Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications

Angela L. Workman-Stark

Inclusive
Policing from
the Inside Out
Advanced Sciences and Technologies
for Security Applications

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Yoshiki Yamagata, National Institute for Environmental Studies, Tsukuba, Japan
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Angela L. Workman-Stark

Inclusive Policing
from the Inside Out

123
Angela L. Workman-Stark
Ottawa, ON
Canada

ISSN 1613-5113 ISSN 2363-9466 (electronic)

Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications
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Preface

When you are a Mountie, you wear more than the uniform. You assume the identity
of a member of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). I proudly wore the
Mountie identity for more than two decades until my last day of work in April of
2016, when I retired at the rank of Chief Superintendent. Throughout my career I
experienced many diverse opportunities that took me from patrolling western parts
of Canada to money laundering investigations, undercover operations, criminal
intelligence, recruitment, terrorism prevention, and finally to leading and guiding
large-scale organizational change at the RCMP headquarters in Ottawa.
Although I enjoyed all the experiences in between, no role has had such a
profound impact on me as when I was appointed to oversee the efforts of the RCMP
to respond to serious allegations of gender discrimination, bullying and harassment
reported by current and former female employees.
In late 2011 Corporal Catherine Galliford, the former spokesperson for the
RCMP in British Columbia, was the first of a number of women who went public
with stories of sexual harassment and bullying by male colleagues. In response to
these allegations, and based on the outcomes of a gender-based assessment, the
RCMP developed an action plan to address the culture and composition of the
RCMP through initiatives that focused on harassment policies and practices,
employee conduct, recruitment, mentoring, promotion processes, work–life bal-
ance, and creating respectful workplaces.
In the role of senior advisor, one of my first steps was to attempt to look beyond
the symptoms of harassment to better understand the deeply rooted aspects of the
RCMP culture and elements of the internal climate that needed to change.
I searched in vain for a resource book that would better guide our efforts. Nowhere
could I find a sufficient roadmap that would assist us in implementing meaningful
changes—changes that would address root causes and not just symptoms.
I found myself reading everything I could find about bullying and harassment in
the workplace, specifically as it related to policing. The more I read the more I
began to challenge my own assumptions about the internal environment of the
RCMP—assumptions about how people should behave and about who is in and
who is out. I also found myself reflecting upon a particular discussion at my first

v
vi Preface

detachment when some of my colleagues were criticizing a former female officer

who was successful in suing the RCMP for sexual harassment she experienced on
the job. I do not recall their exact words but I do remember my response.
I essentially joined them in condemning her for not being tough enough to fit in, for
no other reason than it was simply easier to go along.
Alice Abernathy (now Clark) was her name. She joined the RCMP in 1980 and
voluntarily resigned in 1987 after experiencing sexual and other forms of harass-
ment from some of her male colleagues that caused severe stress and depression. In
her lawsuit, she described having her performance assessed more harshly than her
male colleagues, being subjected to unwelcome comments and pornographic
material, being fearful that backup would not come when needed, and an overall
sense of feeling unwelcome.
Recalling these criticisms about Alice and her lawsuit reinforced for me that my
starting point in this new leadership role was to uncover my own conscious and
unconscious biases from more than 20 years in policing. My first priority was to
actively listen to the men and women who shared their experiences of being bullied,
harassed and excluded in the workplace: men and women who suffered from low
self-esteem, depression and even post-traumatic stress disorder as a result. I found
their stories to be very powerful as they humanized their experiences rather than
reducing them to a mere footnote in a report.
One of the first people I met with shared a story so egregious that I was unable to
sleep through the night for weeks after we first met. Due to confidentiality concerns
I can only say that she was sexually harassed and stalked by her first supervisor and
completely vilified by her colleagues and even some senior leaders for daring to
report the harassment. She now suffers from severe post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), and I am doubtful she will ever fully return to work. It is her story that
compelled me to better understand the experiences of others and the conditions in
which such conduct is tolerated. It is her story that I continue to carry with me
today.
It was not long after these initial meetings before other members reached out to
me to share their stories and to solicit my assistance. On many occasions I just
listened as the individuals did not want any further action taken. In others, I
intervened where I could. Still in others, I felt powerless to do anything.
Someone recently asked me if I bear scars from this experience and I have to
admit that I do. It has more to do with feeling both powerful and powerless at the
same time. I was a high-ranking officer and should have been able to make more of
a difference but in reality I had to concede that we might not have been ready to
accept certain cultural truths about the organization and our roles as leaders. My
point here is not a criticism; it is simply to acknowledge that organizational culture
is a complex beast and one we need to understand better.
Building on my previous Ph.D. work I began to write. I wrote about women in
policing and the police culture and how it is manifested in the ways that people
interact with each other, in what behaviors are valued and even tolerated, and in the
types of people that get ahead. I realized that the workplace issues were much more
deeply rooted, requiring a better understanding of how policing has evolved since
Preface vii

its early origins and how this evolution has contributed to more bureaucratic
structures and impersonal management approaches as well as the formation and
reinforcement of a unique police culture and associated identity.
I also began researching, writing and teaching about creating a more inclusive
police organization—an organization in which all people and all groups have a
voice, are treated fairly and are included in decisions that matter. I soon
acknowledged that I needed to write this book to support police leaders who are
attempting to address workplace issues that lead to a lack of procedural fairness and
the exclusion of people who do not fit in.
This book draws from my experiences in leading, researching, and teaching
about organizational change; my extensive research on the police culture/climate,
issues of identity and belonging within policing and building inclusive workplaces;
interviews with serving and former police personnel; and from my work with police
leaders who have initiated change in furtherance of a more inclusive environment.
My intent in sharing these insights is to honor the men and women who entrusted
me with their stories in the hopes that meaningful change can be undertaken.
This book is meant to be a consolidated resource for police practitioners and
reform specialists and to also serve as a textbook for students in specialized sem-
inars or topics within criminology and criminal justice programs. The first half of
this book describes the numerous changes in policing that have helped shaped the
police culture and organizational structures, the various divides that exit within
police organizations, and issues of internal procedural fairness. The second half
describes a process of change and the essential elements for building the foundation
for change to occur.
In Chap. 1 I briefly cover the nature and evolution of policing as well as
challenges faced in policing today. I then introduce the concept of police legitimacy
and the recent actions of police officers wherein that legitimacy has been ques-
tioned. Police leaders have suggested that having more diverse officers can improve
relationships with communities; however, in this book I argue that this is only part
of the equation, as a greater focus on improving the internal police climate is also
needed.
Due to the role of organizational culture in either supporting or impeding
change, Chap. 2 examines the police occupational culture. The various cultures
found within policing are also explored, such as those found between ranks,
between functional units, between individual officer style, and even between
organizations. I also discuss how the police culture has been modified over time
through changes to policing philosophies and practices.
Chapter 3 begins with an introduction to the concepts of identity and belonging.
Policing is often referred as having a blue identity that tends to reflect the traditional
crime fighter and an officer in uniform, who is strong, hard working and defends the
weak. In addition to a singular police identity, multiple identities may also exist in
policing, such as ones that may be defined by tenure, rank and function, as well as
those defined by membership in different groups distinguished by gender,
race/ethnicity, or by sexuality. These latter identities are quite relevant given the
necessity for police officers to carefully manage their diverse identities in order to
viii Preface

avoid being seen as a weak fit and excluded by their peers. Similar to the process of
socialization presented in Chap. 2, I also explore how the police identity is formed
over time.
Chapter 4 builds on the concepts of identity and belonging and examines the
common barriers to inclusion within policing. These include conscious and
unconscious biases and stereotypes; lack of networking and mentoring opportuni-
ties; organizational policies and practices such as those related to promotion,
leadership development and flexible work arrangements; social status; and the
police culture. While I acknowledge there are many men and women who have
rewarding and positive careers in policing, the purpose of this chapter is to better
understand the barriers that preclude some people from being able to enjoy a
fulfilling career in policing.
In Chap. 5 I delve further into an exploration of organizational climate, primarily
focusing on the creation of a justice climate in which people share common
assessments about the fairness of treatment. The advantage of an internal climate
that is perceived as fair and supportive is that organizational members are more
likely to internalize the organization’s values and behave in ways that are consistent
with these values. I conclude this chapter with a discussion of the precursors to
justice climates in policing.
In Chap. 6 I begin with an introduction to the concept of inclusion and an
expanded definition of diversity, followed by a discussion of the benefits of both.
I describe the attributes of an inclusive police organization along with an organi-
zational development model that depicts an evolutionary process from exclusion to
inclusion. The second part of this chapter introduces a framework for building more
inclusive workplaces in policing. A key requirement of this approach is that it
focuses on restructuring the entire organization rather than attempting to fit out-
siders into an existing culture.
Chapter 7 outlines the foundational elements for creating a culture of inclusion.
This consists of conducting an in-depth organization assessment that examines
employee’s perspectives of the workplace and aspects of the internal climate such
as values, structures and interactions between people. Leadership commitment,
assessing and creating readiness for change through persuasive communication,
employee involvement, and change leadership represent the remaining necessary
elements of the foundation phase.
In Chap. 8 I propose an approach for designing a change process that is focused
on creating a more inclusive workplace. In reaching this stage in the process it is
assumed that senior police leaders have accepted the findings from the organization
assessment that they have committed to a process of change and that important
steps have been taken to create individual and organizational readiness.
Chapter 9 introduces inclusive leadership and its role in improving the internal
dynamics of police organizations and interactions with the public. This is followed
by an examination of conscious and unconscious biases about people that influence
decision-making processes. I next explore inclusive team leadership, and more
broadly, the steps that will guide police leaders through a process of embracing a
Preface ix

new leadership focus. Specific examples of inclusive leadership in action are also
showcased.
The final chapter of this book focuses on an often-overlooked element of
organizational change—monitoring and evaluating progress. This involves ensuring
that what was planned is being accomplished and that planned interventions are
achieving their intended outcomes.
This book provides an account of what I have learned both academically and
experientially, and it is an important read for police leaders who are ready to
undertake the challenging journey of creating a more inclusive workplace that
promotes safety and acceptance and leverages the best of all members. This process
starts with a willingness to ask the right questions about the experiences of people
in the workplace and to be open to the truths that might emerge. Just because
leaders might not have heard about specific workplace issues does not mean they do
not exist. More often than not, people are looking for the opportunity to be heard,
and a proactive approach to change is a better alternative to one that is generated
from external sources.
The costs of workplace incivility are significant; victims are not only more likely
to decrease their work effort, quality of work, and their level of commitment to the
organization, they are also likely to mistreat others in the workplace and to take
their frustrations out on members of the public. While these costs have a significant
impact on police organizations, incivility against members of the public can have a
much greater impact in terms of eroding perceptions of police legitimacy. Given the
role of police culture in guiding the behavior of police personnel, it is the central
premise of this book that inclusive policing begins from the inside out.

Ottawa, Canada Angela L. Workman-Stark

Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the many men and
women who shared their stories of bullying, harassment and discrimination, and
who inspired me to write this book. Your stories have left their mark on me and I
am grateful that you entrusted me with them. I would also like to thank the
inspirational leaders for sharing their leadership journeys and their efforts to create
more inclusive workplaces in their respective organizations.
To Jennifer Berdahl and Marianne Copper, thank you so much for your very
helpful suggestions and continuing to inspire me on this journey.
I would also like to acknowledge those individuals who graciously offered to
review draft chapters of this book and/or contributed their leadership insights.
I cannot thank you enough for your valuable comments and contribution.
Specifically, I would like to acknowledge Cathy Bawden, Elisa Bernstein, Christina
Cefaloni, Alison Crawford, Neil Dubord, Bill Fordy, Deborah Hurst, James Lea,
Norm Lipinski, James Malizia, Guylaine Monfette, Chris Murphy, John Nuvoloni,
Mark Reber, Marianne Ryan, Ryan Stark, and Sara Thompson.
Special thanks are extended to my father-in-law and retired Mountie, Cliff Stark,
for setting the example of integrity and professionalism for policing and for our
many spirited conversations about the opportunities for meaningful change.
To my beloved husband Ryan, I am so grateful for your patience, never-ending
support and encouragement despite all the time this book took away from you.
And finally, I would like to acknowledge the many men and women who strive
to make a difference every day in service to their communities.

xi
Contents

1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

1.1 Evolution of Policing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.1.1 Police Professionalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.1.2 Community Policing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.3 Policing Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.2 Police Legitimacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.3 Police Actions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.4 Increased Diversity as a Partial Response . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.5 Internal Police Climate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2 Understanding Police Culture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2.1 Common Depictions of Police Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.1.1 Solidarity and Suspicion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.1.2 Proving Masculinity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.1.3 Positive Elements of Police Culture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.2 Types of Cultures in Policing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.2.1 Differences by Rank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.2.2 Differences by Individual Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.2.3 Differences by Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.3 The Socialization Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
2.4 Changes in Police Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3 Identity and Belonging in Policing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
3.1 Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
3.1.1 Occupational Identity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
3.1.2 Implications of Occupational Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
3.2 Police Occupational Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
3.3 Police Identity Formation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

xiii
xiv Contents

3.3.1 Discovery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.3.2 Try-Outs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3.3.3 Validation and Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3.3.4 Identity Acceptance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
3.3.5 Continued Checks and Salience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
3.4 Types of Identities Within Policing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
3.5 Identity Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
3.5.1 Gender Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
3.5.2 Gay and Lesbian Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
3.6 Organizational Identity and Identification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
3.7 Identity Threats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
3.7.1 Organizational Identity Threats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
4 Barriers to Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
4.1 Conscious and Unconscious Biases and Stereotypes . . . . . . . . . . 61
4.1.1 Gender Stereotypes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
4.1.2 Race/Ethnicity Stereotypes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
4.1.3 Sexuality Stereotypes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
4.2 Social Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
4.3 Police Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
4.4 Lack of Mentoring and Networking Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . 72
4.5 Organizational Policies and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
4.5.1 Traditional Career Path . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
4.5.2 Work and Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
4.5.3 Promotion and Advancement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
5.1 Organizational Climate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
5.2 Justice Climate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
5.2.1 Distributive Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.2.2 Procedural Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
5.2.3 Interactional Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
5.3 Unjust Climates and Their Implications for Policing . . . . . . . . . 88
5.4 Precursors of Justice Climates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
5.4.1 Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
5.4.2 Organizational Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Contents xv

6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process for Change . . . . . 103

6.1 New Meanings for Diversity and Inclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
6.2 The Benefits of Diversity and Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
6.2.1 The Syrian Refugee Experience. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
6.3 The Inclusive Police Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
6.3.1 Exclusive/Passive Clubs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
6.3.2 Compliant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
6.3.3 Proactive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
6.3.4 Redefining . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
6.3.5 Inclusive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
6.4 The Inclusion Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
6.4.1 Foundation for Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
6.4.2 Vision, Goals and the Intervention Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
6.4.3 Implementation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
7 Establishing the Foundation for Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
7.1 Conducting the Organization Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
7.1.1 The RCMP Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
7.2 Gaining Leadership Commitment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
7.3 Assessing Readiness for Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
7.4 Creating Readiness for Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
7.4.1 Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
7.5 Communication Channels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
7.5.1 Managing External Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
7.5.2 Employee Involvement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
7.5.3 Change Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
8 Designing a Process of Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
8.1 Developing the Vision and Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
8.1.1 Crafting the Vision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
8.2 Defining Standards of Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
8.2.1 Harassment Policies and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
8.3.1 Representation of Women and Minority Officers . . . . . . 149
8.3.2 Recruitment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
8.3.3 Formal and Informal Networking Opportunities . . . . . . 152
8.3.4 Mentoring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
8.3.5 Flexible Work Arrangements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
8.3.6 Clear Expectations for Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
8.3.7 Diversity Training and Other Mechanisms . . . . . . . . . . 158
xvi Contents

8.4 Workplace Democracy Interventions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

8.4.1 Implementing Inclusive Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
8.4.2 Structural Changes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
9 Inclusive Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
9.1 Inclusive Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
9.2 Outcomes of Inclusive Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
9.3 Understanding Conscious and Unconscious Biases . . . . . . . . . . . 171
9.3.1 Similarity-Attraction Bias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
9.3.2 Process Bias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
9.4 Inclusive Team Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174
9.4.1 Consider Task Type and Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
9.4.2 Improve Group Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
9.4.3 Connect People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
9.4.4 Ensure All Voices Are Heard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
9.5 Implementing Inclusive Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
9.5.1 Identify Why Inclusive Leadership Matters . . . . . . . . . . 178
9.5.2 Mobilize Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
9.5.3 Develop and Support Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
9.5.4 Embed New Competencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
9.5.5 Changes to Performance Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
9.5.6 Inclusive Leadership in Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
10 Monitoring and Evaluating Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
10.1 Oversight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
10.2 Periodic Check-Ins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
10.3 Progress Reports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
10.3.1 Key Performance Indicators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
10.3.2 Assessments of Workplace Climate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
10.4 Benchmarking and Outreach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
10.5 Celebrate the Best of People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
10.6 Build on Momentum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
11 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
About the Author

Angela L. Workman-Stark is a retired Chief

Superintendent from the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.
With more than 24 years of policing service, her experi-
ence has consisted of roles in general patrol, criminal
intelligence, money laundering/proceeds of crime inves-
tigations, undercover operations, human resources, ter-
rorism prevention, and organizational development. For
much of the past decade she has held significant leadership
roles in implementing organization-wide transformation
related to organizational effectiveness, leadership and
culture.
More recently, Angela was primarily responsible for
overseeing the implementation of an organization-wide
action plan in furtherance of the RCMP goal to effect
significant cultural change relative to diversity and
inclusion.
In her current role as Associate Professor, Organiza-
tional Behavior at Athabasca University, Angela teaches,
undertakes research and consults in the areas of leadership
and creating inclusive workplaces. Angela can be con-
tacted at angelaworkmanstark@gmail.com.

xvii
Chapter 1
Introduction: A Basis for Policing
and Inclusion

Abstract For many western societies, Sir Robert Peel’s principles have served as
the framework for modern policing, beginning with the establishment of the
London Metropolitan Police in 1829. Considered as relevant today as they were at
their origin nearly two hundred years ago, Peel’s principles stipulate that the basic
mission of the police is to prevent crime and disorder. The ability of the police to
fulfill this mission is dependent on the cooperation and consent of the public, and
the ability of the police to secure and maintain public trust and confidence. These
principles require that the police provide service to all members of society without
regard to race or social standing. Despite the many positive changes that have
enhanced the professionalism of the police and introduced more modern manage-
ment practices, attempts to reform the police may have inadvertently caused the
police to move away from the spirit of Peel’s principles through bureaucratic
structures, rigid performance management regimes and internal control mechanisms
that reinforce the divide between the ranks and an “us against the world” mentality.

The authority and responsibility that is granted to the police permits the use of
physical force in the execution of their duties. However, Peel’s principles imply that
the police should only use as much force as is necessary. Notably, as the degree of
cooperation from the public increases, the requirement for the use of force should
simultaneously decrease. In democratic societies the methods utilized by police
should also reflect democratic values.
A key aspect of Peel’s vision for policing was that it should remain a shared
responsibility between the public and the police. Effectively, Peel called for the
police to maintain such a relationship with the public that gives rise to the tradition
that the police are the public and that the public are the police. In a democracy the
obligation of doing police work falls not just on the shoulders of a professional
police force but also on every citizen. In an article published in the Indiana Law
Review in 1953, the author states that: “we must come to regard the police not as
our substitutes for police service, releasing us from any obligation, but as our
trained specialized helpers…” [20]. More recently, New York Police Commissioner

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 1

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_1
2 1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion

Bill Bratton noted that Peel’s principles inform a vision of collaborative policing
that guides efforts to promote shared responsibility for public safety [38].
In this chapter I provide a brief overview of the evolution of policing and
highlight the complexities of policing today. A key theme I discuss in the first
section of this chapter is the necessity of police leaders to promote a more demo-
cratic and inclusive policing model that begins with the internal environment.
Failure to embrace democracy in the workplace may also have contributed to
internal and external issues of incivility and misconduct. Studies in the US and the
UK have discovered a link between officer perceptions of fair treatment and public
complaints of misconduct [7, 73].
I then introduce the concept of police legitimacy and specific actions of the
police wherein the legitimacy of the police has been questioned. Increased diversity
of officers has often been suggested as a means to address issues of incivility within
the police; however, in this chapter I refer to diversity as a partial response only and
identify the internal police climate as a more appropriate target for intervention.

