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Definition of Sociolinguistics:
Sociolinguistics is the study of the relation between language and society--a branch of
both linguistics and sociology.
American linguist William Labov has called sociolinguistics secular linguistics, "in
reaction to the contention among many linguists working in a broadly Chomskyan
framework that language can be dissociated from its social functions" (Key Thinkers
in Linguistics and the Philosophy of Language, 2005).
"[T]he difference between sociolinguistics and the sociology of language is very
much one of emphasis," says R.A. Hudson. "There is a very large area of overlap
between the two" (Sociolinguistics, 2001). In An Introduction to
Sociolinguistics (2013), Rubén Chacón-Beltrán observes that in sociolinguistics "the
stress is placed on language and its role within communication. Sociology of
language, however, centers on the study of society and how we can understand it
through the study of language."
Continuum as a subject of linguistics.
Sociolinguistic is essentially a study of language used in society.
Certainly- language is a very significant and unique feature of the culture
of any society since it gives clear indication as to how people behave. The
relationship between a language and its users is both complicated and
informative. Society shapes and colours language. A society is represented
by its language. A Language in various forms and uses is t he prime
concern of the sociolinguistics. They study society to get better view and
understanding of the language to be better informed about the diverse
linguistic choices that speakers have to make sociolinguists argue that language exists
in context- dependent on the speaker who is using it and dependent on where it is
being used and why. Speakers mark their personal history a n d i d e n t i t y i n t h e i r
speech as well as their sociocultural- economic and geographical
coordinates in time and space. So taking a broad approach to the
s u b j e c t o f Sociolinguistics would mean to include in it everything from
considering who speaks what language- to whom- and when and to what
end- i.e. the social distribution of Linguistic items- to considering how a
linguistic variable might relate to the formulation of a specific grammatical
rule in a particular language or dialect and finally to the processes through which
languages change. (Wardhaugh EFF2). It is important to recognise that
much of the interest in sociolinguistics has come from people who have a practical
concern for language- rather than desire simply to understand better how languages
work. In particular it became possible in the US In the 1960s & 1970s to fund
relatively large scale research projects connected with the speech of
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References:
Paulston, Christine Bratt and G. Richard Tucker, eds. Sociolinguistics: The Essential Readings.
Malden, Ma.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2003.
T. C. Hodson and the Origins of British Socio-linguistics by John E. Joseph Sociolinguistics
Symposium 15, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, April 2004
Q.2: What are the social functions of language? In which ways code-
switching between Urdu and English is fulfilling the social functions of
language in Pakistan?
Aristotle, De Anima Book 111 (1985) in Jordan Bames (Ed), The complete works of
Aristotle, Princeton University Press
Chris K, Kennedy M, Hartford, J (2000). The evolutionary emergence of language: Social
function and origin of linguistic form, Cambridge University press.
Cropper, C (2003) Preparation Manual for the Texas Examination of Educator Standards,
www.texasstudy.com
Q.3: Why do some countries have an essential need for a language policy? Enlist the
options open to the Government of Pakistan with respect to its language policy. Discuss
the merits and demerits of each of these options.
The two competing schools of thought tend to totally reject the other in Pakistan. The
school of thought that is in favour of Urdu or the local languages does not see any role
for English. The other school of thought, which favours English, considers native
languages insignificant. Since the latter is in power, local languages are either ignored
or their potential underestimated. No institutional support is provided to them and
they are being subjected to a slow death. The painful fact is that many students who
are being educated in English-medium schools find it difficult to read a book written
in their mother tongue. Many do not know how to count in Urdu or in their mother
tongue. The reason is obvious they are exposed to English primers before any other
reading material. They start learning the English alphabet before any other.
As stated before, English is an important contemporary language and to oppose it
would amount to depriving the people of a passport to enhanced opportunities for
success in life. Pakistanis must learn English but not at the cost of rejecting local
languages. In fact, we should be striving for a balance between English and the local
languages. Such a balance can only be achieved if our local languages are given
respect and validation through institutional support. This would mean introducing
them in primary classes as a subject.
The significance of exposing students to their native languages lies not just in
providing them with additional linguistic tools for communication but also in helping
them associate with their cultural roots, of which language is an important
manifestation.
We have seen a number of educational policies instituted by different governments
but never has there been a comprehensive document on language policy. Excerpts
from different documents refer to certain claimed objectives but they were not
bolstered by institutional support. There is a serious need to carve out a policy that is
realistic in nature and that makes the attempt to preserve local languages and cultures.
The writer is a professor & director of the Centre for Humanities and Social Sciences
at the Lahore School of Economics and author of Rethinking Education in Pakistan.
