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TURKEY

HEIGHTENED REPRESSION BY
THE AUTHORITIES - A
SERIOUS SETBACK FOR
HUMAN RIGHTS

Expanded Amnesty International


Submission to the UN Universal
Periodic Review, January 2015
CONTENTS

Introduction .................................................................................................................2

Follow up to the previous review .....................................................................................2

Freedom of expression................................................................................................2

Torture and other ill-treatment ....................................................................................3

Independence and impartiality of the judiciary ..............................................................3

Human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons ........................3

The national human rights framework ..............................................................................3

Promotion and protection of human rights on the ground ..................................................4

Freedom of conscience, expression, association and assembly ........................................4

Torture and impunity..................................................................................................5

Independence and impartiality of the judiciary ..............................................................6

Human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons ........................6

Forced evictions ........................................................................................................6

Syrian refugees ..........................................................................................................7

Recommendations for action by the State under review .....................................................7

Endnotes .....................................................................................................................9

Annex ........................................................................................................................11
Turkey: Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

INTRODUCTION
This document is based on a submission prepared by Amnesty International for the
Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Turkey in January 2015. In it, Amnesty
International evaluates the implementation of recommendations made in the
previous cycle of the UPR, assesses the human rights situation on the ground, and
makes recommendations to the government of Turkey to address the key human
rights challenges with which it is faced.

The situation of human rights in Turkey has deteriorated markedly in several key
areas since its first review in 2010. Freedom of expression has been increasingly
denied, including online, excessive use of force has been employed with impunity in
response to peaceful street demonstrations deemed unlawful by the authorities,
including notably, the “Gezi Park” protests held across the country during June and
July 2013. The independence and impartiality of the judiciary has been
undermined. Concerns also persist in relation to the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and intersex persons and the right to conscientious objection to military
service. Laws relating to urban transformation fail to uphold Turkey’s obligations
under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and have
resulted in forced evictions.

Finally, while Amnesty International acknowledges Turkey’s considerable efforts to


address the needs of Syrian refugees, living conditions for refugees outside the
camps remain dire and require urgent action with the assistance of the international
community.

FOLLOW UP TO THE PREVIOUS REVIEW


FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
At its first UPR in 2010, Turkey accepted a number of recommendations on the
right to freedom of expression, including to guarantee this right for journalists,
writers and editors, and to adjust national legislation in line with international
human rights standards.1 However, respect for the right to freedom of expression
has deteriorated since the 2010 review. Despite a number of legislative
amendments to provisions frequently used to curtail freedom of expression,
restrictive laws remain on the statute books and are used to prosecute activists,
journalists, and others who criticise the government or who speak out on politically
sensitive issues. Prosecutions are also brought under anti-terrorism laws and articles
of the Penal Code that impose unjustifiable limits on the right to freedom of
expression or are broadly and vaguely worded so as to allow for abusive
prosecutions. Self-censorship in the mainstream media has increasingly become a
barrier to media freedom as editors and media owners seek to maintain good
relations with the government, with whom they may have business links. Journalists
report that their work has been censored or that they have been forced out of their
jobs to prevent criticism of the government. 2

Social media and other internet-based media have also come under increasing
pressure. In February 2014, the government passed amendments to the already
restrictive Internet Law which increased the powers of the authorities to block or
remove content.3 Twitter and YouTube Internet sites were arbitrarily blocked in March
2014 followed these changes. However, both blocking orders were subsequently lifted
following rulings by the Constitutional Court.

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Turkey: Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT


A number of states raised concerns regarding torture and other ill-treatment,
including impunity for the perpetrators of such treatment, and those
recommendations were accepted by Turkey. 4 Amnesty International welcomes the fact
that since the last UPR, there have been fewer reports of torture or other ill-treatment
in official places of detention. However, outside official places of detention ill-
treatment by law enforcement officials has increased, particularly during or following
street protests where excessive use of force by police officers against demonstrators
has become routine.

