln

in Solingen in 1840.*3

The poets and composers who funneled their dynamic ideas to the

local leaders of the Liedertafeln effected a unity of the people that was

closely tied to the changing economic face of Germany. As Germany slowly

developed from an agrarian to an industrialistic society there was a

tremendous rise in the political organization of the middle class, es-

pecially from 1830 on.** With the growth of capitalism the middle class

moved from a cultural non-political elite to a political and economic

elite.*5 This explains the natural decline in artistic taste. It also

37
Henry Mayhew, Vol. I, p. 562

38
Rudolph Haase; K.G. Fellerer, p. 10
39
H. Lowe, R. Steglich & B. Stablein, p. 164

*°Heinz Blommen, p. 194

*1Ibid, p. 194

*2Herbert Paffrath, Der Cacilienverein 1855 Kbln-Mulheim. Arno

Volk-Verlag Koln, 1955; p. 28

*3Rudolph Haase; K.G. Fellerer, p. 11

**Emest K. Bramsted, p. 44

*5Ibid, p. 71
 104

explains the drawing together of the members of the middle class in a new

way of life. As the poets spoke dynamically of a greater Germany and a

freer life for every man, this fast-growing unit of the German population

responded and interpreted the words of the poet to its own liking. The

brotherhood the people found in their songs they were also discovering in

their new middle class way of life in their communities. They began to

live not only with one another but for one another. And the bond that

united them in social action was the evening meeting of the Liedertafel.

One facet of the life of the Liedertafel that always held a promi-

nent place in its history was the ready availability and plentiful supply

of good German wine or beer. Rehearsals were invariably held at a local

tavern and it was taken for granted that a healthy amount of drinking

accompanied good song. Singing was taught in the schools and became a

distinctive characteristic of the German way of life. All Germans sang

and everywhere! They sang in the woods, in the gardens, in the ta-

verns, in their homes, at parties and festivals. It is true that German

men have a certain knack for singing together as amateurs that other

nationalities lack. It is also true that the most prevailing entertain-

ment in any German town in this age was to gather at the tavern for a

refreshing drink. Drinking lifted the spirits and a lifting of the spi-

rits led naturally to good song. With such a wealth of good verse and

good male arrangements the gathering of men for an evening of drinking

and singing became the central social activity of the vast majority of

German men in the early nineteenth century. The mission of the male

chorus, then, lay in the meaning it had for its members, not for a group

*6Henry Mayhew, Vol. I, p. 300

 105

of listeners in formal concert.*7 It is true that crowds would gather

to listen to the men sing on a Sunday afternoon. But it was the joining

together of hearts and minds and the sharing of ideas and good company

that made the male chorus, through the organization of the Liedertafel.

such a dynamic force in German society. The German social life of the

first half of the nineteenth century was centered in the Liedertafel.

Like the old guilds of the sixteenth century the male singing

societies grew in strength and numbers and this led to divisions accord-
48
ing to town and state. The end result was the institution of large

choral festivals where male choruses would gather in great numbers, per-

form separately, and then sing together in a grand, gigantic finale.

The expense of such gatherings was defrayed out of the funds of each

local Liedertafel, plus the fact that the members would often stay in

homes in the community where the festival was being held.

4°, Naturally

there was much drinking. Some of these gatherings lasted as long as six

days. These festivals were similar to the Tourner (Gymnast) festivals;

sometimes they were even combined. Some of the more famous German choral

festivals were: Nuraberg Songfest, 1834; Erlangen Songfest, 1840; and a

regular series of yearly gatherings beginning with Bamberg in 1841;

followed by Windscheim, 1842; Schweinfurt and Forchheim, 1843; and

Wertheim, 1844. 5 0

The most famous of all German choral festivals was held in Koln,

*7Eberhard Preuszner, p. 135

*8Henry F. Chorley, Vol. I, p. 94

*9Henry Mayhew, Vol. I, p. 301

50
H. Lowe, R. Steglich & B. St'ablein, p. 166
 106

June 14-15, 1846. 51 There was a total of two thousand, three hundred

singers from eighty-five German states and twenty-seven Flemish states

participating at this huge Mannergesangfest. The Flemish choruses were

guests and it was said they did not measure up to the German ones. All

kinds of choruses sang, together with a variety of accompaniments. It

was a common practice among the German male choruses to use accompanying

instruments. They sometimes instrumentalized the inner vocal parts to

create interest.52 The directing of the massed choirs at Koln alternated

between Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy and Franz Weber, the organist at Koln

cathedral and an active Liedertafel conductor. Not only did this gather-

ing honor Mendelssohn with the commission of the special work to be sung

at the climax of the festival, Festgesang an die Kunstler (for male

voices and thirteen brass instruments), they even serenaded him later in

the evening at his hotel in true Liedertafel fashion.53

It is interesting to examine the types of songs that were sung at

these festivals. One of the full programs can be found in the Appendix.

The choice of music by the conductors of the massed choirs is signifi-

cant:

1. In alien meinen Thaten - Bernhard Klein

2. Herr unser Gott, wie grosz bist Du - J.I. Schnabel
3. Rheinpreusiches Kriegerlied (Mit Orch.) - Franz Weber
4. Wer hat dich du schoner Wald - Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy

5. Des Deutschen Vaterland - Gustav Reichardt5*

Very possibly the conductors chose to perform the works of Klein and

Schnabel, minor composers, because their choruses were present; or simply

51
Herbert Paffrath, p. 33
52
Henry F. Chorley, Vol. II, p. 338

53
Henry F. Chorley, Vol. I, p. 16

5
*Herbert Paffrath, p. 33
 107

because the men liked the music. The choice of Weber's music could have

been made because of Weber!s honored role as guest conductor, or because

of the text about the Rhine on which Koln and Mulheim are situated.

Mendelssohn's song of the hunter's farewell was always a popular favorite

with Liedertafel groups in addition to the fact that the composer was

present. We shall see its worth later in this chapter. Finally, the

closing number is the rousing, patriotic song by Arndt, set to music by

the noted Reichardt, that stirred many a German heart wherever a German

festival was held, or for that matter, wherever a Liedertafel gathered.

The wide variety of music chosen for the massed choirs indicates the

familiarity that these choruses had with the total male chorus reper-

toire.

The influence of this and other German choral festivals attracted

international attention to the Liedertafel movement.55 But no one else

captured the same spirit or flavor for male singing because the same

ingredients of national spirit, German character and social progress were

lacking. The Koln festival was surely the climax of this movement;

German hopes were highest; German hearts were most inspired; and German

voices sang their nation's praise with greater unison than at any other

time in its history. It continued to thrive up to the time of the

creation of the German Empire in 1871. But its death knoll was sounded

by the critic, Spitta, who wrote on the sociology of choral singing, and

stated prophetically in 1888:

"The male singing life was at this time (1871) going through
a critical period it can hardly be assumed that its
cause will be supported by its freer high rank, and we

55
Heinz Blommen, p. 246
 108

know well that the possibility of a recurring movement,

mature in its character, cannot be conceived."56

The Liedertafel's function of providing an effective weapon for the

middle class in its rise to power, its role in striving to bring the

German people under one flag and one government to stand united before

the world, and its valiant effort to realize the German ideal through

song all found their most fruitful years in the first half of the nine-

teenth century. Though the male chorus movement had no direct social

goal we can surely say that it was instrumental in igniting the little

fires that burned so brightly in many German hearts, and which in turn

set off the conflagration of revolt in 1848. The fact that this revolt

failed to achieve its immediate goals does not alter the fact that the

glorious songs of German men and the organizations that produced them

created a new spirit in the German nation during the first half of the

nineteenth century, and laid the foundations for a fuller, more meaning-

ful social life for every German.

The songs of the Liedertafel were many and varied. Whether the men

sang of good wine, freedom, the forest or the defense of their father-

land, they put into the words of the poet their own deep feelings and

desires. Certain poets and composers stand out in the influence they

had on the people. Preuszner tells us: "The Korner-Weber freedom songs

were sung in the forest, in the Berlin beer-gardens and In the free

nature of God."57 The songs of the patriot, Arndt, were found in the

repertoire of every German Liedertafel. And the lovely Austrian folk-

tunes that Schubert used in his male chorus arrangements became the

56
Eberhard Preuszner, p. 136

57
Ibid, p. 135
love songs of the nation. But there were many others, four of which we

have chosen for examination because of their great importance in the

culture of their period.

The first of these four songs is the spirited Trlnklied (Drinking

Song) by Karl Friedrich Zelter. Zelter wrote both the text and the

music, a common practice in Germany at this time as we noted with

Nageli's Nationalgesang in Chapter II. It is a good example of the

drinking songs that were so popular with the members of the Liedertafel.

It is interesting to note how Zelter attempts to take in all of Germany

in his description of the various wines available to the singers. The

original German is given below, followed by an English translation:

TRINKLIED

Words and Music by

Karl Friedrich Zelter (1758-1832)

Lustig Mit Baszsolo

1. Zu Klingenberg am Maine, zu Wurzburg an dem Stein,
zu Bacherach am Rhein,
Hab' ich in meinen Tagen gar oftmals horen sagen,
soll'n sein die besten Wein'.
Bub', schenk' mir ein ein Glasle Wein, und bring mir's her,
wie ich's begehr'.
Chor: Mein lieber Herr, mein lieber, lieber Herr,
ich will euch dessen bringen, und frohlich, frohlich singen:
Frisch auf, ihr Herrn, heran, heran, das Faszlein hat kein
Panzer an, das Faszlein hay kein Panzer an, das Faszlein
hat kein Panzer an.

2. Bin ich schon nit am Maine, zu Wurzburg an dem Steine,

noch dieses Mai am Rhein,
Sind dennoch andre Reben, Die auch gut S'afte geben,
lieblich und edle Wein.
Bub' schenk' mir ein ein Glasle Wein, und bring' mir's her,
wie ich's begehr'.
Chor: Mein lieber Herr, mein lieber, lieber Herr,
ich kann's euch nit abschlagen, Frisch auf, etc.

3. Im Wiirtemberger Lande ischt weit und breit bekannde

Das Edle Neckarthal,
Da wachst ein g'sunder Safte, der giebt uns neue Krafte
mit Freuden oftermal.
 110

Bub 1 , schenk' mir ein ein Glasle Wein, und bring' mir's her,
wie ich's begehr'.
Chor: Mein lieber Herr, mein lieber, lieber Herr,
ich bitt', ihr wollt mit Freude Fein redlich thun Bescheide.
Frisch auf, etc.

4. 's thut auch im Lande Sachsen gar manche Traube wachsen,

doch ischt's mit Rhein nit Main.
Naumburg verzapft Burgunder und meiszen als mit unter
giebt Paziente-Wein,
Bub' schenk' mir ein nit Salat-Wein und'bring mir's her,
wie ich's begehr'.
Chor: Mein lieber Herr, mein lieber, lieber Herr,
ist selbst bin zwar von Meiszen, mein Wein thut anders hei-
szen. Frisch auf, etc.

5. Zu Leipzig wachst kein' Traube, doch in der weiszen Taube

kehrt all's der Fuhrmann ein;
Der bringt auf seinem Karren Manch Stuckfasz hergefahren
von Frankfurt und vom Rhein.
Bub' schenk' mir ein Markbrunner Wein, und bring1 mir's her,
wie ich's begehr'.
Chor: Mein lieber Herr, mein lieber, lieber Herr,
in unserm Rathskeller, da gilt multipliziren und Wein mit
Wein melliren. Frisch auf, etc.

6. Zusammt lob' ich den Elfer, das ischt ein rechter Heifer
zu Lust und Frohlichsein;
Ist wacker auf der Zunge,uund starket Herz und Lunge.
Es leb' der Elferwein.
Bub' schenk' mir ein vom Rechten Wein, und bring' mir's her,
wie ich's begehr'.
Chor: Mein lieber Herr, mein lieber, lieber Herr,
ich thu' das Glaslein schwenken, ein frisches einzuschenken,
ein frisches einzuschenken. Frisch auf. etc.

DRINKING SONG

Gay, with Bass Solo

1. At Klingenberg on the Main, at Wurzburg on the Stein,
at Bacherach on the Rhine;
I have often heard it said in my days, "we shall have the
best wine."
Boy, fill me a glass of wine, and bring it to me here,
as I desire it.
Chorus: My dear sir, my dear, dear sir, I will bring it to you,
and joyfully, joyfully will sing:
Cheer up, gentlemen, up, up, the little cask has on it no
coat of mail, the little cask has on it no coat of mail,
the little cask has on it no coat of mail.

2. I am not only on the Main, at Wurzburg on the Stein;

besides this spot on the Rhine;
 Ill

There are yet other vines that also give good juices,
lovely and precious wines.
Boy, fill me a glass of wine, and bring it to me here,
as I desire it.
Chorus: My dear sir, my dear, dear sir, I cannot refuse you,
You will break yourselves up with laughter. Cheer up, etc.

3. In the land of Wurtemberg the lofty Neckarthal is known

far and wide,
There grows w healthier juice, that more frequently gives us
new strength with pleasure.
Boy, fill me a glass of wine, and bring it to me here,
as I desire it.
Chorus: My dear sir, my dear, dear sir, I ask that you will
follow the directions honestly with refined pleasure.
Cheer up, etc.

4. You can also do this in Sachsen land where many cultivated

bunches of grapes grow,
Yet this is not the Rhine, nor the Main.
Naumburg sells Burgundy on draught and Meiszen, for example,
among other things, gives Paziente-wine.
Boy, give me not salad-wine and bring it to me here,
as I desire it.
Chorus: My dear sir, my dear, dear sir, I myself am indeed from
Meiszen, my wine, among other things, is burning.
Cheer up, etc.

5. At Leipzig grow no bunches of grapes, but each of the white

doves follows the carrier;
He brings many a large cask in his wheelbarrow, brought from
Frankfurt and from the Rhine.
Boy, give me a fountain of vigorous wine, and bring it to me
here, as I desire it.

Chorus: My dear sir, my dear, dear sir, in our tavern meeting,

there the wine is multiplied and mixed with other wine.
Cheer up, etc.

6. As one I praise the wine of 1811, that is a better helped for

pleasure, and to be joyful;
It makes language more awake, and it fortifies the heart and
lungs.
The wine of 1811 is alive! Boy, pour me a glass of the right
wine, and bring it to me here, as I desire it.
Chorus: My dear sir, my dear, dear sir, I wave the flask to and
fro, to pour a fresh one, to pour a fresh one.
Cheer up, etc.

The poem is a dialogue between the bass soloist and the chorus.

The soloist sings the six verses, telling the story of all the fine

wines available across the German land. The chorus takes the part of
 H

112

the waiter who is anxious to please the customer, and also sings the

cheerful refrain.

The soloist relates in the first verse that it has been said that

the best wine is on the Main, the Stein and the Rhine. He answers him-

self in the second verse by saying that there are many other precious

wines besides these. In every verse he is asking for a refill and

promptly gets it. The chorus gives a lift to everyone by singing that

the little cask is not armed, so there will be plenty of good cheer

throughout the evening.

In the third and fourth verses Zelter describes the other wine-

growing lands of which he spoke, the lofty Neckarthal and the Sachsen

land. He praises their very good wines. The fifth verse describes how

Leipzig imports their wine from Frankfurt and the Rhine. The chorus

tells the soloist that in the meeting at the tavern the wines are

mingled and mixed, implying that as long as wine is available one should

not be choosy.

The final verse pays tribute to the vintage wine of 1811 and calls

it a wine that is alive. This solves the problem of which wine to serve

and all rejoice in a wine that "fortifies the lungs." Such was the na-

ture of the ever-popular drinking songs. For the meeting of the Lieder-

tafel was a place where men came to enjoy themselves and toast the

things they loved. Zelter added a novel stroke of unity in praising

less known lands and bringing all under the mantle of good German wine.

Even the reference to "coat of mail" in the chorus reflects the German

love for the military. But here, the poet says, they won't have to

fight and can drink freely. It is a light-hearted song, to be sung with

gusto and a certain rough, manly sound that is fitting for a group of
 113

men in a German tavern.

Zelter's tune has a joyful, bouncy melody set in two-four time that

is most fitting for its social setting. The men could learn it in one

sitting and sing it with the zest and fun that the song calls for. The

composer calls for a bass soloist to sing each verse. The contrast be-

tween the solo line and the boisterous four-part harmony in the chorus is

a welcome change of texture. The simple chordal harmony of this tune was

the type that appealed most to the men of the Liedertafel. Although

these groups of singers could sing more difficult literature, the major-

ity of the great volume of songs that were composed during this period

contained a certain charming simplicity that reveal their great social

significance. For the men of the Liedertafel gathered together primarily

not to create a perfected musical form, but to sing of their common heri-

tage, the greatness of their fatherland and a freer, better Germany for

all.

Ludwig Uhland was a truly popular poet in his day. Yet he always

maintained a high poetic standard in his writings. The great depth of

understanding of the German folk-character that he-possessed came alive

in his poetry. Nothing pleased Germans more than to sing of their ideal

way of life through the moving lines of Uhland's songs. We have chosen

for examination here one of the German classics, Freie Kunst (Free Art),

written by Uhland and set to music by Christian Schulz. In this poem the

singers of the Liedertafel found their ideal: to pursue their art, free

and unhampered by any man or any thing. The original German is given

below, followed by an English translation:

 114

FREIE KUNST58

Poem by Ludwig Uhland (1787-1862)

Music by Christian Schulz (1773-1827)

Massig
1. Singe, went Gesang gegeben, in dem deutschen Dichterwald!
Das ist Freude, das ist Leben, wenn's von alien Zweigen schallt.

2. Nicht an wenig stolze Namen ist die Liederkunst gebannt;

Ausgestreuet ist der Samen fiber alles deutsche Land.

3. Deines vollen Herzens Triebe gieb sie keck im Klange frei!

Sauselnd wandle deine Liebe, donnern uns dein Zorn vorbei!

4. Singst du nicht dein ganzes Leben, sing doch in der Jugend Drang!
v
Nur im Bliithenmond erheben nachtigallen ihren Sang.

5. Kann man's nicht in Bucher binden, was die Stunden dir verleihn,
Gib ein fliegend Blatt den Winden! Muntre Jugend hascht es ein.

6. Fahret wohl, geheime Kunden, Nekormantik, Alchemie!

Formel halt uns nicht gebunden, unsre Kunst heiszt Poesie.

7. Heilig achten wir die Geinster, aber Namen sind uns Dunst;
Wurdig ehren wir die Meister, aber frei ist uns die Kunst.

8. Nicht in kalten Marmorsteinen, nicht in Tempeln dumpf und todt,

In den frischen Eichenhainen webt und rauscht der deutsche Gott.

FREE ART 5 9

Moderately
1. Thou, whom song was given, sing in the German poets' wood!
When all boughs with music ring then is life and pleasure good.

2. Nay, this art doth not belong to a small and haughty band;
Scattered are the seeds of song all about the German land.

3. Music set thy passions free from the heart's confining cage;
Let thy love like murmurs be, and like thunder-storm thy rage!

4. Singest thou not all thy days, joy of youth should make thee
sing.
Nightingales pour forth their lays in the blooming months of
spring!

5. Though in books they hold not fast what the hour to thee imparts,
Leaves unto the breezes cast, to be seized by youthful hearts!

-"'C.A. Buchheim, Deutsche Lyrik, Macmillan & Co., London, 1881;

p. 118
59
Margarete Munsterberg, p. 221
 115

6. Fare thou well, thou secret lore: Necromancy, Alchemy!

Formulas shall bind no more, and our part is poesy.

7. Names we deem but empty air; spirits we revere alone;

Though we honor masters rare, art is free it is our own!

