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LatinAmericanMusicReview,Volume17,Number2, Fall/Winter1996
?1996 by the Universityof TexasPress,P.O. Box 7819,Austin,TX 78713-7819
A History of Pagode
Curiously derived from "pagoda" (an Asian temple), the term pagode(pro-
nounced "pa-GOH-gee") literally means "fun,""joke,"or "merrymaking"
in Portuguese (Lopes n.d., 51). However, in the parlance of the carioca(na-
tive of Rio deJaneiro), and of urban Brazilians in general, the word has
also long meant an informal, communal gathering of sambistas(samba prac-
titioners) as well as the samba music played at such an event (ibid., 56).
Some well-known musicians even claim that during the slave era the term
was used to mean a party on the slave plantations, although I have not
encountered written historical evidence to back this assertion.2
Pagode-likeevents-whether referred to as pagodesor not-date back at
least to the urban samba's beginnings in Rio in the late nineteenth to early
twentieth centuries. In this era, at the houses of the Afro-Bahian commu-
nity in the city's center, large-scale festive parties with food, drink, and
improvised samba were abundant.3 These parties not only united Rio's
black and mulatto communities (some whites did participate, however),
but also-especially at Tia (Aunt) Ciata's house-they were instrumental in
the genre's early development. Indeed, the very first song to be registered
and recorded as a "samba," and a carnival hit of the 1917 season, "Pelo
Telefone,"was created out of spontaneous improvisations at Ciata's home.4
The pagodeevent spread to the Afro-Braziliancommunities of Rio's sub-
urbs and favelas (slums) as well, following samba'sjourney from the center
to the fringes of the city. This geographical move reflected in part the flee-
ing of samba musicians from the authorities, who prohibited the music
and persecuted its practitioners in the early years of this century (Mukuna
1979, 78; Raphael 1990, 74). Residentialparties,streetgatherings,and events
associated with the city's carnival "samba school" associations (which had
begun in 1928) were all sources of the pagodeevent, as was the annual fair
in the Rio suburb of Penha (Festa da Penha), which spawned sambas re-
corded by the music industry (Lopes 1986, 106).
The pagode,however, seems to have taken its current form as a "back-
yard"phenomenon (fundode quinta) at the end of the 1960s at the home of
Sr. Alcides in the Rio neighborhood of Botafogo (Lopes n.d., 58). Accord-
ing to Lopes, "There, around a large table, instrumentalists, singers and
composers gathered together in the utmost informality. And Sr. Alcides
secured some money selling beer" (ibid.). The format of this now-defunct
pagodewas later echoed by a resourceful group of musicians and compos-
ers in Rio's North Zone suburb of Ramos who, associated with the carnival
bloco(bloc) Cacique de Ramos, gave birth to the pagodemovement in the
1970s.
The rise of the pagodemovement in Rio can be seen as a creative re-
sponse by samba's innovators to a co-option of their music and of the
samba schools-particularly to a marginalization of the schools' compos-
ers-all of which reached a pinnacle in the late 1970s. By the 1960s, middle
class Brazilians had embraced the samba schools as bastions of authentic
national popular culture, and members of Rio's bourgeoisie began to infil-
trate the organizations (Raphael 1990, 81). While some only paraded, oth-
ers took on leadership roles, earning large sums as choreographers and
designers (1990,81). Meanwhile, the schools' neighborhood members ironi-
cally found it increasingly difficultjust to afford their own costumes (1990,
81), even in spite of generous support provided by outside sponsors. Nota-
bly, such sponsors have included gangsters called bicheiroswho, with few
exceptions, now control the workings of the schools either as elected offi-
cials or through puppet leaders (Guillermoprieto 1990, 79). By the 1970s,
some neighborhood school members were being denied the right to pa-
rade since the group could incur penalties in the competition if it was too
big (Raphael 1990, 80). And the samba school composers who once could
use the school headquarters as a place to perform and enjoy non-carnival
samba year round, found that in the 1970s the schools were fostering only
the annual theme samba (samba-enredo) in the interest of a profit.
