REFERENDUM: MEANING AND CHALLENGES

Submitted By-

Vishwa Pratap Singh

SM0118065

Faculty In Charge

Dr. Mayengbam Nandakishwor Singh

NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY, ASSAM

GUWAHATI

NOVEMBER 1 , 2018
 Table of Contents
CONTENTS PAGE NO.

1. Introduction 2
1.1 Overview
1.2 Literature Review
1.3 Research Question
1.4 Scope and Objective
1.5 Research Methodology

2. Definition of Referendum 5

3. Referendum in Sylhet 7

4. Results of Sylhet Referendum 11

5. Challenges in referendum 14

Conclusion 16

Bibliography 18

1
 CHAPTER – 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Overview

A referendum is a direct vote in which an entire electorate is invited to vote on a particular

proposal. This may result in the adoption of a new law. In some countries, it is synonymous with
a plebiscite or a vote on a ballot question.

This is the instrument whereby some decisions of policy and law-making are
‘referred’ to a direct vote by the electorate, rather than solely being decided by their
representatives. They provide a formal, institutional channel for the voice of the citizens, if they
feel that their representatives are not adequately representing them.

Some definitions of 'plebiscite' suggest that it is a type of vote to change the

constitution or government of a country1. However, some other countries define it differently.
For example, Australia defines 'referendum' as a vote to change the constitution, and 'plebiscite'
as a vote that does not affect the constitution2. In Ireland, the vote to adopt its constitution was
called a "plebiscite", but a subsequent vote to amend the constitution is called a 'referendum', and
so is a poll of the electorate on a non-constitutional bill.
The challenges which is faced in referendum is firstly the voters in a choice will probably
be driven by transient impulses than via cautious thought, or that they are not adequately
educated to settle on choices on entangled or specialized issues. Likewise, voters may be
influenced by publicity, solid identities, terrorizing, and costly promoting efforts. James
Madison argued that direct democracy is the "tyranny of the majority".
The other challenge which is faced in referendum is conducting in direct voting at the
national or even state level. Various solutions exist, including the employment of information
and communication technologies (ICT) in innovative ways. Further, the content of the ballot to
be voted on, needs to be structured in a way that is easily understood by a wide variety of voters
with varying linguistic backgrounds and levels of literacy.

1
"Definition of Plebiscite". Oxforddictionaries.com. Retrieved 2016-08-23
2
Green, Antony (12 August 2015). "Plebiscite or Referendum - What's the Difference". ABC. Retrieved 23 August
2015.

2
1.2 Literature Review
1. Stephen Tierney, Constitutional Referendums: The Theory and Practice of Republican
Deliberation, Oxford University Press, New Delhi
The book talks about the four major constitutionals processes where the referendum is
regularly used are formation of new states, amendment of constitution, the establishment of
complex new models of sub-state autonomy, the transfer of sovereign powers from European
states to the European Union. The focus of the book is mainly on the relationship between
referendum and democracy. It shows the criticisms of the referendum which is given by
democratic theorists and deploys both civic republican theory and the recent turn in deliberative
democracy to ask whether by good process-design the constitutional referendum can facilitate
the engagement of citizens in deliberative acts of constitution-making.

2. Dr. Vidya Dhar Mahajan, Political Theory (Principles of Political Science), S.Chand &
Company pvt. Ltd, New Delhi
The book Deals with approaches to political analysis, methodology of political science,
the nature and scope of political science, politics and society, equality, property, justice, law
forms of governments, theory of separation of power, Marxian theory on the functions of the
state, democracy and referendum. It has arranged data and information and helps in easy
understanding and quick grasp of a concept with basic details and covering basic definitions and
explanations from different perspectives and from the view point of different scholars, political
scientists and political thinkers. Overall the book is well equipped with information on authority
and the various designs of authority.

3
1.3 Research Questions
1. What is the meaning of referendum?
2. What are the challenges faced in referendum?
3. What are the results of Sylhet referendum?

1.4 Scope and Objective

 Scope

The project tends to study the concept of referendum and the challenges faced to
enact a referendum with special reference to Sylhet referendum of Assam.

 Objective

1. To study the meaning of referendum.

2. To identify the challenges faced in referendum.
3. To study Sylhet referendum briefly.
4. To analyse the results of the Sylhet referendum.

