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By Richard Nixon

The twentieth century has been the bloodiest in

history. More peop￨e have been killed in the wars of this

Century than in al￨ of the wars fought before the century

be9an.

At the same time, this century has been the best in

terms of material progress. Despite the los.s of 130

million lives in warI the worldls population has increased

from l.2 billion at the beg￨nning of the century to over five

billion today・曹his is due to the massive improvement in

health care′ food production′ housing′ and per capita income.

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The most disappointing legacy of the twentieth cen亡ury

 
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is the lack of political progress・ On the plus side′ World

 
 
 
 
 
 

War 工 ended monarchy, World War 工工 ended coIonialism, and the

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number of people living in stable democracies has increased

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from = percent of world population at the beg￨nning of the

Century tO 16 percent today. But on the minus side,

dictatorial communismI Which was only a ce11ar consp￨raCy at

the beg￨nning of the twentieth century′ nOW rules over 35

PerCent Of the people in the world and has been responsible

for the deaths of over 80 million of its own subjects.

冒rag￨Callyl the twentieth century may be remembered not for

the peaceful march of democracy but for the violent growth

Of communism.

曹he twentieth century has with considerablき

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justification been described as the American century. 工n the

two great wars of this century, American economic and

mi￨itary power tilted the balance between freedom and

despotism. Since World War 工工, We have given over $120

bi￨lion in aid to 125 countries, including our two maJOr

enemies in World War工工, Germany andJapan, Who are now our

maJOr eCOnOmic competitors. But despite the enlightened

WOrld leadership we have been attempting to provide, the

threat of a war which could destroy civilization as we know

it is infinitelygreater todaythan it was at the beg￨nning

Of the century.
● 一   声 . 賀 。 .

工t is not surprising, therefore, that many Americans

are disillusioned with the responsibilities of wor￨d

leadership. Our loss in vietnam, the fact that most of the

Third World nations that have received our fore￨gn aid

COnSistently vote against us in the United Nations, and our

enormous trade deficit all contribute to a growing sentiment

for the United States to cut back on its fore￨gn POlicy

COmmitments・ But the time has passed when we could say′ ilLet

SOmeOne else do it.'I The two great democracies, Britain and

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France′ Who played that role at the beg￨nning of the century

no Ionger have the militaryand economic power to do so

today・ Without the United States playing a responsible role

On the international stage, PeaCe and freedom will not

SurVivein the world. 工f we fail to do so, We Will be

COnCeding international leadership to the Soviet union. which

despite the fact that its system has proved to be an

economic failure and a political prison′ has the indispensable

ingredient for world leadership -- the will to power.

Can we meet that responsibility? Pessimists see an

uncertain America in an unstable world. At home, there are

increasing doubts about our economic and social system.

Abroad′ nOt Only our adversaries but even our friends and

allies question our policies and equate us with the Soviet

Union as equal threats to world peace.

But the pessimists are a minority; the ma]Ority of

Americans are optimists. They respond to the responsi-

bilities of world leadership. They do not want America to

become a rich′ Selfish island surrounded on all sides by

hostile nations and peoples who oppose all we stand for.

Andre Malraux once wrote that the United States was the

first nation in history to have become a world power without

trylng tO do so・ This is more a criticism than a compliment.

Because we have never sought power′ We have not learned how

to use it.工f we are to meet our responsibilities in the

twenty-first century, We muSt disabuse ourselves of some

Seductive myths about how the real world works.

We are not going to be able to abolish nuclear weapons.

We are not in the foreseeable future going to be able to

build a perfect defense against nuclear weapons.

We are not going to eliminate conflict between the

United States and the Soviet union. All we can hope to do is

to develop a relationship where we both ￨ive with our

differences rather than die over them.

 Despite high hopes at the end of World War工I, We

CannOt rely on the United Nations either to prevent or to end

WarS. Where the interests of maJOr POWerS are invoIved,

turning a problem over to the United Nations is a copout,

not a solution.

We are not going to end poverty in the Third World by a

huge Marshall Plan.

We are at a watershed in our relations with the Soviet

Union. Mikhail Gorbachev is by far the ablest Soviet leader

Since Stalin. He is smoother than Khrushchev and just as

tough as Brezhnev. We should welcome his refo廿ms, Which are

des￨gned to make the Soviet system work better, but we must

always bear in mind that reform at home does not mean reform

Of fore￨gn POlicy abroad. Gorbachev does not want war, but

as a dedicated communist he wants victory without war. For

us to seek only peace without victory is a rec￨Pe for defeat.

Our policy must combine deterrence, negOtiation,

COmPetition, and cooperation. This means develop￨ng both the

Offensive and defensive weapons necessary to deter Soviet

aggression; negOtiation to reduce arms′ but even more

important to reduce the political differences which could

lead to the use of arms; COmPetition ideoIog￨Cally on both

Sides of the 工ron Curtain, and economic cooperation where it

SerVeS Our mutual interest.

In his 工ron Curtain speech, Winston Churchill said,

一一The United States stands at this time at the p￨nPaCle of ●

WOrld power. 工t is a solemn moment for the American

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democracy. For with primacy in power is also ]Oined an

awe-inspiring accountability to the future." Those words are

as true today as when he spoke them41 years ago. 工am

COnfident that Americans will respond to leadership which

meets that challenge.