Indeed, it was principally Rio's dominant classes who had come to
1990s Pagode
Around 1992, a new crop of groups emerged onto the national scene play-
ing a more polished samba. Instead of addressing the problems of living
on the fringes of the city or everyday issues, as the original pagodeiroshad
often done, most have focused on sentimental love, with a highly romantic
lyrical style borrowed from the sertanejo.20 Some samba bands have re-
tained the pagodeinstruments of their innovative forbears; others favor the
more common surdo, tamborim(small frame drum hit with a stick), and
cavaquinho.More significantly, many have embraced electric guitar, syn-
thesizers, and brass instruments, in addition to electric bass and drum set
(which the original pagodealready made use of).
This new sound is achieving a success in the 1990s that in some cases
exceeds that which the original movement had in the 1980s. Radio and
television have attended greatly to the current trend and all classes and
races in today's Brazil are consuming samba, which as of 1994 was selling
much better than rock music.21 To be sure, record buyers, who can afford
usually no more than one record a month, buy what they hear on the
radio.22The new samba has also infiltrated the club scene as a romantic
dancehall style. In fact, in 1994 it was far easier to hear cover bands play-
ing newer pagodehits and other pop songs at dances in Rio than to hear the
older style either in concert settings or as it is played traditionally-at an
informal gathering with no stage, no amplification, and no cover charge.
To experience the latter, I had mostly to venture to remote suburbs, where
the old pagodeand new pagodeare both enjoyed.
The new surge of samba is still referred to as pagode,although much of
it has also more appropriately garnered the title suingue(Brazilian Portu-
guese for "swing"),the label for a type of samba from Sao Paulo with a
strong U.S. soul influence and the marked use of brass instruments. The
Lopes concurs with Ubirany's definition of the word, stating that, "Pagode
is not a musical genre, it is more a place and behavior. But one can speak
of a type of samba in which this instrumentation [i.e., banjo, tantd,repique-
de-mdo,and so on] is used."27It is this samba style-defined by its instru-
mentation, playing techniques, and musical traits-that I will briefly eluci-
date here, comparing it to the 1990s tendency.
Musically, the pagodestyle of the 1980s is not radically different from
the traditional type of samba that had developed in the morros(hill-side
slums) and working-class suburbs of Rio. Charles Perrone claims that the
musical structure of pagodeis "essentially the same as modern samba de
morro"(1989a, 204). Music scholar Sergio Cabral calls the pagode"a recu-
peration of old elements of the samba but without the old flavor, that is to
say, with a young flavor because the composers that made this music were
youths."28
Cabral further sees the pagodeas a musical response to a transformation
of the samba-enredo (theme samba for carnival), which had greatly sped up
in tempo to enable the increasingly large schools to parade within their
specified time limit.29In the process, the samba-enredo
is said to have turned
patterns for pandeirohere and if there are two players, the two parts may be
played simultaneously.
The banjo or cavaquinhoplayer in a samba or pagodeensemble usually
bases his (I use the male possessive pronoun here because women rarely
play pagodeinstruments) rhythms loosely on an Afro-Brazilian time-line
figure of Central African origin which Gerhard Kubik has called the
"Angola/Zairesixteen-pulse standardpattern,"a defining traitof the samba
as seen in Figure 1. (1979, 17)
X . X . X . XX X . X . X . (nine-stroke version)
X . X . X X . X . X .. (seven-stroke version)
I have found that in much traditional samba, Figure 1 most often occurs in
its nine-stroke incarnation beginning from the second pulse; this is equiva-
lent to the classic samba figure played on the tamborim(small frame drum
hit with a stick), which may be regarded as an elaboration of the partido-
alto figure as seen in Figure 2.