1.1 Evolution of Policing

Since the inception of the modern police department there have been numerous
examples where the police have been accused of not living up to the principle that
public safety remains a joint responsibility between the public and the police.
Instead of maintaining respectful and collaborative relationships with communities,
the police have been criticized for incivility and racial bias, excessive use of force,
and failing to sufficiently represent the communities they serve.
Part of the explanation for these issues has been the view that the police have
adopted a military model of policing which has led to the creation of organizations
that are:
centrally controlled and highly inflexible, characterized by top-down order transmission
and bottom-up reporting; less creative and more intellectually rigid individual officers
bound to tradition and regulations, unable to deal effectively with both the dynamics of
modern policing theories and the communities they serve; and a more
combat/enforcement-oriented force [15: 119].

Under more rigid structures officers tend to be controlled through heavy

supervision, which can result in isolation and hostility between front line officers
and senior ranks, and between the police and the citizens they serve. The outcomes
are additional challenges to the legitimacy of the police and the implementation of
additional reform efforts to address these challenges.

1.1.1 Police Professionalism

Many improvements to policing have tended to be described as professionalization,

yet police professionalism was primarily focused on three core elements: crime
1.1 Evolution of Policing 3

suppression, the application of objective and scientific procedures that are free from
political influence, and the centralization of authority [53]. Police professionalism
dominated police reform efforts for much of the 20th century in the US and
influenced the evolution of policing in other parts of the world.
The new bureaucratic model, and the focus on a military style of discipline,
became pervasive in the 1950s and 1960s through the emergence of bureaucratic
police organizations that were resistant to change and isolated from the public [72].
To a great extent, individual officer discretion and autonomy were largely replaced
with strict rules and an adherence to the chain of command for decision-making [42].
The influence of the military model on policing is particularly evident through
the appearance of what is described as hyper-masculinity or military masculinity
[6]. This form of masculinity is characterized by the use of force, physicality,
hierarchy, superiority, courage under fire, and the suppression of feminine char-
acteristics [12], such as displaying emotion or showing weakness.
Overall, the introduction of police professionalism has led to improvements in
human resources practices through merit-based hiring practices and personnel
evaluation standards, the implementation of modern management principles,
increased training, reduced turnover, and greater opportunities for women and
minorities within police departments [27, 71, 72]. These changes were not limited
to the US alone. Similar shifts were also seen in other western democracies.
Notwithstanding these accomplishments, police professionalism may be best
regarded as contributing to the creation of a more complex police organization
governed by impersonal rules of procedure and a distancing of the police from the
public [72]. Its management techniques have been characterized as more military
than professional, and it has often been accused of reinforcing rather than chal-
lenging the racism and biases that exist in wider society due to its predominately
white and male-dominated focus [59]. Police professionalism has also been blamed
for creating more insular police organizations that are resistant to criticism [53].

1.1.2 Community Policing

By the end of the 1980s community policing was welcomed as a new era for
policing due to its focus on improving police legitimacy through proactive part-
nerships with community resources to solve local problems [45]. Community
policing also called for greater accountability of police, a greater public share in
decision-making, and greater concerns for civil rights and liberties [17].
Community policing also reversed the three key elements of police professionalism
as police organizations expanded their focus from crime control to a range of other
goals that they selected and pursued in consultation with communities [53].
Accompanying the shift to community policing was the added understanding
that the police gained their legitimacy, and therefore their authority, from the cit-
izens they policed. Whereas police professionalism was about the “thin blue line”,
community policing emphasized partnerships with communities [53]. The values
4 1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion

considered important to the public are the same values that should be considered
relevant and important to the police in the performance of their function: ethicality,
honesty, and fairness [56, 60]. Ideally, these are the same values that should be
inherent within police organizations, yet these values are not always applied in
practice. I will return to this issue in greater detail in a later section of this chapter
and again in Chap. 5.
In an effort to achieve the objectives of community policing, law enforcement
agencies have attempted to reduce bureaucracy, to decentralize decision-making, to
eliminate layers of hierarchy, and to explore quality improvement programs [69].
External influences have also pressured law enforcement agencies to become
learning organizations in order to adapt to the changing environment and to flatten
organizational structures to allow for greater discretionary power and increased
participatory management among officers. However, evidence suggests that many
of these recommendations have been largely resisted [19, 49].
Aside from the shift in police focus, perhaps the most significant transformation
associated with community policing has been the push to embrace different skills
and qualities: from the hyper-masculine attributes of strength, power and authority;
to those perceived as feminine, such as communication, empathy, compassion, trust
and relationship building [24, 33, 34]. In this regard, community policing expected
police officers to subvert traits associated with a militarized masculine culture and
to instead develop cooperative relationships with the public [24].
Similar to Robert Peel’s early principles for policing, community policing also
promotes prevention over reaction, thereby further opening the door for women and
other minority groups, who were previously not welcomed [45]. One of the central
themes of community policing has been the pursuit of workforce diversity. Over the
past few decades there has been a significant increase in the representation of
women and minorities, although the growth of women in policing appears to be
slowing of late [43].
Beyond the advantages of a more diverse workforce and enhanced relationships
with communities, Stanford law professor David Sklansky [53] argues that the
actual meaning of community policing has been too vague and too widely inter-
preted with many unanswered questions remaining. What does it means to actually
partner with a community? What are the roles of individual officers and of their
supervisors? How do the police respond to competing views from different com-
munity groups about how the police should function and what they should focus
on? And worse yet, what do the police do about a large percentage of the population
that does not attend community meetings?
Relatively new policing models such as intelligence-led and predictive policing
are seemingly replacing or overshadowing community policing, which effectively
signifies a return to the three core elements of professional policing: crime control
as the dominant function, scientific analysis as the determinant for enforcement
strategies, and an emphasis on centralized and “top-down” decision-making [53].
For instance, upon his appointment to Commissioner of the RCMP in 2011, Bob
Paulson centralized reporting and proclaimed “primacy of operations” as the core
focus of the organization, which implied a greater focus on enforcement activities.
1.1 Evolution of Policing 5

These changes present new challenges for police organizations in clearly artic-
ulating their mandates and the expectations for police personnel. In Chaps. 8 and 9,
I will focus on the role of leadership in clarifying the direction of the organization
and the roles and responsibilities of police personnel as an initial part of the process
in creating a more inclusive organization.

1.1.3 Policing Today

The core functions of the police today are much more than controlling crime. They
commonly include law enforcement, emergency response, maintaining public
order, providing assistance to victims of crime, and crime prevention. Although
traditional law enforcement activities often receive the most public attention, in
reality the police respond to a variety of emergencies and personal crises, including
crimes in progress, domestic disputes, public disturbances, motor vehicle collisions
involving injury or death, sudden deaths (including suicides), episodes of mental
illness, and locating lost children and vulnerable adults.
The police are also often called upon to notify family members of the death of
loved ones and to look after people who cannot take care of themselves due to
intoxication or mental disorder. In many of these instances the police will exercise
their discretion and not pursue enforcement action, thereby making the role and
effectiveness of the police difficult to measure [48].
Policing today is arguably much more than complex than it has ever been. The
rapid spread of new forms of communication, increasing migration stemming from
conflict in other parts of the world, growing income inequality, and the fragmen-
tation of families and communities have created new threats and new criminal
opportunities [26]. These changes present significant challenges for the police, such
as: working across borders and effectively collaborating with a global police
workforce; responding to new kinds of offences and new ways of committing them;
engaging with rapidly changing communities and communities that are created and
connected through social media; and meeting increasing public expectations for
security and demands for non-traditional policing services at the same time as
budgets are shrinking.
The new generation of police personnel is more collaborative, team-oriented,
tech savvy, and appreciative of diversity as strength [41]. They are also more
demanding of a workplace that is transparent, allows for greater input into
decision-making, permits questioning of authority and challenging the chain of
command, provides regular feedback, provides coaching and mentoring opportu-
nities, places a greater value on balancing work and family, and generates instant
feedback through social media and other forms of electronic communication—all of
which are in direct contrast to the traditional paramilitary policing model [4]. This
creates an additional challenge of attempting to attract new officers to a workplace
that has not sufficiently adapted to meet changing expectations.
6 1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion

Economic pressures, increased public accountability and public scrutiny, the

changing nature of demand for police services and the need to exploit significant
advances in information and communications technology contribute to a new reality
for policing and the necessity of police leaders to devise new ways of responding to
these challenges and maintaining legitimacy in the process.

1.2 Police Legitimacy

Under a democratic system of governance policing is by consent of the people.

Therefore, the police must be viewed as an extension of the community, and not
some force acting against it [55]. A key value that is generally held by the public is
their support for the legitimacy of the police [61], and the belief that the public has
the right to call on the police and seek their assistance, to help combat crime, and
also the obligation to obey and engage in cooperative behavior [61, 62].
Police legitimacy is determined through the trust and confidence members of the
public have in the police to perform their duties, and it refers to the belief that legal
authorities should be obeyed and that individuals should defer to their judgments
[60]. An important aspect of legitimacy is institutional trust, which represents the
public’s belief that legal authorities are fair, honest, and that they will uphold civil
rights.
In a democratic society the police depend on legitimacy as a means of securing
cooperation, compliance and support from the public. If the public view the police
as legitimate, they are more likely to provide the level of support and cooperation
required for the police to effectively control crime and disorder [50]. Conversely, if
the public no longer views the police as legitimate they are unlikely to assist the
police with crime prevention activities, to be cooperative as victims and witnesses,
to accept officers’ commands and decisions, and to voluntarily comply with the
law [18].
A primary mechanism for establishing police legitimacy is procedural justice—
the fair implementation of laws and policies. Procedural justice generally consists of
two key concepts: fair treatment and quality decision-making. Specifically, judg-
ments about procedural justice are influenced by whether the police are considered
as neutral and transparent; whether they explain their actions and seek input from
community members before making decisions; and whether they treat people with
dignity and respect [63]. Procedural justice is an essential element of positive
police-community relationships as it communicates the message that an individual
is a respected member of society and deserves to be listened to.
Being treated respectfully and having basic human rights acknowledged and
considered is more important than the actual outcomes of decision-making pro-
cesses. That said, police decision making processes must also reflect the concerns
and values maintained by all groups that are affected by the process, and it must be
applied consistently across all people at all times [31]. In other words, how the
police do their work is just as important as what they do.
1.2 Police Legitimacy 7

An inquiry by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights into missing

and murdered indigenous women in Canada, suggested that long-standing dis-
crimination and stereotypes led to a failure of legal authorities to act with due
diligence. More specifically, the police and other authorities were deemed not to
have applied the same respectful, consistent and impartial treatment to indigenous
victims and their families.
According to the information received, the police have failed to adequately prevent and
protect indigenous women and girls from killings and disappearances, extreme forms of
violence, and have failed to diligently and promptly investigate these acts. Family members
of missing and murdered indigenous women have described dismissive attitudes from
police officers working on their cases, a lack of adequate resources allocated to those cases,
and a lengthy failure to investigate and recognize a pattern of violence [25].

In the aftermath of 9/11 and other terrorist attacks around the world, Muslims in
particular, have been subjected to hate crimes, stereotyping and discrimination. At a
2011 summit sponsored by the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) Civil
Rights Division, Deputy Attorney General James Cole acknowledged that:
This kind of stereotyping and hate runs counter to the basic values of equality and religious
liberty on which this Nation is founded. We must never allow our sorrow, our anger at the
senseless attack of 9/11, to blind us to the great gift of our diversity in this Nation. All of us
must reject any suggestion that every Muslim is a terrorist or that every terrorist is a
Muslim… [65].

1.3 Police Actions

Despite the changes that have occurred in policing, evidence suggests that the
legitimacy of the police continues to be challenged. In the past few years policing
has come under increased scrutiny due to a number of police-involved shootings
and in-custody deaths, where racism, the inability to effectively confront persons
suffering from mental illness, and excessive use of force have been perceived to
play a significant factor. These deaths and the subsequent public outcry have led to
various constituents questioning the legitimacy of the police.
Most notable of these police-involved shootings is the case of Michael Brown, a
black teenager shot and killed by a white police officer on August 9, 2014 in
Ferguson, Missouri. In the days and weeks following his death, mass protests broke
out across the US, and in parts of Canada. Since then there have been numerous
other examples of police-involved shootings.
On July 5, 2016, the shooting death of a black man during a confrontation with
Baton Raton, Louisiana police officers outside a convenience store was captured on
cellphone video. And one day later on July 6, 2016, another black man was shot by a
Minnesota police officer during a traffic stop. These two back-to-back shootings
helped spur nationwide protests in the US and across the border in Canada [29], with
some groups reportedly calling for retaliation against the police [75]. Tragically on
8 1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion

July 7, 2016 five Dallas Police Officers were shot and killed in an ambush during a
peaceful protest against police shootings [1]. Ten days later on July 17 three police
officers were shot and killed in Baton Rouge, Louisiana while investigating reports
of a man with an assault rifle [30].
In the backdrop of these tragic incidents the US Department of Justice Civil
Rights Division was investigating allegations of excessive use of force by officers
from a number of police departments, including the Albuquerque New Mexico
Police Department (APD) and the Cleveland Division of Police. In both of these
cases, investigators concluded there were reasonable grounds to believe that the
APD and the Cleveland Division of Police engaged in a pattern or practice of
excessive force, including deadly force. In addition to a culture of indifference to
fair and impartial policing and police insularity, insufficient accountability, inade-
quate training, ineffective policies, and a limited focus on community policing were
deemed to be contributing factors [64, 65].
Similarly, a Department of Justice investigation of the Baltimore City Police
Department (BPD) found that the BPD engages in unconstitutional stops, searches
and arrests; pursues zero tolerance enforcement strategies that unjustly target
African Americans; uses excessive force; and retaliates against people who are
engaging in protected speech that may be critical of the BPD. The investigation also
uncovered gender-bias in officer interactions with female victims of sexual assault
who came from vulnerable communities such as those in the sex trade.
Many of the issues that were discovered within the BPD, were brought about by
structural failures such as inadequate policies, training, supervision, and account-
ability systems. Investigators concluded that the BPD had not effectively engaged
with the community and did not provide officers with the necessary tools to police
effectively. Ineffective strategies for staffing, recruitment and retention, along with
forcing officers to work overtime after long shifts were viewed as lowering morale
and leading to officers working with diminished decision-making skills [67].
In the case of Ferguson and the shooting death of Michael Brown, an investi-
gation into the Ferguson Police Department determined that both the police and
municipal court practices reflected and exacerbated racial biases and stereotypes.
Over time, these practices were found to “have sown deep mistrust between parts of
the community and the police department, undermining law enforcement legitimacy
among African Americans in particular” [66: 2].
The DOJ report further acknowledged that the Ferguson Police Department
moved away from community policing efforts in favor of revenue-generating
policing practices, which served to undermine community trust and led to per-
ceptions of the police as being illegitimate. A key finding from the report was that
African American views of the Ferguson Police Department are shaped not just by
what Ferguson officers do, but also how they do it.
Aside from the issues associated with policing practices, the DOJ report also
highlighted the lack of racial and gender diversity within the police department;
only 4 of 54 officers were female, and 4 of 54 officers were African American.
Furthermore, the report recognized that the efforts of the Ferguson Police to attract
and retain qualified female and black officers might have been impacted by the
1.3 Police Actions 9

same biases that were observed more broadly within police-community relations.
Specifically, investigators found evidence that the department “tolerates sexual
harassment by male officers, and has responded poorly to allegations of sexual
harassment that have been made by female officers” [66: 89].
Allegations of police misconduct and workplace incivility are not limited to the
US. In Canada, a Toronto Police Service constable was convicted in 2016 of
attempted murder for the unjustified shooting death of Sammy Yatim on a Toronto
streetcar [21]. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) has also come under
scrutiny in relation to allegations of excessive use of force and a workplace culture
that tolerates harassment. Notably, on October 14, 2007 Robert Dziekanski, a
Polish immigrant to Canada who did not speak English, was tasered five times by
RCMP officers at the Vancouver International Airport. A subsequent inquiry into
his death determined that the RCMP officers involved were not justified in the use
of the taser [8].
In a statement following the release of the results of a public opinion poll, and
after the Braidwood Commission of Inquiry report was made public, an RCMP
spokesperson communicated that: “Public trust and support is essential for the
police to do their jobs effectively, so it’s important for us to continue working hard
to earn, build and maintain that trust on every shift and with every interaction we
have with the public” [52].
In late 2011 and early 2012, current and former female officers of the RCMP
came forward with public allegations of bullying and sexual harassment, which
served as the catalyst for a significant change process directed at creating a more
diverse and inclusive workplace. Similar to the Ferguson Police Department, an
internal assessment identified a tolerance for sexual and other forms of harassment
and a poor response to formal complaints [57].
Beyond the RCMP, other police services across Canada have also been faced
with employee complaints of discrimination, bullying and harassment. In late 2013,
an internal workplace review of the Calgary Police Service revealed claims of
sexual assault, sexual harassment, bullying and intimidation, gender discrimination,
and an overall workplace culture that renders some people too fearful to complain
as a result of intimidation and concerns for retaliation [44]. Both the Ottawa and
Toronto Police Services have also faced scrutiny following human rights com-
plaints by female officers [22, 40].
Looking to other parts of the world, the New Zealand Police are in the final year
of a ten-year monitoring period following a Commission of Inquiry investigation
into the manner in which the New Zealand Police had responded to allegations of
sexual assault against members of the police and associates of the police, after two
women went public [5].
More recently, the Victoria (Australia) Equal Opportunity and Human Rights
Commission released the findings of its investigation into sex discrimination and
sexual harassment, including predatory behavior, among Victoria Police employees.
The investigation concluded that: “an entrenched culture of ‘everyday sexism’,
coupled with a high tolerance for sexual harassment, has left many current and former
Victoria Police employees harmed, sidelined and deeply disillusioned” [68: 10].
10 1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion

Similarly, an investigation into the culture and diversity of the Australian Federal
Police (AFP) determined that “sexual harassment and bullying are pervasive across
the AFP” [9: 9].
The main points I am making in presenting these examples is to illustrate that a
failure to adhere to the spirit of Peel’s principles has created a deep divide between
the police and the communities they serve. Similarly, a failure to adopt a more
inclusive form of leadership and the promotion of greater workplace democracy has
contributed to a hostile working environment in many police organizations. The end
result is the perfect storm—a police service that is lacking trust and confidence from
those on the outside and from those within.