8. Not in haunts of marble chill, temples drear where ancients

trod

Nay, in oaks on woody hill, lives the moves the German God.

In two beautiful lines Uhland says in the first verse that there is

nothing more beautiful than to stand and sing in the German woods. He

tells the German singers that their song is truly a gift and that they

should use it in commune with nature because "then is life and pleasure

good."

The next four verses describe Uhland's tremendous love of singing.

Singing belongs to all, not just a few, and its seeds are scattered all

over the German land. This second verse describes so expressively and

yet so simply the whole male chorus movement that swept across Germany

in the first half of the nineteenth century. He goes on in the third

verse and defends music as a freer of the passions. In music men can

really let themselves go and reveal their true selves. It seems that

this is what the German nation was trying to do through song—reveal

itself to the world: its joys, its struggles, its beauties and its need

for betterment. The fourth and fifth verses are tributes to youth.

The poet tells his people to seize the chance to sing now, while life

is yet ahead.

In the sixth verse Uhland dismisses the secret magic formulas and

defends the true words of poesy. In the seventh verse he reaches his

climax. It is not the names of things that are important but what we

feel about them; in other words, art is what we make it, free to use as

our own. The German people were free to use their art of song as they

chose; free to gather and sing of a greater Germany; free to seek a

 116

better life for every German; free to live the life of nature that God

had given them.

The final verse is truly a masterpiece in itself. Concisely and

clearly the poet tells us what God really mean? to the German. He is not

a church and He is not a tradition. He is very much alive in the beloved

German oaks that signify all that is strong, good, loyal and true in the

German way of life. And most of all the German God is an active one. He

moves among the people in their hills; in their travels; in their bat-

tles; in their homes and churchs; and in their meetings of the Lieder-

tafel. Their cause for a better Germany was a holy one because God was

always their patron. Uhland speaks here of the very art that the men of

the Liedertafel practiced during the years of social struggle from 1800-

1850. The gift of song that the poet said was theirs was used with a

lover's abandon and a patriot's zeal in every German village and town.

Had it not been for the historical love of the albeit corrupt monarchy and

the perpetuation of the division of social classes after 1815, perhaps

Bigelow's ideal of a "harmony among all classes," created through German

song, could have actually become a reality.

The musical setting of Uhland's poem by Christian Schulz is a

thoughtful, moving tribute to the depth of meaning found in these char-

acteristically German lines. The lilting dance-like rhythm reveals the

poet's theme of German song in joyful fashion without losing the medi-

tative quality of the words. The composer brings out such contrast very

effectively in the middle of the piece when he modulates brilliantly to

D major at the cadence, then returns suddenly to the key of G major with

a subduing effect. Contrast is further heightened by the placing of the

even-numbered verses in the last half of the piece. This placing serves

as both a poetical and musical answer to each of the odd-numbered verses.

 117

Like Zelter, Schulz understood the men for whom he was writing. He

created a musical setting that carried the meaning of Uhland's German

ideal to the heart of every German male; and in such a clear and

simple manner that every man of the society could express the ideals

of his country in song.

No poet interpreted the beauty of the forest more appropriately

than the lyric poet, Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff. His lovely poem,

Der Jager Abschied (The Hunter's Farewell), set to music by Felix Men-

delssohn-Bartholdy, 1B our next poem for examination. The hunt was a

favorite pastime of the Germans, and the forest, as we have seen, was

a symbol of all that was beautiful to the Germans, including his God.

Eichendorff has captured both of these concepts in three short verses

and shows the German's great attachment to nature in his yearly farewell

at the end of the hunting season. The original German is given below,

followed by an English translation:

DER JAGER ABSCHIED

Poem by Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff

(1788-1857)
Music by Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy
(1809-1847)

Alia marcia
1. Wer hat dich, du schemer Wald, aufgebaut so hoch da droben?
Wohl den Meister will ich loben, so lang noch mein Stimm
erschallt,
Lebe wohl, du schciner Wald! Lebe wohl, lebe wohl, du schoner
Wald!

2. Tief die Welt verworren schallt, oben einsam Rehe grasen,

Und wir Ziehen fort und blasen, dass es tausendfach verhallt,
Lebe wohl, du schoner Wald! Lebe wohl, lebe wohl, du schemer
Wald!

3. Was wir still gelobt im Wald, wollens draussen ehrlich halten,

Ewig bleiben treu die Alten, bis das letze Lied verhallt,
Lebe wohl, schirm dich Gott, schirm dich Gott, du deutscher Wald!
Lebe wohl, schirm dich Gott, du deutscher Wald!
 \

118

THE HUNTER'S FAREWELL

March-like
1. Who aloft thy head did raise, forest green the mountains
crowning?
Glad in heart, thy beauty owning, I will sing thy Maker's praise,
Fare thee well, thou beautiful forest! Fare thee well,
thou beautiful forest!

2. We must seek our home below, leave the deer in peace reposing,
Ere for us the chase is closing, once again our horns we blow,
Fare thee well, thou beautiful forest! Fare thee well,
thou beautiful forest!

3. What beneath thy shade we swore in the distant world shall

bind us,
True to thee each year shall find us, faithful children evermore.
Fare thee well, God protect thee, God protect thee, thou German

forest! Fare thee well, God protect thee, thou German forest!

In the first verse the poet pays tribute to the great beauty of the

forest and recognizes the Maker who caused it all. The poets constantly

show this gratefulness of the German people and their great dependence on

their God. This is one of the reasons that their songs always reveal

such a great deal of confidence and hope. The refrain, "Fare thee well"

is repeated to give it special emphasis.

The second and third verses contain the words of parting. The

hunter's horns blow a final time as the hunt closes. The third verse

tells us how strongly the hunter feels about his action there. Whatever

deep and abiding thoughts and convictions developed in the hunter's mind

will be treasured and valued by him. It is almost as if the forest had

become, for the moment, God Himself. And then the final prayer, so com-

mon in German poetry, "God protect thee, thou German forest!" Nature

here ranks next to God in the aspects of life that mean something to the

German. And if he sings its praise it brings him that much closer to his

ideal here on earth, and also that much closer to the end of Nageli's

"heavenly pathway."

The musical setting by Mendelssohn is in the strophic style of a

 119

hymn. It flows easily in chordal harmony, using a rather low bass line

to give the indication of strength and support. This is the spiritual

and moral foundation that the forest gave to the German. Mendelssohn

uses his customary dotted eighth note followed by a sixteenth to keep

the rhythm moving forward. The global fashion in which Mendelssohn

writes causes each phrase to carry on to the next as a necessary part

of the whole. He gives a great deal of expression to certain words such

as "praise" and "farewell." On the word "praise" he modulates very

effectively from the key of the piece, E flat major, to B flat major.

The sudden entrance of the low bass on the words "Fare thee well after

they have been heard twice only in the tenor voices high above the

baritones, gives the words a beautiful finality of meaning that leads in

naturally to and gives distinction to the theme of the piece, "thou

beautiful forest." Mendelssohn's setting is a simple one and was popu-

lar with the Liedertafel. But it containes a high level of musicianship

which the composer always demanded in his male chorus settings. Mendel-

ssohn captured in song that which Eichendorff captured in verse: the

German hunter's sensitive and melancholy love of the forest and its

relationship to and dependence on its Maker.

In 1840 the French army drew close to the Rhine river and threat-

ened to once again draw the Germans into conflict. This produced a

tremendous surge of national spirit and unity very similar to that of

1813, but this time without the battles and bloodshed. Nicolaus Becker,

a minor poet, produced the most timely poem of the day whose subject

could not help but enflame the hearts of the people. Der Deutsche Rhein

(The German Rhine), set to music by Robert Schumann, became the rallying

cry of the Liedertafel to defend, at all costs, the beloved German

fatherland against the hated French. Becker's poetic monument to the

 \
120

Rhine, together with Fallersleben's Deutschland. Deutschland. Uber Alles

and Schneckenburger's Die Wacht am Rhein, were to the Germany of the

1840's the same symbols of liberty that the songs of Korner, Arndt and

Schenkendorf were to the Germany of 1813-1815. The soldier-singers of

1813 became the Liedertafel singers of 1840. The original German is

given below, followed by an English translation:

DER DEUTSCHE RHEIN

Poem by Nicolaus Becker (1809-1845)

Music by Robert Schumann (1810-1856)

Mit Begeisterung
1. Halber Chor:
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein,
Ob sie wie gierge Raben sich heiser danach schrein,
So lang er ruhig wallend sein grunes Kleid noch tragt,
So lang ein Ruder schallend in seine Wogen schlagt.
Ganzer Chor:
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein.
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein.

2. Halber Chor:
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein,
So lang sich Herzen laben an seinem Feuer wein,
So lang in seinem Strome noch fest die Felsen stehn,
So lang sich hohe Dome in seinem Spiegel sehn.
Ganzer Chor:
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein.
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein.

3. Halber Chor:
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein,
So lang noch ku'hne Knaben urn schlanke Dirmen frein,
So lang die Flosse hebet ein Fisch auf seinem Grund,
So lang ein Lied noch lebet in seiner Sanger Mund.
Ganzer Chor:
Sie sollen ihn nicht haben, den freien deutschen Rhein,
Bis seine Flut begraben des letzten Manns Gebein,
Des litzten Manns Gebein.

THE GERMAN RHINE 60

With Inspiration
1. Small Choir:
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free stream!
Though fierce as vultures, to it they flock with hungry scream:

60James Burns, German Ballads and Songs, London; p. 77

 121

While yet it calmly weareth its green and tranquil vest;

While yet the wanderer heareth one oar upon its breast.
Full Choir:
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free stream!
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free stream!

2. Small Choir:
They never shall subdue it, our glorious German Rhine!
While yet our hearts name from it the fresh and fiery wine:
While proud its rocks are raising their iron brows of might;
While airy domes are agazing into its mirror bright.
Full Choir:
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free stream!
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free stream!

3. Small Choir:
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine, the free!
While youths and maidens woo it, pledge of their vows to be:
While yet one fish below it sports gladsomely along;
Or on its shores one poet can breathe a deathless song.
Full Choir:
They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free wave,
Till it hath closed forever o'er the last German's grave,
O'er the last German's grave.

The poet directs that half the chorus should sing the verses while

the full chorus should join in the singing of the refrain. This adds

some suspense and also some forcefulness to the meaning of the words

where all voices join. The oft-repeated first line of the poem, "They

never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free stream" tells in capsule

form not only what this poem is about but the immediate cause for the

great period of national unity beginning in 1840 and continuing through

the revolution of 1848. There were many underlying causes such as the

memory of the glories of 1813, the general discontent with political and

social policy, and the growth of the Liedertafel movement. But the

threat of a French attack on the beloved Rhine, the symbol of all that

is German, brought one imminent result: the pledge of every German to

defend to the death his beloved fatherland. The very fitting closing of

the poem answers the first line with all men singing: "Till it hath

closed forever o'er the last German's grave!"

 122

The first verse tells us that the quiet Rhine will not be troubled

by the threats of the agressor. It will serve those who love it. The

second verse describes the great wine that its lands produce and then

praises the inimitable glories of nature that surround it, the rocks and

the hills. No German would permit any desecration of his beloved ter-

rain. His land was an integral part of his life. To lose it would be

to lose a part of himself. The third verse proudly proclaims the freedom

of the great river, the same freedom that every German sought in his

daily way of life. This river at once is a pledge of loyalty to lovers

and a place of sport. And most symbolically for this age it is the eter-

nal haven of the poet, to write of the hopes and struggles of a great

nation. To let the poet's place of inspiration be taken by an enemy in

an age when poetry and song were the lifeblood of the nation was simply

unthinkable.

The final two lines proclaim the same love of German liberty and the

same undying devotion to German honor that Korner expressed in Manner und

Buben when he wrote: "Then welcome be death to the patriot's soul!" The

triumphant echo of the War of Liberation heard in the turbulent 1840's

proved the depth and worth of a united German nation. And the bond of

unity that won their hearts throughout these growing years the songs

of German men—became part of their heritage.

Although many German composers set their hand to Becker's famous

poem, none succeeded as well as the eminent Robert Schumann. Gerald

Abraham said of Schumann's choral music: "Schumann writes better for a

chorus composed of either women or men than he does for mixed voices." 61

We can see this clearly in his setting of Der Deutsche Rhein for

61
Gerald Abraham; John Horton, p. 284
 123

male voices. It is a strophic song and Schumann achieves an interesting

contrast in sound by setting each verse for half the choir and the re-

frain for the full group. This is particularly effective with the oft-

repeated theme, "They never shall subdue it, the German Rhine's free

stream!" Half the chorus begins the piece singing this line in a solemn,

majestic unison. The full chorus returns with the same line in the re-

frain in full, four-part harmony. The harmony of the verses is close and

rich and contains interesting modulations and chromatic movements. The

musical genius of Schumann comes to the fore particularly on the last

phrase of the piece, "O'er the last German's grave." When first sung it

ends on the E flat major chord as did the other refrains. When it is

repeated the music descends to a sonorous E flat unison in the low octave

range. It is obvious that Schumann composed some of the most outstanding

music for male voices during this period. And it is interesting to note

that although some of his arrangements were on a higher musical level

than much of the male chorus music of the time, they were, nevertheless,

popular with the singers of the Liedertafel. Everyone knew Der Deutsche

Rhein and we see again how the great movement of male singing drew into

its sphere of influence the very talented and the more common and unified

them through song. Prince, burgher and peasant all sang of the defense

of the German Rhine, and all wanted to share in some way the fruits of

the unity that this song and countless others produced.

Of all the male choruses that flourished in the first half of the

nineteenth century, whether composed of soldiers, students, workers,

church-goers or burghers, the one that had the greatest influence on

German society was the organization called the Liedertafel. This evening

singing society took a firm grip on the culture of Germany after the
 124

War of Liberation and spread throughout the land. Wherever men gathered

to drink together and speak together they also sang together. For it was

here in these social gatherings that all Germans truly united. It was

here that their God became an integral part of that unity. It was here

that their ideal could be freely expressed in the way they knew best:

through song! In singing of their land they began to break down the

political and social barriers that had so long divided them; and in meet-

ing and sharing their ideas and beliefs about their way of life they be-

came instrumental in gaining a greater social role for all Germans, and

in helping to form a new social force in the nineteenth century, the

middle class. Through their middle class role as sculptors of a new

culture in German society they strongly influenced other areas of German

life such as student life, peasant life and church life. In their search

for a new national unity and for a greater realization of the German

ideal way of life based on faith, truth, freedom, honor and responsibil-

ity, the men of the German nation, first through the songs of war and

then through the songs of the Liedertafel, created a nation in song.

Through this song and the organization that produced it these men became

unique agents in the history of German unity and social change in the

first half of the nineteenth century.

 125

CHAPTER VI

THE MALE CHORUS IN ALL SEGMENTS OF THE SOCIETY

The influence of the power of song over the German male in the early

nineteenth century was not limited to that bred by the War of Liberation

and the evening gatherings of the Liedertafel. It pervaded the whole

society. German men from every walk of life united their minds and

hearts through song. The boast was made that before the power of song

the ridiculous limitations of class fell to the ground. Although such

an ideal never became a social reality during this age of song, it,

nevertheless, unified the German nation and at least provided the hope

for a better and more equal life for all its citizens. The songs of war

and liberty inspired the youth of the German nation. Student life at

German universities took up the liberal cry for a constitution in 1815

and the students voiced their political beliefs through song. The

pressures of Napoleon's time caused an awakening of the ideal in German

youth of their role as agents of the future greatness of Germany. They

believed in the powerful role of song as the emotional weapon in building

that greatness. The rising working class of the 1830's and 1840's began

to find a new life through song as the changing culture of Germany began

to recognize the workers' worth as human beings. And in the ever-present

religious life of the German people male singing found its way into more

habitual church singing and into the people's growing concept of a

German God taking an active role in their lives.

A Germany for all German who spoke the German tongue was the ideal

iHeinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 294

2
H. Lowe, R. Steglich & B. Stablein, p. 52
 126

of the new Burschenschaft (Student Political Federation) movement. It

came into existence on June 12, 1815, at the University of Jena and

quickly spread to many other German universities.3 "Turnvater" Jahn was

one of the prime movers in this development. It was not limited to

immediate German boundaries either. Such universities as Dorpat in

Russia, Leyden in Holland and Strassburg in France united in hailing the

new Germany. The immediate popularity of this new movement together

with that of Studentenmusik (Music of the Students) was revealed in the

gathering of thousands of students at the Wartburg, near Eisenach, on

October 18, 1815, to celebrate the second anniversary of the battle of

Leipzig together with the three-hundredth anniversary of the Protestant

Reformation. Their symbol was the black, yellow and red tri-color of

Lutzow's volunteers. Their mission was to sing of German liberty and

freedom in the spirit of 1813 and to demand of the government the needed

reforms that would give the people a voice in the governing of their

land. But they hurt their own cause by becoming excessive in their en-

thusiasm. They burned any book that criticized either their ideas or

those of their leaders and they became united more in negative criticism

of existing authority than in any positive planning for a truly united

Germany, Finally, the murder of the poet Kotzebue,6 unpopular writer

among the liberals, by a disillusioned theology student named Sand,

caused much distrust of the whole revolutionary movement. The result

3
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. Ill, p. 12

*Ibid, p. 8

5
C.F. H o m e and A.R. Keller (Ed.), History of the German People.
Vol. Ill, Modern Germany Downfall and Restoration, 1786-1848, Inter-
national Historical Society Inc., New York, 1916; p. 253
6
Ibid, p. 261
 127

was the Imposition of restrictions not only on student activity but on

any liberal activity that had any hint of anti-government feeling.

But German youth was not to give uo in the face of adversity. When

August von Binzer, the student liberal and one of the first organizers of

a Studentengesangverein (Student Singing Society), 7 went to Jena in 1818,

he found the foundation of political activity and male singing well-es-

tablished. Already a rule had been instituted that required a new

student male chorus to be politically oriented. The liberal cause that

had begun under Stein in the early days of the century was well-supported

by the fiery enthusiasm of the students in German universities. Stephen-

son tells us that the stimulus for the formation of student singing so-

cieties came from the actions of the early Liedertafel societies of

Zelter and Nageli. There was a unity of purpose between the young

students and the older Liedertafel singers. They were both singing the
Q

songs of Schenkendorf, Arndt, Korner and Binzer. They were inspired by

the same purposes bred by the War of Liberation. And they both possessed

the inherent German characteristic of the love of song.

In addition to singing the songs of war and the songs of the Lieder-

tafel the Studentengesangvereine sang many songs written especially for

them. CrSker published his Deutsche Burschenlieder (German Songs of

Youth) in 1817. 10 The poet-composer, Albert Methfessel, became very

7
K. Stephenson, A. Scharff & W. Klotzer, Darstellungen und Quellen
zur Geschichte der deutschen Einheitsbewegung im 19 und 20 Jahrhundert;
Sechster Band, Charakterko'pfe der Studentenmusik, K. Stephenson; Carl
Winter, Universitatsverlag, Heidelberg, 1965; p. 20
8
Ibid, p. 20

9Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. Ill, p. 41

10
K. Stephenson, Sechster Band, p. 21
 128

popular through his Liederbuch (Song Book), published in 1818,1:t that

contained many new and old songs for students. He wrote in the forward

of his book about the spirit of the new student movement. In later years

even more music was published that was aimed at German students. In the

1830's Heinrich Karl Bridenstein, poet and musician, wrote Sechs Gesangen

fur Ma'nnerchor (Six Songs for Male Chorus) for the Bonn Student Lieder-

tafel. He later wrote a companion to this, Sechs Geistliche Gesange fur

Mannerstimmen (Six Religious Songs for Male Voices). 12 The song that

always ranked highest in the hearts of German students was Ernst M.