1.5 Research Methodology:

 Approach to Research: In this project doctrinal research was involved. Doctrinal

Research is a research in which secondary sources are used and materials are
collected from libraries, archives, etc. Books, journals, articles were used while
making this project.
 Types of Research: Explanatory type of research was used in this project, because the
project topic was not relatively new and unheard of and also because various concepts
were needed to be explained.
 Sources of Data collection: Secondary source of data collection was used which
involves in collection of data from books, articles, websites, etc. No surveys or case
studies were conducted.

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 CHAPTER – 2
DEFINITION OF REFERENDUM

There is a special procedure of referring a particular bill or constitutional amendment for popular
vote. If a majority of people vote in his favour, the bill becomes law. It is a negative power of the
people to put a check on undesirable legislation by the government. The entire procedure is
called Referendum.
The citizen-initiated Referendum is an instrument whereby citizens, by a direct vote,
can decide whether a legislation passed by Parliament should be rejected. Citizens skeptical of a
certain law or policy can gather signatures of a small percentage of the electorate which can
force a direct vote, by the entire electorate, on the legislation in question. If a majority vote
opposes the legislation, then their rejection is binding upon Parliament. In the case of
Switzerland, one per cent of its electorate needs to signal support through signatures, before a
nationwide vote is conducted.
For example in 2000, the Swiss Parliament introduced the ‘Electricity Market Law’ for
liberalisation and deregulation of the electricity market. There was, however, resentment against
deregulation and what was perceived as the dismantling of a well-functioning public service. So
the people asked for a referendum on this law. After the required signatures were collected, the
law was put to a nationwide vote. A majority of the people opposed the law, so the law was
rejected.

The name and use of the 'referendum' is thought to have originated in

the Swiss canton of Graubünden as early as the 16th century 3 . The term 'plebiscite' has a
generally similar meaning in modern usage, and comes from the Latin plebiscita, which
originally meant a decree of the Concilium Plebis (Plebeian Council), the popular assembly of
the Roman Republic. Today, a referendum can also often be referred to as a plebiscite, but in
some countries the two terms are used differently to refer to votes with differing types of legal
consequences. For example, Australia defines 'referendum' as a vote to change the constitution,
and 'plebiscite' as a vote that does not affect the constitution4. In contrast, Ireland has only ever
held one plebiscite, which was the vote to adopt its constitution, and every other vote has been

3
Marchant & Charles, CASSELL'S LATIN DICTIONARY, 1928, p.221
4
Antony Green, "Plebiscite or Referendum – What’s the Difference", ABC, 23 August 2015.

5
called a referendum. Plebiscite has also been used to denote a non-binding vote count such as the
one held by Nazi Germany to 'approve' in retrospect the so-called Anschluss with Austria, the
question being not 'Do you permit?' but rather 'Do you approve?' of that which has most
definitely already occurred.

The term referendum covers a variety of different meanings. A referendum can be

binding or advisory. In some countries, different names are used for these two types of
referendum. Referendums can be further classified by who initiates them: mandatory referendums
prescribed by law, voluntary referendums initiated by the legislature or government, and
referendums initiated by citizens 5 . A deliberative referendum is a referendum specifically
designed to improve the deliberative qualities of the campaign preceding the referendum vote,
and/or of the act of voting itself.

5
Uwe Serdult and Yanina Welp, "Direct democracy up and down". TAIWAN JOURNAL OF DEMOCRACY, 2012

6
 CHAPTER – 3
REFERENDUM IN SYLHET
Sylhet experienced abrupt slicing of its boundary on the eve of independence by a political
decision. It is significant to note that the mainstream historical scholarship paid little attention to
the Partition of Sylhet and consequent forced displacement of population. The long-time
aspiration of the Assam Congress and a section of Asamiyas to curve out a linguistically more
homogeneous Assam culminated in Sylhet Referendum which provided them a long term
opportunity to get rid of Sylhet. Rabindra Nath Aditya, a Sylhet Congress leader identified
“Sylhet as a ‘golden calf which was sacrificed in 1874 to usher in a new province was now once
more sacrificed at the altar of a new state”
Lord Mountbatten’s Partition Plan of 1947 argued that Sylhet, a predominantly Muslim
district in a multi-cultural province of Assam should in the event of Partition; undergo a
referendum to decide on its amalgamation with the newly-formed Muslim province of East
Bengal. It is significant to note that unlike Bengal, Assam was a predominantly Hindu-majority
province, with only 30% of the population being Muslims. Aditya observed that “if a district like
Sylhet could be the subject matter of referendum and Partition, why not the Hindu majority areas
of Sindh on the Indian border were subjected to the same test?”
Significantly, the demand for referendum was not voiced either by the Hindus or by the
Muslims of Sylhet who enjoyed an enriched inter-community lives in their native land.
Amalendu Guha argued that “the separation of Sylhet from Assam was chiefly the result of the
efforts of the Assamese little nationalists and that after Sylhet was shaken off its back, the
Assamese middle class emerged stronger and more ambitious than ever”. The demand for
Pakistan on religious basis turned the people of Sylhet ambivalent who did not experience
communal violence earlier. They considered their homeland a unique ambience of unity and
fraternity enriched with the contributions of Hajrat Shahjalal and Mahaprabhu Sri Chaitanya.
Interestingly, they experienced quick transformation of their identity from Sylhetis to Hindus and
Muslims just on the eve of the referendum.
Muslims constituted a majority in Sylhet. In North Sylhet subdivision they constituted an
overwhelming majority of 67 percent. South Sylhet and Karimganj came less under the influence
of Muslim faith.