. Xx X x . . . xx.X
Adapted loosely from Leci Brandao's hit song "Isso E Fundo de Quintal,"
the stock banjo and cavaquinhoparts notated in Figure 3 fill in the empty
pulses of the classic tamborimfigure (Figure 2); in practice, the two parts
vary throughout a piece to complement each other rhythmically.The banjo
in particularis notable for adding little thirty-second note palhetadas(from
palheta, the pick used to play the instrument) to invigorate the rhythm at
certain points.35
The ganzaand-in concerts or on recordings,but not at traditionalevents-
drum set may support the sixteenth-note subdivisions iterated by the
pandeiro.The drum set player also adds syncopated fills on the tom-toms
and crash cymbal at key moments; the crash often coincides with points
other than beat 1 (such as the "and"of 1), creating rhythmic tension. The
electric bass emphasizes the pulse, and the handclapped patterns, usually
simple one- or two-bar rhythms, function as intermittent quasi-time-line
figures that appear during choral refrains or exciting musical junctures.36
1 1 1 I I
rantaf Jl J LX J x
k k k k
.1
Repique
de mao
Pandeiro
1~~~~~~*
Pandeiro
(partido-alto
figure)
Tamborimn X
0r 0
r v
0 a
r
^ f au
trlgure z)
1
Ganza
i i I4 I
U41 I I I I
Figure3. (cont.)
1 r 1
Cavaquinho
$iti,J J J 3JJ J (J.J JJ. ^ ,
$-i Ir7 I I
W
I I IW')I
-I I I
E
..LI
Banjo
or j U
"palhetada" I
Handclaps
t Y r 1 y 7y Y
Electricbass
1i\. IJ JL 1
1 X J J x Jx J J Jx JJJJ J
Drum-set |
r i r^W^D^
Xi i; (no chord)
6Blmin7 EL 21
.BLmin7
...
b
:$ C
W;C
Al
:
Fmin
F min7 Echorus
26 2b. Eb7
L'
A. Ab7 A bmin Ab7
partido,a union of men who share the same ideas that presumes itself "high"
or elite (Lopes 1992, 48). The partido-altosong form (traditionallyaccom-
panying a round dance) is performed as a desafio(musical duel) by two or
more contestantsand it comprises a choral refrainthat alternateswith verses
which traditionally are improvised or taken from the oral tradition (1992,
51). The partido-altohas had many outstanding exponents in Rio over the
years, though it was the sambistaMartinho da Vila who brought this song
form-albeit without improvisation-to the Brazilian public in 1967; this
new partido-altowas widely consumed in the commercial realm into the
1970s (1992, 42). Then again, in the 1980s, the partido-altosong form was
Figure4. (cont.)
D6
34 r^ Dl? D[min B[lm7(b5)
- F7
Ab B6rin7 7 1 Eb7
46 Ab F7 min7 E7
-A Fmin7
458 b J; JJ chorus...
to A
Figure5. "Malandro"(excerpt)
Intro
1Aa andante D 1stx only
A I
i ^ Jll-- - i--- J 3D
2nd x only
3 CJ7 C77 F#Mm7(b5)
6 F#m7(b5) B7 B7
9 E7 E7 A7
12 A7 AD D
,-
Xi' 1J 4!| J
C#7 C#7
FCm7(b5)
18 F#m7(75) B7 B7
21 Em7(b5) Em7(b5) A7
? r
^'uu ^rrr}~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
than the refrain, harmonically moving from the tonic to the subdominant
and back to the tonic. Melodically, the vocal melody of the verse is also
more active, featuring syncopated manipulations of three-note groupings
often phrased "across bar lines" (here, groups of four sixteenth-notes in
which the first and last notes are tied to the previous and subsequent beats,
respectively), which are reiterated as the harmony modulates to the IV
chord and returns to the tonic. This vocal rhythm in three-note groupings
allied with the basic harmonic scheme of I-IV-I as exhibited in the verse is
very common in partido-alto,and many other pagodepieces have these same
Figure5. (cont.)
A7 . . rn A7
24 -
I1.
30 A7 A7 F#min
33 F#7 B7 B7
j-'r r
v r ?: ci
36 Emin Emin A7
39 D D7
repeat B;
42 3A7 - I 7 7 1 at sign gotoCoda
to Intro
In typical fashion, the coda of the song is a repeated vamp that comprises
a line sung by one of the two soloists followed by a shortened choral re-
sponse; the solo singers alternate lines every repetition of the vamp.
or
7r.
ir 6 n 7 n t ly n i, ry i .
Figures 6 and 7 tend to be employed on medium-tempo, brassy pieces.
A more intricate pattern is found on most suingueballads.