Arndt's famous Vaterlandslied (Song of the Fatherland) which we shall

examine later in the chapter. It included all the fiery ideals that

drove the students so hard in their pursuit of a better Germany. Arndt

himself became their idol and he had to suffer because of them when the

great government purge took place in 1819. Even a trusted patriot like

Arndt was mistrusted because of his relationship to the sometimes violent

13
student movement, and was made to resign his university post. The

political activities of the student Liedertafel became so conspicuous

that university officials began to forbid the use of the music rooms to

such groups. Again, as we found in the case of the community Lieder-

tafel societies, the primary purpose of the student Liedertafel societies

had become more social and political than musical.1* There is no clearer

statement of their purpose than that of the students themselves when they

published their manifesto in 1815, directed at the government and meant

^Ibid, p. 22

12
Theodor A. Henseler, p. 77

13
C.F. H o m e & A.R. Keller, p. 261

l4
Eberhard Preuszner, p. 134
 129

for all Germany to hear:

"The German people calls. We must no longer be Bavarians

and Saxons; no longer merely Prussians, but above all Germans.
Hence this universal cry for a constitution which shall
proclaim to the world the civil liberty of the great
German people in spite of the different governments."
—Manifesto of German students,
signed by delegates from Jena,
Rostock, Kiel, Konigsberg, Heidel-
berg, Halle, Marburg.15

There is another interesting aspect of the student singing societies

that is relevant to the male chorus movement. German students of the

early nineteenth century were from predominantly middle class families.

The sons of publicans, butchers, shopkeepers, chemists, druggists and

well-to-do peasants could afford to attend the rather cheap German col-

leges. Education was no longer limited to the aristocracy. As these

young men gained more knowledge they understood their government better

and set out to improve it. In doing so they became spokesmen for the

class from which they came and to which they still belonged. The gather-

ing together to sing of their fatherland only solidified their resolve in

accomplishing the social and political aims of their own Liedertafel

groups and those of their fathers. Examples of student Liedertafeln

growing out of established Liedertafeln of middle class orientation were

the Bonn Student Liedertafel, formed in the 1830's by four sons of

qualified musicians;1 and the Erlangen Student Liedertafel. formed in

the 1830's under the leadership of the choir director, Johann Maier. 18

The influence of education on the male chorus movement was evident

15
Poultney Bigelow, Vol. Ill, p. 9

16
Henry Mayhew, Vol. II, p. 78
17
Theodor A. Henseler, p. 127
18
H. Lowe, R. Steglich & B. Stablein, p. 164
 130

from the very beginning of the century. The students in the schools were

taught to read music from the very earliest age. 19 Hence it is not sur-

prising that the young students in German universities continued their

musical traditions through their singing societies. The added impetus

of the singing societies of their fathers and the great patriotic fervor

arising out of the War of Liberation made the formation of student sing-

ing societies inevitable. The very first Liedertafel society, formed at

Meigen in 1801, began with seven young men conducted by their former

teacher in the school named Willms. The fi-st book they used was the

same Miltheimer Song Book they had previously learned from in school.

The vast influence of the poets, other men of literature and composers on

the lives of the people arose, too, from the fact that these men were

taking an active role in the educational processes of the society. Poets

like Arndt, Jahn and Fallersleben were university professors. Men like

Zelter, Weber and Schumann were also literary critics. Many minor com-

posers and Liedertafel conductors such as Heinrich Ziskoven in Kcfln-Mul-

heim and Johann Maier in Erlangen-Neustadt were also teachers in the

schools. This broadening of music education in the schools became the

21
basis of a general popular culture. The emphasis on literature and the

use of texts in music gave people a mode of expression and developed a

common tongue with meaning for all. Since the majority of singers in the

male chorus movement were of the middle class, this group became most

influential in setting the norms of artistic taste and social behavior.

A search for a new and beautiful culture in early nineteenth century

19
Henry Mayhew, Vol. I, p. 300
20
Rudolph Haase; K.G. Fellerer, p. 10
21
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. I, p. 102
 131

Germany led to the formation of this new social group, which in turn

developed that culture.22

The social part of the student Liedertafel was a vital part of

German life. The drinking songs such as Uhland's Trinklied (Drinking

Song) 23 and Goethe's Ergo Bibamus (Therefor Let Us Drink)2* were just as

important to the students as they were to their elders in the community

Liedertafel. At Jena University there was occasionally a special night

of singing called Kneip-Abend (Evening Drinking Bout). The rules

called for the singing of at least two serious or patriotic songs such as

Vaterlandslied or Integer Vitae-Hier in des Abends (Here in the Evening).

These were to remind students of the principles they upheld. The presi-

dent could then allow the singing of tavern songs such as Gaudeamus

Igitur (Therefore Let Us Rejoice) or Uhland's Der Wirtin Tochterlein (The

Tavernkeeper's Daughter) and the countless drinking songs the students

knew so well. Accompanying the singing was a healthy amount of drinking.

At times a certain minimum was expected of a good, healthy German

student. Zelter's famous principle to determine the choice of a song for

his Liedertafel applied to the student Liedertafel as well: "The song

was right that was proper to their lives."26

Karl Marx said that the economic situation in the Germany of 1843

was like that of the France of 1789.27 The industrialization that was

creating strength in the new middle class was also creating a new and

22
Ibid, p. 102
23
Theodor A. Henseler, p. 77
2
*Eberhard Preuszner, p. 135'
25
Henry Mayhew, Vol. II, p. 227
26
Eberhard Preuszner, p. 135
27
Ernest K. Bramsted, p. 44
 132

growing workers' class. They, too, sought a new way of life in the

changing culture of Germany. The life of German song did not escape

them. In fact, the common people gained something uniquely beautiful

from activity in song. They tasted of a better, more sublime world

that raised their hearts above the tiring tasks of daily toil. They

even sensed the awakening of a new political structure in their

28
beloved Germany.

Though Handwerkerg es angvere ine (Workers' Choruses) became more

prevalent after 1850 and particularly in other European countries,

they, nevertheless, existed in Germany in the 1840's. In the community

of Krefeld, on the Rhine, the music teacher, Franz Bolten, formed a Sun-
9
day singing school for young workers in 1840. He took into the group

any man who was sincere, had a good voice and wanted to sing. The group

came to be known as the Krefeld Handwerkerg es angvere in. This shows the

great influence that male singing had throughout the German land. For

in Germany the workers' class was a new one that had grown up with the

advance of industrialization. But the music of the male chorus was

broad in scope and simple in content so that all could partake of its

fruits. It was not too good for any man, while at the same time it was

good enough for all. Bolten's Workers' Chorus changed Its name during

the 1840's to the Krefeld Mannergesangverein. The economic background

of the group remained essentially that of a Workers' Chorus but by 1850,

as we noted earlier, the tastes and attitudes of this group had become

those of the middle class Liedertafel.

The song literature specifically written for Workers' Choruses was

28
Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. II, p. 295
29
Heinz Blommen, p. 60
 133

not too plentiful before 1850. One good example, however, was the rous-

ing workers' song written by Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben in 1841,

Wir Sind Nicht Mumien (We are not Mummies). 30 It was set to music by the

eminent Hungarian composer, Franz Liszt. The text boldly states that

this is the day of the worker and that the worker is a true man, not to

be trampled on by his superiors. Another of Liszt's chorues for work-

ers, set originally with a Hungarian text, also had a German text. It

was arranged for a three-part male chorus and bass soloist. Entitled

Arbeiterchor (Workers' Chorus), it extolled the glory of the role of the

worker and the necessity for all workers to unite in heart and mind in

order to gain strength from their common brotherhood. The unity embodied

in this text was symbolic of the unity being sought so earnestly by all

German-speaking peoples. The workers' class, though not as vocal as

other special groups in its outward display of unity, was, nevertheless,

an integral part of the movement of song and its ideal of a more united

Germany.

No area of German society was left untouched by the ringing sound of

male voices. Kirchengesang (Church Singing) in early nineteenth century

Germany was related to the male chorus movement and in some cases bene-

fited greatly from it. In 1834 the Bonn Liederkranz that was organized

in 1830 under Wilhelm Joseph Velten took a step toward church music under

the new leadership of Velten's brother, Andreas. 31 We are told of this

development in Andreas Velten's own words:

"In Bonn Masses and concerts were involved not only with
the mixed choir. Through the Liederkranz Bonn was the
first state on the Rhine where the musical church singing

30
R.F. von Liliencron, Vol. II, No. 357

31
Theodor A. Henseler, p. 58
 134

for male voices was instituted where men could sing

church compositions for male voices from Beethoven,
Ries, Grabeler, Neuland, Mohr and other Bonn composers."32

In the state of Erlangen-Neustadt the student Liedertafel begun in

the early 1830's was organized under Dr. Lang's leadership in 1835 as

the new Cacilia singing society. Its purpose was to provide church

singing for the community. Another church group, the Kupferdreh Cacilia.
33
was formed in 1850 out of the Essen and Steeler Ma'nnergesangvereine.

The significant part of these developments was the fact that as the male

choruses grew and prospered throughout the land they broadened their

interest from mostly secular singing to the inclusion of male singing in

German churches. This shows again the deep commitment of the German

population to its religious beliefs. It is not surprising that the

people carried their devotion to their God into their churches through

song since this same deep conviction was displayed openly and proudly

in their songs during battle and in the songs of the Liedertafel.

The most outstanding example of the growth of male church singing

arising out of the male chorus movement was in Kb'ln-Mulheim on the

Rhine. Heinrich Ziskoven founded the Miilheimer Mannergesangverein in

1843. Fifteen of these men then formed a Mass singing society to sing

for Sunday Masses. The two groups joined to form the Choralverein.

Finally, the group became the Cacillenverein, named in 1855 for the

purpose of providing the best in church music for St. Clemens Church in

Kb'ln-Mulheim. Women's voices were added for the first time in 1855,

marking a milestone in the trend toward mixed voices. A closeness was

32
Theodor A. Henseler, p. 58

33
F. Feldens; K.G. Fellerer, p. 99
3
*Herbert Paffrath, p. 36
 135

growing between church choirs and the male singing societies during the

1840's, the classical prime of male singing.35 Ziskoven put on concerts

by his male chorus to benefit the church. Franz Weber, the first Lieder-

tafel conductor in Koln, was also organist at the Ko*ln cathedral. The
36
workers began to take a more active role in church singing. It seemed

that incorporating male singing into the life of the church was the last

masterful stroke to make the German land a complete nation-in song. It

was only appropriate that the men who sang of their God in battle, in the

forests and in the meetings of the Liedertafel. should also gather in

formal worship to sing His praises and to prove their unfailing trust in

the benevolence of the German God. Although Henseler mentions that the

male chorus period for church singing did not become particularly brill-
37
iant, nevertheless, it added the final ingredient that made the German

people unique among the nations a people whose men stood proudly

together in a noble sharing of national life through song.

The song we shall examine first was the students' call to action

during the fiercely patriotic days of the War of Liberation and the years

of social struggle after the din of battle had ceased. It was Ernst M.

Arndt's impassioned plea to all Germans to stand and fight, with honor

and faith in the name of God, till freedom was won. It was written in

the tense year of 1812, When war broke out this song became popular with

German soldiers and together with Korner's Schwertlied became the Ger-

man's ringing proof of his love for his fatherland. After the war it

remained a symbol of German victory and its daring words of freedom from

35
Ibid, p. 29

36
Ibid, p. 39

37
Theodor A. Henseler, p. 58
 136

slavery became the ideal set of goals for the brash, uninhibited

Burschenschaft movement begun in 1815. Every German student was ready

to make Arndt's fiery words become instant reality, regardless of any

practical consideration or of any personal sacrifice involved. This is

in contrast to the more common type of thinking of the average German.

He loved his land and wanted to see it unified. He loved his freedom

and wanted to live it. He wanted to take a more active, vocal role in

his community. But he wanted these things in an ordered, responsible

way. He wanted them to grow out of the traditions of the past. He

wanted his country to prosper under the familiar and benevolent hand of

his God and his king. He wanted a national, social and cultural change

that would be thoroughly German and one that would make his land supreme

before all the world. To accomplish this would take some measure of

social sacrifice and much patience and wisdom, virtues that the German

students found boring and unproductive. The original German is given

below, followed by an English translation:

VATERLANDSLIED38

Poem by Ernst M. Arndt (1769-1860)

Music by Albert Methfessel (1785-1869)

Fest und Stark

1. Der Gott, der Eisen wachsen liesz, der wollte keine Knechte,
Drum gab er Sabel, Schwert und Spiesz dem Mann in seine Rechte,
Drum gab er ihm den kuhnen Mut, den Zorn der freien Rede,
Dasz er Bestande bis aus Blut, bis in den Tod die Fehde.

2. So wollen wir, was Gott gewollt, mit rechter Treue halten

Und nimmer im Thrannensold die Menschenschadel spalten;
Doch wer fur Tand und Schande ficht, den hauen wir zu Scherben,
Der soil im deutschen Lande nicht mit deutschen Mannern erben.

3. 0 Deutschland, heilges Vaterland! 0 deutsche Lieb' und Treue!

Du hohes Land! Du schb*nes Land! Dir schworen wir aufs neue:

3
8otto Lyon, p. 3
 137

Dem Buben und dem Knecht die Acht! Der fu'ttre Krah'n und Raben!
So ziehn wir aus zur Hermannschlacht und wollen Rache haben.

4. Laszt brausen, was nur brausen kann in hellen, lichten Flammen!

Ihr Deutschen alle, Mann fur Mann, furs Vaterland zusammen!
Und hebt die Herzen hlmmelan! Und himmelan die H&hde!
Und rufet alle Mann fur Mann: die Knechtschaft hat ein Ende!

5. Laszt klingen, was nur klingen kann, die Trommeln und die Floten!
Wir wollen heute Mann fur Mann mit Blut das Eisen rtften.
Mit Henkerblut, Franzosenblut 0 sii'szer Tag der Rache!
Das klinget alien Deutschen gut, das ist die grosze Sache.

6. Lasze wehen, was nur wehen kann, Standarten wehn und Fahnen!
Wir wollen heut uns Mann f'dr Mann zum Heldentode mahnen:
Auf! fliege, stolzes Siegspanier, voran den kuhnen Reihen!
Wir siegen oder sterben hier den siiszen Tod der Freien.

SONG OF THE FATHERLAND39

Fast and Vigorously

1. The God who made earth's iron hoard scorned to create a slave,
Hence unto man the spear and sword in his right hand he gave,
Hence him with courage he imbued, lent wrath to freedom's voice,
That death or victory in the feud might be his only choice.

2. What God hath willed will we uphold, and with true faith maintain,
And never in the tyrant's hold cleave human sculls in twain;
But him whose sword wins shame will we in pieces hew and tear,
In German land he ne'er shall be of German men the heir.

3. 0 Deutschland! Holy Fatherland! Thy faith and love how true!

Thou noble land! Thou lovely land! We swear to thee anew.
Our country's ban for knave and slave! Be they the raven's food!
To freedom's battle march the brave, 'tis fell revenge we brood.

4. Let all that glows, let all ye can, in flames surge high and
bright!
Be Germans all, come, man for man, and for your country fight!
Now raise your hearts to heaven's span, stretch forth your hands
on high,
And cry with shouting, man for man, "now slavery shall die!"

5. Let drum and flute, let all ye can, resound with thrilling peal!
This very day, yes, man for man, will steep in blood the steel.
In tyrants' blood, in Frenchmen's blood 0 day of sweet revenge!
That sound, to German ears so good, will our great cause avenge!

6. Let flags and banners, all ye can, wave o'er our heads on high!
Today we swear, yes, man for man, the hero's death to die.

39
Alfred Baskerville, p. 155
 138

Wave o'er the daring phalanx, wave, thou flag of victory!

We'll vanquish, or seek in the grave the pillow of the free.

The first verse makes it quite clear that the Germans felt God was

on their side. It was God who gave the German soldier his sword and he

must either win by it or die by it. The honor that was part of the Ger-

man ideal was then not only a personal and national honor, but also the

honor of God, to which the German pledged himself. The second verse

shows the nation's commitment to God's will and the poet condemns, as

Korner had also done, any man who would bring shame upon his brothers.

The third verse becomes a hymn of love for the great fatherland for which

every soldier was fighting. Nothing else transcends this deep and

abiding love in the German character during this age of German national-

ism. And nothing made it grow and blossom more fully in the hearts of

German men than German song.

The final three verses are the poet's exhortation for all Germans to

unite, man for man and fight till the flag of victory waves over the

fatherland. Such a plea was matched in German poetry only by Korner's

Leier und Schwert. And Arndt's words, like Korner's, while having tre-

mendous meaning at the time, also provided the inspiration after the war

for a people who were embarking on a new path of national unity and

national culture, and a reorganization of the historic social structure

of their nation. As Arndt became a leading spokesman for the liberal

cause and the liberal ideal of a government by the people gained a foot-

ing in German thinking, the Burschenschaft rose to the occasion and

became the vocal spokesman of this cause. The students wanted action and

in seeking the realization of their liberal goals they put into song the

ideals of the War of Liberation. Such words as "Now slavery shall die"

from the fourth verse meant to them not only freedom from Frenchmen's
 139

domination, but freedom from autocratic rule in their own land. And the

victory they sought after 1815 was a social and political one, echoed in

Arndt's last line, "We!11 vanquish, or seek in the grave, the pillow of

the free."

Though Vaterlandslied was set to music by more than one composer,

the arrangement that appealed most to the students in the exciting post-

war days was the one by Albert Methfessel, the poet-composer who was

particularly popular with the Studentengesangvereine. Methfessel asks

that the song be sung fast and vigorously. He alternates between unison

and four-part harmony, achieving a continuing and exciting interest as

the song progresses. It is a strophic song with each verse being sung to

the same music. It moves quickly and could easily have been sung march-

ing to battle or by a group of students on the Wartburg in 1815. Meth-

fessel achieves brilliant climaxes by going from unison to high-set,

four-part chords on such meaningful phrases as "lent wrath to freedom's

voice." The music has the same zeal and spirit that the words have. As

the community Liedertafeln and the student Liedertafeln sang these words

of honor and freedom based on German faith, a national bond of unity was

created between the youth of the nation and the men who had fought for

its name. And again the unifying force was the song of German men.

Though the first violent enthusiasm of student liberalism was tempered

by repression and reaction, the student Liedertafeln continued to grow.

And as they continued to sing of their fatherland and its future, their

hopes and aspirations for a greater voice in its deliberations grew

deeper and firmer, till finally, the days of 1848 provided the first,

real actions that began to satisfy, in part, the hopes of 1815.

The tradition of the student Liedertafel in German universities

during the first half of the nineteenth century has been preserved down
 140

to the present day, not only in Germany but in the United States. The

modern male glee clubs of today sing many of the same student songs that

were sung in the German taverns from 1800-1850. One of the most beauti-

ful and lasting of the group of fellowship songs that transcend age and

time is Integer Vitae-Hier in des Abends (Here in the Evening). This

classical Latin poem was written by the famed poet, Horace. Its lines

were considered so beautiful that the composer, Christian Schulz, trans-

lated it into German. Friedrich Flemming, a noted musician in Berlin and

one of the founders of the Zelter Liedertafel, set it to music in 1811

for Zelter's singers. Its appeal is universal as we see from its long

history from the days of Horace to our present day, when it is still

sung. The Liedertafeln of the early nineteenth century, particularly

those composed of students, loved its sentimental words of brotherhood

and unity. The original Latin is given below, followed by the German and

English translations:

INTEGER VITAE

Ode by Quintus Horatius Flaccus (65-8, B.C.)