INDEPENDENCE AND IMPARTIALITY OF THE JUDICIARY


Turkey accepted a recommendation to ensure the independence of the judiciary; 5
however, rather than moving towards this aim, new legal changes, notably those made
to the Higher Council of Judges and Prosecutors, have instead limited the
independence and impartiality of the judiciary (see also below).6

HUMAN RIGHTS OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANSGENDER AND INTERSEX


PERSONS
Turkey accepted recommendations to guarantee non-discrimination on the basis of
sexual orientation or gender identity, and to ensure the enjoyment of their human
rights by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) individuals.7
However, despite these commitments, the government has failed to table
Constitutional amendments or domestic legislation to prohibit discrimination on
grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity. The absence of such legislation
presents a serious barrier to the enjoyment by LGBTI persons of their human rights.

THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS


FRAMEWORK
The promised overhaul of the Constitution has yet to be completed, leaving the
current Constitution out of line with Turkey’s international human rights obligations.
Moreover, despite a series of legislative amendments, provisions in the Penal Code
remain a barrier to freedom of expression in law and in practice.

In line with the commitment made during its first UPR,8 Turkey ratified the Optional
Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment in September 2012; however, nearly two years later it
remains unimplemented, with Turkey having failed to establish a national preventive
mechanism. Turkey has yet to ratify the Optional Protocol to the Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

The Ombudsman Institution, with the first Ombudsman appointed in November


2012, is a useful if under-utilised addition to Turkey’s human rights framework.
However, the National Human Rights Institution, also established in June 2012,
continues to lack guarantees of independence as well as resources and has so far
proved to be ineffective and irrelevant. The proposed Equality and Non-Discrimination
Institution and the independent police complaints mechanism have not been
introduced.

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Turkey: Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF HUMAN


RIGHTS ON THE GROUND
FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE, EXPRESSION AND ASSEMBLY
Turkey continues to repeatedly prosecute and imprison conscientious objectors
despite rulings by the European Court of Human Rights which have found Turkey’s
refusal to recognize the right to conscientious objection a violation of Article 9 of
the European Convention on Human Rights.9

Hundreds of abusive criminal prosecutions are brought every year against political
activists, human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers and others, under articles of
the Penal Code and anti-terrorism provisions. Such cases are generally brought
against individuals who criticize the state or express opinions contrary to official
positions on politically sensitive issues.

During 2014 there have been a number of unprecedented attacks on free


expression in the realm of social media. Changes to the Internet Law threaten the
rights to freedom of expression and to privacy.10 However, even these draconian
amendments could not justify the subsequent blocking orders against Twitter and
Facebook which remained in force despite court orders to lift them. The blocking
orders were eventually reversed following rulings from the Constitutional Court. 11

Criminal cases have also been brought against social media users in violation of
their right to freedom of expression. A standout case based entirely on tweets was
opened against 29 young people in the western city of İzmir for “inciting the public
to break the law”, under Article 217/1 of the Criminal Code. Three of the
defendants we also charged with defaming the Prime Minister. The tweets were sent
during the first weekend of the Gezı Park protests ın June 2013 and contained
information, such as where the police were using force against demonstrators and
available wireless passwords, or messages of support for the demonstrations. None
of the tweets in the indictment contained any incitement to violence or indication of
participation in violence. A number of the tweets were said to defame the Prime
Minister, who intervened in the case and was listed as a “victim”. The police
operation to arrest the social media users took place in June 2013, the day after
the Prime Minister notoriously referred to Twitter as “a menace”. At the third
hearing in July 2014, a local court in İzmir convicted three defendants of defaming
the Prime Minister, sentencing them to a fine suspended for five years, and
acquitting all of the defendants of the charge of “inciting the public to break the
law.”

The authorities brutally crushed the anti-government Gezi Park protests taking place
across Turkey in May, June and July 2013. Since then, there has been no
improvement in respect by the authorities of the right to take part in peaceful
assemblies. The police continue to use excessive and arbitrary force to prevent or
disperse demonstrations. Thousands of people have been prosecuted for taking part
in Gezi Park protests or other demonstrations. 12 The restrictive Law on Meetings and
Demonstrations, No. 2911, is central to the failure to uphold the right to freedom of
peaceful assembly in Turkey. The law regulates the conduct of the authorities and
protestors alike in relation to demonstrations.13 Its restrictive nature and arbitrary
application present a fundamental barrier to the exercise of the right to peaceful
assembly in Turkey. The authorities’ restrictive approach to peaceful assemblies was

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extensively criticized following the Gezi Park protests during the summer of 2013.
However, despite cosmetic changes in March 2014, the law remains highly
restrictive and its application by the authorities remains unchanged.