Figure9.eCacamba" (excerpt)
Refrain: F#
V
h^V't'SEBOaJ I'JB-f
D#min leader...... G#min chorus ......
3
chorus ....
G#min leader ......
t) 1 leader......
1C# F
C# Intro: F
9 1st x only
r
: f rJ' III rI
p' chorus with vocables.
D#min G#min
G#min C#
C# F#
5###### Lr:rYYF~
Co F#
17 I . 1 2.
i##'- I- - I
Pagode,Cultural Resistance, and Afro-BrazilianIdentity
Epitomizing the differences between the older and newer pagodestyles, the
following two songs reveal starklycontrasting sonic textures and Afro-Bra-
zilian ideologies. "Eu Nao Falo Gringo" (I Don't Speak Gringo), written by
Joao Nogueira and Nei Lopes and performed by Nogueira (AcervoEspecial,
BMG 109.0311), asserts both musically and lyrically a strong Afro-Brazil-
ian, nationalist stance when confronted with the imposition of cultural
influence from the United States.44The refrain of the song embodies this
ideology:
I don'tspeakgringo/Ionly speakBrazilian/Idon'tspeakgringo/Ionly speak
Brazilian/Andthepagodewas createdtherein Rio deJaneiro/Myprofession
is bicho[theillegalanimallottery]/Ising sambathe whole yearlong.
Each subsequent verse of the song comments on the narrator's opinions
on U.S. culture or political activities, countering them with his unabashed
preferences for Brazilian culture. Musically, the song is in the format of the
neo-traditional partido-alto,and with the exception of an unobtrusive snare
drum hit on every other downbeat of the 2/4 measure, it has a conven-
tional 1980s pagodesound.
By sharp contrast, S6 Preto Sem Preconceito's song "Rap da Diferenca"
(Rap of the Difference) from their most recent 1995 recording Chegoupara
Abalar(EMI 834341 2) reveals a much more accommodating ideology vis-
a-vis U. S. cultural influence. The refrain of the song plainly states this
point of view: "What is the difference between samba and funk?/One is
pretty, the other elegant." The song's verses embrace both traditional and
international styles of music, dress, and dance, suggesting that both are
valid sources of black Brazilian identity. Musically, the piece supports this
modern (or postmodern) philosophy with a hybrid samba-funk beat, elec-
tric instruments, a catchy melody and orchestration, and intermittent
sampled sounds. Even a reference to the famous vocal build-up section in
the classic "Twistand Shout" is provided by the group at one point in the
song, a practice which is unthinkable in the traditional pagode of Joao
Nogueira and others.
For the musical and ideological differences between the older and newer
pagode,a polemic has erupted in the samba world and media between those
opposed to the new samba and those who accept and favor it. In general,
proponents of the samba tradition-which includes the original pagode-are
scornful of the current bands. For example, Jamelao, a carnival singer for
the venerable Mangueira samba school, scathingly attacksthe new groups,
claiming,
There'sa fool for everything,the public acceptsany rubbish.These guys
don'thave confidencein the work they do. Unfortunately,the pagode be-
came [the]measles,it's a confusion.Eachsingsworsethanthe other."45
Much of the concern is not only the perceived bad quality of the new
samba, but also the fact that some of its exponents record Brazilian and
American rock and pop songs in a samba rhythm.46Ubirany says of the
1990s pagode,"It's not the pure samba."47Although he does not discredit
the new groups, Ubirany isolates instrumentation as a point of contention,
admitting he prefers a traditional instrumentation to one which uses
keyboards and brass.48 It is precisely its electric instrumentation and
are to have widespread exposure in that media. Viewed within the history
of samba, the original pagoderepresents an upsurge of-and innovation on-
tradition that, for particular reasons, was able to gain access to the media
and captivate a wider public at a particulartime. But given the strong inter-
national outlook of the media, this was a relatively rare instance. In spite of
this situation, the samba tradition vigorously persists and renews itself
through various modes of resistance (and selective accommodation) as a
fundamental form of identity not only for Afro-Brazilians, but also more
generally in the wider culture, regardless of the mass media's interest in
this tradition.57Yet, the samba's status as Brazil's national music is contra-
dictory considering the low socioeconomic position of most Afro-Brazil-
ians. To be sure, the music's pervasiveness in Brazilian society is impres-
sive and curious for a country which perpetually strives toward "order and
progress" in its struggle to secure itself a more favorable position in the
unequal international order. The fact that Afro-Brazilians only sporadi-
cally receive genuine portrayals of this traditional culture in the mass me-
dia-and the fact that this culture, says Lopes, is seen as a fossil of the past
by the elite-points to the constant struggle blacks and other marginalized
groups in Brazil face in affirming their "identity through the cultural prin-
ciples inherited from their ancestors" (Lopes 1993: 6).