German text by Christian Schulz (1773-1827)
Music by Friedrich Flemming (1778-1813)

Andante
1. Integer vitae scelerisque purus,
Non eget Mauris jaculis, nee arcu,
Nee veneratis gravida sagittis, Fusee, pharetra.

2. Sive per Syrtes iter aestuosas,

Sive facturus per inhospitalem Caucasum,
Vel quae Loca fabulosus Lambit Hydaspes.

3. Namque me silva lupus in Sabina,

Dum meam canto Lalagen, et ultra
Terminum curis vagor expeditus, Fugit inermem.

HIER IN DES ABENDS

Getragen
1. Hier in des Abends traulich ernster Stille,
Kann erst das Leben freudig sich gestalten;
Hier, wo der Eintracht sanfte Geister walten, St'a'rkt sich der
Wille.
 141

2. Eintracht und Liebe halten uns zusammen,

Wie auch in Wechsel steigt und fa'llt das Leben.
Aufwarts die Blicke! Kraftigt euer Streben! Wahret die Flammen!

3. Rastlos und frffhlich treiben unsre Bluthen,

Wenn schon der Jugend Sterne anwarts zogen;
Winken sie freundlich doch vom fernen Bogen, Ruhe und Frieden.

HERE IN THE EVENING

Moderately
1. Here in the more serious, intimate tranquility of the evening,
Can the joyful life first take shape;
Here, where harmony governs gentle spirits, and the will is
strengthened.

2. Harmony and love hold us together,

Even as life rises and falls in change.
Upwards the view! Strong be your aspirations! The flames
endure!

3. Restlessly and joyfully rushes our blood,

When the beautiful stars of youth stand waiting;
They still beckon in friendly fashion from the distant universe,
peace and tranquility.

The singers of the Liedertafel sang the words of this ancient ode in

both classical Latin and the beautiful German of Christian Schulz. Latin

has always had a particular appeal to students. This has been shown

through the years by the continued popularity of Integer Vitae and ano-

ther student song, Gaudeamus Igitur. The first two verses echo the sen-

timents of every German Liedertafel. The intimacy of brotherhood that we

found in Goethe's Bundeslied is here called the beginning of the "good

life" and there is nothing that lifts the heart of man more than the love

of his fellows. When this closeness of feeling was combined with the

unity of the German tongue and the spirit of national consciousness, the

result was the creation of a social group with the strength to change the

culture of its nation. And that is precisely what it helped to do as

the people of Germany sought and found the new ideal of an all-pervading

national participation in the songs of German men that received their

stimulus from the poets and composers.

 142

The third verse applies mostly to youth. The "stars of youth" were

the goals of the younger generation and they stood ready to be challenged

by the youth of a great nation. Only their realization would bring peace.

And herein lay the unbridled enthusiasm of German students in the days of

1815-1819. The goals of social progress beckoned with bright lights and

the students of the German nation would not be satisfied until they could

sing of a truly united Germany, supported by the liberal structure they

held so dear.

Friedrich Flemming's male chorus arrangement of Horace's Ode is a

classical example of close-set male harmony that depends on sonority,

blend and the fine nuances of dynamics to give it its unique color of

quiet, manly vigour. The full chords that progress so purely and in such

ordered fashion reveal in a deep and thoughtful way the tender words of

love and harmony of the poet. Just two modulations plus two widely

spaced chords are all that Flemming needs to achieve the subdued climaxes

of this chordal masterpiece. One truly gains a peace of mind from sing-

ing such a piece. It must have inspired the German singers, young and

old alike, to strive to make such a peace of mind and its accompanying

unity a vital and lasting part of their lives.

This same peace and quiet confidence of German spirit is very evi-

dent in some of the religious music of the time. It is particularly

noticeable in the simple Austrian folk tunes of Franz Schubert. Our next

piece for examination, Deutsche Messe (German Mass), is a group of hymns

composed by Schubert for male voices to be sung for the Catholic Mass.

The text was' written by Johann Philipp Neumann, professor of physics at

Vienna Polytechnic Institute and a friend of Schubert. This practice of

singing German hymns at Mass arose in the late eighteenth century and
 143

became popular in southern Germany.*0 The first Deutsche Messe was

composed by Michael Haydn in 1782. The simple naive trust in the Divine

appealed to the hearts of the Austrian country folk more than the more

sophisticated Latin texts that had been more prevalent in Catholic wor-

ship.*1 We see here, also, a greater participation of the common people

in the art of singing. Instead of a trained choir singing the more dif-

ficult works of the church, we have in the Deutsche Messe all the men

participating in the singing of simple hymns that could be read at sight

on a Sunday morning. Schubert also arranged his work for mixed voices so

that all the people could sing. Although the participation of male sing-

ing societies in the music of the church was significant in the all-per-

vasive influence of male singing, this influence becomes even more pro-

found in the life of the German nation when we observe German men uniting

as one in the praise of their God through the informal, habitual singing

of hymns in church. For in this instance there was no outward coercion

or social structure to promote such singing. It was simply a natural

and integral part of their lives.

Another significant aspect of the Deutsche Messe was the fact that

the Protestant tradition of congregational singing was pervading Catholic

Austria.' The songs that were uniting the German nation in all the other

areas of its national life were also bringing some outward form of unity

to the religious practices of its people. Human emotions were beginning

to show more outwardly through such a work as Schubert's. Subjective

human piety was replacing objective ritual. The humanitarian concept of

the nineteenth century of a direct human relationship between man and

*0Arthur Hutchings, Schubert, J.M. Dent & Sons, LTD., London, 1956
p. 132

*lRobert H. Schauffler, p. 332

 144

Christ and a close personal contact between man and his God became evi-

dent in the religious hymns of the time.*2 It was the same "German God"

of Ludwig Uhland's poem, Freie Kunst, for both Catholic Austrian and

Protestant Prussian. The original German is given below, followed by an

English translation:

DEUTSCHE MESSE

Text by Johann Philipp Neumann

Music by Franz Schubert (1797-1828)

Zum Eingang - Massig

Wohin soil ich mich wenden, wenn Gram und Schmerz mich drucken?
Wem kund' ich mein Entzucken, wenn freudig pocht mein Herz?
Soli: Zu dir, zu dir, 0 Vater, komm' ich in Freud' und Leiden;
du sendest ja die Freuden, du heilest jeden Schmerz.
Chor: Zu dir, etc.

Zum Gloria - Mit Majestat und breit

Ehre, ehre sei Gott in der Hohe! Singet der Himmlischen selige
Schar.
Ehre, ehre sei Gott in der Hohe! Stammeln auch wir, die die Erde
gebar.
Soli: Staunen nur kann ich und staunend mich freu'n, Vater der
Welten'
Doch stimm' ich mit ein: Ehre sei Gott in der Hohe!
Chor: Staunen nur, etc.

Zum Credo - Nicht zu langsam

1. Noch lag die Schopfung formlos da, nach heiligem Bericht;
Da sprach der Herr: Es werde Licht! Er sprach's, und es ward
Licht.
Und Leben regt und reget sich, und Ordnung tritt hervor;
Soli: Und uberall, alluberall tont Preis und Dank empor,
tont Preis und Dank empor.
Chor: Und uberall, etc.

2. Der mensch auch lag in Geitesnacht, erstarrt von dunklem Wahn;

Der Heiland kam, und es ward Licht! Und heller Tag bricht an;
Und seiner Lehre heil'ger Strahl weckt Leben nah' und fern;
Soli: Und alle Herzen pochen Dank und preisen Gott den Kerrn,
und presisen Gott den Herrn!
Chor: Und alle, etc.

Zum Offertorium
Du gabst, 0 Herr, mir Sein und Leben, und deiner Lehre himmlisch
Licht.
Was kann dafur, ich Staub, dir geben? Nur danken kann ich,

Arthur Hutchings, p. 133

 mehr doch nicht, nur danken kann ich, mehr doch nicht.
Chor: Wohl mir! Du willst fur deine Liebe ja nichts, als wieder
Lieb' allein;
Und Liebe, dankerfullte Liebe soil meines Lebens Wonne sein,
soil meines Lebens Wonne sein.

Zum Sanctus - Langsam

Heilig, heilig, heilig, heilig ist der Herr!
Heilig, heilig, heilig, heilig ist nur Er!
Er, der nie begonnen, Er, der immer war,
Ewig ist und waltet, sein wird immer dar!

Nach der Wandlung - Massig

Betrachtend deine Huld und Gute, 0 mein erloser, gegen mich,
Seh' ich beim letzen Abendmahle im Kreise deiner Reuren dich.
Du brichst das Brot, du reichst den Becher,
Du sprichst: Es ist mein Leib, mein Blut;
Nehmt hin und denket meiner Liebe, wenn opfernd ihr ein Gleiches tut!

Zum Agnus Dei - Massig

Mein Heiland, Herr und Meister! Dein Mund, so segenrich,
Sprach einst das Wort des Heiles: Der Friede sei mit euch!
0 Lamm, das opfernd tilgte der Menschheit schwere Schuld,
Send' uns auch deinen Frieden, durch deine Gnad' und Huld.

Schlussgesang - Nicht zu langsam

Herr! Du hast mein Fleh'n vemommen, selig pocht's in meiner Brust;
In die Welt hinaus, ins Leben folgt mir nun des Himmels Lust.
Dort auch bist ja du mir nahe, uberall und jederzeit,
Allerorten ist dein Tempel, wo das Harz sich fromm dir weiht.
Segne, Herr, mich und die Meinen! Segne unsera Lebensgang!
Alles unser Tun und Wirken sei ein frommer Lobgesang,
(Langsam): Sei ein frommer Lobgesang!

GERMAN MASS

At the Beginning - Moderately

Whither should I turn, when grief and woe afflict me?
To whom should I make known my delight, when my heart beats so
joyfully?
Quartet: To you, to you, 0 Father, I come in joy and sorrow;
You truly send joy, you heal every affliction.
Chorus: To you, etc.

At the Gloria - With Majesty and Breadth

Glory, glory to God in the highest! Sings the heavenly flock;
Glory, glory to God in the highest!
We also stammer, that which the earth produces.
Quartet: I can only be astonished and amazed at my joy, Father of
the world!
Yet I say with one accord: Glory to God in the highest!
Chorus: I can only, etc.
 146

At the Credo - Not too slowly

1. In addition, the universe lay formless there, from holy tradition;
Then God spoke: There will be light! He spoke, and there was
light.
And life stirred and moved itself, and the order stepped forward;
Quartet: And everywhere, at all times, praise and thanksgiving
resounded on high, praise and thanksgiving resounded
on high.
Chorus: And everywhere, etc.

2. Woman also lay in the spirit of darkness, numb from imaginary

delusions;
The Saviour came, and there was light; and the day shone brighter;
And His doctrine awakened a holier ray in life both near and far.
Quartet: And all hearts beat with thanks and praise to the Lord God,
eith praise to the Lord God.
Chorus: And all hearts, etc.

At the Offertory - Slowly

0 Lord, you gave me being and life and your doctrine of heavenly
light.
What can I, mere dust, give you in return? I can only thank you
more than enough, I can only thank you more than enough.
Chorus: I am happy! You desire nothing for your love, other than
love alone in return;
And love, a love full of thanks, should be the joy of my
life, should be the joy of my life.

At the Sanctus - Slowly

Holy, holy, holy, holy is the Lord!
Holy, holy, holy, holy is He only!
He who had no beginning, He who always was,
Rules and is everlasting, and will always be!

After the Consecration - Moderately

Contemplating your kindness and goodness, 0 my Redeemer,
Because of me I see you at the last supper in the circle of your
grief.
You broke bread, you raised the chalice, you said:
This is My Mody and My Blood; you who receive and remember My Love,
when sacrificing, become equal to Me.

At the Agnus Dei - Moderately

My Saviour, Lord and Master! Your mouth so blessed speaks only
the word of salvation: Peace be with you!
0 Lamb, the sacrificial offering for the oppressive guilt of
mankind, send us, too, your peace, through your mercy and grace.

Closing Song - Not too slowly

Lord, you have heard my supplication, happily it beats within my
breast;
In the world beyong, the joy of heaven now waits for me in this life.
There, too, you are truly near me, everywhere and all the time;
In all places is your Temple, where the heart consecrates itself to
you.
 147

Bless me, Lord, and all my family and friends! Bless our careers!
May all our actions and work be one devout hymn of praise,
{Slowly): May all our actions and work be one devout hymn of praise.

Neumann wrote a hymn text for every major portion of the Mass. In

this manner he remained liturgical in the Catholic sense. But from then

on the concept of worship changed. His text was German, in the beloved

language of a people who considered their speech superior to that of the

other peoples of the world. The first person is used in every one of the

hymns except the Credo and Sanctus. which are declarations of praise and

thanksgiving to the greatness and majesty of God. The rest are personal

prayers of trust, adoration, thanksgiving and petition. Missing is the

traditional Catholic concept of repentance for sin, except in the Agnus

Dei. There is a positive approach contained in Neumann's text based on

love and faith. As we have observed in other German songs the Germans

had a great trust in the benevolence of their God, and it is clearly re-

vealed in these Mass hymns. Neumann shows the personal need of each

individual incorporated into the collectivistic sharing of the group

singing. Here we have the combination of the German's deep pride in his

individual freedom coupled with his fierce desire to unite with his

fellows in a great German nation. This is the very essence of the German

ideal which became the goal of nineteenth century Germany. The confi-

dence of the German belief that God was with them in every avenue of

their lives is nobly revealed in the last verse when the hymnist says:

"You are truly near me, everywhere and all the time; in all places is

your Temple, where my heart consecrates itself to you."

Franz Schubert composed this work in 1827 when the male singing was

taking a firm hold on the nation. No composer better understood the

meaning of folk tunes than did Schubert. His short, simple musical

phrases captured the hearts of his people. They could sing them easily
 148

and with deep emotion. They were not outsiders listening to the unat-

tainable music of the angels but active participants in lifting their

hearts to God through song. The Mass became an instructional devotion

whereby the people could learn of their faith through the singing of the

men.*3 Schubert knew how to create an interesting arrangement around a

simple tune. The suspensions and chromatics that he wove into the simple

homophonic texture showed the influence of post-revolutionary France.**

He treated each hymn of the Mass in slightly different fashion. The

Gloria has much pomp and majesty in it. The Credo is set in a more

moving six-eight rhythm. The Sanctus is sung very slowly with many sus-

tained half and dotted half notes. In the Closing Hymn Schubert adds a

touch of excitement and finality to the piece through the use of dotted

eighth notes followed by sixteenth notes. Each hymn retains a full four-

part texture almost throughout. Schubert prolongs the first four hymns

and adds a certain aura of suspense by having a quartet first sing the

last section and then having the full chorus enter with the same words.

If we were to choose one composer who fulfilled Johann Gottfried von

Herder's ideal of the expression of German folk-character through the

"voices of the people in song" it would surely be Schubert. Just as

Uhland revealed the inner soul of his people in German words, so did

Schubert in German song.

It is most fitting that the last song to be examined in this trea-

tise be one from the immortal songs of German patriotism, Leier und

Schwert. No group of songs mirrors German thought and German feeling in

the early days of the nineteenth century quite so well as the battle

*3Arthur Hutchings, p. 132

**Ibid, p. 134
 149

songs of Korner and Weber. They created a spirit among the German people

that caused the ringing words of German liberty to reverberate through

the years of the first half of the nineteenth century into every German

village, and to sound a chord of response in every German heart. It is

fitting, too, that the final song to be reviewed be a song of prayer.

For without the deep, abiding faith in his God the German was without his

honor and his song was meaningless. And finally, the song we shall now

examine is, appropriately, a song of battle. The whole struggle for

German liberty was a battle, from the dark days of Jena in 1806 to the

brighter days of hope after the revolution of 1848. Whether in verbal

battle against the reactionary powers of government or in the battle of

the sword against the hated Frenchmen, the German patriot was willing to

die for the freedom of his fatherland. But this same patriot knew that

he could achieve this freedom only with the helping hand of God, The

song below is entitled Gebet vor der Schlacht (Prayer before the Battle).

The poem is by Theodor Korner, set to music by Karl Maria von Weber. The

original German is given below, followed by an English translation:

GEBET VOR DER SCHLACHT

Poem by Theodor Korner (1791-1813)

Music by Karl Maria von Weber (1786-1826)

Adagio non troppo

1. Hdr uns, Allmachtiger! Hor uns, Allgutiger, himmlischer
Fuhrer der Schlachten! Vater, dich preisen wir,
Vater, wir danken dir, dass wir zur Freiheit erwachten!

2. Wie auch die Holle braust, Gott, deine starke Faust

Sturzt das Gebaude der Luge, Fuhr uns, Herr Zabaoth,
Fuhr uns, dreieiniger Gott, fuhr uns zur Schlacht und zum Siege!

3. Fuhr uns! Fall unser Los auch tief in Grabes Schoss,

Lob doch und Preis deinen Namen! Reich, Kraft und Herrlichkeit
Sind dein in Ewigkeit! Fuhr uns, Allmachtiger! Amen!
 150

PRAYER BEFORE THE BATTLE

Slowly, but not too much so

1. Hear us, Almighty One, hear us, all-benevolent One,
Heavenly Leader of the battle! Father, we praise you,
Father, we thank you, that we have awakened to freedom!

2. Even as hell rages, God, your strong hand overcomes

The system of deceit. Lead us, great Sabaoth,
Lead us, 0 triune God, lead us to battle and to victory!

3. Lead us! Although our fate might descend deep into

The bosom of the grave, yet praise and glory be to your Name!
Kingdom, power and majesty are yours in eternity!
Lead us, Almighty One! Amen!

Gebet vor der Schlacht is the prayer of a German soldier. Since

Korner must have sung his own words before charging into battle he must

have felt very keenly the meaning of these words. A prayer such as this

makes the German cause during the War of Liberation become almost a cru-

sade in the name of God. The poet calls God the "Leader of the battle"

in the first verse and offers thanks to Him for the privilege of experi-

encing the gift of freedom. The second verse explicitly states that God

will lead the German side to victory over the "system of deceit." Such

idealistic thinking spurred the Germans onward to unknown heights of

bravery. For, if God was on their side, then all things were possible

for the German people. Thus we see how the rise of nationalism in the

German nation was aided and abetted by the German people's deep religious

faith. The German soldier's dependence on his Maker is made complete

when he says in the third verse that, even though death might come, God's

name will reign supreme. God is the leader, whether in victory or in

death. The nobility of this song of battle was carried over in the post-

war years to the songs of freedom and the fatherland; and the great trust

in God's help that the Germans had in time of war became a vital part of

the great majority of their songs in the Liedertafel. God was the pro-

tector of their fatherland and their belief in the presence of His

 151

ever-guiding hand drove them forward in the pursuit of an ever-better,

ever-greater Germany.

Weber's beautiful setting of Korner's poem gives great attention to

the meaning of the words. The piece is a strophic song written in the

key of C major. When the words "Father," "Lead us" and "Kingdom" appear

in each of the verses Weber shifts suddenly to a 'forte' E flat major

chord to make them stand out in bold relief. This very same chord was

used by Reichardt in his musical treatment of Arndt's famous line in

Des Deutschen Vaterland. "Wher'ere resounds the German tongue, wher'ere

its hymns to God are sung." From this point he modulates back to C major

in a quiet hymn-like ending. Weber uses full four-part harmony except

for one significant place. On the words "heavenly," "overcome" and

''praise" in the third musical phrase he uses a solemn octave unison

which has a mystical quality about it that seems to rise above the usual

earthy quality of male harmony. Weber's lovely musical lines that move

chords to their logical conclusions show the master musician at work; and

the meaningful treatment of Korner's text, together with the simple,

straight-forward chordal treatment for amateur male voices show the true

German at work in a labor of love. Gebet vor der Schlacht was for the

German a true song of love both of his God and of his fatherland.