Refrences:
Kaplan B., Robert, and Richard B. Baldauf Jr. Language Planning from Practice to Theory.
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters ltd., 1997
Cobarrubias, Juan. "Ethical Issues in Status Planning." Progress in Language Planning:
International Perspectives. Eds. Juan Cobarrubias and Joshua Fishman. New York: Mouton
Publishers, 1983.
Language: An Introduction, Lehmann, W.P., 1983, Random House
Q.4: The following factors play a great role in determining the character of
a language. Write about some specific influences that these factors have on
a language.
– Geographical situation
– Social environment
Sociolinguistics is the study of how language serves and is shaped by the social nature
of human beings. In its broadest conception, sociolinguistics analyses the many and
diverse ways in which language and society entwine. This vast field of inquiry
requires and combines insights from a number of disciplines, including linguistics,
sociology, psychology and anthropology.
Sociolinguistics examines the interplay of language and society, with language as the
starting point. Variation is the key concept, applied to language itself and to its use.
The basic premise of sociolinguistics is that language is variable and changing. As a
result, language is not homogeneous — not for the individual user and not within or
among groups of speakers who use the same language.
By studying written records, sociolinguists also examine how language and society
have interacted in the past. For example, they have tabulated the frequency of the
singular pronoun thou and its replacement you in dated hand-written or printed
documents and correlated changes in frequency with changes in class structure in
16th and 17th century England. This is historical sociolinguistics: the study of
relationship between changes in society and changes in language over a period of
time.
What is dialect?
Sociolinguists also study dialect — any regional, social or ethnic variety of a
language. By that definition, the English taught in school as correct and used in non-
personal writing is only one dialect of contemporary American English. Usually
called Standard American English or Edited American English, it is the dialect used in
this essay.
Scholars are currently using a sociolinguistic perspective to answer some intriguing
questions about language in the United States, including these:
Which speakers in urban areas of the North are changing the pronunciation of vowels
in a systematic way? For instance, some speakers in Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit and
Chicago pronounce bat so that it sounds like bet and betso that it sounds
like but. Linguists call these patterned alterations the Northern Cities Vowel Shift.
Which features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE) grammar are used
by middle-class white teen-agers who admire contemporary African-American music,
entertainment and clothing? For instance, white adolescents might speak approvingly
of the style of a peer by saying she money or he be jammin’ — sentence structures
associated with African Americans.
Which stereotypical local pronunciations are exaggerated to show local allegiance?
Such language behavior has been pointed out recently for Pittsburgh, New Orleans
and the barrier islands off North Carolina known as the Outer Banks. At the end of the
20th century, connections between the isolated Outer Banks and the greater world
increased. This changed the local seafood industry and made the Outer Banks a
destination for a growing number of tourists. Using the typical way that the natives
pronounce the vowel in the words high and tide, these North Carolinians are
called Hoi Toiders. They continue to use this distinctive vowel even though in other
ways their dialect is becoming more like other American dialects.
What will be the linguistic impact of the impending loss of monolingual French
speakers in the Acadian, or Cajun, region of southern Louisiana? What are the traces
of French in Cajun Vernacular English, the dialect of monolingual speakers of
English who consider themselves Cajun? Will these French features be sustained?
What slang terms do students use to show affiliation with subgroups of their peers and
to distinguish themselves from their parents’ generation? In 2002, for example,
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university students in North Carolina described things that were great, pleasing or
favorable as cool, hype, money, phat, tight or sweet — but definitely not swell.
Variation in language is not helter-skelter. It is systematic. For instance, a speaker
may sometimes pronounce the word mind to sound just like minethrough a process
called consonant cluster reduction. Pronunciation of the final–nd consonant cluster as
–n tends to occur before consonants; i.e., the speaker’s choice of saying mine instead
of mind is conditioned by a feature of the language itself (whether or not a consonant
sound follows the word).For instance, a speaker is likely to say ―I wouldn’t mind
owning a BMW‖ (with both n and d pronounced before o), but ―I wouldn’t mine
borrowing your BMW‖ (with nd reduced to n before b).
Variation also correlates with social factors outside of language. For example,
Appalachian working-class speakers reduce consonant clusters more often than
northern Anglo-American working class speakers and working-class African
Americans, regardless of their region, reduce consonant clusters more frequently than
do other working-class speakers. Thus, the occurrence of final consonant cluster
reduction is conditioned internally by its position in the speech stream and externally
by the social factors of socioeconomic class and ethnicity.