Article 3 of the law provides for the right of all persons to hold peaceful
demonstrations without obtaining prior permission.14 However, Article 10 requires
the organizers to notify the authorities in detail about the nature of the
demonstration, its time and location 48 hours in advance of the planned
demonstration. Under Article 23, failure to provide such notice automatically
renders a public gathering unlawful.15 The notification procedure itself is not an
unlawful limitation to the right to freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the
procedure in Turkey is overly burdensome and in practice applied in such a
restrictive manner that it is akin to having to obtain permission.

International standards on freedom of peaceful assembly are quite clear that the
exercise of this right should not be subject to permission by government authorities.
States may require notice – but not authorization - of assemblies in order to
facilitate the right to peaceful assembly and to take measures to protect public
safety and the rights of others.

TORTURE, ILL-TREATMENT AND IMPUNITY


Ill-treatment by law enforcement officials outside of official places of detention has
increased, particularly during or following street protests where unnecessary and
excessive use of force by police officers against demonstrators has become routine;
this was particularly widespread during the Gezi Park protests across Turkey in
2013.16 Since that time, excessive use of force by police against demonstrators has
been replicated at other demonstrations with little or no indication that the
authorities have brought policing in line with international human rights standards
on the use of force or the Ministry of Interior’s own regulations.

The Ministry of Interior introduced two circulars regarding the use of force at
demonstrations in June and July 2013 following criticism of police violence at Gezi
Park demonstrations.17 The June circular requires police officers to allow people
enough time to leave a demonstration after a warning that force using tear gas will
be used, to use water cannon before resorting to tear gas, and to refrain from using
tear gas against peaceful protestors or protestors who have ceased any violent acts.
However, these instructions are routinely ignored.

The July circular provides additional important safeguards, notably that plain
clothes police officers must wear identification when policing demonstrations and
that tear gas canisters may not be fired from a distance of less than 40 meters or
directly at people. While protests that Amnesty International observers have
attended over the past year suggest that riot police have, indeed, been observing the
requirement to display visible identification numbers on their helmets, plain clothes
police officers without any identification continue to use force and to make arrests
at demonstrations, contrary to the terms of the circular. Similarly, the provisions on
the use of tear gas are also routinely ignored, which police still regularly fire at
dangerously close ranges and directly at protestors.

Administrative and criminal investigations into alleged abuses by law enforcement


officials have been characterised by systemic flaws, resulting in near total impunity
for such abuses.18 In relation to the widespread police abuses that occurred during
the Gezi Park protests of 2013, and regarding which there were more than 700
criminal complaints filed in Ankara and Istanbul alone, only four separate
prosecutions had been bought against police by the end of April 2014. Amnesty

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International is aware of only one case - the well-publicised case of officers beating
demonstrators and pulling the hair of a young woman on the Izmir seafront - in
which internal disciplinary proceedings have resulted in police officers being
sanctioned.19 Most internal investigations have since been closed.20

Of the four criminal prosecutions against police officers, three of them relate to
deaths. The fourth relates to a police officer accused of spraying pepper spray
directly into the face of a woman since dubbed “the woman in the red” on the
second day of the protests in Gezi Park. 21 All four incidents received widespread
media coverage and generated significant pressure on the authorities to act.
Investigations into these cases have proceeded exceedingly slowly or have been
closed without result.