The higher realms of musical art did not escape the great influence

of the male chorus over the whole culture of Germany in the early nine-

teenth century. In the world of opera almost every composer saw fit to

include at least one chorus for men in every opera he composed. Weber

was the most prolific in this area. His Huntsmen's Chorus from Der

Freischutz*5 was popular with the Liedertafel of his day and remains high

*5Karl Maria von Weber, Der Freischutz, G. Schirmer, Inc., New York
 152

on the list of male chorus repertoire today. His mastery of German

romantic opera, which told the stories of the lives of his people, always

included the robust songs of German men. The great German composer of

the early nineteenth century, Ludwig van Beethoven, did not neglect to

include the male chorus in his opera, Fidelio.*6 The men of the chorus

sang alone in the Chorus of the Guards and the Chorus of Prisoners.

Heinrich Marschner, who composed many Liedertafel songs, included the

male chorus regularly in his operas. One of these choruses, Germania,

from the opera, Kaiser Friedrich in Prag. became popular with the

student Liedertafel. The master of German song, Franz Schubert, could

not resist the sound of male voices when he composed Chorus of the

Spirits for his opera, Rosamunde. The accompaniment for Schubert's

work called for horns and trombones. We noted earlier that the use of

accompanying instruments, especially brass, was common in works for male

chorus. The use of brass instruments was a nineteenth century symbol of

purity and austerity in music. When the brass instruments were coupled

with male voices the combined sound offered a rather mystical inspiration

to the people: that the strength of man would eventually lead them to

the eternity they so ardently desired.

The male chorus created a vast cultural unity across the German

land from 1800-1850. A beautiful example of this on the local community

level came from the town of Erlangen in south central Germany. In 1850

the community Liedertafel and the university Liedertafel combined forces

*6Ludwig van Beethoven, Fidelio, G. Schirmer, Inc., New York

*7G.W. Fink, No. 802

*8Franz Schubert, p. 29
 153

and, together with the mixed chorus, produced an opera.*9 Such cultural

unity was found repeatedly on the national level at the huge male chorus

festivals. And before Europe and all the world Germany became a nation

of song.

The defense of the German fatherland in 1813 was the primary moving

force in inspiring German men to sing the songs of German liberty and

unity. Even before that these men had begun to gather in the evening

meetings of the Liedertafel to sing the songs of the poet-prophets of a

greater, freer Germany and to build a new culture through the growth of

the middle class. But the rest of German society demanded the right to

take part. German students formed singing societies of their own within

the structure of the Burschenschaft, founded in 1815, to sing of a com-

plete Germany unity founded on a new constitution and civic reforms for

the benefit of all the people. Student Liedertafeln were formed all over

the land and took on the middle class flavor of their parent Liedertafel.

Handwerkergesangvereine were formed in the 1840's to enable the workers

to sing the praises of their land and to take an active role in the new

culture of "all the people." Church singing looked to the leadership of

German men to provide it with the quality of shared participation of all

the worshipers. The German people, from the north and from the south,

Catholic and Protestant, were worshiping the same God: a German God who

walked with them in the forest, who sat with them in the Liedertafel and

who guided their swords in battle. All Germany was singing through

the men of the male choruses that had bloomed in full flower all across

the German land. They sang of the German ideal: a greater, freer, more

united Germany, based on common language and common faith in God, and

* 9 H. Lowe, R. Steglich & B. Stablein, p. 166

 154

realized in the united social effort of every one of its responsible

citizens. Their underlying aim was the national and social revolution

of the German nation. Through their songs they became the emotionally-

charged agents of that revolution and the unrelenting visionary force

that helped to build the future German Empire.

 155

CHAPTER VII

THE MUSIC OF THE MALE CHORUS

The songs of the male chorus of the early nineteenth century were

composed in a style that combined both traits of the classical period of

the past and the romantic period of the present and future. The compos-

ers that wrote for male voices captured the new spirit of folk melody

that was to become a trait of romantic music during the nineteenth

century. This new spirit was brought on by the desire for a freedom of

expression and by the demands of the poetic texts that became so attract-

ive to the musicians of the day in this new advent of folk song. Com-

posers were composing tunes that could be sung, and in most cases sung by

all the people. The vast majority of composers of male chorus music used

the traditional diatonic harmonies that were so common in the music of

the latter half of the eighteenth century. The homophonic texture that

we find in most of these songs demanded a simple harmonic structure that

was more common in the music of the past. There were exceptions, as we

have already pointed out, particularly in the more harmonically colorful

works of Schumann and in some works of Schubert. But the majority of the

composers in this new medium of male choral writing limited their works

to a homophonic style that contained a simple, clearly delineated, dia-

tonic harmonic structure, supported by a solid, uncomplicated rhythmic

framework, to lend emphasis to the newly-emerging, lovely German folk

tunes of the early nineteenth century.

Of the seventeen representative songs chosen in this study of the

male chorus we have chosen seven to demonstrate the stylistic traits of

this great period of German song. The songs of the fatherland were

traditionally ones with simple, stirring, march-like melodies, supported

 156

by the diatonic chordal harmonies that were easily understandable to the

amateur male singers. A good example of such music is Nationalgesang by

Hans Georg Nageli (Ex. 1; p. 157). The piece is a complete formal unit

in itself. Contrast is offered by Nageli when he presents the opening

refrain in a declamatory style. This is in contrast to the more flowing

style of the strophic verses. Within the limitations of the simple

harmonic structure Nageli creates a great deal of interest in pitting the

tenors against the basses in measures five through eight, twelve through

fourteen and fourteen through fifteen. The effect of one sustained line

against two moving lines is particularly exciting and reminds us of

Handel. The repetition in measures nineteen and twenty of the musical

idea presented in measures seventeen and eighteen creates a driving

effect that climaxes in the temporary modulation to the dominant in mea-

sure twenty-two. Nageli Immediately takes the listener back home to the

tonic in measure twenty-four in preparation for the final musical, and

also poetical, idea. The ascending unison in measure twenty-five that

keeps on rising to the high 'g' in the first tenors in measure twenty-

seven gives us the indication that the end is near. The repetition of

"die Herrliche Bahn" with the same musical material adds a note of

finality to the meaning of the words.

Nageli's choice of D major is appropriate for the patriotic nature

of this song. His use of the rapidly moving eighth notes, which are

easy enough to sing, give a tremendous drive to the piece that must have

thrilled the hearts of its German singers. The melody revolves around

the scale of D major and offers no great difficulty to the singer. The

other three parts move in an easy, chordal harmony that appealed to the

men of the German male chorus. We find the same, type of musical
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 158

structure in Fallersleben's Deutschland, Deutschland, Uber Alles,

Methfessel's Vaterlandslied, Schumann's Der Deutsche Rhein and Grosz'

Deutsche Liebe Zur Freiheit, in addition to the hundreds of other

fatherland songs. A slight exception is Reichardt's setting of Arndt's

famous Des Deutschen Vaterland. He achieves a degree of vocal color and

harmonic innovation that is unique among the typical songs of the

fatherland. This shows a trend in nineteenth century music that was more

common to other types of musical compositions.

The songs of battle were similar as a group to the songs of the

fatherland. But one which is outstanding for its musical qualities is

the classic, Schwertlied, by Karl Maria von Weber (Ex. 2, p. 159). In

eight short measures Weber has incorporated the German romantic traits

of harmonic color and folk melody while not neglecting the diatonically-

oriented homophonic texture of the classical style. He made it colorful

and exciting, yet simple and clear. No wonder that his famous settings

of Kotner's Leier und Schwert, together with his operas about German life

made him the most popular composer of the early nineteenth century. Two

qualities stand out in this piece. First, the recurring rhythmic figure

of a dotted eighth note followed by a sixteenth note creates a tension

that drives to the cadence with an unrelenting fury, symbolic of a charge

into battle. Secondly, the key of B minor, appropriate for the sound of

marching men, coupled with the sharp, almost staccato-like rhythm, con-

trasts beautifully with the exuberant, joyful ending on the B major

chord, symbolic of victory. Weber creates color with his modulation to

F sharp major in measure three. The drama is further heighthened by the

pauses in measure four. His sudden change to the D major chord in mea-

sure five and subsequent return to the key of B minor in measure six is
 159
Ex. 2

255. Schwertlied
Theudor Korner, 1813 (nsi-iBll)

Kraftig Curl Maria von Vi'eber, 161-1, (1788- mq'J i

s 3E $

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daa freut dem Schwertasehr" Hur-ra, hurra, hur- ra!

mW ILJLLJW
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 160

a new romantic trait of quick, unprepared harmonic change. We often find

this quality in Schubert's music. The electric quality of the final B

major chord gives a feeling of movement forward which is appropriate for

Korner's long, sixteen-verse poem.

Weber never loses sight of the nature and tastes of his singers.

All German soldiers could sing this piece. All could thrill to its

fiercely stated chords and its trumpet-like melody. All could follow its

harmonically governed musical lines. Only once does Weber challenge the

singers' musical knowledge: when the voices move from the F sharp major

chord in measure four to the D major chord in measure five. Weber

joined, in a rare combination, the musical taste and vocal simplicity

that a whole and united people was striving to obtain in expressing its

cultural ideal. He achieved this musical unity at a supreme moment in

German history 1814 a moment that has endeared him to the hearts of

Germans ever since.

The members of the many Liedertafel societies of early nineteenth

century Germany sang every type of song available to them. The settings

that were most prevalent, however, were those that presented the words

of the poets in simple, chordal settings underneath a folk song melody.

Two good examples of such group songs are Bundeslied, by Karl Friedrich

Zelter, and Integer Vitae-Hier in des Abends, by Friedrich Flemming.

Bundeslied (Ex. 3, p. 161), in its simple strophic setting, offers the

singers a lovely little song that approaches simple binary form. Zelter

modulates in measures seven and eight to the dominant chord of E major.

Even though the third line of music contains no D sharp it has the feel-

ing of the dominant. We notice this particularly in the last line when

the music comes home firmly in the tonic. The feeling of classical
Ex. 3 161

340. Bundeslied
JohWoiffj Goethe, 1776 (mo-183S)

Deutsch und f e s t Carl Friedrich Zeltet,179!) (nf.a -1832)

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 162

tonality is strong in Zelter's song and the singers could learn much from

its ordered musical statements and answers. Line two is the natural

complement to line one; and line four very beautifully answers the musi-

cal question posed in line three. Zelter uses much unison, as he also

did in Trinklied and as many other composers of the period did. This

unity of male voices on a single line symbolized the unity that these

male singers were seeking; and musically it created a vocal sound that

became uniquely German in style and content. The contrast gained by

shifting from this resonant unison to the richer sound of two, three and

four-part harmony made the German male part-song a distinct new form

in the early romantic period of music.

Just as Zelter emphasized the lovely folk tune of Bundeslied

through his use of unison and limited two and three-part harmony, so did

Briedrich Flemming emphasize the full harmonic sound of male voices in

his setting of Horace's Ode, Integer Vitae-Hier in des Abends (Ex. 4,

p. 163). Flemming limits his melodic line to the space of a sixth.

This closely-knit melodic line, together with a not too widely-spaced

bass line brings the male voices together in fairly close position that

is reminiscent of Schubert's part-songs for male voices. The sonority

in vocal sound thus gained was the dominant feature of this new musical

sound. For most of the composers of the music for male chorus not too

much variation in secondary chords and keys was necessary or appealing.

Flemming uses two simple modulations to create interest in the closely

moving musical lines. The first leads to the middle cadence in measure

eight on the dominant of the sub-mediant. This is the half-way point of

the song and Flemming makes it more emphatic by this modulation, whereas

he brought the music to rest only on the dominant at the end of the
 225
102. Eintracht und Liebe
(Integer vitae)
Odo -*oii Qutnlus Horattus Plaecus(6B-8 vorChr) ff
Deutscher Text untergclcgt von Christian Schulz (i778-tB27)

Fried. Perd Plemmlng, vor 1811(1778-1818) - IA.

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 164

first musical phrase in measure four, and at the end of the third musical

phrase in measure twelve. The actual modulation to the dominant in

measure twelve also implants an exciting anticipation of the impending

climax and return home to the key of D major. Ve find the same emphasis

on diatonic harmony in Schulz1 Freie Kunst, Marschner's Germania and the

vast majority of community Liedertafel and student Liedertafel songs.

A piece that is comparable to Weber's Schwertlied in the achievment

of creating a song that is both deeply musical and highly popular among

all the people is Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy's Der Jager Abschied (Ex. 5,

ps. 165-166). As we mentioned earlier Mendelssohn did not neglect the

singers for whom he wrote. In fact, his song of the hunter became one of

the most popular of all Liedertafel songs. He kept the harmony within

its bounds of classical tonality and presented the singers with two

simple modulations that provided just the right amount of variation in

this hymn-like tune. It was the broadly conceived melodic line that

made this song of Mendelssohn's a unique contribution to the literature

of the male chorus. It was Mendelssohn alone, among all the composers

in this musical medium, who created a longer, more florid lyrical melody.

The shorter, more folk-like phrase of Weber, Schubert and Schumann was

— to be found much more often among the minor composers of songs for male

voices. But Mendelssohn carried over the longer lyric lines of the solo

German Lied into much of his choral music. Whereas many of Schumann's

phrases, as we shall shortly see, were more distinct and concentrated

and important in themselves, Mendelssohn's phrases each carried on to the

next to form a necessary part of the global whole. The longer melodic

lines of Mendelssohn's choral music are in the style of Mozart, whereas

Schubert's and some of Schumann's choral settings remind us of Haydn.

 179. Der Jager Abschied %
l o - b e n , so lang noch mem Stimm er - schallt,—
Joseph w n Eichendorff, 1810 (1788-1857) bla-sen, dass es tau - send-fach ver - hallt, m
Al -ten, bis das letz - te Lied ver - hallt,

Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Oj> 50, N° 2,

Alia marcia. 1841 (1809-47) v ' / den
er-schallt Wohl wir

A ±Mi ver - hallt, und w i g

i . Wer
JU-J.
^
hat dich,
e
du scho- ner Wald, auf - ge
i ver - hallt, e -

2 . Tfef die Welt ver - wor - ren schallt, o - ben

8. Was wir still ge - lobt im Wald, wol - lens will ich lo - ben, so lang noch mein Stimm er •
fort und bla . sen, dass es tau-send-fach ver
j. ;> A J». J J J , treu die Al - ten, bis das letz - te Lied ver

^fef=F = =
r==T ^=f^ ^~r~T mm AAJM
r"?
Mei-ster will ich lo - ben,
zie-hen fort und b l a - sen,
blei-ben treu die Al - ten,
J
=p
bans* so hoch da
eim - sam Re - he
hfnUi
dro-ben' Wohl den Mei-ster will ich
gra-sen, und wir zie-hen fort und
:-
mf
/2-
fej: i 9 T.t-
P P ^
J:
Le - be
t •wohl,.
/K,

Le - be wohl,.
dram-ssen ehr-lich hal-ten, e - w i g blei-ben treu die schallt Le • be viohl,.
hallt
Le - be wohl, - le - be
hallt Le . be wohl,. le . be
Le - be wohl,. le - be

Jr -J t Ai
S r Ul
Ex. 5 166
Der Jager Abschied (cont.)

It
fa=^U-w If
£5N
£S=3i r~s T—-c le - be
le - be
wohl,.
wohl,_
T^T
le - be
le - be
le - be wohl,. le - be
wohl,. le - be wohl,.
wohl.. le - be wohl,.
wohl!. Schirm
Schirm dich
dich Qott,_
Qi

mmj £
Le - be
Le - be
Schirm dich
(?

J J i id
cresc,
i 20

wohl, du schd - ner Wald'.

wohl, du schd - ner Wald'_
wohl, du deut - scher WaldL
du schd - ner Wald'
du schd - ner Wald'
du deut - scher Wald'
± cresc. . , ,

m t
wohl,
r 'r
du scho ner Wald'
f=r
Le - be
wohl, du scho ner Wald' Le - be
Oott, du deut scher Wald' Le - be

dim.

j=m
Z-XPP,
£^3.n.**
wohl, le - be wohl, du.
$ rn^r-
scho - ner Wald!
wohl, le - be wohl, du. scho - ner Wald'
wohl,
woni, schirm
schirm diqh
dich Gott,
Gol du. deut - scher Wald!

m •TJ iH J-HJ
PI
r-tn ' TT^ \J
 167

Who knows but that this might be the reason for Mendelssohn's popularity

in other lands later in the century. For, German though he was, his

ideas were more universal than those of his contemporaries and this is

born out in his open criticism of this very German movement of male

choral singing.

The range of the voices in Mendelssohn's setting is broader than

that of Integer Vitae-Hier in des Abends. The rhythmic structure also

has a greater vitality, arising out of the recurring figure of the dotted

eighth note followed by a sixteenth note. Mendelssohn gives a dramatic

emphasis to the refrain beginning in measure twelve by modulating firmly

to G minor in measures eleven and twelve. The return to E flat major on

"Lebe wohl" lends a distinct beauty to those words. Like Nageli, Mendel-

ssohn sustains the long bcritone line on B flat beginning in measure

thirteen, while the tenors move in soft harmony above. The vocal effect

reminds us of the sound of hunting horns, so appropriate for this song.

Such pictorial effects became common in the music of the romantic period.

The use of the D flat in measures seventeen, twenty and twenty-one only

help to draw out the final musical idea to its tender, melancholy ending

in true Mendelssohn fashion.

The hymns of Deutsche Messe by Franz Schubert reflect the simplicity

of both folk melody and diatonic harmony that were the dominant charact-

eristics of male chorus songs, and also the trend in the nineteenth

century toward greater harmonic color and contrast. The two hymns we

shall examine from this work, Zum Offertorium and Zum Sanctus (ExT 6,

p. 168), show this contrast in marked fashion. In Zum Offertorium the

chromaticism that we see in measure two and again in measures five and

six reflect Schubert's ability to experiment successfully with harmonic

 Zum Offertorium
Langsam. crese ff

? n h rt (4
i * S.OLI.
f).J>,J
Vwill FN Du gabst, o Herr, mir Sein and
£ f^m
Le - ben, nnd dei • ner Leh • re himm-lisch Licht. Was
o

^
ISS /1 n ii r r ,i I1 T t f jr\Ftt;\j ?
i £
^fi/WW'H'HiiJT
kann da-fur, ich Staub, dir ge-ben? Nor dan-ken kann ich, mehr doch nicht, nnr dan-ken kann ich, mehr doch

P
V
MW 1
r r -p 'fp p (f^lji Wl^M
i^„i w / ^ i i ^ H ^ r / i N f i ? ?
nicht. Wohl mir! Da willst ffir dei - ne Lie - be Ja niohts, als wie • der Lieb' al - lein; and

JAC

Lie - be, dank-er-fdll-te Lie-be soil mei-nes Le-bens Won-ne sein, soil mei-nes Le-bens Won-ne sein. t

{'>ntr}WM\}iiiM}wtt}im M l J K K n i HPI
c*
oo
 CHOR.
ffi.n;
P JFUrifur ]
nicht. Wohl mir!
mir! Do willst ffir dei
d e i-- nne
e Lie - be Ja niohts, a l s wie - der Lieb' al - lein; . and

nt{\ii ELt
CHOR.

;;•»„i • f i,'hittttf\Pm4
JP
1
>f r f f f n if M I i~r^r t f\f a i
Lie - be, dank-er-ffill-to
dank-er- f{ill-te Lie - be
Lie-be soil mei-nes Le-bens Won-ne sein, soil mei-nes Le-bens Won-ne sein. *•t :

m tHt}frVy\t.UtM\;i\i it'})) f PP\

co

Langsam. Zum Sanctus.