Another example of an internal linguistic variable is the pronunciation of the words
spelled pen, ten and Ben so that they sound as if they were spelled pin,
tin and bin. This variable correlates with being Southern, regardless of age, gender,
socio-economic class or ethnicity. However, among Southerners, the pronunciation
of ask as if it were spelled ax correlates with ethnicity, because the pronunciation is
used most often (but not exclusively) by African Americans.
Another pronunciation variant that correlates with a social category is heard in New
Orleans. In working-class neighbourhoods, words spelled with oi are often
pronounced as if spelled er. For these speakers, then, the word point rhymes
with weren’t. Age is another social variable. In North Carolina, elderly speakers often
pronounce duke, stupid and newspaper with a y-sound before the vowel. Instead of
the common pronunciations dook, stoopid, and nooz for these words, they say dyuke,
styupid, and nyuz. (This is basically the difference all English speakers make between
the words food and feud; feud has a y-sound before the vowel.) Speakers born after
World War II seldom use this pronunciation.
Sociolinguists: Subjects and Leaders
Sociolinguists study many other issues, among them the values that hearers place on
variations in language, the regulation of linguistic behavior, language standardization,
and educational and governmental policies concerning language.
The term sociolinguistics is associated with William Labov and his quantitative
methodology. Around the world, many linguists study the intersection of language
and social factors from other perspectives. The most prominent is M. A. K. Halliday,
whose approach is called systemic-functionalist linguistics. Some other prominent
sociolinguists are Guy Bailey, John Baugh, Jack Chambers, Penelope Eckert, Lesley
Milroy, John Rickford, Suzanne Romaine, Roger Shuy, Deborah Tannen, Peter
Trudgill, and Walt Wolfram.
References:
Trudgill, P. (1974). Linguistic change and diffusion: description and explanation in
sociolinguistic dialect geography. Language in Society 3:2, 215-46.
Trudgill, P. (1983). On dialect: social and geographical perspectives. Oxford: Basil
Blackwell; New York: New York University Press.
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Recasting is rephrasing something the child has said, perhaps turning it into a
question or restating the child's immature utterance in the form of a fully grammatical
sentence. For example, a child saying "cookie now" a parent may respond with
"Would you like a cookie now?"
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Phonology involves the rules about the structure and sequence of speech sounds.
Semantics consists of vocabulary and how concepts are expressed through words.
Grammar involves two parts.
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The first, syntax, is the rules in which words are arranged into sentences.
The second, morphology, is the use of grammatical markers (indicating tense, active
or passive voice etc.).
Q.5: What do you understand by the term local forms of English explain with suitable
examples. Also state as to which form of English should be learnt in our country. Debate
your opinion in detail.
Q.6: Write short notes on the following and give suitable examples.
a. Isogloss
b. Register
c. Style
Ans: A. ISOGLOSS
Definition
An isogloss is a geographical boundary line marking the area in which a distinctive
linguistic feature commonly occurs. Adjective: isoglossal or isoglossic. Also known
as heterogloss.
This linguistic feature may be phonological (e.g., the pronunciation of a vowel),
lexical (the use of a word), or some other aspect of language.
Major divisions between dialects are marked by bundles of isoglosses.
Etymology
From the Greek, "similar" or "equal" + "tongue"
Examples and Observations
"[S]peakers in southern Pennsylvania say bucket, and those in the north part of the
state say pail. [The line of demarcation between the two] is called an isogloss. Dialect
areas are determined by large 'bundles' of such isoglosses.
"Several noteworthy projects have been devoted to mapping the features and
distribution of dialects across the United States, including Frederic Cassidy's
Dictionary of American Regional English [DARE] (begun in the 1960s and
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[completed in 2013]), and William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg's The
Atlas of North American English (ANAE), published in 2005."
(Kristin Denham and Anne Lobeck, Linguistics for Everyone: An Introduction.
Wadsworth, 2010)
Regional Dialects
"English is made up of a number of regional dialects. Linguists can identify the main
characteristics of different regions, and the isoglosses establish boundaries which
group together non-standard dialect forms with similar distinctive linguistic features.
Inevitably, there are some overlaps--although non-standard lexis tends to be located in
specific regions, non-standard grammatical features are similar across boundaries."
(Sara Thorne, Mastering Advanced English Language, 2nd ed. Palgrave Macmillan,
2008)
Drawing an Optimal Isogloss
"The task of drawing an optimal isogloss has five stages:
1. Selecting a linguistic feature that will be used to classify and define a regional
dialect.
2. Specifying a binary division of that feature or a combination of binary features.
3. Drawing an isogloss for that division of the feature, using the procedures
described below.
4. Measuring the consistency and homogeneity of the isogloss by the measures to be
described below.