1.4 Increased Diversity as a Partial Response

In response to rising tensions between the police and the communities they serve,
police leaders have spoken about the need for police departments to become diverse
and representative of their communities such that incivility toward a diverse public
is no longer tolerated. Following the shooting deaths of police officers in Dallas,
Dallas Police Chief David Brown asked “young black men to stop protesting, to
start applying, and to help fix the problems they see in their community” [16]. Other
law enforcement agencies in the US have made similar appeals, hoping to recruit a
more diverse workforce as one method way in which to re-establish community
trust [16].
Police services in Canada and in other parts of the world have looked to diversity
as a means of addressing internal misconduct. For instance, an RCMP action plan
outlined specific targets for police personnel; including 30% women, 20% visible
minorities and 10% Aboriginals [47]. The Australian Federal Police articulated a
more aggressive target of 50% women [9]. And while the Victoria Police report
acknowledged the importance of encouraging workforce diversity it made no
mention of actual diversity targets.
Notwithstanding the optimism toward a more diverse police workforce, diversity
is just one part of the equation, and alone, will not generate expected outcomes. For
instance, some studies show that black officers are less prejudiced than white
officers, are more familiar with black communities, are more likely to arrest white
suspects and less likely to arrest black suspects, and receive more cooperation from
other blacks with whom they interact on the job. Other studies demonstrate that
black officers are equally likely to fire their weapons, arrest people, have complaints
made about their behavior, and even hold prejudice against blacks themselves [54].
Similarly, female officers have been found to perform better in such areas of the
job as being less prone to use excessive force, more skillful at defusing and
de-escalating potentially violent confrontation, better at securing the cooperation
and trust of citizens, and more effective in responding to incidents of domestic
violence. Yet the consensus view is that both male and female officers have been
shown to behave in roughly similar ways [32].
1.4 Increased Diversity as a Partial Response 11

Research has shown that the pressure for conformity can be so strong that many
women and minority group members may be forced to adapt to the existing police
subculture in order to fit in. As such, the general assumption is that police behavior
is determined more by situational factors, such as police organizational culture, and
not by race or gender [54].

1.5 Internal Police Climate

The internal climate refers to several factors that shape the police working envi-
ronment, such as autonomy, trust, support, recognition, and fairness. Particularly
important are the interactions between people, especially those between employees
and management. A police organization’s internal climate also reflects the dominant
norms and values of its culture, which in turn influences the behavior of employees
[35]. Both the structure of the work and the internal climate can be strongly
associated with symptoms of mental health in police officers [11].
Negative social interactions that are characterized by uncivil, discourteous, and
disrespectful behavior, but do not involve physical violence, are referred to as social
stressors [13]. Social stressors that arise from coworkers and supervisors lead to as
much strain on police officers as do stressors originating from interactions with
members of the public [2]. Other organizational stressors relate to bureaucratic
disciplinary procedures, poor communication, too much workload, role ambiguity,
and the pressure of having responsibility for other people’s lives [58].
Police officers’ perceptions of their work environment have a significant impact
on multiple measures of stress [75]. Stressors such as being ridiculed and set up, as
well as experiencing bias and harassment from coworkers have also been found to
be predictive of a general measure of strain within policing [36]. Regardless of
gender, co-worker bias against one’s racial or ethnic group has been shown to be
the strongest predictor of stress among police officers [37].
Female officers, in particular, experience high levels of co-worker and supervisor
gender-related prejudices, stereotyping, discrimination, and harassment [23, 37, 45,
51]. Moreover, there is strong evidence that employees experience more incivility
in male dominated organizations [14].
In 2012, Janet Merlo, a former police officer with the RCMP filed a class-action
lawsuit citing sexual harassment, bullying and gender-discrimination. In her
statement of claim she recounted the following incident:
On one occasion, the Sergeant brandished a dildo that had been seized as evidence in a
criminal investigation and yelled across the Nanaimo Detachment office words to the effect:
“Merlo, what the hell happened? This thing was brand new yesterday. Now it’s almost
worn out. Did you take it home last night? [39].

The RCMP announced a $100 million settlement of this, and a second class
action lawsuit in early October 2016 with an estimated 1000 serving and former
12 1 Introduction: A Basis for Policing and Inclusion

female employees expected to make claims. In announcing the settlement,

Commissioner Bob Paulson offered the following apology:
…to all the women who have been impacted by the Force’s failure to have protected your
experience at work, and on behalf of every leader, supervisor or manager, every
Commissioner: I stand humbly before you today and solemnly offer our sincere apology.
You came to the RCMP wanting to personally contribute to your community and we failed
you. We hurt you. For that, I am truly sorry. You can now take some comfort in knowing
that you have made a difference. Because of you, your courage and your refusal to be
silenced, the RCMP will never be the same [46].

The RCMP is not alone is dealing with such workplace misconduct. As the
previous section has demonstrated, police services in other jurisdictions are also
addressing aspects of the internal climate that permit such behavior to occur. An
Internet search also revealed a number of settled harassment-related lawsuits (albeit
smaller in scale) across many parts of the US.
These findings are of significant concern given that police officers must often
rely on each other in the performance of their work, and are an important source of
social support. Even more troubling, in the absence of effective coping strategies
social stressors can lead to poor health [28], absence from work [74], burnout [10],
chronic stress, depression, abuse of alcohol and drugs, and intentions to leave
[3, 70].
A police officer I spoke with, I will call him Larry (the names in this book have
been changed and the identities disguised), refused to accept a weekend on-call
assignment from his supervisor based on his view that the request was unethical and
inappropriate. Essentially, the long standing practice in the unit with this particular
supervisor was that if he was unavailable to take calls during his normal weekend
rotation, one of the junior members would accept his on-call responsibilities. If the
replacement officer was called in for work he or she would be compensated, if not,
the on-call hours would be credited to the supervisor; entitling him to extra time off.
By refusing this assignment, Larry was ostracized by his coworkers and supervi-
sors. The stress eventually took its toll as Larry suffered from depression, gained an
excessive amount of weight, and was absent from work.
Matt, another former police officer I interviewed, was isolated by his colleagues
and supervisors, from an early point in his career, based on views that he did not fit
into the prevailing culture. He was not invited to join his colleagues for coffee
breaks or any other social gatherings. He was subjected to unfair treatment by his
supervisors—different rules applied to him than to other constables, and his work
was overly criticized. He suffered from added pressure to perform, sleeplessness,
loss of self-esteem, and became uncomfortable with confrontation. Eventually,
toward the end of his career Matt was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder
and now struggles to cope with daily activities.
The above examples illustrate that the costs of workplace incivility can be
significant, not only for the health and wellness of police personnel who are vic-
timized, but also for work colleagues and members of the public who may bear the
brunt of their frustrations. As much as Peel’s principles apply to external
1.5 Internal Police Climate 13

relationships between the police and the public, many of these same principles also
apply to police organizations themselves. Respectful and collaborative relationships
and consistent and fair treatment, irrespective of race or social class, are essential
elements for establishing a basis for inclusion.
Summary
Police leaders can no longer rely on traditional command and control management
approaches or outdated policing practices. They must look for new ways of doing
things, including devising more effective means for engaging with communities and
continuing to promote a more democratic form of policing that maintains their
legitimacy in the eyes of the public, as Peel originally intended.
Equally, police leaders must also look to engage with police personnel in more
procedurally fair ways such that they are able to leverage the best of all employees
and promote behaviors that align with desired organizational values. It is unrea-
sonable to expect police personnel to apply fair and just procedures in their dealings
with the public, yet subject them to an inflexible and highly controlling manage-
ment style when they return to the office. Effective policing depends heavily on the
judgment and discretion exercised by front-line officers. Rigid command and
command and control management styles not only impede innovation and problem
solving, they can also easily slip into issues of workplace bullying.
In Chaps. 2 and 3, I delve further into a discussion of police culture, how it has
been shaped over time and how it continues to influence police behavior. In Chap. 3,
I explore the police identity and how threats to this identity may draw strong
reactions from the police and may contribute to many of the negative experiences
that are surfacing today.

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Chapter 2
Understanding Police Culture

Abstract Parts of the police culture may need to evolve in order to establish a
more inclusive internal climate. Yet before seeking to influence a culture shift
police leaders first need to understand it. This chapter provides an overview of the
common descriptions of the police culture, how the culture might have changed
over time and how new recruits are socialized. This chapter also highlights the types
of cultures that tend to be found within policing as well as the different cultures that
might emerge from one police organization to another. Excerpts from interviews
with current and former serving police officers are also included to illustrate their
experiences as they relate to key points discussed throughout this chapter.

Culture is to a group as personality and character are to an individual. We can

observe the resulting behavior but we really do not understand what is happening
below the surface to influence such behavior. Renowned culture expert, Edgar
Schein, suggests that just as personality and character guide and constrain our
behavior, so too does culture guide and constrain the behavior of members of a
group [53].
Culture continues to be of significant interest due to its influence on individual,
group and organisational behaviors. For instance, culture is significantly associated
with psychological strain, employee retention, job satisfaction, and organizational
commitment [37].
Culture also refers to a wide range of observable events and underlying forces
that operate at three levels within organizations: the visible surface level artifacts
such as physical environment, order of dress, language, stories told, and observable
rituals and ceremonies; the publicly espoused beliefs and values; and the basic
underlying assumptions. These assumptions clarify what to pay attention to, what
things mean, how to react emotionally to what is going on, and what actions to take
in various kinds of situations [53].
Culture at this level also provides a basic sense of identity and the values that
provide self-esteem. Specifically, culture tells people who they are, how they should
behave toward each other and how to feel good about themselves [23].

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 19

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_2
20 2 Understanding Police Culture

Beyond a specific organization, Edgar Schein proposes that cultures may also
evolve as occupational cultures, particularly if members are largely trained in the
same way with the same values. Shared assumptions stem from common origins,
educational backgrounds, the requirements of a given occupation such as training,
and the shared contact with others in the same occupation [53]. Based on this
description it is clear there is an occupational culture that is associated with
policing, and this is the one that often gets the most attention. For the purposes of
this book I will use the term culture to refer to the ideas and informal practices and
procedures that develop in the course of doing police work.

2.1 Common Depictions of Police Culture

The police culture has been the subject of intense interest since it was first studied in
the US in the 1960s, largely due to the impact it is believed to have on police
behavior. This early research proposed that police behavior was influenced by the
police culture and the working-class backgrounds of police recruits who tended to
view violence as legitimate and were preoccupied with maintaining self-respect,
proving masculinity, and not taking any crap [74].
In one of the first published works on police culture in 1966, Jerome Skolnick
argued that police culture arises from the common tensions that are associated with
the job of being a police officer. These include the potential danger that officers face
in their encounters with the public, the authority they are able to draw upon during
such encounters and the pressure to be efficient [59].
Beginning from these early studies, and largely focused at the level of patrol
officer, the police culture has been frequently described in such terms as monolithic,
homogeneous, authoritarian, suspicious, cynical, pessimistic, macho, elitist,
misogynist, distrustful, insular, socially isolated, and highly resistant to change
[10, 26, 48].
Police culture has also been generally regarded as the bi-product of modern
police work [39, 46, 66, 73], with common themes relating to the danger of the
street environment, the authority to use violence, officer discretion, isolation from
the public, shift-work, bureaucracy, conflict between front-line officers and man-
agers, and vague and conflicting mandates. It is often viewed as a set of beliefs
shared by all police officers that stem from an adaptation to hostile working con-
ditions and are reinforced through a process of socialization and solidarity [14, 58].

2.1.1 Solidarity and Suspicion

The investigative nature of policing and the dangerous occupational environment in

which police officers work are believed to reinforce an attitude of suspiciousness
toward both members of the public and even new colleagues. For example, police
2.1 Common Depictions of Police Culture 21

culture has been described as being characterized by two primary tenets: don’t trust
someone new and don’t share more information than is required [51].
This blue wall of silence is also referenced as a potential dark side to policing,
with the idea that officers will maintain secrecy and silence during formal inves-
tigations of their colleagues [26]. Though this depiction may not necessarily hold
true across all police organizations or in all countries. In a recent study involving
thirty-one police agencies in Canada, 66% of survey respondents indicated that they
would report officer misconduct [32].
A sense of solidarity or brotherhood among police officers provides reassurance
that colleagues will defend and back each other up in dangerous situations [51]. At
the same time, a sense of solidarity may also lead to officers becoming isolated from
the public, thereby producing an us versus them mentality [5, 13, 33, 36, 49]. This
mentality is generally believed to be held by more cynical officers who see the
world as primarily comprised of people that do not share their values, actively work
to conspire against them and have little regard for their authority. While police
interactions with community members may fuel such cynicism [21], informal
interactions among peers [69], and formal interactions with supervisors have also
been identified as contributing factors [19].
Up until a few years ago Jim was a police officer in southern Ontario where he
had the opportunity to work with two different platoons (patrol units). The first
platoon operated under the view that it was them against the world—the media, the
public, the courts and the criminal element. Because this latter group “lived in the
mud” officers were advised by supervisors that they also needed “to get dirty”. This
often involved a form of noble corruption in which potential suspects were beat if
they ran from the police or they were provoked to the point that they could be
arrested for a bogus infraction only for the purpose of verifying their identity. It was
also common for officers to carry a bit of crack-cocaine in their vests that they could
“throw down” when necessary, such as during a traffic stop to facilitate a bust of
someone they knew was dirty. Unit supervisors further reinforced this behavior by
isolating and protecting platoon members from senior officers; for example, by
warning the platoon in advance of any personal locker inspections so that they
could remove the drugs in their possession.
As a young recruit, Jim was encouraged to be aggressive and to just do “what it
takes” to prove himself, even if it meant violating someone’s civil rights. Jim
described this team as a “cowboy” platoon that was all about proving they were
“man enough” to do the job and the things no one else wanted to do. Women had it
particularly tough as they had to work twice as hard to prove themselves as “real
men” and as capable as their male colleagues, yet they were often just as aggressive
and committed to doing “whatever it takes”.
Platoon members viewed themselves as above the law and having to work
around a justice system that protected criminals rather than actively facilitating their
prosecution and conviction. Cheating on their spouses, driving drunk and bullying
those who did not fit in were also accepted group norms.
When Jim was later transferred to another platoon he discovered a completely
different environment. Platoon supervisors influenced and encouraged a team
22 2 Understanding Police Culture

culture that was about doing the right thing, upholding the law and the rights of
civilians, and treating team members with respect.
Jim’s experience with this police service emphasizes the role supervisors and
peers have in creating and maintaining team cultural norms, and how under the
right kind of leadership group culture can be positively influenced. In a later section
in this chapter I discuss the different cultures that can exist within police organi-
zations, including those that differ across teams and functions.

2.1.2 Proving Masculinity

To the extent that policing involves dangerous work, the presence of physical risk
reinforces a culture of masculinity and the dominant image of the ideal man as
autonomous, brave and strong. Given this, male officers are expected to exert
significant effort to demonstrate these masculine attributes in order to prove their
worth and fit in [17]. The outcome can be intense pressure to conform to a mas-
culine identity that values the image of the physical crime fighter, downplays social
service aspects of the job that are perceived as feminine work [47], and “prizes
stoicism, composure, and self-control” [44: 140].
Displaying emotion, other than anger, has been typically regarded as a weak-
ness; therefore, the norms and values of police culture have tended to prevent
officers from talking about their emotions in order to preserve this masculine
identity [50]. Officers who do not conform may be viewed as nurturing or weak and
subjected to ridicule and shame from peers [40].
Jim learned early on not to show emotion, as it was a sign of weakness, and to
deal with any emotions associated to the job on his own. His supervisors were able
to “suck it up” throughout their careers and therefore newer recruits were expected
to do the same. Senior managers were promoting mental health training but there
was real skepticism if they would actually support someone who came forward due
to the stigma associated with seeking help.
In a police setting, where rejection by peers might mean isolation, to avoid
shaming, officers may overemphasize their masculinity and repress emotions so as
not to appear vulnerable or feminine [1]. The costs of such displays can be high,
with both individuals and organizations paying a price. For instance, long-term
withholding or covering of emotional reactions has been liked to poor physical and
psychological health among emergency first responders [72].
Members routinely return to work still suffering from the physical and/or psychological
effects of those experiences, because of the stigma attached to PTSD (post traumatic stress
disorder).
Bad things happen to all of us. Talking it out in a professional setting helps to deal with the
issues. In my case, I have been branded with an alcohol problem when in fact it was simply
the misuse of alcohol to deal with external factors with the issues that lead to the misuse.
But the stigma remains. Real help early on would have assisted me greatly. Instead I was
told to “suck it up”.
2.1 Common Depictions of Police Culture 23

I believe members are now faced with non-disclosure of PTSD issues due to the effects this
will have on job status.

Attempts by male officers to maintain an image of hyper masculinity have led to

excessive risk taking, poor-quality decisions, the violation of civil and human
rights, the alienation of men from their health, emotions, and relationships with
others, and the marginalization of female colleagues [17]. This form of masculinity
has been shown to be manifested through words, acts, and in some cases, through
organizational policies [24], where the outcome of such a masculine police culture
is a “boys’ club” that may exclude and isolate members who are not part of the
in-group or perceived as a weak fit.
The old boys club exists and has been demonstrated by various senior managers throughout
the XXX. Nepotism is alive and well and if you are not part of the club your performance is
meaningless. This has a significant impact on advancements and opportunities.
…still a climate of “old boys club” where females are not welcome in traditionally male
sections. Advancement opportunities seem to be based on knowing the right people, not on
merit or experience.
I am a female in an extremely male-dominated culture. It is truly the “Old Boys Club”…
No matter how hard I work, a male will get more recognition than I will.

As noted above, the majority of descriptions of police culture portray it through a

negative lens. For instance, police culture is noted as a barrier to reform [22, 55, 56],
as an obstacle to police accountability and as a cause of police abuse of authority
[57]. But there are positive aspects of police culture that should not be overlooked.

2.1.3 Positive Elements of Police Culture

One prominent feature of police culture is a sense of duty and a focus on the
mission of policing. This particular feature is associated with the belief that policing
is not just a job and that the police have a meaningful purpose in society [30, 38].
I shared this same sentiment during my years in the RCMP and I have continued to
hear the same views in my work with police services in Canada and elsewhere. In
one specific organization members articulated that their work is important and
fulfilling, that they make a difference, that they work with good people, that there is
good camaraderie and a sense of family within their units, and that they support and
back each other up when needed.
I joined to live the life and have a career where I could make a difference in people’s lives.
I would be a policeman for free. There is nothing else I would have done in my life.
I am proud of the service I have provided to Canadians.
I think that it is a sacred DUTY to provide policing to the citizens of this country.
24 2 Understanding Police Culture

There are often personal sacrifices on the life side of the work/life balance. That though,
causes me no regret. The work I do is tied to the community I live in and the positive
influences my job allows me to make in the community. The work I do when I make the
sacrifices has deep meaning. Perhaps not for family, but in the long run I can only hope
family members understand that I am always there for them as I am for the community.

The police culture has also been identified as a valuable mechanism for coping
with the problems and tensions that confront police officers in their daily work
[9, 10, 42, 49]. For example, what is often referred to as black humor is an
important tool for releasing tensions associated with both the internal and external
working environments [69]. I cannot recall the number of times when black humor
has helped me overcome the tragedy of a situation. From suicides to sudden deaths
to fatal car accidents, humor was often the only way to cope.
A former colleague described how humor helped her cope after responding to a
suicide within her first month on-the-job. One morning when she came into work
she was asked to accompany a senior officer to check in on someone who had not
been seen in a few days. Upon arriving at the residence, she was the first to discover
the victim who had shot himself in the face. Recognizing that she was having
difficulty with the scene and trying not to appear weak her partner made a joke
about her trying to revive the victim—when it was clearly obvious that the victim
was deceased. His joke caused her to laugh and helped ease her tension at the scene.
The positive aspects of police culture, such as the sense of duty, have also been
regarded as important elements that can be leveraged for police reform efforts and
to prevent police misconduct from occurring. They are also essential for teaching
new recruits about their important roles as police officers [35].
Overall the police culture is considered to be a useful concept for understanding
may facets of policing. However as I briefly alluded to in the previous section,
police culture is also influenced by individual, societal and other contextual factors
such as the police organization itself, rank and individual officer style [34, 42]. As
such, the occupational police culture also generates different types of cultures that
cut across police organizations and various occupational groups.