> l l r
'f ^7i'i|ijii''i| 'ii!i|i| ii'j l iit|i i ii|ii i
Hei - lig, hei- lig, hei lig, hei - lig ist der Herr' Hei - lig, hei - lig,

\>*ri /h' ,'i|h,' i|i i i H ^ M ^ i

PP

1
M

fjgg
hei -
r ^ lig,
sp

hei - lig
»•

ist
•\\t\\.rthl\\h\j
nur Er* Er, der nie be - gon - nen,
£ P
Er, der

!: J J 1
h"l ir :ij I "IVr / i j o f H MM M' iJS > i j J1
f
dim. i i

Si i
jfcrtifeM sa 1
im - mer war,
^
e • wig
^
ist
r •M T
#
nnd wal tet,
^
sein wird im - mer • dar!.

4 1 1
i
dim.

W l ' l l ' l ! ! ' 3* m

PP
^
4 m f=f '±=k 1
f=
 169

progressions that were not customary in the realm of classical tonality.

The sudden entrance of chords not closely related to the key of the piece

and their subsequent return to that key was a favorite device of Schu-

bert's. By closely examining measures one and five we can see how Schu-

bert created a new type of choral sound through the use of chromatics.

These two measures have the same melodic line and the same rhythmic

structure, but the second-last chord of each measure is different. The

diminished chord on "Staub" in measure five gives a new vitality to this

musical phrase that was not customary with the majority of composers in

the male chorus medium. Schubert creates further interest through har-

monic means when he lengthens his final musical idea in measures nine and

ten. The temporary modulation to B flat major in measures seven and

eight adds finality to the final musical phrase in its return to F major

in measure ten. This device of building tension before the satisfaction

of release was a favorite one of Mozart.

Schubert retains his customary, full homophonic sound even in the

midst of this more rhythmically moving piece with its harmonic innova-

tions. He retains the folk-like simplicity that was so appealing to the

people of his time. This is born out by the fact that a quartet of

soloists first sings the hymn before the full chorus enters at the end

of measure ten. Thus, the church-goers with less musical talent could

hear it sung first before attempting to sing it themselves. This was

also the case with Zum Eingang, Zum Gloria and Zum Credo.

Throughout the Deutsche Messe Schubert shifts from a slightly more

difficult number to a simpler one, as we can see by looking at Zum

Sanctus. The accent here is on sonority underneath a simple, diatonic

melody. The only major variation is Schubert's shift to C minor in

 170

measures seventeen to twenty. This new idea, sung 'fortissimo', offers

all the contrast needed to balance the reverent, reflective chords Schu-

bert chose for this hymn of meditation. Their very simplicity reflects

the deep yet simple faith of the German people who sang this hymn.

As was brought out earlier in this treatise the beautiful song of

love and nature, Robert Schumann's Die Lotosblume (Ex. 7, ps. 171-172)

represents the finest choral writing for male voices in the first half

of the nineteenth century. Schumann's lovely lyric melody, set in short,

interconnected phrases, is similar to those of Schubert. But the harmo-

nic texture is somewhat thicker and more chromatic than in Schubert's

writing, In Schumann's writing we have true romantic vocal color and an

intensity of individual musical line that creates a concept somewhat

removed from the traditional, harmonically governed classical tonality.

An example would be measure twelve where the inner voices move in thirds

chromatically, while the outer voices also move chromatically in opposite

directions. This is a particularly expressive measure, with the crescen-

do and decrescendo bringing out the meaning of the words "seinem Licht,"

and then leading enharmonically into the very soft and tender phrase,

"ihm entschleiert sie freundlich." Schumann often uses chromaticism and

enharmonic ism to bring out the expressiveness and meaning of a certain

passage. In measure twenty-one he effectively returns to the key of D

flat major enharmonically on the woeful words "duftet und weinet und

zittert." He uses dynamics very effectively, especially at the end of

the piece with the repeated phrase, "vor Lieb1 und Liebesweh," and

particularly with the crescendo-decrescendo immediately after the drama-

tic pause on the word "Lieb," The use of rests sometimes creates a

buildup of tension toward a certain climactic phrase in Schumann's music,

 Ex. 7 171

Die Lotosblume
(H. Heine)
X Langsam, aber nicht schleppend j
Tenor I
Die Lo - - tos - blu - me ling- stigt
\>0 *

sich vor der

f |>
m
Son - ne
£

Tenor II ^ ^
DK
^ *
^r

Lb~^ - tos - scz:

blu - me
m ^
ang -
^
- stigt sich vor der
P=P Son - ne

Bass I ^PP s 'T rr e p

Die Lo - tos blu - - me ang - stigt

Bass II ? ^ i * iW £ r W Die Lo - - tos -blu - me

.S:
3
ang - - stigt sich vor der Son -
s
ne

&
,»ViH^rJJ?JJ7rirr,rirn s
Pracht, und nut ge-senk-tem Haup-te er - war-tet sie traumend die Nacht.

i 3fe a^=a =#

*QF
*-»-•
**
- -
J J 111 J I TPP
^- *>r, . ..
%=£$%
Pracht, und mit ge - senk- tern Haup - te er - war-tet sie traumend die Nacht.
" 1* b I
sich,
P
I I
und
» — ^ —^
mit ge-senk-tem
I I
Haup-te
1
fc^S m
er-war-tet sie traumend die Nacht.
m
f f i*
A
^
ME £3£
m >u r m f
vr #— # • #-^0- i m m 'a
J5C1 §
Pracht, -und mit ge-senk-tem Haup-te er -war- tpt sie traumend die Nacht. Der '
I 1 p I* I' p r«=r='Z:
r
fei
as =*=£= n- D V
£z* rTj)
Der Mond ist ihr Buh-le, ...mit sei - nem Licht, und

w t^ E—I &
#B* J t \wp\ rr rtflftfyr?yiW&
DerMondist ihr Buh - - le, er wecktsiemit sei - - nemLicht.und
P.0 0 0—0
n%\iu r n r DerMondistihr Buh - - le,
run er wecktsiemit sei -
fpftr^r TMpji
- nemLicht,und
!TKJ—I—i an 1—i 1 1 1 *T—r—m—m

^ Mond, der ist ihr Buh- - le, er weckt sie mit sei - nem Licht7

ff /S
K /*7
/*. ~w.Von hier an nach und
• 'PP. '
*A
m W=P te
mm & * -9 0

ihm
i' r 11" [• r i r P
ent-schlei-ert sie freund-lich ihr from-mes Blumen-ge - sicht. Sie bluht und gluht und
gP.
^ rj v
£>—p--h»
Jyn~*Tl^
*--6-|9 0 O—0-

ihm_ entschlei-ert sio freund-lich ihr from -mes Blumen-ge - sicht. Sie bluht und gluht und
gag r; P r r "j- rj a.
^
*—*——, aw>_
T n
m a ri B

ihm ent-schlei-ert sie freund-hch ihr from-mes Blumen-ge - sicht. Sie bluht und gliiht und
sim-m •**r-^
<tji^r Q\5 » '
chlei-ert sie freu . i i . i PP> I .

ihm entschlei-ert sie freund-lich ihr from - mes Blu-menge-sicM. Sie bluht und gliiht nnd
 Ex. 7 172
Die Lotosblume ( c o n t . )

nnoli otw.is bchnollur a. I

fi- JU.
*P
™|
<D~
1'j p I w n te±$
leuch-tct, und star-ret stumm in die
£
Hoh',_ sie
inr.
m JE2I
j£^£
duf- tet und wei-net und
HA r/T>j •a
Ifefec p
f
J • ei
p fj
iff r»
'j, n: a: .a,
i' r i [' r i" p
leuch-tet, und star- ret stumm m die Hoh',— sie duf - tet und wei-net und

1 SS* s Ut rj 'j p

leuch-tet, und star-ret stumm in die

m • & - * — & •

Hdh',— sie
S3C
hW duf-tet
r Pundr wei-net
f und
^ f e ti ri
leuch-tet, und star- ret stumm in die
. I
ill J rjjA
Hoh'i
h
tot
sie
& n I
ri/ ri ri
duf-tet und wei-net und
d M

j?^jritard. 3J/T

(Jty^p^-frTr [• y I'O
zit - tert vor Lieb' und Lie - bes - wen', vor
^ftf^n^-r^i
Lieb' und Lie - ben-wch\
-J2L
^ Y* r * H P r'T r ^ 7r=—5p-Hr P p y~p 3)jJ * - ii
1
zit - tert vor Lieb* und Lie - bes - wfth , ^x>r Lieb' und Lie - bes-weh'
-m-
SS m Mi Q.

zit - tert
P

vor
^-. ry»
ft'
Lieb' und Lie - bes - weh\
>
w
l£a
m
Lieb'und Lie- bes-weh'.
g— o >
m
ss >M
V ^ r r* r zit-tert vor Lieb' und Lie-bes - weh',.
—r—w
v av
J • > *T •

\or
'!P'r,
» « *
Lieb* und Lie - bes-weh*.
ii
 173

as we see in measures ten through twelve. Schumann, again in contrast

to the majority of composers in this field, often chose poems of only

one central idea instead of more lengthy strophic songs. In doing so

he concentrated a great deal of musical meaning and depth within the

limited framework of a short work for male voices.

The chromaticism and enharmonicism that Schumann used in his male

chorus arrangements are found to some degree in the works of Schubert.

But the vast majority of German composers who set music for male voices

composed the simple, lyrical folk melodies that became such a vital part

of the romantic ideal of the early nineteenth century, and accompanied

them with classical, diatonic, chordal harmonies in a homophonic texture

that was understandable and singable for all the men of the German

nation. The high musical goals of Zelter's Liedertafel in the early

years of the nineteenth century could find their ideal expression in the

almost mystical beauty of Die Lotosblume. But the great mass of German

men who were singing of a better and more united Germany found their

musical ideal in the simple settings of German folk tunes that rang

throughout the German land. The songs of battle, nationalism, nature,

fellowship and faith were written so that all German men could sing

them. And it is because of this that they became the heritage of their

people a union of the rich traditions of the past with the musical

demands of the present to form the dreams of the greatness yet to come.
 174

CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY

As the climate of German society changed during the first half of

the nineteenth century from an aristocratic to a more liberal way of

life, and as the German people awakened to a fresh, new national life,

there arose among the people a new spirit of song that sought to express

the German social and cultural ideal through the songs of the male

chorus. The growing interest in male singing derived its inspiration

from a rebirth of folk song; a renewed emphasis on the beauty and great-

ness of the German language, promoted by the poets of the age; and the

deep faith of the German people in a newly-emerging male leadership

striving toward a united Germany.

The literary leaders of the late eighteenth century such as Herder,

Schiller and Klopstock were writing of a new age to come, an age of

freedom, nationalism and a greater voice for the people in governing

their lives. The French Revolution's ideas of freedom of thought and

action inspired the poets of the early nineteenth century to write of a

freer, more united Germany. The emphasis placed by Herder and Arndt on

the superiority of the German language, coupled with the publication of

folk song collections such as Ludwig Tieck's Minnelieder in 1806, creat-

ed a lively interest in a musical life in which all the people could

participate. The German unity inspired by these songs had its first

political beginnings in the revolutionary social legislation passed by

the German minister, Baron Freiherr von Stein during the years, 1806-

1813. The new voice of the people in conducting municipal government

was a direct outgrowth of the disastrous defeat of the Germans by the

French at Jena in 1806. From this year on the social and national

!
i
 175

growth of the German nation was simultaneous with the growth of the male

chorus.

The poets of the early nineteenth century such as Korner, Arndt,

Uhland, Heine and Fallersleben, inspired by their elders, Goethe and

Schiller, became the prophets of a new age of freedom, nationalism and

social change. The composers, engrossed in the new world of folk song

and living a life that was closer to the people and farther removed from

the courts, were captured by the spirit of the poets and began to set

their words to music. As the men of the nation became familiar with the

poets' words of love, nature, freedom, unity and victory, they sought to

express their hopes for a greater Germany through song. It was natural

then that the new union of poetry and music should lead to songs for male

voices as the men of the German nation began to form the social and mus-

ical organization known as the male chorus for the outward expression of

their ideas.

The event that had the most profound effect in promoting German male

singing in the first half of the nineteenth century was the War of Liber-

ation of 1813. As the men from Prussia, Austria and the smaller German

states united in the noble purpose of eliminating the French from German

soil, they also united in singing the songs of German liberty and freedom

and the beloved songs of the fatherland. The poems of Korner, Arndt and

Schenkendorf came alive in the musical settings of Weber, Reichardt and

Methfessel and German male singing became a vital and living agent in the

promotion and growth of national unity. The songs of Lutzow's volunteers

became the symbols of their deeds in battle and these same songs became

part of the heritage of German liberty and honor that showed its face

again in the 1840's and later in the formation of the German Empire.
 176

Weber's settings of Korner's famous Leier und Schwert became the musical-

poetical ideal of the German male chorus and, through its repetition

across the land, the everlasting inspiration of its people. Through the

songs of the War of Liberation German male singing became the emotional

and social strength of German unity and the herald of the future German

Empire.

The nationalistic spirit bred by the war needed a vehicle to spread

its ideas and to broaden its scope in promoting social progress among all

the German people after 1815. The organization known as the Liedertafel

arose to meet this need. Already as early as 1801, in the city of Mei-

gen, the first Liedertafel society had been formed. Karl Friedrich Zel-

ter and Hans Georg Nageli had also formed their famous Liedertafeln in

1809 and 1810 respectively. So we can see how strong was the desire of

German men to gather in song. But it was after 1815 that the singing

societies began to spread in large numbers all across the German land.

The unity of the battlefield was transferred to the evening meeting of

the Liedertafel, and the sharing of good drink and conversation led to

the sharing of ideas and ideals through the common bond of German song.

Male singing became the new social art and the new focal point of commu-

nity entertainment in the early nineteenth century. It drew men together

from all classes. And as German men gathered to relish this newly-dis-

covered treasure in their culture, as they sang of Ludwig Uhland's German

ideal of a greater, freer Germany, based on common language and common

faith in God and realized in the united social effort of every one of its

responsible citizens, they formed a powerful and effective part of a new

social force in German life: the middle class. Since most of its members

were of the middle class the Liedertafel, through the power of song
 177

within the German folk-character, became a subtle but effective instru-

ment in the growth of that class and in the promotion of social progress

in the first half of the nineteenth century. The songs of the Liederta-

fel touched on every area and avenue of German life, and their unifying

power created a new culture, not reserved for the aristocracy as before

nor for the new middle class alone, but for all the people. Through

their songs the German men became a nation.

All segments of the society took an active role in singing the songs

of a greater, freer Germany. The student Liedertafeln in the universi-

ties after the War of Liberation became an active force in promoting the

liberal ideal of a constitution for a united Germany and for greater

social equality. They used the emotional weapon of song in advancing the

social and political ideals of the new Burschenschaft movement. The

students, largely from the middle class, became the builders of the com-

munity Liedertafel of the future. The vital role that music played in

the educational life of German youth blossomed in the great surge of male

singing. The leaders of the Liedertafel were often teachers and local

choir directors. The formation of Liedertafel groups thus became not an

isolated movement but a flowering of German culture, born of the seeds of

the revitalization of German language and German folk song planted long

ago in the eighteenth century and since become an integral part of

German character.

No part of German society was left untouched by male singing. Work-

ers' choruses were formed out of Sunday singing schools. The new indus-

trial workers' class had its own song to sing of a better way of life

for all. At the opposite end of the culture, in the higher musical realm

of opera, composers saw fit to include male choruses in the vast majority
 178

of their operatic works. The need for the sound of German male voices

permeated the whole society. It reached its climax in the mammoth

Mannergesangf est held in Koln in 1846, where two thousand three hundred

singers gathered to sing, for each other and together, of the beauties

and glories of their fatherland. This festival became a symbol of a

whole nation rising to stand and sing together, a symbol of a future

united Germany.

The solidifying element in the German love of song was the deep

religious faith of its people. God was an integral part of the German's

daily life and this is nobly revealed in his songs. Whether he was

singing of battle, love, nature, fellowship or fatherland the German

asked God's blessing on his endeavor. In fact, in his great love for all

that was German he expected it. It was this very confidence in the act-

ive role of a German God in German affairs that supported the German male

in his pursuit of German greatness. And he was satisfied only with

victory in this pursuit, but, in the highest tradition of devotion to the

German ideal, victory with honor, or the death of the free. Ernst M.

Arndt expressed it beautifully when he said: "We'll vanquish, or seek in

the grave the pillow of the free." God was the German's inspiration and

his final goal. The unity that he sought always led eventually to a

union with his God. There was even a semblance of unity of thought be-

tween Catholic Austria and Protestant Prussia through the same type of

songs they sang. As the power of folk song and group singing took a firm

grip on the German culture the hymn-singing that was usually found in

Protestant congregations began to appear in Catholic Masses, as we found

in the folk tunes of Schubert's Deutsche Messe. The men of the nation

took a more active role in the church service than previously when a
 179

trained choir provided the music. Again the unity of a people raised its

noble voice in song through shared worship.

The most beautiful sharing of all, when the German ideal was pract-

iced to its fullest degree, was when the men of the German nation act-

ually raised their voices in the unison and harmony of song. For it was

the simple, beautiful settings of German folk songs that made it possible

for these men to create music together. The composers of the age under-

stood their people. For them they created the distinctly new form of the

German, male part-song from musical ingredients that were partly new and

partly those that had been used before but never in such unique combina-

tion. They created lyric German folk melodies of the new romantic

period, accompanied by clear and simple diatonic harmonies of the class-

ical past that fit the words of the poet with depth and meaning. Just as

the German people sought a unity that joined their monarchical traditions

of the past with the exciting social progress of the future, so did the

poets and composers seek a union of Teutonic tradition with the national

and social innovations of a new age in their songs for the male chorus.

Here was a music that all could sing. Here were songs with meaning for

all classes of German men. Here was a valuable and precious tool for the

organization of the male chorus to use for the responsible betterment of

all its citizens through the leadership of the middle class. Here was

the cohesive element that was to carry the German nation to a unified

Empire and to its true greatness. Here was the outward expression of a

great people's deep religious faith. Here, in the rich and resonant

sound of German male voices, was the ideal expression of the character

of a people.
 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

The present investigation opens up a variety of possibilities for

further research in the history and development of the male chorus. A

most natural follow-up study would be to examine the growth and develop-

ment of the male chorus in the second half of the nineteenth century.

The investigation could then be broadened to include a study of the

male chorus in Germany today.

One related study which seems very fascinating to this writer

would be to examine the motives for joining a male chorus among the men

in American communities today and to examine the relationship, if any,

to the motives of the original German male chorus of the early nine-

teenth century. A sound reason exists for such conjecture. During the

1840's three different male choruses existed in the German town of

Quincy, Illinois. Today, one hundred and twenty years later, there is

one male chorus and one barbershop glee club in this same city. Although

these are relatively new groups, male choruses have existed in this

community, off and on, since the time of the 1840's when the choruses

were thoroughly German. The history of German male choruses in the

United States would make a worthwhile study in itself. Even today a

Liedertafel society exists in the city of Chicago, Illinois.