INDEPENDENCE AND IMPARTIALITY OF THE JUDICIARY


The changes to the Higher Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HCJP) and the
transfer to new posts of thousands of police officers and scores of prosecutors and
judges have had a damaging impact on the independence and impartiality of the
judiciary.22 While the Constitutional Court ruled the most damaging amendments to
the HCJP unconstitutional, including the increased powers of appointment granted
to the Minister of Justice, such appointments had already been made by the time of
the Constitutional Court ruling. The appointments have not been rescinded
following the ruling. The legislation had been rushed through Parliament following
attempts by the government to block a corruption investigation targeting public
officials and business leaders close to the Prime Minister. Thousands of police
officers and scores of judges and prosecutors have also been transferred from their
posts in the wake of the investigation creating the impression that those issuing
decisions favourable to the government will be promoted while those that do not will
be demoted. The increased politicization of the judiciary threatens a number of
rights which were already at risk in Turkey, including the right to a fair trial and the
right to freedom of expression, and the prospect of more prosecutions targeting
those expressing dissenting opinions further undermine these rights. The
politicisation also risks further entrenching impunity for human rights abuses
committed by law enforcement officials.

HUMAN RIGHTS OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANSGENDER AND INTERSEX


PERSONS
The government has failed to bring forward constitutional amendments or new
legislation to prohibit discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender
identity. The absence of such legislation presents a serious barrier to the enjoyment
of their human rights by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI)
persons. Marginalized by the absence of protection from discrimination in law and
their lack of access to justice, LGBTI individuals face a heightened risk of hostile
treatment by state officials. Moreover, the prevalence of homophobic and
transphobic views leads to some members of the LGBTI community being routinely
and in some instances systematically harassed by state officials. The often greater
visibility of transgender individuals puts them at even greater risk of harassment
and lack of access to services. Gay men are at risk of violence, including sexual
violence, within the armed forces.

FORCED EVICTIONS
Urban transformation projects conducted by the authorities have resulted in forced
evictions and violations of the right to adequate housing, as set out in the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights to which Turkey is
a party. These projects have been carried out in areas where some of Turkey’s
poorest and most marginalized groups live, and local authorities have failed to

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21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

conduct genuine consultations with affected residents and to give them adequate
notice of evictions. Often they have not been offered adequate compensation or
affordable alternative housing and this has driven them further into poverty and into
sub-standard housing and left others homeless.

SYRIAN REFUGEES
The Turkish authorities continue to make considerable efforts to accommodate
Syrian refugees in the face of an international failure to meet the needs of these
refugees.23 While the provision of services to refugees in government-run camps is
reported to be good, the living conditions are dire for many of the Syrian refugees
who are not accommodated in camps, without provision for basic needs or access to
employment. At least 80 percent of the more than one million Syrian refugees in
Turkey live outside of the camps.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION BY THE


STATE UNDER REVIEW
Amnesty International calls on the government of Turkey to:

Freedom of conscience, expression and assembly


 Adopt laws that recognize and guarantee the right to conscientious
objection to military service, ensuring that any genuinely civilian alternative
is not punitive in length;
 Amend Article 26 of the Constitution to ensure that the permissible
grounds for restricting the right to freedom of expression are consistent with
international human rights standards;
 Ensure that the application of all articles of the Penal Code and the Anti-
Terrorism Law are in line with international standards on the rights to
freedom of expression, association and assembly, and that any restrictions
on the exercise of these rights, on grounds such as national security or
public order, are necessary and proportionate;
 Repeal provisions of the Penal Code which directly and unfairly limit the
right to freedom of expression, including Article 301 (Denigrating the
Turkish Nation), Article 318 (Alienating the public from military service);
Article 215 (Praising a crime or a criminal), and Article 125 (Criminal
defamation);
 Bring the Internet Law in line with international and European standards,
including case law of the European Court of Human Rights on the rights to
freedom of expression and to privacy;
 Conduct a thorough review of the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations to
explicitly recognise the right to peaceful spontaneous assembly, to remove
excessive temporal and geographic restrictions on the holding of public
assemblies, and to simplify notification requirements for planned
demonstrations;
 Remove provisions of the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations that
criminalize peaceful participation in demonstrations, in particular Article
28/1 which criminalizes “participation in an unlawful demonstration”,
Article 32/1 which criminalizes “failure to disperse from an unlawful

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21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

demonstration”, and Article 34/1 which criminalizes “provoking others to


participate in an unlawful demonstration”.