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 The referendum had divided a composite Hindu-Muslim society into two warring
camps and the Hindus who lived in Sylhet for centuries felt as if they were foreigners in their
own land and gradually began to leave the district6. R.N Choudhury of Sylhet complained to
Home Minister Patel “of Muslim fanaticism and expressed the view that the referendum was ill-
timed and that Sylhet people were against the referendum”.
In the pre-referendum period, the Muslim League did not have strong foothold in
Sylhet. The success of the League in the referendum was primarily due to the systematic and
organised efforts to polarise the Muslim population of the district by infusing Islamic ideas. The
Muslim voters were asked to probe their identity as pucca Muslims by casting their votes in
favour of joining Pakistan. The Moulavis played a crucial role in popularising the demand.
Associated with the local mosque, these Moulavis had a stable group of followers who regularly
attended Friday prayers. They also attended the weekly local hats and tried to mobilise the
people by equating the vote in favour of Pakistan with a ‘great service to Islam’. They were
greatly influenced by the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, other Muslim organisations, leaders
and the Muslim press. Innumerable public meetings were held in various parts of the district
which aroused great enthusiasm among Sylhet Muslims. The students’ wing of the League also
did not lag behind in propaganda and persistent efforts in mobilising the masses. The mandate
which ultimately amalgamated larger share of the district to Pakistan except three and half
thanas in favour of India reflected the religious polarisation.
The Indian National Congress leaders did not show any interest to retain Sylhet in
Assam. There is a claim that the transfer of Sylhet to Pakistan had already been secretly decided
upon and accepted by the Congress High Command and also by many in the Assam Congress to
reduce the Bengali element in Assam’s population.
The campaign to retain Sylhet in favour of India was affected by the ethnic division
between the Assamese and the Bengalis of the Brahmaputra Valley and the Surma Valley.
Brajendra Narayan Choudhury, a Sylhet Congress leader identified the cleavage between the
Assamese Hindus and the Bengali Hindus in Assam. Arun Kumar Chanda, identified two
problems in the province—communalism and valley jealousy. He reiterated that “no body can
predict the result of the Sylhet referendum. But whichever party wins, I must say that the

6
Bidyut chakrabarty, The ‘Hut’ and the ‘Axe’: The 1947 Sylhet Referendum, THE INDIAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL
HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1 december 2002.
https://doi.org/10.1177%2F001946460203900401

8
referendum was not fair to the major section of the people who desire Sylhet to remain in
Assam”7.
It is pertinent to mention here that the Bengali-speaking Cachar and Sylhet were under
the jurisdiction of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee which was preoccupied with the
Partition of Bengal in and around the referendum. Consequently, it did not play any significant
role to retain Sylhet in Assam. The Assam Provincial Congress was virtually an organisation of
the Brahmaputra Valley with no organisational involvement with the party activities of the
Surma Valley and more precisely there was a long standing demand in the Brahmaputra Valley
to oust Sylhet outside Assam. The Assam Pradesh Congress Committee Election Manifesto had
pledged to the electorate in 1945-46 that the party would work for separating Sylhet from Assam.
“Maulana Sahib (i.e. Azad) seemed to come to the conclusion that the only alternative to this
state of things is”, wrote Bardoloi to Patel in February 1946, “to separate the Bengal district of
Sylhet and a portion of Cachar from Assam and join these with Bengal—a consummation to
which the Assamese people are looking forward for the last 70 years...”. Essentially, the Assam
Provincial Congress leadership showed little interest ‘to meddle in Sylhet’s ‘Tryst with destiny’
and remained aloof in the months around the referendum and indirectly helped the ousting of
Sylhet to Pakistan. “In the vital months of decision-making, the two Congress Committees
travelled in opposite directions to each other. At the height of the communal and valley tension,
the antagonism was far deeper”.
The Bengali Hindus who so far fought for reunion of Sylhet with Bengal now
articulated their voice in favour of retaining in Assam. An analysis of the relevant literature and
from the interviews conducted with the surviving victims in Cachar, it could be ascertained that
the loss of their district to Pakistan came at the hour while they were eager to reap the fruits of
freedom after prolonged straggle against colonial oppression. They organised meetings,
processions etc. to retain Sylhet in Assam. But the meetings etc. articulated by the Hindus were
less organised and rowdy than the Muslim League. None of the prominent leaders of Congress
participated actively when the referendum took off. The Hindu leadership in the district did not
have the grass-root influence at the rural level. They were mostly drawn from the land owing
class and they were in the vanguard of the Congress movement in the district. They failed to