2.2 Types of Cultures in Policing

In policing, different cultures may arise across functions and teams such as bomb
disposal, tactical response, patrol, intelligence, school resource or community polic-
ing, and detective work. However, distinctions by rank or level within the organiza-
tion continue to represent the more prominent descriptions of cultures in policing.

2.2.1 Differences by Rank

Based on research conducted within the NYPD, Elizabeth Reuss-Ianni identified

two distinct cultures differentiated by rank: the street cop culture and the
2.2 Types of Cultures in Policing 25

management cop culture. Whereas the street cop culture is found at the lower rank
patrol officers, and is consistent with the occupational police culture I discussed
earlier in this chapter, the management cop culture primarily consists of a com-
mitment to rules and regulations [51].
Other research suggests that the management culture is actually comprised of
two distinct parts: middle management and the top command/senior executive ranks
[18, 34]. In contrast to the street cop culture, which is focused on the immediate
aspects of the job and the risks of the street, the middle management culture is more
concerned with management functions and acts as a buffer between patrol officers
and upper management. In turn, the top command is consumed with the politics of
managing police organizations and being accountable to external stakeholders [41].
Essentially, each level holds different concerns, values and norms that act as some
form of insulation from other ranks [18].
These separate cultures emerged as a result of a weakening of the broader police
occupational culture through some of the changes that I described in Chap. 1,
including social and political forces, management practices, greater emphasis on
accountability and productivity, and pressures from minority groups to provide
adequate services and to enhance minority recruitment.
The impact of these changes on the relationships between the lower and upper
level ranks is mixed. Some studies indicate that the relationship between patrol
officers and their supervisors is fraught with uncertainty [41]. Others suggest that
officers are actually more positive about their immediate supervisor [31, 60]. On the
other hand, a number of studies have identified a deep divide between patrol officers
and the management hierarchy typically found in a headquarters environment [51].
When there is a greater distance between the front line officer and the supervisor,
both by rank and geographic distance, there is a greater likelihood for officers to feel
a sense of distrust and alienation. Headquarters is “always out to screw you while
protecting their own ass” [51: 49–50]. Recent feedback from police officers has
revealed a similar divide.
Too much nepotism, favoritism, and old boys club mentality.
Great organization but at this time it seems that mid-level management is not able to
deliver. Strong disconnect between senior management and members.
Upper management has different standards for those people within their club and outside it.
They use the people outside of the club to make an example out of.

Cultural differences by rank or level are not unique to policing. Different cultures
exist at various levels within all organizations. As an example, the operator culture
relates to the idea that front-line employees really run things and are the backbone
of the organization [53].
Front line operators tend to be of the view that events are often unpredictable,
and despite the existence of clear rules and procedures for different operational
conditions, they must be able to draw upon their skills and expertise to respond to a
given situation. Similar to policing, operators may consider that rules and hierarchy
26 2 Understanding Police Culture

get in the way in some circumstances; therefore, they learn to deviate from formal
procedures to get the job done and to push back against perceived unreasonable
demands from management [53].
Front-line supervisors and middle managers are also considered to have unique
cultures. Although front-line supervisors have the distinction of identifying with
both the rank-and-file and management, middle managers perceive that they do not
possess power or autonomy and therefore must adapt to an ambiguous authority
environment.
In contrast, the executive culture is characterized by increased responsibility and
accountability, a preoccupation with financial matters, and managing from a dis-
tance through control systems and routines that increasingly see people as imper-
sonal resources [53]. Arguably, moves to professionalize the police have resulted in
a further distancing between the ranks, with top executives now consumed more
with process over people, and concerns from the front-line that the executives will
not support them in a time of need, such as a police-involved shooting.

2.2.2 Differences by Individual Style

In addition to cultural influences by rank, a relationship between police culture and

individual officer working styles has also been acknowledged. In particular, three
different working styles have been identified and validated: the traditional crime
fighter style, the order maintenance/service provider style that is focused on visible
presence, preventive surveillance and service; and the professional style. Officers
who adhere more to the professional style are more concerned with providing a
visible presence and service to citizens, yet they also consider crime fighting to be
important [60].
The emergence of different working styles indicates that officers may not cope or
respond to their work environment in the same way, which is in direct contrast to
the commonly held idea that all officers view the police reality in the same way
[6, 60]. What this suggests is that traditional views of police culture are changing
and that different functions correlate with different working styles. Given the focus
on recruiting more diverse personnel, it is likely that these changes, along with a
shift in policing philosophy toward greater community engagement, has also
influenced officers to select positions that align more with their individual working
styles.
Notwithstanding these changes, the traditional crime fighter style is still the
predominate style associated with patrol officers. As such a cultural clash might
emerge between officers who value traditional modes of policing and those who
might advocate for a more progressive approach that involves closer relationships
with communities.
2.2 Types of Cultures in Policing 27

On Jim’s first platoon a clear distinction was made between being a “cop” and
being a “police officer”. Police officers were considered to follow the rules and
write tickets, whereas the “real cops” did what it took to put bad guys in jail. No one
wanted to be recognized as a good police officer as this would mean isolation from
the rest of the platoon. I identified a similar cultural clash during my work with a
municipal police service in Canada. Font line members frequently expressed
frustration with the competing priorities of traditional law enforcement and com-
munity policing efforts and mixed signals regarding the value and relevance of
each.
I did not sign up to be a Victim Services worker, a youth worker or a molly maid. I joined
so that I could enforce the law. We desperately need to get back to doing our jobs as police
officers and leave all the hand holding to our partners who specialize in the hand holding
field.

For police leaders who are seeking to influence cultural change and create a
more inclusive workplace, evidence of a weakening overarching police culture
holds promise that police culture may not be the barrier to reform it was once
thought to be. However, leaders still need to understand and appreciate the different
cultures that might exist in different functions and at different levels in order to
implement effective strategies for change as a one size fits all approach is unlikely
to be successful.

2.2.3 Differences by Organization

The behavior of police officers is also influenced by the culture of the organization
itself [42]. Though the police culture originates and is maintained by front-line
workers [63], organizational culture is usually defined from the top of the organi-
zation down [53]. This presents an added advantage for a change process as senior
leaders are uniquely placed to influence changes in behavior.
Through their words and actions, police executives establish norms about
risk-taking, health and wellness, employee empowerment, dress and deportment,
and the actions that are more favorably viewed in terms of promotions, job
assignments, and other types of rewards. Specifically, executives can indicate what
is important in the organization by the things that pay attention to, measure and
control [53].
For example, in Ferguson, Missouri, US Department of Justice investigators
concluded that the City’s law enforcement practices were shaped by a focus on
revenue rather than by public safety needs, thereby compromising the integrity and
legitimacy of Ferguson’s Police Department. The end result was a pattern of ille-
gitimate policing that inflicted unnecessary harm on a specific segment of the
Ferguson community [62].
Conversely, police leaders who monitor and reward community engagement
efforts will signal to their membership that this work is important and should be
28 2 Understanding Police Culture

embraced. At the same time, police leaders can recognize and reward more sup-
portive leadership behaviors that may overcome some of the cynicism that is cre-
ated through adversarial relationships. In this regard, culture is considered to be a
method of social control due to its influence on members to think and feel about
things in certain ways [27].
After organizational culture has been established, it is passed on to newcomers
through a process of socialization [64, 65]. In the next section of this chapter I
discuss how new recruits are introduced and socialized to aspects of the police
culture and also to the culture of a particular police organization.

2.3 The Socialization Process

The informal norms and values that exist within policing are generally agreed to
evolve in two ways: through recruitment of like-minded individuals who import the
same values [15], or through on the job learning. Some experts suggest that
socialization is largely in place when recruits are hired due to selection processes
that screen for certain traits [15]. In many instances this is proposed to be the result
of new recruits determining from an early age that they wanted to be police officers,
and therefore they adopted the requisite values [12]. In this context, socialization is
thought to play more of a minor role as recruits import established values [61].
Despite the foregoing arguments, no significant differences have been identified
between the characteristics of police recruits versus that of the general population
[8, 52]. Yet it has been shown that within a short period of exposure to the police
occupation, recruit attitudes and values undergo significant change and begin to
differ from the general population [14, 31, 51]. Accordingly, there is sufficient
evidence to suggest that police values and attitudes are actually learned on the job
[31, 39, 51, 67], and that new police officers are more likely to be heavily influ-
enced in their first few years of service when they are most vulnerable to organi-
zational influences [3, 12, 67].
The process of socialization occurs in all organizations not just policing, and for
the most part it has a positive influence on newcomers. It also tends to consist of
three stages: prearrival, encounter and metamorphosis (Langton et al. 2016). The
prearrival stage considers that newcomers arrive with a set of values, attitudes and
expectations about the work and the organization (p. 360). Thus during the selec-
tion process organizations are able to choose candidates who are presumed to be the
right fit. In the encounter stage, when newcomers enter an organization they soon
determine if the reality they discovered is consistent with their preexisting ideas.
In the metamorphosis stage, if leaders rely on fixed socialization programs out of
concerns for following the rules and order, it is more likely that newcomer dif-
ferences and perspectives will be removed and replaced by standardized behaviors
[28]. Although this socialization process is heavily relied upon to assist new recruits
with coping with occupational isolation and the perceived threat of danger [68], it
can also lead to assimilation and the suppression of differences in people. This
2.3 The Socialization Process 29

outcome has been a common criticism of many traditional diversity efforts asso-
ciated with policing whereby women and minority officers tend to be assimilated
and concentrated at the bottom levels of police organizations, and therefore unable
to assume sufficient levels of power that are required to influence culture change.
Albeit the socialization process commences as candidates are progressing
through the recruit selection process, it is during the introduction period, which
begins in the training academy, where new recruits learn about the policing envi-
ronment and the paramilitary training and language [29]. Uniformity in appearance,
attitude, and behavior, as well as strict adherence to rules and procedures, is
expected of all recruits.
For example, the uniform is considered to be a symbol of social control by
controlling the behaviors of officers and maintaining social distance from outsiders
[7]. Recruits are also exposed to a collective form of discipline such that if one
recruit is late the entire class is penalized, thereby building and reinforcing group
solidarity [11].
My own experiences at the RCMP Training Academy in 1992 are consistent
with the socialization process I described. Despite growing up in rural New
Brunswick, an eastern province in Canada, where the RCMP were very much a part
of the community and local members were often at my family’s house for dinner, I
was completely unaware of the paramilitary influence. I was initially astounded at
how much attention was given to strict rules of discipline and uniformity.
One of my former colleagues, who graduated a few years ahead of me, described
the Academy as a bullying environment in which those who were different were not
accepted. It was a common practice for troops to force out the weaker recruits
through exclusionary behaviors that forced them to quit, and her troop was no
exception. Repeatedly told that they did not belong, she and her all-female troop
members were also subjected to a socialization process that was highly gendered
and reinforcing of the dominant role of men and the subservient position of women.
This is the downside of socialization if steps are not taken to correct it.
Effectively, the academy socialization experience is intended to strip recruits of
their personal characteristics so that they can embrace the ethos of the organization
[2]. More critical assessments of this socialization period argue that it is so per-
vasive that it can also create an us versus them mentality [11], not only with recruits
who are deemed a weak fit and are the brunt of jokes and sarcasm, but often with
the community as well.
The socialization process intensifies when new recruits graduate from the
academy and begin on-the-job training. Though contact with training officers rep-
resents more of a formal socialization process, whereby recruits are shown what to
do and expect, contact with senior officers and other peers is informal in nature and
likely to be more about how things operate in the real world [20]. On this point, it is
very rare to encounter other officers who do not have the shared experience of being
told to forget all the crap they learned at the academy, as they are now in the real
world.
30 2 Understanding Police Culture

Beyond this, there may also be concern that more cynical officers can signifi-
cantly influence new recruits. I saw this throughout my time in the RCMP and
recently through my work with other police organizations. Here, the effect of
socialization is significant as it can eliminate the positive influences gained through
formal training and introduce the recruit to negative aspects of the police subculture
through exposure to police officers who may possess deeply cynical or questionable
qualities [16, 68].
Understandably the socialization process may produce both positive and nega-
tive outcomes for policing for a variety of reasons that have been discussed.
Whereas, exposure to certain officers can lead to a small percentage of officers to
display inappropriate behavior, socialization with senior officers or other peer group
members who embody appropriate values contributes to the learning of these
positive values as well as the overall craft of policing [43]. This is where police
leaders have an opportunity to influence the adoption of appropriate cultural norms.

2.4 Changes in Police Culture

Much of the understanding of police culture has relied on studies that largely
predate many of the significant transformations that have occurred within policing
and police organizations. In recent years there is a growing consensus that police
culture is in transition, although just how far it has come is still debated. Certainly,
social media and the increased political sensitivities around policing have influ-
enced the working practices of police officers [30].
As I described in Chap. 1, external influences have also resulted in improve-
ments to human resources practices through merit-based hiring practices and per-
sonnel evaluation standards, the implementation of modern management principles,
greater retention of officers and increased training [25, 70, 71].
Another pivotal development was the shift towards community policing which
required officers to become more deeply embedded in the communities they are
charged with serving [19]. This shift was coupled with some movement away from
physicality and brute strength as measures of competence, to qualities that facilitate
greater engagement with members of the public. To a great extent, this particular
change created a more welcoming environment for women and minority officers.
Traditional recruitment patterns overwhelmingly selected white, heterosexual, male
officers, but in recent years the changing face of police personnel has been
demonstrated through a gradual rise in members from minority ethnic, female, and
gay and lesbian backgrounds [54].
Marianne was able to take advantage of a shift away from physicality and toward
a greater focus on interpersonal skills when she joined the ranks of the RCMP in the
1980s. Her first posting near Thompson, Manitoba was a rewarding experience as
she learned the valuable lesson that she could be 6′′6 and it still would not make her
safer. Talking to people was much more effective than relying on physical strength
2.4 Changes in Police Culture 31

or brute force, and in her early years of service she was able to hone her inter-
personal skills by taking advantage of “open doors” in the community.
Given these changes, it is reasonable to believe that the enduring police culture
schema may be out of date as the broader police workforce is no longer insular or
homogeneous. But this optimism is countered with signs that the pace of change is
not universal across all police departments. While community policing has often
been considered an important change due to its focus on building trust between the
public and the police, there is sufficient evidence that this philosophy has not been
fully embraced.
In addition, the pace at which women are recruited appears to be slowing [45].
There is also increasing evidence that many of the traditional depictions of police
culture remain. For instance, a recent study of a police department in the UK revealed a
lingering preoccupation with the crime fighter style of policing and the existence of a
masculine ethos that was wrapped up in an image of conflict and danger [30]. Despite
the presence of female officers, who adopted a more service-oriented approach to
policing, this approach was overshadowed by the prevailing crime control mindset
[30]. Similarly, the study identified further evidence of the continued existence of
common traditional elements of police culture, including cynicism and pessimism,
maintaining dominance and isolation from the public.
The continued emergence of sexual harassment and gender discrimination
complaints, that I described in Chap. 1, also suggest that policing remains a
male-dominated and hyper-masculine occupation that is somewhat closed to the full
integration of women.
Summary
This chapter has provided an in depth overview of the police culture which is
influenced by a variety of factors; including job function, rank, individual working
style, and police organizations themselves. Moreover, the police culture is fre-
quently identified as a significant obstacle to organizational change and as a factor
that preserves negative practices such as abuse of authority, sexual harassment and
discrimination and excessive force [4]. The police culture has also tended to be
described as hostile to democratic values, thereby leading to police reform efforts
that manage change through top-down processes and through judicial and civilian
oversight [54].
Notwithstanding that community policing has been hailed as central to changing
the police ethos, it many instances it has been inadvertently thwarted through an
emphasis on achieving results. New performance indicators have only served to
reinforce the existing crime control mindset rather than support the introduction of
new modes of policing [30].
David Sklansky, a law professor at Stanford University, has argued that more
meaningful avenues of police reform have been overlooked, such as focusing on the
differences between officers rather than similarities among them, and rank and file
participation rather than top-down control. Specifically, opportunities have been
lost to adopt an appreciate inquiry mode of change whereby good officers are
identified, rewarded and learned from [54]. A further criticism pertains to missed
32 2 Understanding Police Culture

opportunities to fully embrace the concept of workplace democracy, thereby rele-

gating policing to an authoritarian form of management practice with police officers
continuing to be viewed as automatons and expected to comply with expectations
without independent thought [54].
Another concern is the growing distrust between the junior and senior ranks and
the view by officers that they are usually recognized for something that they have
done wrong rather than for something they have done well [41]. I have discovered
similar concerns in my work with police in Canada, with frequent references to a
blame culture. I will come back to this issue in Chap. 5.
Although police culture continues to be almost universally characterized in terms
of its more undesirable qualities, this traditional stereotype may no longer be
universally applicable to all police personnel and all police departments. Turning to
the future of policing and individual police organizations, there are significant
opportunities to build on the more constructive changes that have occurred, and to
leverage the positive aspects of police culture to help facilitate these changes. These
overlooked opportunities for change will be the focus of a later chapter in this book.
In Chap. 3 I explore the concepts of identity and belonging and their relevance for
policing and for facilitating change.

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Chapter 3
Identity and Belonging in Policing

Abstract Building on the discussion of police culture in Chap. 2, in this chapter I

briefly explore the concept of identity before turning to a description of the police
occupational identity, how it is shaped, how it might be threatened, and possible
reactions to that threat. I also touch on the concept of organizational identification
and the relevance of this concept today. While culture may be deemed as providing
the necessary resources and scripts for individuals within an organisation [17, 94],
identity is the image that is presented to others based on cultural expectations of
behavior [56]. Consistent with other chapters, I also incorporate excerpts from
interviews with police personnel to illustrate or reinforce key points.

The need to belong is a fundamental human motivation [11]. People have an

inherent drive to develop and maintain positive interpersonal relationships
throughout their lifetime, whether this is in a community or a work setting. The
need to belong represents the human desire to connect with others and to derive
satisfaction from belonging to a larger group [8].
Many of the strongest emotions that people experience are linked to belong-
ingness. Evidence suggests that being accepted, included or welcomed leads to a
variety of positive emotions, whereas being rejected, excluded, or ignored leads to
negative feelings such as depression, grief and loneliness. Substantial research
shows that people who do not have supportive relationships experience greater
stress than those who do [11].
The concept of identity explains who people are, why they do what they do, why
they join certain organizations and why they voluntarily leave. Identity also helps
understand why people interact with others in specific ways. Essentially, “identi-
fication matters because it is the process by which people come to define them-
selves, communicate that definition to others, and use that definition to navigate
their lives, work-wise or other” [8: 334].

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 37

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_3
38 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

3.1 Identity

Identity represents an individual’s answer to the question “who am I?” or a group’s

answer to the question “who are we?” [8, 67]. Individuals and groups define
themselves according to their distinctive characteristics; including their values,
beliefs and expectations [1].
According to social identity theory part of people’s self-concept is created when
they classify themselves into distinct social groups [86]. Each social group offers a
particular identity and a particular sense of value, which group members can choose
to incorporate into their own individual identities. For example, social groups can
be based on demographic identities, such as race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality, as
well as organizational ones, such as clubs, places of employment, or occupations in
general [12, 86].
Group norms are created through the interactions between group members and
“they express a generally accepted way of thinking, feeling or behaving that is
endorsed and expected because it is perceived as the right and proper thing to do”
[87: 3]. As group norms express aspects of a group’s identity, individuals learn the
expected norms of behavior in a given group and act in accordance with them [49].
People have a strong desire to select identities that positively reinforce their
self-image [6, 50]. As such, certain social identities enable individuals to establish a
sense of belonging with desirable in-group members and to distinguish themselves
as different from out-group members [47]. This desire for self-enhancement can be
so strong that under certain conditions biases are formed against people who are not
part of the in-group. In addition, when some aspects of a social identity are deemed
to be particularly valuable, group norms can also create group polarization and a
loss of individuality [52].
Identity represents the collective meaning that individuals attach to the multiple
roles that they play in society [80]. Hence, one individual can have many identities
that suggest different roles and responsibilities at any given time, such as that of
parent, spouse, caregiver, or police officer. In this sense identity is negotiated and
adaptive as individuals present a changing image of who they are based on the
meaning that is demanded in a particular context [84].
In this chapter I focus more on occupational identity although I will illustrate
how police officers may need to carefully manage their diverse identities in order to
be accepted and belong.