A study could also be made of the great volume of music composed

for male chorus during the nineteenth century. As we discovered in this

investigation there were many reasons over and above the musical ones

for the composition of the hundreds of songs for male voices in Germany

from 1800-1850. The strangely fascinating reasons that drew German men

together in song during those momentous years lead this writer to believe

that there is an underlying social force that brings men together to

 181

sing, and that the dual, socio-musical role of the male chorus makes

it unique among musical groups and an active participant in the

social history of mankind.

i
 182

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 184

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MALE CHORUS SONGS

Fink, G.W., Musikalischer Hausschatz, Eine Sammlung von uber 1100 Liedern
und Gesangen mit Singweisen und Klavierbegleitung, Verlag
des Musikalischen Hausschatz, Leipzig

A. Vaterlands»und Heimatslieder

Deutschland. Deutschland. Uber Alles, Heinrich Hoffmann von Fal-

lersleben (1798-1874); Melody by Franz Joseph Haydn (1732-1809);
No. 269
Deutsche Liebe zur Freiheit, Max von Schenkendorf (1783-1817);
G. August Grosz (1799-1840); No. 394
Manner und Buben. Theodor Korner (1791-1813); Karl Maria von
Weber (1786-1826); No. 410

B. Studentenlieder

Integer Vitae-Hier in des Abends. Quintus Horatius Flaccus (65-8,

B.C.); Christian Schulz (1773-1827); Friedrich Flemming, 1811
(1778-1813); No. 496
Gaudeamus Igitur, Eighteenth Century Melody; Author Unknown;
No. 497
 186

Husarenlied, Studentenlied, Karl Maria von Weber (1786-1826);

No. 500
Studentengrusz oder Guten Morgen. Schwarz; F. Berner; No. 517

C. Soldaten»und Jagerlieder

Reiterlied, Theodor Korner (1791-1813); Karl Maria von Weber

(1786-1826); 1814; No. 599
Der Ja'ger Abschied. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff, 1810 (1788-
1857); Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 1841 (1809-1847); No. 636

D. Liedertafel^und Gesellschaftslieder

Freie Kunst. Ludwig Uhland (1787-1862); Christian Schulz (1773-

1827); No. 680
T r i n k l i e d . Karl Friedrich Z e l t e r (1758-1832) - Words and Music;
No. 703
Germania, Lied der studenten aus Kaiser Friedrich in Prag von
Gustav Klihne; Heinrich Marschner, 1820 (1795-1861); No. 802
Liedertafel. K. Kretschmann; Karl Maria von Weber (1786-1826);
No. 813

E. Minnelieder

Wie der Tag mir Scheichet, Dasselbe Lied; Friedrich Schneider

(1786-1853); No. 945

F. Lieder zum Peise der Natur

Fruhlingsglaube, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832);

R. Tschirch; No. 999

G. Erbauungslieder

Sonntagslied, Ludwig Uhland, 1805 (1787-1862); Conradin Kreutzer,

1821 (1780-1849); No. 1006

Helm, J., Volksgesange fur den Mannerchor. Liederbuch fur Schule, Haus
und Verein, P. Pabst, Musikalienhandlung, Leipzig, 1902

Glaube. Liebe. Hoffnung. Steiner; Conradin Kreutzer (1783-1849);

No. 11
Christenglaube. Blasz; Hans Georg Nageli (1773-1836); No. 14
Wie lieb lich ist deine Wohnung. Nach Psalm 84; Bernhard Klein
(1793-1832); No. 15
Gott ist mein Lied. Christian Fiirchtegott Gellert (1715-1769);
Ludwig van Beethoven (1770-1827); No. 28
Verlasz mich nicht! Christian Hohlfeld; Wilhelm Greef; No. 30
Ruhe Sanft, Johann Heinrich Vosz (1751-1826); Hans Georg Nageli
(1773-1836); No. 40

An das Vaterland. Ludwig Uhland (1/87-1862); Conradin Kreutzer

(1783-1849); No. 41
Schlachtgebet. Theodor Korner (1791-1813); Friedrich Heinrich
Himmel (1765-1814); No. 44
 187

Buruf an's Vaterland. Karl Gb'ttling (1793-1870); Hans George

Nageli (1773-1836); No. 46
Nationalgesang. Hans George Nageli (1773-1836) - words and
music; No. 47
Was brausest du mein lunges Blut? A. Burkhardt (1805-1882);
Albert Methfessel (1785-1869); No. 48
Das Vaterland. Pfeiffer; Hans Georg Na'geli (1773-1836); No. 49
Lied der Freiheit. Johann Ulrich Hegner (1759-1810); Conradin
Kreutzer (1783-1849); No. 50
Dem Vaterland. Robert Reinick (1805-1852); Franz Abt (1819-1885);
No. 51
Vaterlandsliebe, Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-1874);
Xaver Iten^ 1820; No. 53
Schwur frefer Manner. Lange, Nach dem Bachuschor aus Antigone;
Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1809-1847); No. 56
Ein Mann Ein Wort. Frauenstein; Heinrich Marschner (1795-1864);
No. 57
Kriegslied, Leonhard Widmer (1808-1870); Franz Abt, 1819; No. 61
Hinaus in die F e m e . Albert Methfessel (1785-1869) - words and
music; No. 62
Deutsches Lied. Emanuel Geibel; Friedrich Hegar, 1841; No. 66
Die Trompete von Gravelotte, Ferdinand Freiligrath; Friedrich
Hegar, 1841; No. 68
Wer ist frei? Georg Herwegh (1817-1875); Wilhelm Baumgartner
(1820-1867); No. 71
Mannesgrosze. Pfeiffer; Hans Georg. Nageli (1773-1836); No. 80
Das Lied vom Rhein. Maximilian von Schenkendorf (1784-1817);
Hans Georg Na'geli (1773-1836); No. 84
Das Vaterland, Leonhard Wachter (1762-1837); Ernst Methfessel,
1811; No. 88
Gutenberg, Georg Herwegh (1817-1875); Wilhelm Baumgartner (1820-
1867); No. 90
Heimkehr, Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben; Friedrich Hegar,
1841; No. 94
Des Kriegers Bachtwache. Hans Jakob Boszhardt, 1823; Johann
Friedrich Reichardt (1752-1814); No. 100
Lied der Deutschen in der Fremde, Nach Stoltz; Felix Mendelssohn-
Bartholdy (1809-1847); No. 101
Nur in Deutschland. Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-
1874); Julius Stern, 1820; No. 102

Der Wirtin Tochterlein, Volksweise von Silcher (1789-1860);

Ludwig Uhland (1787-1862); No. 116
Der Gemsjager, Gottlieb Jakob Kuhn (1775-1825); Ferdinand Huber
(1791-1863); No. 117
Klage. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff (1788-1857); Johann Ludwig
Friedrich Gluck (1793-1840); No. 118
Aennchen von Tharau. Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744-1803),
nach einem Volkslied von Simon Dach (1605-1659); nach Friedrich
Silcher (1789-1860); No. 120
Blumlein auf der Heide. Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-
1874); Franz Abt (1819-1885); No. 123
Kennst du das Land, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832);
Wilhelm Baumgartner (1819-1867); No. 132
 188

Wohin mit der Freud'? Robert Reinick (1805-1852); Friedrich

Silcher (1789-1860); No. 143
Lebe Wohl. Ludwig Uhland (1787-1862); Karl Amand Mangold, 1813;
No. 156
Wanderlied. Wilhelm Muller (1794-1827); Wilhelm Fischer; No. 158
Gottesrat und Scheiden. Ernst von Feuehtersleben (1806-1849);
Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1809-1847); No. 159
Scheiden. Karl Wilhelm (1815-1873); Emanuel Geibel (1815-1884);
No. 16?
Abschiedslied. Justinus Kerner (1786-1862); Ernst Julius Otto,
1804; No. 164
Wanderlied, Aus Preziosa von Pius Alexander Wolf (1784-1828);
Karl Maria von Weber (1786-1826); No. 169
Einladung in's Freie. Lips; Hans Georg Nageli (1773-1836); No.
170
Fruhlingsahnung. Karl Maria von Weber (1786-1826); No. 173
Frtfhlingszeit. Aus Mirza Schaffn von Friedrich Bodenstedt, 1819;
Karl Wilhelm (1815-1873); No. 175
Fruhlinmgrusz, Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-1874);
Robert Schumann (1810-1856); No. 178
Grusz an den Wald, Wilhelm Osterwald; Robert Franz, 1815; No. 180
Sommerlied, Strophe 1 und 3: Johann Wolfgang von Goethe; Strophe
2: Heinrich Grunholzer; Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1809-1847);
No. 181a
Erstes Grun, Justinus Kerner (1786-1862); Robert Schumann (1810-
1856); No. 191
Roslein im Wald. Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben; C. Ludwig
Fischer, 1816; No. 192
Wandrer's Nachtgebet, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832);
Karl Maria von Weber (1786-1826); No. 195
Abendlied, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832); Friedrich
Kuhlau (178b-1832); No. 196
Zur Nacht? Theodor Korner (1791-1813); Franz Joseph Fischer;
No. 202
Koam' in die stille Nacht. Robert Reinick (1805-1852); Ludwig
van Beethoven (1770-1827); No. 204

Schifferlied, Karl Eckert, 1820; No. 213

Mein ganzer Reichtum ist mein Lied, Georg Herwegh (1817-1875);
Wilhelm Baumgartner (1820-1867); No. 215
Der Kb'nig in Thule, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832);
Ignaz Heim (1813-1880); No. 217
Br'iider lagert euch im Kreise. Volksweise; Altes Burschenlied;
No. 222
Bringt mir Blut der edlen Reben, Ernst M. Arndt (1769-1860) -
words and music; No. 223
Jetzt schwingen wir den Hut, Johann Peter Hebel (1760-1828);
Carl Zb'llner (1800-1860); No. 227
Pflanzt die Glaser auf den Tisch. Karl Haser, 1812; No. 230
Bruder, laszt uns lustig sein. Heinrich Marschner (1796-1861);
No. 231
Bringt Weinl Wilhelm Muller (1794-1827); Wilhelm Eichler (1810-
1867); No. 236
 189

Liliencron, R.F. von, Volksliederbuch fur Mannerchor. Herausgegeben auf

Veranlassung seiner Majestat des Deutschen Kaisers
Wilhelm I I , C.F. Peters, Leipzig, 1906
Vol. I
A. Geistliche Lieder

Die Ehre Gottes aus der Natur, Christian Furchtegott Gellert, 1757
(1715-1769); Ludwig van Beethoven, 1803 (1770-1827); No. 43
Gottes Macht und Vorsehung. Christian Furchtegott Gellert, 1757
(1715-1769); Ludwig van Beethoven, 1803 (1770-1827), No. 44
Motette. Matthias Claudius, 1783 (1743-1815); Hans Georg Nageli
(1773-1836); No. 45
Selig sind die Toten. Aus der heiligen Schrift; Louis Spohr, 1825
(1784-1859); Aus dem Uratorium: Die letze Dinge; No. 46
Der Herr ist mein Hirt. Nach Psalm 23, Bernhard Klein, Op. 23,
No. 4 (1793-1832); No. 49
Die heilige Nacht. Josef Mohr, 1818 (1792-1848); Melodie von
Franz Gruber, 1818 (1787-1863); No. 77

B. E m s tes und Erbauliches

Lied der Parzen. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Aus Iphigenie auf
Tauris. 1779 (1749-1832); Johann Friedrich Reichardt, vor 1809
(1752-1814); No. 101
Scha'fers Sonntagslied. Ludwig Uhland, 1805 (1787-1862); Conradin
Kreutzer, 1821 (1780-1849); No. 105
Es ist bestimmt in Gottes Rat, Ernst Freiherr von Feuchtersleben,
vor 1826 (1806-1849); Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 1839 (1809-
1847); Op. 47; No. 107
Neujanrslied, Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben, 28 D e c , 1841
(1798-1874); Ludwig Erk, 1845 (1807-1883); No. 110
Pilgerchor. Richard Wagner, 1845 (1813-1883), Aus der Oper
Tannhauser; No. Ilia

C. Vaterland und Heimat

Das Lied vom Rhein, Max von Schenkendorf, 1814 (1784-1817); Hans
Georg Nageli, 1815 (1773-1836); No. 120
Die neuen Pfingsten, Wilhelm Bornemann, 1809 (1767-1851); Ludwig
Berger (1777-1839); Op. 46; No. 121
Vaterlandslied. Ernst M. Arndt, 1812 (1769-1860); Albert Meth-
fessel, 1818 (1785-1869); No. 122
Deutsches Weihelied, Matthias Claudius, 1772 (1740-1815); Albert
Methfessel, 1811 (1785-1869); No. 123
Fruhlingsgrusz an das Vaterland, Max von Schenkendorf, 1814 (1783
-1817); Bernhard Klein, 1817 (1793-1832); No. 126
An das Vaterland. Ludwig Uhland, 1814 (1787-1862); Conradin
Kreutzer (1780-1849); Op. 24; No. 128
An Deutschland. Heinrich Marschner, 1829 (1795-1861); Aus der
Oper Der Templer and die Judin, Ursprunglicher Text: Wer ist der
Ritter hochgeehrt; No. 130
 190

Rheinweinlied. Georg Herwegh, 1840 (1817-1875); Felix Mendel*

ssohn-Bartholdy, 1844 (1809-1847); Op. 76, No. 2; No. 132
Der deutsche Rhein, Nicolaus Becker, 1840 (1809-1845); Robert
Schumann, 1840 (1810-1856); No. 133
Auf der Wanderung. Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben, 1824
(1798-1874); Johaness Du'rner (1810-1859); No. 134
Des Deutschen Vaterland. Ernst M. Arndt, 1813 (1769-1860);
Gustav Reichardt, 1825 (1797-1884); Op. 7 No. 3; No. 135
Die Wacht am Rhein, Max Schneckenburger, 1840 (1819-1849);
Karl Wilhelm, 1854 (1815-1873); No. 138
Muttersprache. Max von Schenkendorf, 1814 (1783-1817); Friedrich
Hegar (geb. 1841); No. 153

D. Natur

Nachtgesang, Franz Xaver Wagner von Laufenburg (1805-1879); Hans

Georg Nageli (1773-1836); No. 166
Jagerchor. Nach Helmina von Chezy, 1823 (1783-1856); Karl Maria
von Weber, 1823 (1786-1826); Aus der Oper Euryanthe; No. 167
Fruhlingslied. Strophe 1 von Friedrich Kind (1768-1843); Karl
Maria von Weber, 1818 (1786-1826); Op. 53, No. 2; No. 168
Lorelei. Heinrich Heine, 1823 (1797-1856); Friedrich Silcher,
1837-1839 (1789-1860); No. 172
Die Kapelle. Ludwig Uhland, 1805 (1787-1862); Conradin Kreutzer,
1824 (1780-1849); No. 174
Die Kapelle. Karl Bridenstein, 1818 (1796-1876); Conradin Kreut-
zer, 1824 (1780-1849); No. 175
An den Sonnenscheinl Robert Reinick, 1838 (1805-1852); Robert
Schumann, 1840 (1810-1856); No. 181
Die Rose stand im Tau, Friedrich Rlickert (1788-1866) ; Robert
Schumann, 1847 (1810-1856); Op. 65, No. 1; No. 182
Abendlied. Untergelegter Text, Verfasser unbekannt; Robert Schu-
mann, 1849 (1810-1856); Op. 85, No. 12; No. 183
Morgenlied. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff, vor 1837; Julius
Rietz (1812-1877); No. 185
Marznacht. Ludwig Uhland, 1810 (1787-1862); Conradin Kreutzer,
Op. 24 (1780-1849); No. 199

E. Wandern und Abschied

Per frohe Wandersmann, Joseph F r e i h e r r von Eichendorff, 1823

(1788-1857); Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1809-1847); Op. 75,
No. 1; No. 219
Comitat. Heinrich Hoffmann von F a l l e r s l e b e n , 1846 (1798-1874);
F e l i x Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1809-1847); Op. 76, No. 4; No. 220
Wanderschaft. Wilhelm Muller, 1817 (1794-1827); Karl F r i e d r i c h
Zb'llner (1800-1860); No. 224

F. Soldatenlieder

Der Schweizer. Achim von Arnim und Clemens Brentano, 1806, nach
einem Volksliede, Friedrich Silcher, um 1836 (1789-1860); No. 246
Gesang ausziehender Krieger. Albert Methfessel, 1813 (1785-1869)
- words and music; No. 252
 191

Gebet vor der Schlacht. Theodor Korner, 1813 (1791-1813); Karl

Maria von Weber, 1814 (1786-1826); No. 253
Lutzow's Wilde Jagd. Theodor Korner, 1813 (1791-1813); Karl
Maria von Weber, 1814 (1786-1826); No. 254
Schwertlied. Theodor Kfirner, 1813 (1791-1813); Karl Maria von
Weber, 1814 (1786-1826); No. 255
Theodor Korner. Friedrich Forster, 1813 (1792-1868); Ludwig
Berger (1777-1839); No. 257
Blucher am Rhein. August Kopisch, 1836 (1799-1853); Karl Gottlieb
Reissiger, 1840 (1798-1859); Op. 157, No. 1; No. 258
Kriegetchor, E. Gehe, 1822 (1793-1850); Ludwig Spohr, 1822 (1784-
1859), aus der Oper Jessonda; No. 259
Der Soldat. Adelbert von Chamisso, 1832 (1781-1838), nach Hans
Christian Andersen; Friedrich Silcher, 1839 (1789-1860); No. 260
Fredericks Rex. Wilibald Alexis, 1831 (1798-1871); Karl Loewe,
1837 (1796^1869); Op. 61a; No. 261
Schlachthymne. Richard Wagner, nach E.L. Bulwer, 1842 (1813-1883)
aus der Oper Rienzi; No. 263a
Der gute Kamerad. Ludwig Uhland, 1809 (1787-1862); Volksweise,
bearbeitet nach Friedrich Silcher; No. 274

G. Lieder der Jager, Schiffer. Bauern. Bergleute

Jagers Liebeslied. Franz von Schober, 1826 (1798-1882); Komponist

unbekannt; No. 290
Sturmbeschworung. Johannes Falk, 1816 (1768-1826); Johannes
Diirrner (1810-1859); No. 304.
Lied er Steuermanns, Richard Wagner, 1843 (1813-1883), aus der
Oper Der fliegende Hollander; No. 304a
Lied der Matrosen, From: Same opera; No. 304b
Bauernklage (Das Sumberger Bauerl), Salzburger Volkslied; No. 306
Glu'ck Auf t (Bergmannslied); Volksweise aus dem Siebenbirge;
No. 308

Liliencron, R.F. von, Volksliederbuch fur Mannerchor, Vol. I I

H. Festlieder

L i e d e s f r e i h e i t , Ludwig Schnabel, 1821 (1792-nach 1845); Heinrich

Marschner (1795-1861); Op. 75, No. 1; No. 312
Lied an d i e Deutschen in Lyon. Friedrich Stoltze (1816-1891);
Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 1846 (1809-1847); Op. 75, No. 3;
No. 314
Lasst Lautenspiel und Becherklang, Friedrich Riickert (1788-1866);
Robert Schumann, 1847 (1810-1856); Op. 65, No. 2; No. 317

I. Gesellige und Trinklieder

Ewiger Wechsel. August von Kotzebue, 1802 (1761-1819); Friedrich

Heinrich Himmel, 1803 (1765-1814); No. 335
Freut euch des Lebens. Martin Usteri, 1793 (1763-1827); Hans
Georg Na'geli, 1795 (1773-1836); No. 336
Tischlied. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 1802 (1749-1832); Max
Eberwein, 1810 (1775-1831); No. 339
 192