7
Editors, Amrit Bazar Patrika, 14 July 1947

9
counter the vicious communal outcries of the Leaguers. The Sylheti Hindus from outside the
district rushed up to their home to cast their votes.
The local Jamiat-Ul-Ulema led by Hussain Ahmad Madani, consistently
opposed the idea of Pakistan and advised all Muslims of the district to vote for an undivided
India. They offered “manajaf ’ with tears in their eyes for the retention of Sylhet in India. Abdul
Matlib Mazumdar of Hailakandi in Cachar district, a Jamiat member supported the Congress.
Earlier, the Jamiats under the Assam Nationalist Muslim Convention organised a procession
where 15,000 Muslim of Silchar Town participated on February 20 1947 against the Pakistan -
demand8. The Muslim fishermen community who were locally called mahimals or maimals also
opposed the scheme of Pakistan.

8
Sujit Choudhuri, SAMAYIK PRASANGA, 2000

10
 CHAPTER – 4
RESULTS OF SYLHET REFERENDUM
The valid votes cast in the referendum 239619 (56.6 percent) were in favour of Sylhet’s
amalgamation with Pakistan and only 184041 (43.4 percent) were cast in favour of an undivided
Assam in India.
The result of the referendum was significantly affected by the exclusion of around
two lakhs tea garden labourers of different tea gardens of Sylhet. Pumendu Kishore Sengupta
complained that “out of the district’s tea-labour population of 197, 272 residing in 221 estates,
166,750 residing in 190 were altogether left out of consideration. Of the rest of 30,502 tea-
labourers in thirty-one of them, in one thana of South Sylhet, only 11,449 were registered as
voters in 1946. He estimated that out of 166,750 there would be at least 50,000 persons entitled
to vote but were denied franchise”. Interestingly, they were allowed to participate in the General
Election held in December 1945. Jiban Saontal was elected as the representative from the major
tea belt of the district Sri Mangal.The extermination of the voting rights of the tea-planters
created a widespread resentment who hold protests; demonstrations etc. in different parts of the
district.
Gopinath Bordoloi the Assam premier did not recommend the exclusion of Cachar
from Assam when he met the cabinet delegation in 1946 and the viceroy in 1947. Cachar, though
a Bengali-speaking district adjacent to Sylhet never challenged the Assamese caste Hindu
hegemony. Nibaran Chandra Laskar, a member of the Legislative Assembly of Assam and the
President of the Cachar Kalyan Samity issued a press statement wherein he stated that Assam
should make every effort to retain Sylhet in the province while other parts of the country could
remain in the new Indian Union. Cachar being the neighboumg district of Sylhet, had some
special interests in retaining Sylhet in Assam. In case of amalgamation of Sylhet to East
Pakistan, some portions of Cachar had the risk of being amalgamated with East Pakistan. The
Press Statement also stated that if Sylhet could remain in Assam the border between Sylhet and
Pakistan would protect Cachar from all troubles which were likely to be caused by Pakistan. He
appealed to all people of the district to render all possible help to Sylhet in her fight against the
contemplated amalgamation with East Bengal. Laskar lamented that despite all efforts, Sylhet
was sent to East Pakistan. He found no justification of sending a portion of Cachar to East
Pakistan due to its distinct history, culture, tradition, etc. In fact, Cachar had very little affinity