5. Recycling through steps 1-4 to find the definition of the feature that maximizes
consistency or homogeneity."
o (William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg, The Atlas of North
American English: Phonetics, Phonology, and Sound Change. Mouton de
Gruyter, 2005)
Focal Areas and Relic Areas
"Isoglosses can also show that a particular set of linguistic features appears to be
spreading from one location, a focal area, into neighbouring locations. In the 1930s
and 1940s Boston and Charleston were the two focal areas for the temporary spread of
r-lessens in the eastern United States. Alternatively, a particular area, a relic area,
may show characteristics of being unaffected by changes spreading out from one or
more neighbouring areas. Places like London and Boston are obviously focal areas;
places like Martha's Vineyard--it remained r-pronouncing in the 1930s and 1940s
even as Boston dropped the pronunciation--in New England and Devon in the extreme
southwest of England are relic areas."
(Ronald Wardhaugh, An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, 6th ed. Wiley-Blackwell,
2010)
Kinds of Linguistic Features
"Further distinctions can be made in terms of the kind of linguistic feature being
isolated: an isophone is a line drawn to mark the limits of a phonological feature; an
isomorph marks the limits of a morphological feature; an isolex marks the limits of a
lexical item; an isoseme marks the limits of a semantic feature (as when lexical items
of the same phonological form take on different meanings in different areas)."
(David Crystal, A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics, 4th ed. Blackwell, 1997)
The Canadian Shift Isogloss
"A given region may have optimal conditions for a given sound change, which may
affect almost all speakers. This is the case with the Canadian Shift, involving a
retraction of /e/ and /ae/ . . .; it is especially favoured in Canada because the low back
merger that triggers the shift takes place well to the back of the vowel space for
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almost everyone. Homogeneity for the Canadian Shift isogloss, which stops at the
Canadian border, is .84 (21 of the 25 speakers within the isogloss). But the same
process takes place occasionally throughout other areas of low back merger in the
U.S., so that consistency for the Canadian isogloss is only .34. Outside of Canada, the
instances of this phenomenon are scattered throughout a much larger population, and
leakage is only .10. Homogeneity is the crucial measure for the dynamics of the
Canadian vowel system."
Reference:
(William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg, The Atlas of North American
English: Phonetics, Phonology, and Sound Change. Mouton de Gruyter, 2005)
B. REGISTER:
In linguistics, a register is a variety of a language used for a particular purpose or in a
particular social setting. For example, when speaking in a formal setting contrary to
an informal setting, an English speaker may be more likely to use features of
prescribed grammar—such as pronouncing words ending in -ing with a velar nasal
instead of an alveolar nasal (e.g. "walking", not "walkin'"), choosing more formal
words (e.g. father vs. dad, child vs. kid, etc.), and refraining from using words
considered nonstandard, such as ain't.
As with other types of language variation, there tends to be a spectrum of registers
rather than a discrete set of obviously distinct varieties – numerous registers could be
identified, with no clear boundaries between them. Discourse categorisation is a
complex problem, and even in the general definition of "register" given above
(language variation defined by use not user), there are cases where other kinds of
language variation, such as regional or age dialect, overlap. Consequent to this
complexity, scholarly consensus has not been reached for the definitions of terms
including "register", "field" or "tenor"; different scholars' definitions of these terms
are often in direct contradiction of each other. Additional terms including diatype,
genre, text types, style, acrolect, mesolect and basilect, among many others, may be
used to cover the same or similar ground. Some prefer to restrict the domain of the
term "register" to a specific vocabulary (Wardhaugh, 1986) (which one might
commonly call jargon), while others[who?] argue against the use of the term altogether.
These various approaches with their own "register", or set of terms and meanings, fall
under disciplines including sociolinguistics, stylistics, pragmatics or systemic
functional grammar.
History and use
The term register was first used by the linguist Thomas Bertram Reid in 1956, and
brought into general currency in the 1960s by a group of linguists who wanted to
distinguish among variations in language according to the user (defined by variables
such as social background, geography, sex and age), and variations according to use,
"in the sense that each speaker has a range of varieties and choices between them at
different times" (Halliday et al., 1964). The focus is on the way language is used in
particular situations, such as legalese or motherese, the language of a biology research
lab, of a news report, or of the bedroom.
M. A. K. Halliday and R. Hasan (1976) interpret register to be "the linguistic features
which are typically associated with a configuration of situational features – with
particular values of the field, mode and tenor...". Field for them is "the total event, in
which the text is functioning, together with the purposive activity of the speaker or
writer; includes subject-matter as one of the elements". Mode is "the function of the
text in the event, including both the channel taken by language – spoken or written,
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C. STYLE:
There is a widely held view that style is the correspondence between thought and
expression. The notion is based on the assumption; that of the two functions of
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The classification presented here is not arbitrary; the work is still in the observational
stage. The classification is not proof against criticism, though no one will deny that
the five groups of styles exist in the English literary language.