3.1.1 Occupational Identity

Occupational identity “gives meaning and direction to one’s career; increases

coping abilities in the face of stress and challenges; and allows an individual to find
work that reflects his or her personal strengths, interests, preferences, and goals”
(Skorikov and Vondracek 2011 in [45: 480]. Given that individuals tend to select
3.1 Identity 39

membership in a group that offers what they perceive to be the greatest distinction
and status enhancement, occupations can serve as important identity badges as
people often define themselves in terms of their occupation [82].
Depending on the occupation and the prestige associated with it, people can also
have different types of relationships with their work. Those who perceive that work
is a means to make ends might see it as just a job, whereas those who view their
work as a career may be more deeply invested in the work that they do and in their
occupation in general. Alternatively, those who perceive their work as a calling may
consider their work and life to be inseparable [98]. Such individuals are also likely
to view their work as the reason for being and having a significant influence on their
entire self-concept. For these individuals, it is also likely that their occupation
represents the strongest source of identity [93].
Research has consistently shown that men and women, no matter their back-
grounds, are motivated to become police officers primarily based on the opportunity
to help others [70, 72, and 96]. What this suggests is that the identity of a police
officer may be particularly salient and form a significant part of an individual
officer’s identity, whereas a respective police organization might serve more as a
means for officers to perform their work. In other words, officers may not neces-
sarily be committed to the organization but rather to their work.

3.1.2 Implications of Occupational Identity

Identities help establish social order by determining the appropriate roles, thoughts
and behaviors associated with the interactions individuals have with one another.
The roles that are derived from occupational identities provide people with a sense
of meaning and purpose, as well as dictate how they can and should act, especially
toward out-group members [46]. As individuals compare themselves against out-
siders, they develop a sense of what constitutes fair and just treatment that they
should offer as well as expect from others [54].
For instance, it is not uncommon for medical specialists to view themselves as
experts in their fields and patients to be non-experts with little medical under-
standing. Based on this occupational identity a highly esteemed physician might
believe that it is fair and just treatment for patients to wait for a lengthy period of
time to be seen. Similarly, the physician may find it unreasonable for patients to
question his or her expertise. Likewise, a police officer may find it inappropriate
that a member of the public might question his or her authority during a given
situation, such as in conducting an arrest.
Individuals who identify as members of a given occupation form identities that
influence the roles they expect themselves and non-group members to adopt.
Role expectations influence the way people interact with non-group members,
including how they might offer a greeting, ask questions, make statements, handle
40 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

interruptions, and terminate conversations. These behaviors can also include non-
verbal actions, such as the use of eye contact and ways individuals might move into
each other’s personal space and physically position themselves during interactions
[93].

3.2 Police Occupational Identity

The literature on policing has identified the existence of a blue identity that typically
describes the police occupational identity [90]. The occupational identity of a police
officer represents a variety of activities that are dominated by the image of the
crime-fighter [40] as an officer in uniform who is strong, hardworking and defends
the weak [10, 83].
Building on this crime fighting role, the police have constructed an identity that
depicts them as representing the “thin blue line” between public order and law-
lessness, as protectors of the public, as crime fighters, and as being available to
assist the public in times of need [33]. Being able to control conflict has also been
recognized as a primary attribute of the police officer’s identity [71, 92]. This
“policing as conflict management” identity enables officers to account for their
activities as being very important for society and to construct their own identities as
committed officers who are prepared to accept danger, shift work and the demands
from senior ranks [92].
Together with the image of the physical crime fighter, common constructions of
the police promote the occupational identity of policing as masculine, whereby the
typical masculine traits of strength, courage and authority are viewed as desirable
and necessary for the role of police officers. Throughout the course of their work
police officers constantly redefine and protect their identities, and preserving
masculinity has been a central component of the police identity [33].
This notion of competitive masculinity has generally served to reinforce the long
hours culture where presenteeism, flexibility, 24 h availability and “being seen to
be keen” are all fundamental to being a committed police officer [35]. The impact of
such competitive masculinity is the exclusion of individuals who are unable to
adapt to this accepted identity [94].
My experience is that people who don’t ‘fit’ generally lack motivation and commitment and
those who have those traits won’t tolerate that for long. It’s an integrity issue for many hard
working members who have no other recourse for dealing with slackers other than to make
them feel uncomfortable - what else can they do?

Expectedly, another essential element of police identity is the need to show

commitment. Such commitment can be demonstrated through the development of a
reputation as a good police officer, and as someone who is willing to work long
hours and be available, visible and loyal to the police department. In many
instances, commitment is also measured by the willingness to put the needs of the
department over an officer’s private life [83].
3.2 Police Occupational Identity 41

The majority of my peers during my career have been very respectful, honest & hard
working, with a near pathological devotion to the XXX; commitment to the point of
compromising personal health, family, and life balance.

Further to commitment is the importance of trust. The paramilitary culture of the

police is generally configured toward working in tight-knit teams that are frequently
engaged in emotionally stressful and dangerous work. Accordingly, police officers
must be able to trust their fellow officers and know that they will back them up in
times of need. Police officers also rely on each other for support, solidarity, and
even to create and maintain their social identity [60, 78].
Overall, the police identity evolves from the practice of individual police officers
and through relevant feedback from others [56]. Distrust between police officers can
result from not knowing one another’s personal stories, and having a good repu-
tation is viewed as necessary for effective policing as well as for career progression
[83]. In Chap. 2 I noted that depending on the prevailing culture, a good reputation
may be more about “doing whatever takes” to fight crime.
Individual officers shape their identity through assessments of themselves and
what it means to be a “real” police officer, through assessments of trustworthiness
by their fellow officers, and through assessments in relation to various police
narratives [89]. The process of shaping one’s identity more generally can be
regarded as somewhat of a quest for meaning, for self-worth, for recognition, and
for respect. This sense of identity can be found in the statements of police officers in
Canada.
My work felt valued and I felt it had meaning and I belonged to something important.
…the personal satisfaction for the good work we do is extraordinary. It is very meaningful
work.
I love my job and take pride in being a member of the XXX. I always work as hard as I can
to produce a good product, to keep opinions of the XXX in the eyes of the public as high as
it can be and to maintain a reputation as a good member.
I have a tremendous amount of pride every time I put on the uniform.

3.3 Police Identity Formation

The police identity begins to be shaped during initial police training and continues to
be shaped and reinforced throughout an officer’s career through informal and formal
codes of behaviour. Due to the solidarity of the policing role and the natural sus-
piciousness toward outsiders, once adopted the police identity is also strengthened
through socialization with other officers and isolation from members of the public.
The police identity becomes very significant while officers are in a training
environment, and the initial feeling of belonging that is established in training
continues to the department where new officers work alongside others who have
had the same shared experience [63].
42 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

Notably, the construction of the police identity is heavily dependent upon the
“war stories” that are shared by other officers [19, 18]. Research at a US police
academy identified a number of common themes associated with such stories.
These included a focus on masculinity and the desired traits of control, indepen-
dence and strength; descriptions of police officers as a “breed apart from civilians”;
solidarity among the police and a sense of belonging to a team; and police work as a
means of serving a higher purpose [63: 141].
This research also highlighted a specific identity formation process that consists
of five key steps: discovery, try-outs, validation/negotiation, acceptance, and con-
tinual checks and salience. I will describe each of these steps in greater detail
below.

3.3.1 Discovery

During the discovery process individuals learn about the police identity and
question if it is for them. Through this initial phase they may seek out information
about the identity by observing or speaking to officers who are already in the role.
Some prospective officers may be influenced by friends and family members,
whereas others may be influenced through a chance encounter or specific event that
leads to a decision to attend a recruiting session and/or actually apply. Additionally,
this discovery process may also continue into the academy environment.
In my own case my stepfather was a police officer and my mother had been an
auxiliary (volunteer) officer; however, I did not consider applying to the RCMP
until one night while I was away at university I encountered a couple of individuals
who had just returned from the RCMP academy. They were home spending a few
days with friends and family before heading off to their respective posts. And as
they recounted stories of their training experiences and the first time wearing the
famous red tunic, I became hooked. Up until that point I was struggling to complete
a commerce degree with no real idea of what I wanted to do or what identity I
would establish. It was their excitement and pride about belonging to an esteemed
police service that convinced me I too could find meaning and serve a higher
purpose within the ranks of the RCMP.
Interestingly enough this process of discovery continued as I was sworn in on
March 13th, 1992 and headed off to Regina, Saskatchewan where I first met the rest
of Troop 11. As fresh recruits we were assigned to a big brother troop who showed
us the ropes and explained what to look out for. The first few weeks of RCMP
training was also a time when many recruits deliberated if they had made the right
decision and if they should stay and tough it out in order to experience the rite of
passage that unites all members of the RCMP.
3.3 Police Identity Formation 43

3.3.2 Try-Outs

A number of experiences at the academy are meant as a mechanism for allowing

recruits to try out their new identity. At the RCMP training academy this meant
trying out the paramilitary structure and the RCMP traditions in terms of deport-
ment, moving together in troop formation, and quickly learning that we are only as
strong as our weakest troop mate. For example, we would all keep running until the
last troop member crossed the finish line.
Additionally, and although I did not think much about it at the time, this new
identity also comprised a strong delineation between the junior and senior ranks. As
was to be expected, and in true Canadian fashion, inevitably one or more of us referred
to an instructor as “Sir”. This would result in such an expression of outrage with the
instructor barking at the culprit “Do not call me Sir, I work for a living”. Little did we
know that only commissioned officers were referred to as “Sir” or “Ma’am”.
Although I did not appreciate the actual meaning of such statements until later
on, this and other activities represented the initial indoctrination into the
RCMP. During this early phase recruits were able to try out the identity of an
RCMP officer and to get used to the behaviors that went along with it.
In the late eighties when women were confined to all female troops during
training, the experiences for some individuals and their respective troops were
markedly different.
It was sexist. We did not have female role models. We were treated completely different
from the men…there were different expectations, different training, we wore different
uniforms, and didn’t interact with the men…We were told we were the weakest link and
that we should proactively go after each other…They were pitting us women against each
other…Until we went after one woman in particular and threw her mattress and trunk down
the stairwell, we were penalized as a troop.

For this troop, their rite of passage was different than mine, and much of their
perseverance for completing training was to prove that they could do it despite the
fact they were constantly hit on by the male instructors and told they were ill suited
to be police officers.

3.3.3 Validation and Negation

In the validation phase recruits seek validation of their newly accepted identity.
The RCMP academy experience comprised several rites of passage that validated
our sense that we were doing things correctly. For instance, as new recruits we were
issued brown fatigues and were only permitted to run or “double”, as it was called,
as we had not yet earned the right to march as a troop. Through several hours of
drill instruction we became successfully proficient and were eventually issued the
coveted “blues”. Earning the long blue uniform pants represented a further vali-
dation of our newly evolving identities.
44 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

On an individual level, validation or negation of the new identity can occur

through peer and instructor feedback. For those who do not perform at the expected
level, they quickly learn that such behavior is not tolerated with isolation from the
troop or termination as possible repercussions [63]. In some cases, this isolation
process can be very severe. In the example of the all-female troop that I described
previously, seven women were bullied into quitting by the rest of their troop as they
were deemed not to belong.

3.3.4 Identity Acceptance

Upon receiving the requisite levels of validity from themselves and from others
throughout training, and during the field-training period, recruits take on the
identity as a police officer [63]. In the RCMP, the last formal rite of passage was the
graduation ceremony, in which successful recruits were presented with their official
police badge. From there we headed off to our first posts and were paired up with
our training officers.
The Field Training phase represents another form of ongoing validation and
acceptance. In many instances, new officers are told to forget everything they
learned at the Academy, as it is not perceived as being representative of how things
work in the “real world”. For some, this may cause internal conflict and further
questioning of the identity that had been accepted at graduation. Because recruits
are eager to gain acceptance from their peers they are more likely to act in
accordance with the norms of their new post rather than those that were established
during formal training [51].
This was certainly my experience and it presented an interesting contrast to the
sense of belonging I felt leaving the RCMP Academy. In the end, while I was
successful during the Field Training phase and I did accept the identity of an RCMP
officer, a few of my colleagues did not: choosing to resign instead.

3.3.5 Continued Checks and Salience

Throughout their careers, police officers continually verify their identity as an

accepted member of the police community and their respective organization. If they
can conform to expected behaviors then they can continue to assume their identity
[63]. A former female colleague described the challenges of female officers to be
accepted and to belong:
Many female members initially struggled for acceptance, especially from the alpha males,
the “cop’s cop” the typically big tough guys that worked in the Drug section and kicked in
doors during search warrants. Small men or “spineless” men were also targets, but they
were many rungs higher than a female member.
3.3 Police Identity Formation 45

In some cases, officers may need to modify their behaviors to fit in and continue
to be accepted. As I discussed earlier in this chapter, this may mean adopting
masculine traits. Additionally, police officers may also take on new identities as
they are assigned to specialized units and are promoted to various ranks.

3.4 Types of Identities Within Policing

Within the police environment officers may identify with the type of work that they
perform, their particular Division or Station, their respective rank, and/or their
organization overall. For instance, members of a police tactical team may have a
strong emotional attachment to their unit because of the close ties among team
members and the perception that the team has an important role in defusing dan-
gerous situations. Similarly, an investigative unit might be differentiated based on
the view that unit members possess superior investigative skills to others, and
therefore it is an important group to belong to. A strong sense of identity with those
performing operational work may create a divide between those in senior admin-
istrative roles who are perceived as no longer understanding police work and might
be construed as out of touch. Officers may also establish an identity as a hard
worker or a slacker, or those who do real police work versus those who are engaged
in community policing or administrative activities.
Front line officers tend to maintain a strong identity that sees them as the
backbone of policing, but also the area that is most often overlooked or undervalued
in comparison to others sectors within the organization. Police identities also
manifest in the younger versus older generation of officers. Whereas young officers
may criticize the lack of initiative displayed by older officers, in turn older officers
may lament the changing police profession brought out by new recruits.
An important relational identity might be that of a sergeant in charge of con-
stables, or a senior officer who dons the “white shirt” as a sign of his or her seniority
to others. A low-ranking patrol officer may also covet a close relationship with a
platoon commander. Similar to a group identity, this type of relational identity to
others can also serve to achieve individual needs for belongingness [32].
Depending on the significance of the identity, group members may also ridicule
outsiders as a means of reinforcing status. For example, tactical team members may
demonstrate bias toward patrol members, or sworn police officers may hold biases
against civilian personnel in an effort to preserve a positive self-image by illus-
trating a positive difference between themselves and those they believe to be of
lower status. I will come back to the concept of group status in Chap. 4.
Over and above the various identities that are established based on function, rank
and tenure within policing, police officers simultaneously possess multiple social
identities, which are derived from their membership in different groups, such as
those distinguished by race, gender, sexuality or some other variables [77]. Within a
possible range of identities some identities might be more pertinent and more
difficult to manage in a police setting.
46 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

3.5 Identity Management

Given that group memberships or identities are formed at both a collective and
individual level and are continuously evolving, a person’s gender identity, for
example, may not become particularly relevant until confronted with the role of
gender in the workplace [64]. In light of the male-dominated nature of policing, in
this section I focus specifically on identities that are based on gender and sexuality
and how officers carefully manage these additional aspects of their overall identity.

3.5.1 Gender Identity

Gender identity represents an individual’s acceptance or rejection of traditional

gender roles and norms [73, 95]. As society tends to place particular emphasis on
traits and behaviors that are deemed more appropriate for each gender, men and
women can be rewarded or punished for accepting or rejecting these norms. This
can be particularly challenging in settings that are traditionally male dominated,
such as policing [62].
Early research on how female officers resolved or managed gender identity
issues revealed two primary ways in which women coped. While some women
chose to highlight traditional feminine qualities and limit themselves to specific
duties or assignments perceived more suitable for women, other women took the
opposite approach and rejected feminine behaviors in favor of masculine traits.
These women tended to conform to the male-dominated culture and masculine
stereotypes associated with policing [59]. Some women adapted to the masculine
police identity by using similarly sexist language as their male colleagues or chose
unflattering clothing to make their gender disappear.
However, female officers who have adopted a more masculine identity are
actually more likely to report a lower level of job satisfaction [81]. They may also
experience greater difficulty being accepted by their male colleagues [69]. These
findings are consistent with a Canadian study, which noted that women had to
perform their roles carefully. Female officers had to adopt some masculine char-
acteristics, but not too many, or they would be deemed “a butch or a crazy bitch and
rejected by the men” [13: 15].
One of my former colleagues indicated that she was always mindful that she
could not be seen as weak, and to compensate for this and fit in she often got caught
up in the jokes that were made against women. Similarly, a review of the Australian
Federal Police found that female officers were required to fit into the
male-dominated culture as a means of succeeding and/or surviving, which meant
changing behaviors and potentially losing their own identities in the process [9].
Female officers have typically chosen to identify as an officer first and a woman
second or vice versa, subject to which identity was most important [59]. Reflecting
back on my own experiences, being known as a police officer first was a more
3.5 Identity Management 47

salient aspect of my identity than my gender. But because of the low numbers of
women, it was difficult to avoid being primarily seen as a woman. I can still recall
the scrutiny of my male colleagues and even some members of the public when I
responded to calls for service.
This all changed one night when members of my team and I responded to a
complaint about intoxicated persons outside a bar who were fighting and causing a
disturbance. Being the eager officers that we typically were we quickly raced to the
scene. As I exited my car I encountered two men fighting. When I stepped in to
break it up, one of the men looked at me and then down at the yellow stripe on my
pant leg, back up to my face and then back down. Finally he shrugged and said:
“you wanna go lady?” As strange as this may sound this was a good day. I was
finally accepted!
I seemingly forgot about this experience in later years, as I was often surprised
when some female officers expressed frustration with the collection of certain
demographic data for internal surveys, particularly data pertaining to gender. I had
forgotten how important it was for them, and for me, to be simply defined by our
similarity with other police officers, instead of our differences. The reality is that the
vast majority of female officers find themselves filling a combined role that calls for
the enactment of both masculine and feminine traits, depending on the circum-
stances [69].
Although I have focused on women for much of this section, the hyper mas-
culine identity of policing has also excluded some men, particularly those who do
not adhere to expected masculine scripts as they may threaten the association of a
masculine identity with police work [68].
Joe’s Experience
Joe is a straight officer. Throughout his career he has maintained a reputation of a
good police officer. A few years ago while working with a municipal police service
in Canada, he happened to be good friends with a lesbian officer from his platoon.
One night she asked him to attend a Halloween party with her in Toronto that was
regarded as a significant event for the gay community. Because of their friendship
he took the night off and went. But before leaving he told his partner where he was
going. Unbeknown to Joe, his partner shared this information with everyone on the
platoon.
The next day Joe returned to work only to be completely shunned by his platoon.
One member suggested that he was going to spend the night speaking in a Scottish
accent because of his Scottish heritage. Another suggested that he would speak in a
French accent. He then turned to Joe and suggested that he could speak with a lisp,
implying that he should sound more like a stereotypical gay man. Later, in the briefing
room no one sat next to Joe. The three sergeants, who were at the front of the room,
made “fag” jokes and everyone seemed to laugh a lot longer than they should have, as
if they wanted to make sure Joe knew they were sending him a clear message.
48 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

For the rest of the shift no one spoke to him. Over the next six weeks this
isolation continued, despite Joe’s partner and other members of the platoon
knowing that he was straight. He was “guilty by association”, and it was abundantly
clear that homosexuality was not wanted nor accepted. As word of his Joe’s alleged
sexuality got out, a sergeant he had worked with previously sent him a text:
“Lesbians are hot; fags are not. Get your shit together”.
To fight back against the rumors and the isolation, Joe went of out of his way to
be overly aggressive, in an effort to prove his “manliness”. It was only after the
public complaints began to pile up, did Joe’s inspector call him in to find out what
was going on. As he recounted the story, the weeks of isolation and taunting had
taken their toll and he broke down crying. The inspector recognized the issue of
homophobia within the department and decided to establish a LBGT committee and
he wanted Joe to be part of it, even though Joe was straight. Despite Joe’s concerns
for being further stigmatized he agreed to the inspector’s request.
Over the subsequent weeks, and through the benefit of the committee as a safe
place, members shared their stories with Joe—stories such as that of a young officer
who was openly gay and bullied out of the platoon and out of the department, and
of officers who refused to respond to calls for service from known gay bars.
Joe’s decision to attend a significant gay event clearly conflicted with the
expected masculinity of the police identity, and as such, his actions likely posed a
threat to the identities of his platoon members. Joe’s experience also illustrates how
behaviors that deviate from the expected masculine script can lead to rejection and
isolation from the in-group. Joe chose to manage this identity crisis by over
emphasizing masculine traits, such as aggressiveness, as a means to reinstate his
masculine identity and to be accepted once again by his peers.