Torture and other ill-treatment and impunity


 Instruct the police to employ mediation and negotiation when policing
demonstrations to de-escalate conflicts before resorting to the use of force,
and to provide training to this effect as necessary;
 In situations where force is unavoidable, to instruct the police to secure the
safety of others and to restrict such force to the minimum amount
necessary, in compliance with the UN Code of Conduct for Law
Enforcement Officials;
 Implement the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment through the
creation of an national preventive mechanism tasked with carrying out
regular and ad-hoc unannounced visits to all places of detention;
 Establish a truly independent and effective police complaints mechanism,
with no structural or organizational connection to the police, adequately
staffed and headed by professionals of acknowledged competency,
impartiality, expertise, independence and integrity, who are not members of
the law enforcement agencies, and with its own corps of independent expert
investigators.

Independence and impartiality of the judiciary


 Take steps to ensure the independence and impartiality of the judiciary and
to ensure that all judges in the higher courts receive training on
international human rights standards;
 Request the Council of Europe Venice Commission to provide an opinion on
any further legislative changes affecting judicial institutions.

Human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons


 Extend non-discrimination provisions in the Constitution and domestic law
to include the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity;
 Introduce comprehensive non-discrimination legislation.

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ENDNOTES
1
A/HRC/15/3, paragraphs 100.71 (Chile), 100.73 (Japan), 101.5-101.6 (Switzerland),
102.20 (Netherlands), and 102.24 (Ireland).
2
See also Amnesty International report: Turkey: Adding injustice to injury: One year on from
the Gezi Park protests in Turkey, 10 June 2014, page 30
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/010/2014/en)
3
See also Amnesty International public statements: President Gül: Veto restrictive internet
law changes, 12 February 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/002/2014/en) and Amnesty International
welcomes Internet law changes recommended by President, 27 February 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/004/2014/en).
4
A/HRC/15/3, paragraphs 100-44-100.49 (Switzerland, Denmark, Czech Republic, USA,
Germany, Ireland) and 100.70 (Germany).
5
A/HRC/15/13, paragraphs 100.66 (Australia).
6
See also Amnesty International public statement: Turkey: Independence and impartiality of
the judiciary under threat, 24 February 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/003/2014/en).
7
A/HRC/15/13, paragraphs 100.33 (Norway) and 102.11 (Canada).
8
A/HRC/15/13, paragraphs 100.1-100.5 (Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Belarus, Denmark, and
Czech Republic).
9
See also Amnesty International public statement: Right to conscientious objection still not
guaranteed in Europe, 14 May 2013
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/012/2013/en).
10
See also Amnesty International public statements: President Gül: Veto restrictive internet
law changes, 12 February 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/002/2014/en) and Amnesty International
welcomes Internet law changes recommended by President, 27 February 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/004/2014/en). The damaging changes were
mitigated somewhat by changes recommended by the President. See:
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/002/2014/en and
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/004/2014/en
11
See Amnesty International: Turkey: Pre-election Twitter shutdown brings internet freedom
to a new low (http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/turkey-pre-election-twitter-
shutdown-brings-internet-freedom-new-low-2014-0). See also Amnesty International: Turkey:
Move to block YouTube ahead of elections points to growing censorship
http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/turkey-move-block-youtube-ahead-
elections-points-growing-censorship-2014-03
12
See also Amnesty International reports: Turkey: Gezi Park protests: Brutal denial of the
right to peaceful assembly in Turkey, 2 October 2013
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/022/2013/en); and Turkey: Adding injustice
to injury: One year on from the Gezi Park protests in Turkey, 10 June 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/010/2014/en)
13
The Law on Meetings and Demonstrations, Law No. 2911 entered into force on 6 October
1983. Available at
http://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/Metin.Aspx?MevzuatKod=1.5.2911&sourceXmlSearch=&MevzuatIl
iski=0
14
Article 3 – Everyone has the right to organize unarmed and peaceful meetings and
demonstrations without prior permission in accordance with this law that does not consider
such meetings and demonstrations unlawful.
15
Article 10 of the law on demonstrations states that organizers must provide the notification