Reference:
Labov, William.. Sociolinguistic patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1972.
Eckert, Penelope. Variation and the indexical field. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 2008, 12: 453–
476
One language can have many dialects. Linguistically speaking, the difference between
standard language and dialect is merely the formal process of ―standardisation‖
(selection, codification, elaboration and acceptance) that the standard language
undergoes and the dialect doesn’t. Dialect in linguistics is, thus, the non standard
variety of language. When we talk in terms of sociology and politics of language,
however, we have to address the issue of prestige and power. Standard language is
most often considered as the language of power, prestige and high status, whereas the
many other dialects of language are considered inferior and low in status.
It is important to know that the dialect of language is no way linguistically incomplete
or deficient form of language. But for official and formal purposes, only one language
can be chosen to become the standard variety. If we get into the intricacies of it, we
will appreciate the fact that this selection of one random non-standard variety of
language for standardisation is not that random. In fact, this selection is governed by
politics or power, i.e. by those seated at high positions in the society. The variety of
language used by a low status community would rarely be chosen for the
standardisation process.
The issue gets even more complication when the speakers of the standard variety
consider themselves as superior to the speakers of the non-standard variety or dialect
of language. To raise oneself higher in the society stratum, often, then, the speakers
abandon their language variety and try to learn the standard variety. Language
becomes the marker of a community. Language becomes identity. Language reflects
power. There have been incidents where language speakers fight and protest against
official bodies and force them to give their dialect the status of a standard language.
Many a time, this even leads to violence. The case of language and dialect in India has
often resulted into this scenario.
The New York variety of English and the Massachusetts variety of English are
usually considered highly prestigious or the standard language varieties. An example
of dialect of English language that is considered inferior is cockney English. It is
interesting to know that the famous English dramatist Bernard Shaw made use of this
in his classic play Pygmalion. Similarly, eastern Hindi and western Hindi are two of
the many dialects of Hindi language.
According to this definition, any variety of a given language constitutes "a dialect",
including any standard varieties. In this case, the distinction between the "standard
language," or the "standard" dialect of a particular language, and the "nonstandard"
dialects of the same language is often arbitrary and based on social, political, cultural,
or historical considerations. In a similar way, the definition of the terms "language"
and "dialect" may also overlap and are often subject to debate, with the differentiation
between the two classifications often grounded in arbitrary and/or sociopolitical
motives.
The other usage of the term "dialect", often deployed in colloquial or sociolinguistic
settings, refers to a language that is socially subordinated to a regional or national
standard language, often historically cognate or genetically related to the standard
language, but not actually derived from the standard language. In other words, it is not
an actual variety of the "standard language" or dominant language, but rather a
separate, independently evolved but often distantly related language. In this sense,
unlike in the first usage, the standard language would not itself be considered a
"dialect," as it is the dominant language in a particular state or region, whether in
terms of linguistic prestige, social or political status, official status, predominance or
prevalence, or all of the above. Meanwhile, under this usage, the "dialects"
subordinate to the standard language are generally not variations on the standard
language but rather separate (but often distantly related) languages in and of
themselves.
Thus, these "dialects" are not dialects or varieties of a particular language in the same
sense as in the first usage; though they may share roots in the same family or
subfamily as the standard language and may even, to varying degrees, share some
mutual intelligibility with the standard language, they often did not evolve closely
with the standard language or within the same linguistic subgroup or speech
community as the standard language and instead may better fit the criteria of a
separate language.
For example, most of the various regional Romance languages of Italy, often
colloquially referred to as Italian "dialects," are, in fact, not actually derived from
modern standard Italian, but rather evolved from Vulgar Latin separately and
individually from one another and independently of standard Italian, long prior to the
diffusion of a national standardized language throughout what is now Italy. These
various Latin-derived regional languages are therefore, in a linguistic sense, not truly
"dialects" of the standard Italian language, but are instead better defined as their own
separate languages. Conversely, with the spread of standard Italian throughout Italy in
the 20th century and the increase in dialect leveling, various regional versions or
varieties of standard Italian developed, generally as a mix of the national standard
Italian with local regional languages and local accents. These variations on standard
Italian, known as regional Italian, would more appropriately be called "dialects" in
accordance with the first linguistic definition of "dialect," as they are in fact derived
partially or mostly from standard Italian.
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