Notes
platinum records, and have spread their influential sound not only
throughout Brazil, but also toJapan, France, the United States, Portu-
gal, and Angola. The group's lineup has altered over time as well. By
the mid-1980s, Arlindo Cruz had replaced Almir Guin6to on banjo,
Sombrinha had switched from seven-string violdoto cavaquinho,Cleber
Augusto had replaced Aragao on six-string violao,and Neoci had left
the group. Today, Mgrio Sergio has replaced Sombrinha on cavaquinho
and Ronaldinho has replaced Arlindo Cruz on banjo.
11. Terezinha Vilela, "Chamado pagode, novo samba contagia a cidade,"
Folha de Sao Paulo,23 October 1986, p. 36.
12. Terezinha Vilela, "Chamado pagode, novo samba contagia a cidade,"
Folha de Sdo Paulo,23 October 1986, p. 36.
13. Many factors contributed to the pagodes nationwide success in 1986.
For one, Brazil's dictatorship ended in 1985 and a civil government
was established in 1986. At the same time, the government's plan to
combat inflation was initially successful, leading to a well functioning
economy, more purchasing power, and a marked decrease in violence
(Sergio Cabral, interview by author, tape recording, Rio, 20July 1994).
In Rio particularly, a socialist inspired government had recently sanc-
tioned the so-called "Sambadrome"for the samba school parades (con-
structed in 1984), a move which was followed by subsequent incen-
tives to popular expressions (Beth Carvalho in the linear notes to Beth,
LP RCA Victor 110.0027, 1986). According to Carvalho, as a result,
"The people felt important and had the chance to show the samba that
they made in the backyard. The mobilization for rights has to do [with
the expansion of the movement]" (ibid.). Secondly, and more practi-
cally, according to RGE's general manager Marcos Silva, the label
was searching for raw material just when the pagodephenomenon ex-
ploded in popularity (quoted in Soma Apolima'Rio, "Pagodes: o trem
segue direto para o sucesso," 0 Globo[Rio], Segundo Cadero, Friday,
5 December 1986, p. 1). The label invested greatly in the movement
monetarily and in the quality production of the artists, adding to the
style's commercial and artistic palpability. Thirdly, and more subjec-
tively, the movement dug deep into the samba tradition while adding
innovation and remaining relevant to current values of sound produc-
tion; as such, it responded to a demand for a strong local, national
identity, while meeting some of the expectations of a population con-
ditioned to appreciatetransnationalmusical standards.The pagodeironi-
cally served both the needs of tradition and modernity simultaneously,
contributing to its infectious appeal.
14. Alberto Runkel, MarketingDirector of Local Repertoireat EMI-Odeon
Brasil, told me that whites danced to the old pagodebut did not con-
sume records by its artists (interview with author, tape recording, Rio,
19July 1994); this contradicts the claim that the middle class identified
with the movement based on radio play and record sales, since the
middle-class is largely white in Brazil.
15. Tania Regina Pinto, "O truque do pagode," Afinal 28 April 1987.
16. Ibid.
17. Terezinha Vilela, "Chamado pagode, novo samba contagia a cidade,"
Folha de Sdo Paulo,23 October 1986, p. 36.
18. Sergio Cabral, interview by author, tape recording, Rio, 20July 1994.
19. Ibid.
20. Alberto Runkel,interviewwith author,tape recording,Rio, 19July 1994.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Author unknown, "Pagode AJato," 0 Dia (Rio), 30June 1994.