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21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

to the Governorship or the Prefecture within at least 48 hours and during working hours,
stating the aim of the meeting, date, start and end times and the names, home and if
available work addresses of the organizers. Full text available in Turkish at
http://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/Metin.Aspx?MevzuatKod=1.5.2911&sourceXmlSearch=&MevzuatIl
iski=0
16
Ibid.
17
Ministry of Interior Circular No: 2013/28 of June 2013 and Ministry of Interior Circular
No. 2013/33 of July 2013.
18
Ibid.
19
Four police officers were reported to have received an [unspecified] disciplinary
punishment. No information was provided regarding any criminal investigation against the
officers. For details see Radikal, İzmir´de, saç çeken polislere ceza verilmiş, 14 March 2014.
Available at http://www.radikal.com.tr/turkiye/izmirde_sac_ceken_polislere_ceza_verilmis-
1181289 [accessed on 19 May 2014]
20
An administrative investigation into the beating of journalist Gökhan Biçici in a busy street
in Istanbul, which was filmed by a number of cameras was closed without result in November
2013. The administrative investigation into the beating of Hakan Yaman which was also
filmed was closed in April 2014 without result. Criminal investigations continue in both
cases. For details of these incidents see Amnesty International, Gezi Park protests: Brutal
denial of the right to peaceful assembly in Turkey, October 2013. Available at
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/022/2013/en, see pages 28 and 32
respectively for the Hakan Yaman and Gökhan Biçici cases.
21
A police officer is charged with “abuse of duty” for spraying pepper spray into the face of
Ceyda Sungur and using abusive force against other environmental protestors peacefully
demonstrating in Gezi Park on 28 May 2013. The first hearing in the case was set for 13
May 2014. Indictment no. 2014/579 of 9 January 2014.
22
See also Amnesty International public statement: Turkey: Independence and impartiality of
the judiciary under threat, 24 February 2014
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/003/2014/en).
23
See Amnesty International: An international failure: The Syrian refugee crisis
(http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ACT34/001/2013/en). In the space of 12 months, 1.8
million people fled the armed conflict in Syria. This briefing provides an overview of the
conditions of refugees from Syria in the main host countries: Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq
and Egypt. It then focuses on the difficulties and human rights violations faced by refugees
from Syria in their attempts to reach the EU.

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21st Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2015

ANNEX
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS FOR FURTHER REFERENCE1
Nineteen deaths reported as violent clashes continue across south-east Turkey, 8
October 2014
Turkey: Closing border crossings with Syria will put lives in jeopardy, 22 September
2014
Turkey must abandon ‘show trial’ against Gezi Park protest organizers, 12 June
2014
Turkey: Adding injustice to injury: One year on from the Gezi Park protests in
Turkey, 10 June 2014 (Index: EUR 44/010/2014)
Turkey: Demonstrators on trial, police unpunished, 10 June 2014
Turkey: Pre-election Twitter shutdown brings internet freedom to a new low, 21
March 2014
Turkey: Conscientious objector imprisoned: Murat Kanatlı, 3 March 2014 (Index:
EUR 44/005/2014)
Turkey: Independence and impartiality of the judiciary under threat, 24 February,
2014 (Index: EUR 44/003/2014) Turkey: Adding injustice to injury: One year on
from the Gezi Park protests in Turkey, 10 June 2014, (Index: EUR 44/010/2014)
Turkey: More deaths as a result of police force, 23 May 2014 (Index: EUR
44/011/2014)
Turkey: Riot police in reprehensible crackdown on peaceful May Day protest, 1 May
2014
Turkey: No more human rights violations in urban transformation, 14 March 2014
(Index: EUR 44/007/2014)
Turkey: Gezi Park protests: Brutal denial of the right to peaceful assembly in
Turkey, 2 October 2013 (Index: EUR 44/022/2013)
Turkey: Conscientious objector detained in Turkey, 18 July 2013, (Index: EUR
44/018/2013)
Turkey: Legal reforms fall short on freedom of expression, 30 April 2013
Turkey: Decriminalize dissent: Time to deliver on the right to freedom of expression,
27 March 2013, (Index: EUR 44/001/2013)
An international failure: The Syrian refugee crisis, 13 December 2013 (Index: ACT
34/001/2013)
Turkey: Time to recognise right to conscientious objection, 12 June 2012 (Index:
EUR 44/010/2012)

1
All of these documents are available on Amnesty International’s website:
http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/turkey

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