3.5.2 Gay and Lesbian Identities

As Joe’s story demonstrates, the hyper masculine nature of policing creates the
conditions where male and female officers are expected to demonstrate an
acceptable version of masculinity in order to prove competence. Gay identities, in
particular, have long been understood as being stigmatized in policing [21, 57]. Gay
men are seen to have “male privilege and class status on one hand, yet sexual
minority status on the other” [43: 129]. As such, their homosexual masculinities
position them at the bottom of a gender hierarchy among all men [31]. Given this,
gay men may be viewed as a threat to the masculine identity of policing, and be
rejected by their heterosexual colleagues.
At the original Halloween party that Joe attended with his lesbian friend, he met
up with an emergency response team (ERT) member, who was gay, but not open to
his team. The ERT member told Joe that he was afraid to go back to his unit
because there were rumors about his sexuality and he knew that he would not be
accepted if he came out. Later, the same member informed Joe that he knew five
3.5 Identity Management 49

gay members in Joe’s own department, who were also afraid to come out because
they knew their peers would reject them.
Being homosexual and being a police officer represent dual and often conflicting
identities that require officers to simultaneously manage a marginalized gay/lesbian
identity and the identity of a police officer. As such, three main strategies have been
identified for managing a gay identity in the workplace: counterfeiting, avoidance
and integration [97]. While counterfeiting refers to attempts to pass oneself off as
heterosexual to conform with organisational expectations of heterosexual mas-
culinity [30], avoidance strategies involve sharing as little personal information as
possible and/or deflecting attention from discussions of sexuality. In contrast,
integration strategies consist of some form of “coming out” in the workplace [97].
If gay officers decide to “come out” at work, they may choose not to draw further
attention to their gay identities by discussing personal aspects of their lives. Some
officers might construct versions of masculine gay identities, whereas others may
seek to take advantage of changes in policing practices to create identities that are
aligned with traditional notions of femininity and feminine roles, such as working in
a sexual offences unit [74].
Lesbian officers who are loyal to their organization and committed to many of
the traditional policing goals, are more likely than heterosexual females to down-
play their sexual orientation and display certain masculine traits to fit in [61].
Similar to some of the studies on women in policing, lesbian officers may put their
law enforcement identity ahead of their identity of a woman or a lesbian [25].
Despite these efforts, even lesbian officers who adopt more masculine behaviors
may threaten the masculine nature of the police identity, as in the end they are still
viewed as women [75].
Notwithstanding the type of identity that is constructed, the decision to disclose a
stigmatized identity can carry significant risk. Disclosure has been shown to result
in stereotyping, job loss, bullying and persecution [15]. Yet it has also been found
to have a positive effect on self-esteem and identity growth [26].
Unlike visible characteristics of gender and ethnicity, sexuality can be hidden;
therefore, the decision to disclose is not taken lightly. Individuals may consider the
risk to their physical safety, the potential for being isolated in the organization, and
the likelihood of reduced promotion and other career opportunities [30]. They may
also factor in important considerations such as personal integrity and a desire to be
honest with one’s self and others, the opportunity to improve workplace relation-
ships by being open with colleagues, and the potential to inspire other gay officers
to disclose by serving as a role model [74].
Identity management requires that officers carefully manage various aspects of
their identity such that they conform with expectations of the police occupational
identity, and even to various specialized identities within policing. The image that is
put forth may not necessarily be the individual’s true self but an identity that is
appropriate to the role and to a given situation [84].
For police organizations seeking to become more inclusive, aspects of the mas-
culine identity need to be carefully confronted so that the conditions are created
where police officers can bring more of themselves to the workplace, and where
50 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

people like Joe can freely associate with any of his peers without concern for
adhering to a masculine image. In Chap. 2 I demonstrated the role police leaders
have in creating and maintaining culture. Police leaders equally have a role in
influencing a shift in the police identity away from traditional depictions of
masculinity.

3.6 Organizational Identity and Identification

Organizational identification involves more than simply being a member of an

organization; it also represents the extent to which a person incorporates the
organization into his or her concept of self [79]. Accordingly, the more valued the
relationship with the organization, the more important the role identity and the more
likely the person will strive to confirm and emphasize that identity [22]. Comments
such as “I am a member of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police” and “I am a police
officer” both represent identification; however, if a member of the RCMP felt more
strongly about the latter statement, it could suggest low organizational
identification.
Research has shown that employees are sensitive to differences between orga-
nizations and rely on various cues such as organizational status, prestige and image
[58]. Belonging to a highly regarded, high performing organization has also been
found to contribute to the development of self-esteem [41], and to increase orga-
nizational identification [24].
A study at a US police academy determined that both cadets and trainers
attributed significant status to being a member of the State Police as opposed to a
municipal service or a sheriff’s office. The State Police were considered as a special
breed within law enforcement, and the trainers perceived that “the public demanded
more from the State Patrol than other agencies in terms of the way they conducted
business” [63: 146]. Hence, the trainers and the cadets saw themselves as pos-
sessing the requisite qualities associated with the State Police.
Similarly, in my own experience with the RCMP I wanted to join a historic and
noble Canadian institution. I wanted to wear the red tunic and everything that it
symbolized. But organizational identification goes beyond the public image. Once
inside, employees may rely on internal cues to establish their identification as
organizational members [48]. Organizational support, demonstrated through the
organization’s concern for employees and a willingness to act on their interests, is a
particular cue that shapes employee identification [55].
When employees perceive that their organization is committed to and supports
them, they are more likely to go beyond expectations [88]. Likewise, when
employees perceive that they are being cared for they are more likely to reciprocate
with a positive attitude and to demonstrate appropriate behaviors [34].
An important consideration is that police organizations play an important social
role in the lives of members. Organizational support in the form of satisfying
3.6 Organizational Identity and Identification 51

socio-emotional needs, such as approval, esteem, emotional support, and affiliation

can significantly increase employee performance [4]. The reverse is also true.
Employees with high organizational identification demonstrate greater contri-
bution to their organizations in the form of increased performance [65]. Strong
identification also encourages employees to collaborate more with each other and to
expand their efforts on behalf of their organizations [5].
In policing, collaboration and support is particularly relevant, as officers need to
depend upon each other in times of need. More importantly, as officers represent the
public faces of police organizations and are able to exercise a significant amount of
discretionary authority in the performance of their duties, it is essential that their
actions are consistent with the values of the organization. Through appropriate
recognition and support, police organizations can effectively enhance organizational
identification and the performance of their officers. I will discuss this concept
further in later chapters of this book.

3.7 Identity Threats

Policing is a visible occupation and represents an identity that officers cannot easily
turn off. As such, this level of visibility, coupled with the personal and organiza-
tional demands of policing, creates an identity that is very salient for the majority of
police officers. Accordingly, perceived threats to this identity may be seen as a
threat to an officer’s concept of self.
Identity threats can come from within the individual as a result of self-reflection
or self-doubt, from external events such as public criticism of one’s profession or
organization [53], or from institutional or situational change [90]. As organizations
represent significant places for identity to be enacted, large-scale organizational
changes may threaten both individual and group identities [2].
In recent years the push toward community policing has necessitated a shift in
the police occupational identity toward service orientation [36] and professionalism
[85]. While such a shift has represented a move toward a more democratic form of
policing and created opportunities for officers to embrace a positive self-identity
that is linked to collaborating with communities, community policing is still often
portrayed as contrary to real police work. “Community Policing implies a definition
of the police role that runs counter to the masculinist crime fighter image, and thus
faces resistance from officers” [44: 56]. Indeed, some officers have been reluctant to
support community policing as it challenges the way they perform their duties [76].
Furthermore, community policing and other roles that are deemed as feminine
work, are often discounted as “pink jobs” or jobs that are mainly suitable for those
close to retirement [36]. These positions are not necessarily viewed as real police
work and therefore are less valued in terms of promotion and advancement.
Following a commitment made by the RCMP to increase the numbers of female
officers, it was not uncommon for some of my female colleagues to openly share
their desire to avoid being placed in “pink jobs”. Many of these officers recognized
52 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

the emphasis on increasing the number of women in leadership roles but were
conscious of being further stigmatized by assuming roles traditionally perceived as
feminine and undervalued.
Based on the masculine nature of policing and what I have presented thus far in
relation to the police identity, it is understandable that the promotion of a softer,
more tolerant and more diverse form of policing could be interpreted as “striking at
the heart” of masculine identities [35]. Albeit such a shift in policing practice was
expected to challenge an occupational identity that was largely based on physi-
cality, the police identity remains instilled with masculine images of physical
strength, toughness, and crime fighting as a means of both doing and preserving
masculinity [44].
In the US, this has been particularly evident through a simultaneous and con-
tradictory push for the establishment of community policing units on the one hand
and paramilitary units on the other [99]. Recently there has also been some concern
that Canadian police services may be importing a US form of police militarization
through the procurement of similar types of equipment, such as tactical assault
vehicles.
The outcome is a conflict between community-based policing and traditional law
enforcement strategies, which hold that one form of policing is more masculine than
the other. Based on my experiences and recent interviews with police officers in
Canada, I propose that the police identity has become increasingly unclear. And this
situation is exacerbated by the use of performance metrics that either do not align
with the stated direction of the organization or fail to communicate what is clearly
relevant and important. More on this in a later chapter.
Irrespective of the source or the nature of the threat, if identity threats are not
well managed they will hinder workplace interactions by disrupting the abilities of
individuals and group to enact a particular identity. Moreover, when identities are
threatened or changed, individuals are likely to experience a variety of responses.
They may lose confidence and self-esteem, consider abandoning the identity, or
continue to identify with the group but with less dedication and commitment [42].
Attempts by officers to respond to identity threats may be partially explained
through the process of self-efficacy. Self-efficacy is defined as “people’s beliefs
about their capabilities to perform at a level where they can exercise influence over
events that affect their lives” [17: 217]. These beliefs influence how individuals feel,
how they think, how they are self-motivated, and how they behave, which is an
important process in preserving identity [17]. The presence of less physically strong
women or even gay men in policing, for example, challenges the norm that policing
requires physical strength and real men to undertake it successfully.
Male officers, in particular, may strive to preserve their occupational identity and
strike back at perceived identity threats by reestablishing a connection with tradi-
tional gender roles, recreating a distinction between themselves and those who
threaten their identity and reestablishing self-esteem and job satisfaction by dis-
paraging outsiders—including women and other marginalized groups [17]. For
example, changes to physical testing requirements have typically led to protests
about the perceived injustices of gender norming strategies in traditionally
3.7 Identity Threats 53

masculine organizations. Such protests represent a means for reinforcing gender

differences and asserting male superiority [27].
In contrast, when female officers perceive that their gender identity is devalued,
they are likely to respond to this social identity threat in one of two ways based on
the level of their self-identification. High gender identifying women are more likely
to work toward improving the standing of the whole group; whereas low identifiers
are more likely to distance themselves from other women and to increase efforts to
improve their own outcomes in the organization [16, 37].
As an example, a Dutch study of senior female police leaders demonstrated that
when participants were reminded of the occurrence of gender bias they were also
more likely to describe themselves in masculine terms, highlight their differences
from other women, and downplay the existence of gender discrimination [38].
At an organizational level, and in instances of public criticism against the police
or a particular agency, police officers may respond to this identity threat by
emphasizing the public’s inability to understand the complexities of police work
[14].
In the event we react and use force, whether justified or not, we are crucified in the media…
The bad guys are thinking less and less about hurting/killing us. When push comes to
shove, we need to have the ability and the authority to win the shoving match. We need to
stop apologizing for it. This doesn’t mean we need to be bullies. It’s just time for a reality
check-We don’t shoot guns out of peoples hands.
Police are regularly degraded in the media and criticized by the public. There seems to be
little respect from the general public and media. Police are regularly called upon to deal
with situations that no one else in society is willing to engage in (dangerous situations,
domestic violence, crimes against children, death) yet police are made to feel as if they are
the “bad guy”.

3.7.1 Organizational Identity Threats

Similar to individuals and occupational groups, organizations also face threats to

their identities. Organizational identity threats might come in the form of pubic
criticism of police misconduct, performance, changing mandates, or serious alle-
gations of discrimination, bullying and harassment on the part of employees. These
identity threats are often perceived as a loss rather than an opportunity and
responses to such threats tend to be influenced by the institutional logic that is
embedded in the organisation’s cultural systems [66]. To this end, senior decision
makers tend to rely on information that is derived from the dominant group and
conditioned responses to various threats. For example, it is not uncommon for
senior police leaders to initially react to allegations of gender discrimination and
harassment by judging the complainants as poor performers or a weak fit, and/or to
downplay the severity of the issue.
What this means is that although there may be an expectation that organizations
can change and adapt in response to adverse conditions, “information processing
54 3 Identity and Belonging in Policing

will be restricted and individual, group and organizational attention will be focused
on well-learned, dominant responses” [66: 2], and constriction of control. The
combined effects of such responses are to increase rigidity in organizational deci-
sions, reinforce the focus on what was done in the past and to limit or decrease
organizational change.
For organizations that maintain a dominant identity that is cohesive and stable,
with a well-established power base, the interests and beliefs of the dominant group
will become central to any response to an identity threat [66]. In terms of the police
organization, it has already been established that the police have a strong culture
that is cohesive and hierarchical, where white heterosexual men represent the
dominant group. Given this, it is reasonable to argue that various stakeholders
cannot expect police organizations to successfully implement or respond to identity
challenges, such as criticisms that are expressed in terms of police failure (poorly
conducted investigations, excessive use of force, institutional discrimination and
harassment, or corrupt practices), without changing the learned mental models of
the dominant group or the dominant group itself.
Summary
The need to belong represents the human desire to connect with others and to derive
meaning and satisfaction from belonging to a larger group. Due to the demands and
visibility of policing, the police identity has been shown to comprise an important
aspect of an individual’s self-concept. As such, a key theme emerging from this
particular chapter is the importance of meaning and belonging, and the sense of loss
that may be experienced if elements of an individual’s identity are challenged.
In this chapter I have described many aspects of the police identity, including the
focus on the crime fighter image, masculinity, commitment, trust, and conflict
management. I have also discussed how organizational support of police personnel
can lead to organizational identification and enhanced officer performance that is
demonstrated through positive attitudes and appropriate behaviors. As officers
represent the public faces of police organizations it is essential that their actions are
consistent with the values of the organization. Strong identification also encourages
police personnel to collaborate more with each other and to support and depend on
each other in times of need.
Additionally, I have shown that officers possess multiple identities within
policing that may include their function, rank or tenure and other identities that
align with gender, race and sexuality. Due to the nature of the police identity and its
prevailing culture, some officers may feel compelled to carefully manage their
multiple identities, together with their police identity, through counterfeiting,
passing or integration strategies. The result of which may lead to a sense of loss or
alienation.
On a personal note, the thought of passing or covering up parts of one’s identity
meant little to me until I sat in on a presentation delivered at a conference in
Toronto in the fall of 2014, by Dr. Kenji Yoshino, a professor of law at Yale
University. In describing his own evolution and coming out as a gay Asian law
professor, Dr. Yoshino acknowledged that for some time he still experienced
3.7 Identity Threats 55

societal demands to minimize his gayness. Rather than progress through a coun-
terfeiting phase, his initial experience related more to conversion and attempts to
change his personal identity.
Not too long after the conference in Toronto, one of my colleagues spoke out
about her decision to cover her lesbian identity during a senior officer interview
process out of fear that disclosure would impact her chances for promotion. As a
white heterosexual female officer I have had my own experiences of covering but
none to the extent where I had to actually consider hiding an important part of my
identity for fear of personal consequences.
As we progress through this book, there is an important and reoccurring theme;
that is creating the conditions where all employees can be their authentic selves. If
people feel that they are respected for their work and that their roles are important,
then they will perform better, they will be more productive, and will be more likely
to experience a higher level of job satisfaction [14], and less likely to perceive a
specific threat to their identity.
In shifting mental models associated with policing and the police identity, the
challenge will be to adjust individual perspectives, such that identity threats become
seen as opportunities for positive change. Shifting mental models is a core theme of
this book and one that I will discuss in greater detail in the subsequent chapters. In
Chap. 4 I build on discussions of police culture and identity and examine the
barriers to inclusion and the impact of being an “other”.

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Chapter 4
Barriers to Inclusion

Abstract There are all kinds of examples of men and women who have rewarding
and positive careers in policing. They have a sense of belonging. They have
opportunities for advancement and they are supported in their development.
However, for a number of women, minority group members and even some white
heterosexual men, there are numerous barriers that continue to prevent them from
being fully included in the workplace. By understanding these barriers police
leaders are in a much better position to make the necessary changes and improve the
workplace experience.

Through an extensive literature review and interviews with both serving and retired
police officers, I have identified the most common barriers as: conscious and
unconscious biases and stereotypes; social status; police culture; lack of networking
and mentoring opportunities; organizational policies and practices such as those
related to promotion, leadership development and flexible work arrangements. Each
of these barriers will be discussed in greater detail in this chapter. Because simple
statistics or anecdotal bits of information can never do justice to the experiences of
men and women who have been marginalized, excluded, and/or harassed in the
workplace, I will also share excerpts of their stories in this chapter to emphasize key
areas of discussion.

4.1 Conscious and Unconscious Biases and Stereotypes

A useful framework that helps explain how biases and stereotypes in policing might
affect decisions about people is outlined as follows. The first and most important
point is that we all have stereotypes. Many of these stereotypes are negative with
respect to ethnic minorities, women, age, and sexuality. A second consideration is
that our judgments about people tend to be overly subjective. Also, in the absence
of safeguards such as blind reviews or clear performance expectations,

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 61

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_4
62 4 Barriers to Inclusion

organizations may have inadequate mechanisms to prevent biases and stereotypes

from influencing personnel decisions. Finally, in the presence of negative stereo-
types personnel decisions and evaluations can be biased [57].
Evidence suggests that when we are confronted with limited information about a
person or a group of people we are all conditioned to rely on stereotypes in making
decisions or choosing actions [57]. To illustrate the impact of gender stereotypes, an
experiment conducted in relation to the hiring of orchestra musicians for tradi-
tionally male-dominated positions revealed that when the identities of female
candidates were hidden, women were approximately 50% more successful in the
initial screening process and 1.6 times more likely to win a position [37]. These
findings are significant and suggest possible courses of action for policing. I will
explore these opportunities in Chap. 8.
In this first section I examine the prevailing biases and stereotypes that relate to
gender, race/ethnicity, and sexuality.