11
with those of East Bengal and Sylhet. It was a purely temporarily settled and non-Muslim area
and had never come under Muslim domination. Only one thana in the district i.e. Hailakandi had
a slightly Muslim majority population (55.3%). But in the last Assembly election a Jamiat
candidate won the election from the area was a clear indication that even the Muslim population
of that area was against Pakistan. From the geographical point of view too, this area could not be
separated from Cachar because it shared a natural boundary—the Saraspur Hills in the West.
The holding of referendum in most literature was debated as a ‘betrayal and a
slur’ in the history of India in the context of the alleged large scale rigging and mal practices of
the Assam Congress Committee and the role played by its politicians for the fulfilment of their
cause. Since law and order was a state subject, many held the Bordolai cabinet responsible for
widespread intimidation, violence, rigging by the Muslim League National guards during
referendum. The withdrawal of military pockets by the Assam Government from many
vulnerable localities clearly indicated the free hand given to the communal forces to perpetrate
violence on Hindus. The entry of the Muslim League National Guards; the voluntary corps of
militant tone was recruited from all over the province of East Bengal and in certain pockets of
Assam. It was reported that the strength of the organisation was rapidly increasing in Cachar as
well where the members were trained to be more militant with training in the use of swords,
lathis, bows and arrows9.
Jawaharlal Nehru received a lot of complaints which were basically of two
types— the first was about the effort undertaken by the League to stop the genuine voters from
voting by threat and violence. It was also alleged that “in almost all the centres, a large number
of non-voters and unauthorized League members were allowed”. The second type of complaints
were more specific. A voter named Monorama Dasi of Earimganj sent a telegram to the AICC
office stating that the European presiding officer in the Karimganj Town female centre snatched
away the ballot papers from their hands and put them into the ballot box marked with axe against
their will (Government of India 1946-7). Basanta Kumar Das, the Assam Home minister
complained that “there was the promise that the referendum would be conducted under military
supervision with the help of the provincial police. The provincial government has already
exhausted all their police and other resources and it was the inadequacy of the military deployed
for the purpose that had made it impossible to conduct the referendum in a peaceful atmosphere”.

9
Abstract of intelligence, Assam Police, 1946-47, File No.17: Government of Assam

12
 The thanas with a total area of 709 square miles and a population of 23 million
were retained in the district of Cachar in Assam. The result of the referendum was virtually in
favour of amalgamation of the district of Sylhet to East Pakistan except three and half thanas -
Badarpur (47 square miles), Ratabari (240 square miles), Patharkandi (277 square miles) and a
portion of Karimganj thana (145 square miles). Only these thanas with a total area of 709 square
miles and a population of 23 million were retained in the district of Cachar in Assam.
78 percent of the Hindu population of the district participated in the Referendum
and the participation were more or less uniform throughout the district. Amalendu Guha
observed that to the Assamese political leadership the referendum in Sylhet came as a “life
time’s opportunity ...to get rid of Sylhet”. This view was shared by many Bengalis.

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 CHAPTER – 4
CHALLENGES IN REFERENDUM

There are, however, some challenges in introducing Referendum which need to be suitably
addressed with appropriate solutions. One logistical challenge is conducting in direct voting at
the national or even state level. Various solutions exist, including the employment of information
and communication technologies in innovative ways. Further, the content of the ballot to be
voted on, needs to be structured in a way that is easily understood by a wide variety of voters
with varying linguistic backgrounds and levels of literacy. Here again various solutions exist.

Another challenge has to do with voter competence in making informed

judgment on matters of law and policy. One response to this concern is if our elected
representatives (who are clearly not experts on many of the issues they take decisions on) can
make decisions on laws and policies taking into account the views of experts, so can the people.
Additionally, in referendums it has been found that even when voters do not understand the
complexity of issues, they are able to take simple cues — like who is supporting or opposing the
proposition — to make informed and ideologically consistent choices. They also try to educate
themselves on the issues to be voted on by listening to views of experts on the topic and
engaging in debate. Mechanisms to make diverse expert opinions available in an easy to access
manner need to be devised.
Yet another challenge is to prevent moneyed special interests from influencing
the Referendum process, by sponsoring high-spending misleading campaigns. This is an
important issue that has emerged in some American states like California, Oregon and Colorado.
For example in 2006, two oil companies contributed a combined $34 million to defeat an
initiative for the funding of renewable energy research and production by oil companies.
One response to this concern is that it is far more difficult and expensive for
moneyed special interests to convince citizens at large than to convince a smaller set of
lawmakers through lobbying. That said, there is need to have safeguards that limit or eliminate
campaign financing in the Referendum process.
Whatever be the challenges in introducing such democratic reform, the time has
come to discuss such a change to ensure that our government truly represents the people. Today,

14
democracy is clearly falling short on this count and instruments of Initiatives and Referendums
can provide a political mechanism to ensure that citizens’ voices counterbalance a legislature
unresponsive to peoples’ interests. The time has come to recommit ourselves to a deeper and
more participatory democracy; a democracy with greater alignment between public policy and
people’s interests10.