25. Alberto Runkel, interview with author, tape recording, Rio, 19July
1994. Other successful pagodeand suinguenames in the 1990s include
Negritude Junior and Dhema (both from Sao Paulo), Grupo Molejo
(Swing Group), Ginga Pura (PureHip-Sway), S6 Preto Sem Preconceito
(Only Black Without Prejudice), and Grupo Raca (Race Group).
26. Ubirany Felix do Nascimento, interview by author, tape recording,
Rio, 4 August 1994.
27. Joana Angelica, "Samba guerrilheiro: o pagode cresce e distribui Dis-
cos de Ouro," IstoE, 18June 1986, pp. 58-9.
28. Sergio Cabral, interview by author, tape recording, Rio, 20July 1994.
29. Ibid. Cabral informed me that while in the 1960s, the samba schools
paraded with 1,000 to 1,500 members maximum, in the next decade
they came to incorporate up to six thousand participants.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid. In a recent conversation, samba percussionist Ivo Araujo also
emphasized the pagode'sslower cadence; the word pagode,he told me,
although originally meaning the gathering itself, came to be used by
the people to refer to slow samba in general, since the music at these
gatherings-compared to the quick-paced samba of the escolas-tended
to be slower in tempo.
32. Title, date, publication unknown. From the text it is unclear whether
Ubirany or Bira makes this remark.
33. Ubirany Felix do Nascimento, interview by author, tape recording,
Rio, 4 August 1994.
34. This pattern correspondsto Kubik'sseven-strokeversion of his sixteen-
pulse standardpatternstartingfrom the thirteenthpulse (referto Figure 1).
35. Personal communication with David Rumpler, cavaquinhoand violdo
player, 17 March 1995.
36. Other typical instruments in the pagodenot included here are a six- or
seven-string violdo;a smaller tantd,which plays syncopations against
the straight pulse of its larger cousin; cuica (friction drum); reco-reco
(scraper);and agogo(double bell). In addition, bandolim(mandolin) is
sometimes present, and on recorded pagode,wind instruments-and
much less frequently-keyboards and even strings might add color to a
particular rhythmic arrangement.
37. Ubirany Felix do Nascimento, interview by author, tape recording,
Rio, 4 August 1994.
38. Quoted in Tarik de Souza, Cleusa Maria, Marcia Cezimbra, and Diana
Aragao, "Em questao/Pagode: A revolucao do fundo de quintal,"Jornal
do Brasi, 14 December 1986.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid.
41. For more information on partido-alto,see Lopes 1992, Muniz 1976,
and Cameiro 1974.
42. Ubirany Felix do Nascimento, interview by author, tape recording,
Rio, 4 August 1994.
43. Alcione, interview with author, tape recording, Rio, 27July 1994.
44. It is interesting to note the ways in which the discourse about national
identity in Brazil is caught up in questions of racial (and class) identity.
The samba's complex and-in light of racism-ironic role as both an
Afro-Brazilianform and a national symbol speaks to this issue. In the
traditional pagode,black racial/cultural pride, working-class associa-
tions, and nationalism seem to be intimately tied together.
45. Quoted in Teresa Karabtchevsky, "Tem Beatles no samba: Novos
sambistas gravam classicos do rock, misica pop e atei6-ie-ie em ritmo
do pagode," source unknown.
46. Ibid.
47. Ubirany Felix do Nascimento, interview by author, tape recording,
Rio, 4 August 1994.
48. Ibid.
49. Alberto Runkel, interview with author, tape recording, Rio, 19July
1994.
50. Carlos Alberto Medeiros, Chief of Cabinet for SEAFRO (Ministryfor
the Defense and Promotion of the Afro-Brazilian Populations), inter-
view with author, tape recording, Rio, 21 July 1994.
51. Personal communication, 2 December 1994.
52. Quoted in Marco Ant6nio Piva, "Cachaca e samba na cabeca," source
unknown, 31 December 1986.
53. Quoted in Tarik de Souza, "O pagode na hora da explosao,"Jornal do
Brasil, 2July 1986.
54. Ubirany Felix do Nascimento, interview with author, tape recording,
Rio, 4 August 1994.
55. Carlos Alberto Medeiros, interview with author, written notes, Rio, 29
July 1993. See footnote #57.
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