4.1.1 Gender Stereotypes

Gender stereotypes represent “shared beliefs about the psychological traits that are
characteristic of each sex” [79: 46]. Competence and warmth—meaning expressive
and communal, continue to be two general attributes used to assess individuals [56].
While competence is perceived as masculine and refers to descriptions of effective
decision-making and leadership, warmth is typically associated with femininity and
contrary to what is required for leadership success [44, 79]. Quite frankly, we are
generally conditioned to equate leadership with men and not women, regardless of
the profession.
For example, during a celebration of 40 years of women in the RCMP, former
interim Commissioner Bev Busson shared her experiences of traveling with her
executive officer and him being assigned to a larger hotel room because it was
typically assumed that he was the boss, not her. She was laughing when she
recounted these stories, as she understood that many of her experiences were also a
reflection of societal expectations of the roles for men and women.
A key barrier to women in policing is stereotyping and perceived fit. Women
have generally been perceived to be better suited for positions that involve more
administrative tasks rather than those that involve high risk and require physical
exertion [89]. Due to prevailing stereotypes women have typically been considered
to be a weak fit, and are excluded from certain jobs, which keeps them clustered in
the lower ranks [106]. This gender paradigm makes it difficult for female officers to
advance as they can be prevented from gaining experience in the areas of police
work that are considered a prerequisite for promotion [40].
A lack of experience in operational roles is believed to be one of the main
barriers to the advancement of women within policing [81, 102]. As a consequence
there are fewer female role models and mentors available for female officers. In
reality, a police organization could demonstrate it is diverse in that there are a
4.1 Conscious and Unconscious Biases and Stereotypes 63

certain percentage of women; however, a closer inspection would likely reveal that
the majority of women would be concentrated at the bottom of the hierarchy.
For the women who do enter the ranks of policing they tend to face higher
expectations for performance and to be evaluated more negatively than men [49].
Partially, this is due to being more visible within the organization. If a female officer
performs poorly or makes a mistake this validates the argument that women do not
belong.
I experienced this issue first hand soon after I arrived at my first detachment in
the fall of 1992. I recall my male colleagues speaking about a female officer who
was known to be having difficulties in another detachment. One of the senior
constables was quick to relate how this was justification that women did not belong
in the RCMP—18 years after women were first permitted to serve as police officers.
These statements reinforced for me two things: that I would need to keep my
distance from other female officers or to be perceived as similarly incompetent; and
that I would need to work that much harder to prove my worth.
Likewise, female officers in New Zealand, who were interviewed about the
barriers to the recruitment, progress, and retention of women in policing, high-
lighted the issue of increased scrutiny and the feeling that they had to fit in and to
establish credibility by performing better than their male colleagues [49]. Similar
work in Australia and Sweden has also acknowledged the difficulties of female
officers to fit into the male dominated police culture and the perceived requirement
to work harder than male colleagues to prove they were competent and belonged
[13, 74].
Unfortunately increased scrutiny for female officers is not strictly limited to
traditional assessments of work performance. Women have also been held to a
higher standard in terms of relationships inside and outside of the office. A female
officer reported that: “When I had a boyfriend in a small town I was told by two
supervisors that I couldn’t let him park in my driveway because people would think
we were having sex and that wasn’t appropriate”.
This officer’s experience is consistent with a number of other women who
suggested that the reputations of female officers could be ruined through rumors of
sleeping around, especially if the relationship was with another officer and it ended
badly [9]. For female officers, their social capital is essential for career advance-
ment, yet this is not the case for men.
Men and Women in Leadership
Women in leadership roles are subjected to even more scrutiny due to the perceived
lack of fit between stereotypical female roles and the masculinity associated with
management positions [60]. Women are not generally expected to succeed in
management, as the characteristics traditionally associated with leadership qualities
have often been associated with men and masculine characteristics [30].
The impact is that in some cases women may feel discouraged in applying for
promotional opportunities, even when they have been strongly encouraged to do so
64 4 Barriers to Inclusion

by male supervisors, due to concerns they are only being considered for promotion
due to their gender and not because they are viewed as effective leaders [4]. On the
other hand, some women may also hold stereotypes about what it takes to succeed
in a leadership role and adapt their behavior as a result.
When Deputy Commissioner Marianne Ryan was promoted to inspector she was
convinced that the RCMP was looking for the classic “A type” leader who was
confident and assertive. In meetings, when she was the only woman in the room,
and was asked to contribute, she always made a point to say something so that her
male colleagues would not discount her as the “token female”. She was very alive
to this issue and suggested that she might have overreacted to demonstrate that she
had a “brain in her head”. Unfortunately, she did not remain true to her authentic
self in the process.
Marianne described “tripping herself up” in the sense that she was working too
hard to be someone she was not, and was covering up parts of her personality to fit
in. Once she realized that there was a place for someone like her, someone who is
not aggressive or an extrovert, she was much more effective in her leadership role.
What assisted her through this period were other senior leaders who demonstrated
more inclusive leadership behaviors and gave her the confidence and the permission
to be herself.
Over and above these challenges, women are often assumed to be given pref-
erential or special treatment based on their sex which results in them frequently
being blamed for the lack of advancement of their male colleagues. Although this
issue and the other barriers I have described are not unique to policing, they are
further exacerbated due to the masculine culture associated with policing in general.
Marianne’s story illustrates the careful balancing act she undertook to avoid being
perceived as someone who was unjustly promoted because she was a woman.
An important point to acknowledge is that gender bias or sexist behavior does
not only originate from men. Women who succeed in male-dominated settings can
also play a negative role in the advancement of their female subordinates [32, 91].
In these settings, women can be more critical of the career commitment and
leadership skills of their female colleagues [32, 35, 76]. Such criticisms are likely to
be more detrimental to the reputation of other women, as they are often perceived to
be more credible than those originating from men [93].
The findings from various studies reinforce a stereotype that men are automat-
ically held out to be competent until proven otherwise while the opposite holds true
for women [87], and may partially explain the reluctance of women to apply for
higher positions.
Encouragingly, research has shown that women display more effective leader-
ship behaviors than men [29], yet gender stereotypes continue to influence per-
ceptions of what it takes to advance. For instance, women who seek to overcome
these stereotypes by downplaying their femininity and adopting masculine traits to
“manage like a man” [98], may be susceptible to other pressures such as the
“double bind”.
The double bind occurs when a woman who is aggressive and competitive, like a
stereotypical man, may be perceived as too assertive or even bitchy, whereas if she
4.1 Conscious and Unconscious Biases and Stereotypes 65

behaves in a more feminine or communal way she is viewed as soft and ineffective.
As a result, female leaders who display assertive and directive behaviors are vul-
nerable to backlash that can compromise their chances to be promoted [45, 85].
Notwithstanding the gender stereotypes that negatively impact women, gender
stereotypes may also serve as barriers to men. As I noted in previous chapters, in the
policing context male officers, in particular, are expected to conform to a form of
hyper or competitive masculinity that typically values physicality, emotional
self-regulation and a level of commitment that is demonstrated through availability,
flexibility, and extra effort. Other demonstrations of masculinity, that may be
portrayed by homosexual or effeminate men, men who are small in stature, men
who shun competition or traditional definitions of success, and men who care for
children may be construed as inappropriate and a weak fit for a career in policing
[23, 86].
To illustrate such stereotypes I will share a personal story. At an earlier stage in
my career I was requested to be a coach officer for a new recruit who was posted to
the detachment. I saw this as my first formal leadership opportunity and I was
excited and eagerly anticipating my first shift with this young member. I can still
recall my initial reaction as the new recruit arrived for duty. For one, he arrived only
a few minutes ahead of the scheduled start to the shift and when I met him I took
note of his slight build, soft voice and very passive demeanor. Over the time of our
working together he continued to arrive a few minutes before each shift began and
to leave a few minutes after shift ended, all the while demonstrating the same quiet
disposition. I judged him based on a perceived misalignment between his personal
traits and the more masculine traits that were expected in policing, and I know I
certainly did not provide him with the level of support that he needed to be suc-
cessful. Whether he would have made a good police officer or not I will never know
as I am not sure he was really given the chance. He voluntarily resigned prior to
completing two years of service.

4.1.2 Race/Ethnicity Stereotypes

In addition to extensive work on gender stereotypes and discrimination, there is a

long history of bias in performance judgments of racial and ethnic minorities more
generally and not just limited to policing [46, 92]. Stereotypes impact perceptions
about leadership capabilities, such as the ability of Asian employees to fit into
leadership roles rather than technical roles. Moreover, Asian employees tend to be
viewed as the model minority due to their education level, competence, and
achievement relative to other minority groups [17].
In the US, a common stereotype suggests that blacks are less intellectually
capable than whites [24]. Similarly in Canada, common stereotypes about indige-
nous people include beliefs about their ability—uneducated and not dependable,
66 4 Barriers to Inclusion

their poor social status, and alcoholism [102]. Since 9/11, Muslims have tended to
be broadly stereotyped as a threat, even in the workplace. One police officer
described being accused as a member of a sleeper cell and having to account for his
whereabouts, such as when a car bomb was discovered in Times Square.
This kind of constant suspicion and the discriminatory comments build up, and I have to
carry the burden of always having to defend myself as a Muslim on top of the regular
stresses of being a cop [54].

In addition to these commonly held stereotypes, the prototypical leader is gen-

erally viewed as being Caucasian and not of minority status [84], which presents as
an additional barrier for both women and minorities.
Albeit the percentage of minority officers has increased in policing in recent
years, studies continue to show that minority officers experience different workplace
problems than those of white officers [10, 28, 41]. In addition, these workplace
experiences are not the same across all minority groups. For instance, a Canadian
study involving a large police department noted that aboriginal officers, in partic-
ular, were less likely to perceive they have been treated respectfully in the work-
place [107]. Likewise, a recent workplace survey of police service in England and
Wales, noted that minority officers, particularly Asian or Asian British officers,
were more likely to report bullying or harassment that was based on race [12].
The workplace experiences of Latino officers in the US have been shown to be
similar to white officers, yet black officers reveal much more negative experiences
[10]. Black officers tend to share the same perception that systematic barriers limit
their advancement and impact career longevity. Moreover, racial biases are per-
ceived to affect how black officers are trained, how they are evaluated, how they are
assigned tasks, and how they are transferred and promoted. In addition, black
officers report feeling like outsiders in their departments, being more closely
scrutinized and having to work harder to demonstrate their abilities as police offi-
cers. Similar to the experiences of female officers, any mistakes or failures tend to
be generalized to the capabilities of other black people, as one officer illustrates
below [10: 389/390].
But you know, I make a mistake, now you may make the same mistake, but for some reason
my mistake carries a great deal of weight as opposed to yours. It’s a racial and social
statement. If you make a mistake, it’s just you making a mistake. There’s no aspersion on
the rest of white society, it’s just you making a mistake; you’re just a dumb white who
made a mistake, you know. I make a mistake and all of a sudden all black people are called
into question because I made a mistake or, because I’m stupid, you know, and that’s crazy,
that’s crazy.

Black officers also report a lack of support networks and constant exposure to
racial jokes, name-calling, racial slurs, rudeness, and harassment [10]. A separate
study involving 1104 police officers in the Baltimore Police Department identified
consistent findings, specifically that black officers were more likely to perceive
criticism from their peers [28].
4.1 Conscious and Unconscious Biases and Stereotypes 67

For racial/ethnic minority officers, in general, the sense of being “invisible”

increases the amount of stress that is experienced in the workplace [39, 69]. I will
cover the topic of occupational stressors in greater detail in Chap. 5.

4.1.3 Sexuality Stereotypes

Studies have consistently demonstrated that men hold more negative attitudes
toward gay men than women do [6, 8]. This is largely due to Western society’s
view of an ideal form of masculinity as white, heterosexual and middle class.
Therefore, a gay man has lower social power than a heterosexual man, and as a
result, may be positioned at the bottom of the masculinity hierarchy and socially
marginalized [3, 42].
In the heterosexual male dominated environment of policing, traditional mas-
culine ideals, which place high importance on hyper masculine behavior, such as
power and status, and not on expressing emotions or showing affection toward other
men, can act as a significant barrier to the inclusion and advancement of gay men
[73]. Gay men are subjected to stereotypes that see them as weak and feminine.
They tend to be less accepted, perceived as less capable and masculine, and typecast
into certain roles [15]. In contrast, lesbians are often viewed as masculine and tough
and less subjected to gender stigmas.
The stereotype of the male gay is effeminacy, which the police doesn’t want, whereas the
stereotype of the dyke is masculinity and the police need women who aren’t afraid to get
stuck in there and do the job [16: 194].

Accordingly, lesbians may be more likely to inadvertently benefit from such

stereotypes while gay men are more likely to be discriminated against [21].
Research in the UK revealed that gay male officers were nearly three times as likely
as lesbians or other sexual minorities to experience discrimination in training,
slightly more than twice as likely to experience discrimination in deployments and
nearly nine times as likely to experience discrimination in promotions [52].
Similarly, work conducted at a police department in California revealed that
although respondents perceived that gay men were likely to be more capable
officers than lesbians they still held more negative attitudes toward gay men [8]. Of
note, female officers were more likely to perceive both gays and lesbians as capable
of being police officers.
Though there have been improvements in the workplace experiences of gay and
lesbian and other sexual minority officers, instances of barred promotional oppor-
tunities, resentment from heterosexual colleagues, and derogatory statements con-
tinue to be widely reported. As with women and racial/ethnic minority officers,
discrimination has occurred in areas where supervisory discretion is highest, with
LGBQ officers reporting unfavorable treatment during annual performance evalu-
ations, in the distribution of work, and in the overall support for promotion and
development [21, 22]. Gay male officers have also been broadly cast as deviant and
68 4 Barriers to Inclusion

effeminate and therefore unsuitable for a career in policing [80]. Additionally,

homophobic comments have been identified as the most significant attitudinal
barrier, followed by being treated like an outsider and social isolation for LQBQ
officers who have “come out” at work [22].
As an openly gay member I have regularly seen and heard comments and attitudes that
many would be offended by. I am direct and open and do not take these as direct offences to
me, but the fact that they remain is what concerns me. What I mean by this is, I rarely if
ever hear a “bad guy” called a derogatory name associated with race (the “N” word or a
negative word for First Nations persons etc.) but will constantly hear “bad guys” referred to
as “homos; fags; cocksuckers” by other members. I believe this is a result of
under-identification of gay and lesbian members and these terms still being considered by
society as “fair game” to use.

LGBQ officers also report experiencing constant scrutiny by other officers, and
either having heard or been the target of homosexual jokes or derogatory slang.
Similar to heterosexual women, and despite evidence that they perform as well as
heterosexual officers in general, LGBQ officers must also work harder to challenge
stereotypes and to prove their competence as good officers [70].

4.2 Social Status

Social status is another commonly identified barrier that can prevent people, who
are not in the dominant group, from being fully included in the workplace.
Perceptions of status can affect the judgments that are made about people and the
decisions that are made as a result. In policing, social status is complex as it can cut
across gender, race/ethnicity, rank, unit of work, category of employee, and even
competence. For example, a white male, who is regarded as a top-notch investi-
gator, is more likely to be perceived as having higher status than a female
administrative assistant and would be expected to garner higher levels of respect
and influence.
What’s more, white heterosexual males have higher status than women and
minorities, with women, who are also racial/ethnic minorities, falling at the bottom
of the status hierarchy [27, 64]. Overall, high-status individuals in policing are more
likely to be white heterosexual males, those who work in specialized units such as
criminal investigations, those of higher rank, and those who are sworn police
officers versus civilian personnel.
What this means is that the higher status investigator would be expected to reap
greater rewards and benefits than his lower status female colleague. As such, he and
other high status members are able to gain power over the actions of others, such as
in determining shift schedules and setting direction, and generally a reputation for
making significant contributions, which leads to increased requests for their opin-
ions and being given the benefit of the doubt in various situations. The potential
downside is that high-status individuals may also be given a “pass” when it comes
to inappropriate conduct.
4.2 Social Status 69

In late 2011, the Fifth Estate aired the story of four women who had been
sexually harassed or assaulted by one such high status individual while working
undercover. One female officer, Tori, described a night of drinking, where she and a
male undercover officer, her partner for the night, were purportedly waiting for the
target of their investigation to arrive. When that did not occur, more drinking
ensued until they headed up to their respective hotel rooms. At that point Tori was
told that there had been a mix up. No room had been booked for her and she would
therefore have to sleep on her partner’s couch. Only when they arrived at his room
there was no couch in sight. The only apparent option at that point was to share the
same bed.
During an interview with CBC, Tori shared that she woke up during the night
and discovered that the officer had one hand between her legs and one on her
breasts. Despite her efforts to push him away he persisted. Tori did not report the
assault until she later learned that other women had a similar experience. Krista,
another female officer described feeling completely humiliated when the same male
officer fondled her breasts and put his hand down the back of her pants while they
were working undercover. Another woman finally came forward and filed a formal
complaint of sexual assault, which brought all allegations into the open.
As was to be expected the women were attacked and demeaned, and subjected to
retaliatory complaints. The women, and the lawyers that represented them, believed
that senior leaders were not taking the allegations seriously. In the end, significant
efforts were made by the organization to settle the complaints, with the male officer,
who was on the “fast track”, admitting to a minimized version of the allegations. He
was docked one day of pay and recommended to undertake counseling.
The four women eventually settled a lawsuit with their organization for failing to
take their allegations seriously and to protect them. A subsequent review of the
investigation revealed there were serious issues with how it had been conducted,
and suggested that the offending officer should likely have been terminated. Instead
it seems that his status warranted that he be protected [20].
Beyond the damaging outcomes that might arise from too much deference given
to high status individuals involved in conduct matters, there are other potential
repercussions. During critical incidents, it is certainly not unexpected that a high
status individual might be relied on more than others, such as leading the response
to an active shooter situation. However, outside of these incidents, when high status
individuals are consistently solicited for input over others, police leaders fail to
recognize the expertise held by other people, which can be to the detriment of the
specific work group or the organization [58]. Over the longer term, innovation and
improvement efforts can suffer as the creative solutions proposed by others are
ignored [72].
Individual awareness or beliefs that membership in a particular group grants a
certain level of status creates feelings of superiority for some and inferiority for
others [1, 99]. As a result, individuals with low status are more likely to suffer low
self-esteem and underestimate their contribution, withhold pertinent information,
speak up less, and defer decisions to individuals of higher status [75, 100].
70 4 Barriers to Inclusion

In one police service I had the opportunity to work with these same status issues
were widely discussed. Front-line members expressed the view that they are not
considered as important as other sections in their department, yet seemingly held to
a higher standard. Members articulated a theme of “front-line first” that was often
communicated but not applied in practice.
In addition, members who were dealing with various mental and physical
challenges reported that they felt less valued and not part of the larger team. While
they appreciated accommodations that were made for them, being valued was a
prime consideration. Like many other members, they wanted to be treated
respectfully and fairly, have the opportunity to be heard, and to contribute ideas for
improving the workplace.
Nearly all civilians shared their frustrations that they did not have the same status
as officers. Civilian members stressed that they care deeply about the safety of
officers and making sure they have the best equipment and support; though not all
officers may appreciate their commitment, and therefore dismiss them and their
roles as less relevant. One civilian member explained how he might come across a
junior officer he knows and would be acknowledged, if that officer was alone. Yet if
the same officer happened to be with a larger group of officers he would be ignored.
An unfortunate reality is that this situation was simply accepted as the way it is.
Civilian members described instances where their opinions were disregarded in
favor of that of an officer, thereby communicating that they were less competent and
less valued. Similar to female officers, civilian members also expressed the feeling
that they need to work harder to prove their abilities. Arguably, when these
members may be both female and a civilian, they may bear the double burden of an
outsider status. In general, when any groups or individuals perceive they are treated
differently, this may equate to having a sense of less value and lower status—both
of which can easily impact morale.