10
Prashant Bhushan, “Our Democracy Must Empower Voters”, THE HINDU,
https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/our-democracy-must-empower-voters/article3662808.ece

15
 CONCLUSION
The demand for inclusion of the whole Province of Assam did never seem a practicable one,
although the Assam Provincial League under the influence of its High Command insisted for the
same. Subsequently, when the freedom was at sight and the inclusion of the whole Province of
Assam, except the district of Sylhet seemed impossible, the Brahmaputra valley Muslims, except
the immigrants and those residing in areas bordering Bengal, were found to be "lukewarm"
towards their response to Pakistan demand as well as the Civil Disobedience Movement
launched by the Provincial Muslim League under the leadership of Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani,
the Provincial League President, against the 'eviction policy' of the Congress Government headed
by Gopinath Bardoloi.
With the declaration of the Sylhet Referendum, the focus of the Muslim League
was shifted to the district of Sylhet and after the Referendum, towards the Radcliff Boundary
Commission, and the areas bordering Sylhet. In brief, since the declaration of the Mountbatten
Plan or the Partition Plan, the 'Muslim separatist politics' spearheaded by the League, was mostly
concentrated in the Surma Valley and some of the immigrant-ridden areas bordering Bengal. The
result of the Sylhet Referendum followed by the declaration of the Radcliff Award marked the
close of the chapter of the ‘separatist politics’ spearheaded by the Muslim League in Assam in
the pre-independence period. In course of the whole era of the League politics in Assam from
1937-47, majority of the Muslims leaving apart few nationalist Muslims, were guided, like
earlier, by their communal interest or the consideration of the Islamic fraternity or brotherhood.
The moment of decision making is difficult for democratic theorists in general
and has proven to be a particular concern in the referendum context. We have seen in Sylhet
referendum: the potential for indeterminacy on the one hand and the risk of exclusion and crude
majoritarianism on the other. The first of these issues can be addressed in some situations by
properly working through the issue can be addressed in some situations by properly working
through the issue to be put to the people in full detail before the referendum, so that voters are
offered a coherent and meaningful choice. It is now always possible for the referendum to be so
clear where it anticipates a negotiation process. In such a scenario it may be useful to have a
second referendum following negotiations, which also allows the deliberation to be prolonged
and for people to participate right through the process, but there can be very strong political

16
reasons not to do so, particularly where the prospect of a second referendum can offer an
incentive to dominant negotiators to make the final package unattractive to voters. In terms of
political realities much will depend on the relative strength of the extent to which the powerful
side is in a position to use the second referendum, not for deliberative purposes, but to strengthen
its own negotiating position.
Finally, the difficult case of deeply divided societies where issues of exclusion and
majoritarianism are most problematic. It seems that in many cases the referendum is simply not
suited to a scenario, specifically where no agreement on an overall constitutional settlement can
be reached in advance of any referendum.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books used

 Stephen Tierney, Constitutional Referendums: The Theory and Practice of Republican

Deliberation, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

 Dr. Vidya Dhar Mahajan, Political Theory (Principles of Political Science) (Fourth
Edition), S.Chand & Company pvt. Ltd, New Delhi.

Articles used

Marchant & Charles, CASSELL'S LATIN DICTIONARY, 1928, p.221

Antony Green, "Plebiscite or Referendum – What’s the Difference", ABC, 23 August 2015

Uwe Serdult and Yanina Welp, "Direct democracy up and down". TAIWAN JOURNAL OF
DEMOCRACY, 2012

Bidyut chakrabarty, The ‘Hut’ and the ‘Axe’: The 1947 Sylhet Referendum, THE INDIAN
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1 december 2002.
https://doi.org/10.1177%2F001946460203900401

Editors, Amrit Bazar Patrika, 14 July 1947

Sujit Choudhuri, SAMAYIK PRASANGA, 2000

Abstract of intelligence, Assam Police, 1946-47, File No.17: Government of Assam

Prashant Bhushan, “Our Democracy Must Empower Voters”, THE HINDU,

https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/our-democracy-must-empower-
voters/article3662808.ece

18