Bundeslied. Ernst M. Arndt, 1815 (1769-1860); Georg Friedrich

Hanitsch, 1815 (1790-1865); No. 342
Frisch gesungen. Adelbert von Chamisso, 1829 (1781-1838); Frie-
drich Silcher (1789-1860); No. 341
Bundeslied. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 1775 (1749-1832); Karl
Friedrich Zelter, 1799 (1758-1832); No. 340
Trinklied, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 1814 (1749-1832); Felix
Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, J837 (1809-1847); Op. 75, No. 3; No. 350
Abschiedstafel. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff, 1813 (1788-1857)
Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 1844 (1809-1847); Op. 75, No. 4;
No. 351
Turkisches Schenkenlled, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 1815 (1749-
1832); Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 1838 (1809-1847); Op. 50,
No. 1; No. 352
Trinklied. Wilhelm August Wohlbruck, 1829 (1796-1848); Heinrich
Marschner, 1829 (1795-1861), aus der Oper Der Vaapyr: No. 355
Tunnel-Festiled, Karl Herlossohn (1804-1849); Heinrich Marschner,
1828 (1795-1861); Op. 46, No. 1; No. 356
Wanderlied. Justinus Kerner, 1809 (1786-1862); Robert Schumann,
1840 (1810-1856); No. 353
Wir sind nicht Mumien. Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben, 1841
(1798-1874); Franz Liszt (1811-1886); No. 357

J. Liebeslieder

Die schflne Nacht. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 1769 (1749-1832);

Johann Friedrich Reichardt, 1809 (1752-1814); No. 429
Das Herz, Franz von Kobell, 1841 (1803-1882); Friedrich Silcher,
1843-1846 (1789-1860); No. 434
Wasserfahrt, Heinrich Heine, 1823 (1797-1856); Felix Mendelssohn-
Bartholdy (1809-1847); Op. 50, No. 4; No. 441
Abendstahdchen, Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff, 1815 (1788-1856)
Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 1839 (1809-1847); Op. 75, No. 2;
No. 442
Wunderbar ist mir geschehn, Friedrich Ruckert (1788-1866);
Moritz Hauptmann (1792-1868); Op. 49, No. 12; No. 444
Treue Liebe. Helmina von Chezy, 1812 (1783-1856); Friedrich
Kucken (1810-1832); No. 446
Ich halte ihr die Augen zu. Heinrich Heine, 1832 od. 1833 (1797-
1856); Robert Volkmann (1815-1883); Op. 30, No. 3; No. 447
Untreue. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff, 1810 (1788-1857);
Friedrich Gluck, 1814 (1793-1840); No. 491

K. Balladen

Die Baurln und der R i t t e r , W. von Zuccalmafelio, 1840 (1803-1869)

- words and music; bearbeitung von Georg Schumann, Op. 4 3 ,
No. 14; No. 571
Scho'n-Rohtraut. Eduard Morike, 1837 (1804-1875); W.H. Veit
(1806-1864); Op. 46, No. 3 ; No. 573
 193

L. Scherz-und Spottlieder

Schlechte Besserung. W. von Zuccalmaglio, 1840, nach einem Volks-

liede (1803-1869); words and music; bearbeitung von Georg
Schumann, Op. 43, No. 9; No. 584
Meister und Gesell. Nach J.K. Grubel, vor 1800 (1736-1809); Karl
Friedrich Zelter (1758-1832); No. 589
Eplphanias (Die heiligen drei Kb'nige), Johann Wolfgang von
Goethe, 1781 (1749-1832); Karl Friedrich Zelter, 1810 (1758-
1832); No. 590
Kloster Grabow, Friedrich Riickert (1788-1866); Karl Loewe,
1843 (1796-1869); Op. 84; No. 591
Der Kafer und die Blume. Casar von Lengerke (1803-1855); W.H.
Veit (1806-1864); No. 593
Die Nachtigall, Volkslied; Badische Volksweise, bearbeitet von
Georg Schumann, Op. 43, No. 17; No. 601

Schubert, Franz, Chorwerke fur Ma'nnerchor, The Complete Works for Male
Chorus (43); Alfred Dorffel; C.F. Peters, Leipzig

Op. 11, Nr. 1 - Das Dorfchen; Chor mit Klavier; T: Burger; p. 2

Op. 11, Nr. 2 - Die Nachtigall: Chor mit Klavier; T: Unger; p. 7
Op. 11, Nr. 3 - Geist der Liebe; Chor mit Klavier; T: Matthisson;
p. 12
Op. 16, Nr. 1 - Fruhlingslied; Chor mit Klavier; T: Matthisson;
p. 16
Op. 16, Nr. 2 - Naturgenusz; Chor mit Klavier; T: Schober; p. 22
Op. 17, Nr. 1 - Jtinglingswonne; Chor a capella; T: Matthisson; p. 26
Op. 17, Nr. 2 - Liebe; Chor a capella; T: Schiller; p. 27
Op. 17, Nr. 3 - Zum Rundtanz; chor a capella; p. 27
Op. 17, Nr. 4 - Die Nacht; Chor a capella; p. 28
Op. 26, Nr. 3 - Geisterchor aus dem drama Rosamunde; Chor mit
Blasinstr.; T: Chezy; p. 29
Op. 28 - Per Gondelfahrer; Chor mit Klavier; T: Mayrhofer;
p. 32
Op. 52, Nr. 3 - Bootgesang aus Fraulein vom See; Chor mit Klavier;
T: Walter Scott; p. 37
Op. 64, Nr. 1 - Wehmut; Chor a capella; T: Hutenbrenner; p. 40
Op. 64, Nr. 2 - Ewige Liebe; Chor a capella; T: Schulze; p. 43
Op. 64, Nr. 3 - Flucht; Chor a capella; T: Lappe; p. 47
Op. 81, Nr. 3 - Zur guten Nacht; Bariton solo, chor mit Klavier;
T: Rochlitz; p. 52
Op. 102 - Mondenschein; Chor mit Klavier (ad lib.); T: Scho-
ber; fur funf stimmen; p. 53
Op. 105 - Widerspruch; Chor mit Klavier; T: Seidl; p. 58
Op. 132 - Gott aeine Zuversicht; Chor mit Klavier; T: Psalm
23; p. 62
Op. 134 - Nachthelle; Tenor solo, chor mit Klavier; T: Seidl;
p. 82
Op. 135 - Standchen; Alt oder Bariton solo, chor mit Klavier;
T: Grillparzer; p. 74
Op. 139 - Nachtgesang im Walde; Chor mit vier Hornen; T:
Seidl; p. 82
Op. 149 - Salve Regina; Chor mit Orgel; p. 93
 194

Op. 151 - Schlachtlied; Fur acht stimmen chor mit Klavier

oder Harmonium; T: Klopstock; p. 98
Op. 154 - Hymnet Vier soli, chor und Blasinstr.; T: Schmiedel;
p. 104
Op. 155 - Trinklied aus dem 14, Jahrhundert; chor mit Klavier;
aus dem Werke: Historische Antiquitaten von Ritt-
graff; p. 113
Op. 156 - Nachtmusik; Chor mit Klavier; T: Seckendorf; p. 116
Op. 167 - Gesang der Geister uber den Wassern; chor mit Strei-
chern; fur acht stimmen; T: Goethe; p. 121
Deutsche Messe; Chor a capella; T: Johann Philipp
Neumann; Zum Eingang; Zum Gloria; Zum Credo; Zum
Offertorium; Zum Sanctus; Nach der Wandlung; Zum
Agnus Dei; Schlussgesang; ps. 138-142
Der Entfernten; chor a capella; p. 143
Im Gegenwartigen Vergangenes; Tenor solo, chor und
Klavier; T: Goethe; p. 144
Lob der Eisamkeit; Chor a capella; T: Sails; p. 151
Wein und Liebe; Chor a capella; T: Haug.; p. 151
Grab und Mond; Chor a capella; T: Seidl; p. 155
Ruhe. schb'nstes Glu'ck der Erde; Chor a capella;
p. 156
Trinklied; Tenor solo, chor und Klavier; p. 158
Op. 131, Nr. 2 Trinklied; Tenor solo, chor und Klavier; T: Johann
Gottfried von Herder; p. 160
Trinklied; Bariton solo, chor und Klavier; T: Johann
Gottfried von Herder; p. 161
Klage um Aly Bey; Chor mit Klavier; T: Claudius;
p. 163

ANHANG
La pastorella; Chor mit Klavier; T: Goldoni; p . 164
Der Geistertanz; Chor a capella; T: Mathhisson;
p . 167
Lied im Freien; Chor a capella; T: Sails; p. 169
An den Frtthling; Chor a capella; T: Friedrich von
Schiller; p. 174

Schumann, Robert, The Complete Works for Male Chorus (18), Verlag von
Breitkopf und Hartel, Leipzig

Op. 33 - Sechs Lieder fiir vierstimmigen Mannergesang, Doktor K.

Stein gewidmet; Der traumende See; Die Minnesahger; Die
Lotosblume; Der Zecher als Doktrinair; Rastlose Liebe;
Frdhlingsglocken; Mosen, Heine, Heine, Mosen, Goethe
and Reinick.
Op. 62 - Drei Lieder Fur Ma'nnerchor: Der Eidgenossen Nachwache;
Freiheitslied; Schlachtgesang; Eichendorff, Ruckert and
Klopstock; 1847
Op. 65 - Ritomelle von Friedrich Ruckert, in canonischen Weisen
fur mehrstimmigen Mannergesang; dem Dichter in Verehrung
zegueignet; 1847
 195

Op. 93 - Motette: Verzweifle nicht im Schmerzensthai, von Friedrich

Rttckert; fur doppelten Ma'nnerchor mit begleitung des Or-
chesters und der Orgel (ad lib.) (A cap., 1849; fur Orch.,
1852)
Op. 137 - Jefgdlieder. funf gesSnge aus H. Laube's Lagdbrevier, fur
vierstimmigen Ma'nnerchor mit begleitung von vier Hb'rnen
ad lib.: Zur h'ohen Jagd; Habet Acht!; Jagdmorgen; Frifhe;
Bei der Flasche; 1849
Das Gluck von Edenhall; Ballade nach Ludwig Uhland bear-
beitet von L. Hasenclever; fur Mannerstimmen, soli und
chor, mit begleitung des Orchesters; 1853

MALE CHORUSES FROM LARGER MUSICAL WORKS

Beethoven, Ludwig van, Fidelio, G. Schirmer, Inc., New York

Chorus of Guards: Er spricht von Tod und Wunde, No. 7, Act I

Chorus of Prisoners: 0 Welche Lust, Finale-Chorus, No. 10, Act I

Liszt, Franz, Arbeiterchor, Zenemukiako Vallalat, Budapest, Hungary

Chor fur Mannerstimmen (3), Bass-Solo und Orchester; Instrumenteirt

von Leo Weiner

Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, Festgesang an die Kunstler, R. King Music

Co., North Easton, Mass.

Op. 68: Male Chorus, male quartet and thirteen brass instruments

Weber, Karl Maria von, Der Freischutz, G. Schirmer, Inc., New York

Jagerchor: Was gleicht wohl auf Erden, No. 15, Act III

ADDITIONAL SONG BOOKS

Erk, Ludwig, Herausgegeben von, Germania-Deutsches Volksgesangbuch;

Verlag von Otto Janke; Berlin, 1868

Hartel, August, Herausgegeben von, Deutsches Liederlexicon; Eine Sammlung

der besten und beliebtesten Lieder und Gesange des
deutschen Volkes, mit begleitung des pianoforte; Driick
und Verlag von Philipp Reclamjun, 1890

Klaasz, Robert, Herausgegeben von, Das Goldene Buch der Lieder, Volks
und Volkstumliche Lieder; Globus Verlag G.M.B.H.;
Berlin, 1934
 196

ADDITIONAL REFERENCES

BOOKS

Baedeker, Karl, Southern Germany - 1895, Northern Germany - 1900,

Handbook for Travelers, Karl Baedeker, Pub., Leipzig

Baring-Gould, S., Germany Present and Past. Dodd, Mead & Co., New York

Bie, Oscar, Schubert the Man, J. Curwen & Sons, London, 1925

Boyesen, Hjalmar H., Essays on German Literature. Charles Scribner's

Sons, New York, 1892
Brooks, C.T., German Lyrics. Ticknor, Reed & Fields, Boston, 1853

Schiller's Homage to the Arts. James Miller, Pub.,

New York, 1846

Calvin, Thomas, A History of German Literature, D. Appleton & Co.,

New York, 1909

Collier, P., Germany and the Germans, Charles Scribner's Sons,

New York, 1913

Frost, H.F., Great Musicians Schubert, Sampson Low, Marston & Co.,
London, 1899

Hellborn, Kreissle von, Life of Franz Schubert, Longmans, Green & Co.,
Vol. I & II, London, 1869

Herford, C.H., Germany i n the Nineteenth Century, Manchester U. P r e s s ,

London, 1915

Herbert, May ( T r . ) , L e t t e r s of Robert Schumann. George Bell & Sons,

London, 1888

Huch, R., Bluthezeit der Romantik, Verlag von H. Hassel, Leipzig, 1901

Jahoda, M., Deutsch, M. Se Cook, S.W., Research Methods in Social Rela-

tions , Dryden Press, New York, 1951

Johnson, A.C., Peasant Life in Germany, Charles Scribner's Sons,

New York, 1858

Klenze, Camillo von, From Goethe to Hauptmann, The Viking Press,

New York, 1926

Krause, Georg, Geschichte des Musikalischen Lebens in der Evangelischen

Kirche Westfalens von der Reformation bis zur Gegenwart,
In Barenreiter-Verlag zu Kassel, 1932
 197

Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Dr. Karl, Goethe & Mendelssohn. Translated by M.E.

von Glehn, Macmillan & Co., London, 1874

Moser, Hans Joachim, Geschichte der deutschen Musik, J.G. Cottasche

Buchhandlung Nachfolger Stuttgart und Berlin, 1928

Mustard, H.M., Lyric Cycle in German Literature, King's Crown Press,

Morningside Heights, New York, 1946

Pinnow, Hermann, History of Germany, Translated by M.R. Brailsford,

The Macmillan Co., New York, 1941

Reissmann, August, Robert Schumann—Sein Leben und seine Werke. Verlag

von I. Guttentag, Berlin, 1871

Robinson, J.H., The Restoration and the European Policy of Metternich -

1814-1820. Dept. of History, U. of Pennsylvania, Vol. I,
No. 3, Longmans, Green & Co., New York

Rockstro, W.S.. Great Musicians Mendelssohn, Sampson Low, Marston & Co.
London

Schnabel, Franz, Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Herder,

Freiburg im Breisgau, 1948, Vol. I-IV

Stern, Alfred, Geschichte Europas seit den vertragen von 1815 bis zum
Frankfurter frieden vom 1871, Vol. I - X, W. Hertz,
Berlin, 1894

Stratton, Stephen S., Mendelssohn. J.M. Dent & Co., London, 1904

Stumme, Wolfgang, Herausgegeben von, Musik im Volk, Gegenwartsfragen der

Deutschen Musik, Chr. Friedrich Vieweg, Berlin-
Lichterfelde, 1944

Thomas, R. Hinton, Liberalism, Nationalism and the German Intellectuals.

W. Heffer & Sons, LTD., Cambridge, 1951

Tille, Alexander (Ed.), German Songs of Today, Macmillan & Co., New York,
1896

Wallace, Lady (Tr.), Letters of Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Longmans,

Green & Co., London, 1867

Wiener, A., Das Deutsche Kinderlied, 1904; Bauernlied, 1909; Jagerlied.

1911; Fuhrmannslied. 1913, Verlag des deutschen Vereines zur
Verbreitung gemeinutziger Kentnisse in Prag

DISSERTATIONS

Thomas, A.R., Development of American Male Glee Clubs. Col. U., N.Y., 1964

Westen, K.E. von, Die Klage im Neuren Deutsche Volkslied, Abstract, U. of

Illinois, for the degree of Ph.D. in German, 1937
 198

APPENDIX

Blommen, Heinz, Anfange und Entwichlung des Mannerchorwesen am Nieder-

rhein, Beitrage zur Rheinischen Musikgeschichte, Arno
Volk-Verlag Koln, 1960; p. 284

Programme des 1. deutsch-flemischen

Sahgerfestes 1846 in Koln:

A. Gesamtauffiihrung

1. Gebet fur das Vaterland, Doppelchor (nach Joh. Gabr. Seidl) von
Franz Weber "Neues, fur dieses Fest Komponiertes Werk"
2. Gott sei mir gnadig, Motette mit Orgelbegl. von Bernhard Klein
3. Meeresstille und gluckliche Fahrt, Chor mit Orch. Begl. von
Kapellmeister C.L. Fischer (Unter Leitung des Komponisten)
4. Hoch lebe deutscher Gesang, Doppelchor von Fr. Rochlitz
5. Jehova, dir frohlockt der Kdnig, Kantate mit Orch. Begl. von
Hofkapellmeister Fr. Schneider
6. An die Kunstler, Chor (nach Fr. Schiller) von Mendelssohn-Bartholdy
"Neues, fur dieses Fest Komponiertes Werk"
7. Te Deum Laudamus, Chor mit Orch, Begl. von Bernhard Klein
8. 0 Isis und Osiris, Chor mit Orch. Begl. von Mozart
9. Wo ist, so weit die Schopfung reicht, Hymne mit Orch. Begl. von
A. Neithardt
10. Bacchus-Chor aus "Antigone" mit Orch. Begl. von F. Mendelssohn-
Bartholdy

B. Einzetvortrage (Nr. 1, 2, 8, 9 und 15 Gesamtchcfre)

1. Choral mit Orch. Begl. von Bernhard Klein

2. Herr unser Gott, Psalm von Kapellmeister Schnabel
3. Vlamische Vereine: Myn Vaderland, von Mengal
4. Mannergesangverein Diisseldorf: Mein Lieben, von Knappe
5. Liedertafel Trier: Vergisz mein nicht, von J.B. Hamm
6. Liedertafel Eberfeld: a) Im Walde, von W. Smits; b) Bauernregel,
von C, Kreutzer
7. Liedertafel Mainz: a) Hymne an Odin, von H.A. Kunz; b) Lenzfragen,
von Fr. Lachner
8. Rheinpreuszishes Kriegerlied, mit Orch, Begl von Franz Weber
9. Der Jager Abschied, von F. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy
10. Vlamische Vereine mit Kolner MGV: Rhyn en Scheldegamen (nach Pru-
dens von Duyse) von Rupr. J. van Maldeghem "Neu geschriebener
Chor"
11. Verbundete Mannergesangvereine Karlsruhe: Sangergrusz von Strausz
12. Liedertafel Minister: Spanische Conzonette, von C.G. Reichardt
13. L'unstliedertafel Diisseldorf: Der Ritter vom Rhein (nach Franz
Geibel), von C. Muller
14. Liedertafel Krefeld: Das Gebet der Erde, von A. Zb'llner
15. Des Deutschen Vaterland (nach E.M. Arndt), von Reichardt
 199

VITA

James Milton Brinkman was born on March 31, 1931, in Emporia,

Kansas. He attended Sacred Heart Elementary School for eight years.

His high school days were spent at St. Francis Seminary, Cincinnati,

Ohio. Before joining the Air Force for four years of service in 1951

he spent one year at Duns Scotus College, Detroit, Michigan, and one

semester at Kansas State Teachers College, Emporia, Kansas.

He received his B.S. in Music Education from Quincy College,

Quincy, Illinois, in 1957, and his M.S. in Music Education from the

U. of Illinois, Urbana, in 1960. He attended the U. of Chicago in

1960-1961 before returning to the U. of Illinois to complete his

doctoral work.

He taught in the Pearl City Public Schools in 1957-1958. He was

Choral Conductor at Joliet Catholic High School from 1958-1961 and

was organist and Choir Director during those same years at St. Mary

Nativity Church in Joliet, Illinois. He accepted his present position

of Assistant Professor of Music Education at Quincy College in 1961,

where he teaches music education classes, conducts the choral groups,

teaches voice and opera workshop, supervises practice teachers and

is advisor to undergraduate students in music education. He has

been active through the years in community musical groups and at present

is conductor of the Mart Heinen Male Chorus of Quincy, Illinois.