4.3 Police Culture

Formed by the dominant group, dominant organizational values and norms gen-
erally comprise a prevailing culture that is reflective of the viewpoint of the
organizational members who are in the majority. In workplaces where whiteness,
heterosexuality, and/or masculinity dominate, informal social behavior may lead to
harassment, exclusion or marginalization of those who are different or perceived as
having a weak fit.
Three types of exclusive cultures have been associated to male dominated
organizations: the “gentleman’s club, the “barrack yard” and the “locker room”. In
the “gentleman’s club”, women who conform to traditional roles for women fit in
and are protected. The “barrack yard” culture generally thrives in hierarchical
organizations where there is a clear chain of command, such as in paramilitary and
military organizations. In such a culture, bullying of subordinates is common as
authority and power are expected to produce respect. Women, minority group
4.3 Police Culture 71

members and individuals perceived as fragile and possessing little power are often
the subject of hostility by those in the dominant group [61].
In the “locker room” culture, male relationships are built based on common
assumptions, conversations about sports, and references to sexual escapades to
confirm an individual’s heterosexuality. While generally exclusive to white males
only, other men can join this exclusive club if they conform to the same assump-
tions and similar talk of sport and sexual prowess [61].
In policing, male dominance tends to manifest through words, acts, and in some
cases, through organizational policies. For example, in a large national study
conducted by Hewlett and Luce [47], approximately 35% of surveyed women
reported that various aspects of their organization’s culture penalized people who
take advantage of work-life policies.
Although parental leave was perceived to garner more respect, 19% of the
women reported either attitudinal or cultural barriers to taking advantage of such
leave entitlements. In the presence of such barriers women reported that they would
rather resign than request leave or other flexible work arrangements. Of additional
note, men reported that they encountered greater stigma when they attempted to
utilize leave policies.
For the men and women of this study, organizational culture was regarded as a
significant barrier to flexible work arrangements even when such arrangements
were available through formal policies [47]. Expectations of commitment and
demonstrations as part of this competitive masculinity make it very difficult for
working mothers and single fathers to balance the demands of family and their
commitment to policing.
In Chap. 2 I reported that policing has a very distinct culture that is described in
both positive and negative terms. Proving masculinity has tended to be a particu-
larly negative aspect, which can act as a barrier to women, minorities, and even men
who do not conform to masculine expectations. As a result, individual officers may
often be expected to demonstrate they are a “real man”, even if they are a woman.
Contrary to the experiences of a number of female officers, Marianne worked in
a supportive environment where her colleagues looked out for her. Even though her
colleagues lamented the idea of women in policing and described 1974—the year
when women were first permitted to serve as police officers in the RCMP, as one of
the “darkest days in the Force”, they did not view her as an “other” and would often
turn to her and remark, “but not you Marianne”, as if that made up for the com-
ments. She was acutely aware that she needed to do more than her fair share of the
work and to show strength in order to be accepted.
Aside from feeling increased pressure to perform, research suggests that the most
common problem facing female police officers is sexual harassment [71, 101]. For
example, a survey of serving policewomen in 35 countries revealed that 77% had
experienced some form of sexual harassment from colleagues [14]. Similarly, a
2008 study of sexual harassment and health among male and female police officers
revealed that both men and women experienced sexual harassment, although
women were more frequently sexually harassed than men: 64% versus 48%
72 4 Barriers to Inclusion

[25]. Common types of harassment reported by women include offensive remarks

about their bodies and crude and offensive sexual remarks that were made in both
publicly and privately. Men were also confronted with offensive remarks about their
bodies and sexualized material. Of note, gay men have been found to be particularly
vulnerable to abuse, ridicule [86], and harassment [66].
A recent investigation into workplace conduct within the Australian Federal
Police revealed that 46% of women and 20% of men reported being subjected to at
least one incident of sexual harassment within the previous five years. Women were
more likely to report experiencing sexually suggestive comments or jokes that made
them feel offended, inappropriate starting or leering and repeated invitations to go
out on dates. The experiences of men related to sexual gestures, indecent exposure
or inappropriate displays of the body [13].
For many law enforcement agencies these harassment numbers might seem
alarming, as it is estimated that fewer than 25% of people who experience sexual
harassment actually file a formal complaint [59]. The reasons for this include
expectations that nothing will be done or that the situation may become worse.
Female police officers, in particular, not only experience exclusion and stress
associated with sexual harassment from individual officers, but also from a police
subculture that tolerates such behaviors [51].
Situational factors such as the gendered nature of the job and organizational
tolerance for sexual harassment have been proven to be consistent drivers of sex-
ually harassing behavior [7, 48]. There is also evidence that occurrences of sexual
harassment increase when victims perceive that complaining may have negative
effects, that their complaints would not be taken seriously, or that sanctions were
unlikely [48]. Because policing is defined as masculine, male officers often do not
view their negative behavior toward women as sexual harassment. “Aggression is
expected; physical strength is a necessity, and aggressive sexual overtures are
accepted” [38: 64].
In Chap. 2, I noted that proving masculinity can affect the mental health and well
being of officers given that culture often influences a stigma associated with dis-
playing emotion. In many cases, officers diagnosed with Post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) have suffered quietly and in isolation out of fears of repercussions,
either in the form of losing a coveted job assignment or being shunned by their
peers. Such an environment prevents people from fully engaging in the workplace
and addressing issues before they become more severe and out of control.

4.4 Lack of Mentoring and Networking Opportunities

Access to networking is perceived to be the most significant factor individuals can

have in being hired, mentored, and in advancing up through an organization [78].
When there are low numbers of minority group members they are often referred to
as tokens, and the differences between the token and dominant group members are
often exaggerated while their similarities are minimized [53].
4.4 Lack of Mentoring and Networking Opportunities 73

What generally results is the exclusion of tokens from formal and informal
networks [108]. Specifically, token women can feel excluded from informal lead-
ership and decision-making networks, and sense hostility from their male
co-workers, which makes them feel uncomfortable and unwanted [105]. The impact
of such exclusion is not only lost opportunities for career growth and job
advancement, but also social psychological [96].
Regardless of the occupation or the organization, employees who are not part of
the dominant group are often excluded from formal and informal networks, thereby
creating a barrier to advancement [19]. White males have more access to net-
working resources than nonwhites. In turn, these networks have been proven to
have a positive effect on achieving first and second employment interviews, and on
receiving higher initial and final salary offers. Conversely, minorities generally do
not have as much success in interviews due to a lack of access to networking
resources [77].
In addition to limited access to professional networks, women and minorities
also tend to have limited access to mentoring opportunities. Mentoring is defined as
“a relationship between two people for the purposes of developing themselves or
their careers in navigating the workplace or a particular field” [19: 2]. More often
than not, the relationship is mutually beneficial, with both participants learning and
benefiting from the relationship.
For women, the limited access to mentoring opportunities are sometimes
attributed to concerns that colleagues would not consider the mentoring relationship
as appropriate or misinterpret a mentorship approach as a sexual advance [82].
Other reasons pertain to a lack of female and minority mentors at key positions
within organizations.
Having a mentor is believed to be critical in overcoming barriers in order to
achieve career success. Individuals involved in mentoring relationships are more
likely to benefit from assignments that improve their job competencies and help
prepare them for increased responsibilities. In addition, mentors and mentees may
share their experiences with extended groups of employees or even with those in
leadership positions. Such assignments and networking are important for employee
career development and for improving employee satisfaction [19].
Mentoring and networks also provide opportunities for individuals to access
valuable informal information about how organizations function. Other individual
benefits include decreased stress, increased job satisfaction, improved individual
performance, and increased skill. Benefits to the organization may also be realized
in the form of increased organizational commitment, reduced turnover, enhanced
recruitment efforts, and improved organizational performance [19]. Encouragingly,
when white male mentors recognize the various organizational barriers that pre-
clude some people from being fully accepted and integrated in the workplace,
women and minority officers tend to have greater career success [94].
74 4 Barriers to Inclusion

4.5 Organizational Policies and Practices

Additional barriers to inclusion within policing relate to specific policies and

practices such as inflexible work arrangements, traditional career paths and pro-
motion processes that continue to support the image of the ideal officer.

4.5.1 Traditional Career Path

A career in policing tends to be premised on the traditional notion that a police

officer will have a long, full-time and uninterrupted career path that demonstrates
the appropriate commitment and credibility for advancement from constable to
senior leadership. In Chap. 3 I described how preserving masculinity has shaped
part of the police identity where visibility and 24-h availability are generally
believed as fundamental to being a committed police officer.
For women attempting to balance childcare responsibilities with their policing
career, a continued emphasis on this traditional career path poses many challenges
[89], and can cause stress and anxiety [34]. As described by one female officer, this
situation is further aggravated if working mothers are not supported in their efforts
to balance career and family by their supervisors.
My husband would be gone for long periods and so I would be bringing my 3 kids into
daycare. I would be on surveillance and inevitably at 5:30 I would be saying to my boss that
the daycare is closing and I have to leave. I had no family in Montreal and no other
contacts, and he would scream at me in front of the team, “you get paid like a man why
can’t you be available like a man”. I never had an answer to that…There was an assumption
that I wasn’t as committed as everyone else.

There is sufficient evidence that women, more so than men, are confronted with
various push and pull factors within their personal and professional lives. The pull
factors generally encompass child or elder care responsibilities, while the push
factors are comprised of various unsatisfactory conditions about the job or the
workplace such as inflexible policies, requirements for mobility and traditional
notions of the upward and linear career path. When confronted with rigid policies or
the inability to advance due to organizational barriers, women are much more likely
to respond to the pull of family. The result is departure from the organization or a
downsizing of personal ambitions [47].
In addition, female officers have noted that those who take time off for family
reasons are often stigmatized and left behind due to the perception that they are not
sufficiently committed to the organization.
There were plenty of good times but maternity leave was particularly hard. You knew that
you were leaving your team short for 6 months… The second I came back to work (from
maternity leave) they wanted me to know that I had damaged the team, that I had created
stress by leaving the team short and that I had better pull my weight.
4.5 Organizational Policies and Practices 75

4.5.2 Work and Family

A study of women in leadership positions in select police forces in England and

Wales identified a genuine concern of women to engage in flexible working prac-
tices, such as part-time work, primarily due to fears of not being able to successfully
reengage in the organization and be considered fully committed to the job [88]. This
barrier is significant given that more recent work determined that one in four female
officers considered leaving the police force due to low morale, concerns about
accessing flexible work arrangements, and child care considerations [12].
There is a significant body of research that indicates that women desire job
attributes that provide for greater flexibility to balance work and family at appro-
priate times throughout their careers. This flexibility may include less travel,
part-time work, working fewer hours, or other arrangements that allow for flexible
arrangements [11, 55].
Alternatively, female officers will pass on, or are also passed over, for promo-
tional opportunities to avoid conflicts with family life [103]. A recent examination
of recruitment and promotional processes in the RCMP determined that family,
mobility, and work-life balance had the most impact on a decision to seek pro-
motion [83]. While these factors influenced decision-making for both sexes, they
were of greater significance for women.
The concerns of female officers to engage in flexible work arrangements may be
quite genuine as taking time out from work and then fully rejoining the workplace
may be very difficult and also extremely costly [47]. Additionally, with the tradi-
tional male career model remaining the standard for judging career progression
[88], what results is a form of subtle discrimination that reduces the opportunity for
female police officers to have both family and career success.
A senior female officer recently shared with me that early in her career she was
bluntly informed that she had one of two choices: either a career in policing or
having a family. She could not have both and expect to succeed.

4.5.3 Promotion and Advancement

Beyond access to alternative or flexible work arrangements, both female and minority
officers may also face discrimination in the different phases of the performance
management process [45, 97]. Because the dominant group members tend to have
greater influence in developing performance standards, it is likely that these standards
will be more aligned towards majority members than towards minority members. As
an example, women on maternity leave may not be taken into account when police
organizations are identifying high potential candidates for promotion and/or
advancement opportunities. Although this situation is not limited to policing, it
arises largely due to stereotypical assumptions of commitment and dependability [90].
76 4 Barriers to Inclusion

Some talent management systems may also be vulnerable to misinterpretation

and thereby advantage some people over others. For example, talent frameworks
commonly include masculine stereotypes when describing senior leaders, which
means that masculine norms are invariably embedded into the system. The result is
that any bias that is at the top of the organization will become institutionalized
through a talent management system that cascades down through the ranks. This
means that even when women do all the right things to get promoted they may be
still less likely to advance to the same level as their male colleagues [18].
Other barriers to inclusion comprise leadership selection processes that seek the
unrealistic ideal candidate. To this end, certain job descriptions may be written with
gendered language that creates an advantage for men or with a lengthy list of
capabilities, of which men are much more likely to apply for even if they do not
meet all the requirements [50]. These same job descriptions may also include
language that places a greater focus on qualities that are perceived as masculine
such as individualistic, competitive, assertive, and strong. The impact of such
wording is that it may actually deter women from applying because it does not
appeal to them and/or it signals that women might not belong [36].
Ambiguity in leadership selection and development processes also contributes to
barriers for women and minority candidates. Lack of clear criteria for develop-
mental assignments, limited transparency in how high potential candidates are
identified and evaluated, and unclear expectations of how various experiences can
increase the potential of individuals to get ahead, disadvantage candidates who are
not part of the dominant group.
Vague criteria for performance can result in women, minorities and even men—
who may not be part of the inner circle, receiving lower performance ratings than
those of the majority group. In addition, as women cannot be physically adapted to
fit the image of masculinity to successfully function at the top of police organi-
zations, women have often been expected to de-feminize, instead of working
toward demonstrating competencies that are actually reflective of the job.
In addition, selection processes that continue to reflect the traditional career path
and exclude, or do not take into consideration, women who have been on maternity
leave, also serve as an impediment for women. To illustrate, one of my former
colleagues described to me how she struggled to compete in a promotion process
after returning from her second maternity leave. The promotion policy at the time
required all candidates to provide competency examples within a 24-month period
only. Although she requested the policy to be amended to account for her maternity
leave she was denied. Fortunately for her, the limited examples she presented were
strong enough for her to get promoted. However, the overall experience was
unsettling and led to her banding together with other female officers and success-
fully lobbying for the policy to be changed.
Summary
In Chap. 3 I noted that the need to belong represents one of the strongest human
motivations. Belonging to a social group fulfills a fundamental human need for
4.5 Organizational Policies and Practices 77

social connectedness and serves as a primary source of an individual’s self-worth

[31]. Being excluded may lead to significant psychological effects such as lower
self-esteem, feelings of worthlessness, depression, anger, frustration, and poorer
wellbeing [62, 63].
Organizational barriers such as isolation, lack of mentoring, lack of access to
social networks, and perceptions of tokenism lead to marginalization, increased
stress, and decreased morale for minorities and women, and even some white males
who might also have similar experiences of isolation. In general, the negative
consequences of tokenism tend to occur most for members of social groups that are
of lower social status such as women, racial/ethnic minorities and sexual minorities.
By their very appearance, token members stand out from the dominant group,
and as result, they often perceive that their performance is under the constant
scrutiny of dominant group members and that they have added pressure to perform,
based on the view that their actions reflect on all tokens [49, 53, 74]. In response to
these pressures, some tokens will overachieve while others underachieve to avoid
drawing attention [53].
Numerous studies also reveal that female officers are more likely than male officers
to encounter higher levels of hostility and other negative social interactions on the job,
including negative attitudes of male officers, group blame and rumors, exposure to
profanity and sex jokes, and stigmatization due to appearance [5, 43, 95].
In responding to incidents of gender discrimination and harassment, some
female officers have also distanced themselves from other women in order to gain
acceptance by male officers, and to compete for advancement opportunities [26,
65]. Others have gone one step further to express gender stereotypical views of
other women and to deny the existence of gender bias [33].
Women who have adopted these particular behaviors have often been criticized
for adhering to the “cult of masculinity” by legitimizing the low organizational
status of women [26]. What results is a reinforcement of traditional gender
stereotypes, the police culture and the prevailing barriers for the advancement of
women.
In addition to performing stereotypical roles, many token members may also be
expected to perform a number of other roles and responsibilities, which make them
stand out even more and face additional pressure. These include:
• Being more than competent to do the job;
• Willing to accept the spotlight and the visibility of being the only one, or one of
a few of the identity group;
• Able to represent their identity group;
• Able to deal with constant questioning as to whether the job was attained
because of competence or difference;
• Serving on committees, tasks forces and public appearances related to identity;
and
• Assisting with recruiting and outreach activities [67: 6].
78 4 Barriers to Inclusion

Barriers to the inclusion of diverse members may also arise due to negative
assumptions about diversity; namely that integration reduces performance by
bogging down various workplace processes, and leads to conflict; diversity means
that white males officers will lose as only a few can succeed; that it is too chal-
lenging to bring people in from diverse backgrounds; and that people who are
different should conform [68].
In reality, the biases and stereotypes about women in policing are not limited to
the workplace. Just as much as male officers may have been struggling with the role
of women in the RCMP, so too were members of the public. One day as Marianne
and her female coach officer were walking out of a building they encountered a
young boy who looked at them and then at a nearby police car. He was obviously
trying to reconcile women as police officers when he remarked “woah, wait a
minute, who’s driving the police car?”
In Chap. 5 I turn to the concept of organizational justice and its relevance for
creating an inclusive and fair workplace in which all organizational members can
thrive and succeed. I argue that an internal climate that is plagued with overall
issues of unfairness and injustice will only deepen the divide between dominant
group members and those who are perceived as different, as well as contribute to
misconduct issues. In this chapter I will also focus on the role of leadership and
structure as antecedents for the implementation of fair practices that are applied to
all people.

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Chapter 5
Justice Climates in Police Organizations

Abstract One of the consistent themes I have heard in my more than 24 years in
policing is the issue of fairness in the workplace relating to how decisions are made
about the distribution of work, developmental opportunities, promotions, perfor-
mance evaluations, and discipline processes. Building on a brief introduction of
organizational climate in Chap. 1, in this chapter I delve further into the concept of
climate and its linkage with culture. Organizational climate is a reflection of the
dominant norms and values of an organization’s culture, which influence employee
behavior [58]. To create a fair and more inclusive environment police leaders can
only successfully undertake change when the climate—what people experience, and
the culture—what people believe the organization values, also change [70].

If police leaders consistently reward officers for achieving results without consid-
eration for how those results were achieved then officers will believe that the
organization values results over anything else and adapt their behavior accordingly.
To change the climate leaders would need to start rewarding new practices, such as
the procedural fairness of interactions with other police personnel and members of
the public.
In this chapter I also describe a justice climate, which largely pertains to
employee assessments about the fairness received from their organization, and it is
characterized by three types of justice: distributive, procedural and interactional.
One way in which organizations can display fairness is by offering fair and bias free
policies, procedures, and outcomes to their employees. Unjust climates and their
implications for police organizations are likewise discussed, followed by an
exploration of two key precursors to a justice climate: leadership and organizational
structure. Consistent with Chap. 4, I also include excerpts from employees to
illustrate the impact of various organizational practices.

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 83

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_5
84 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

5.1 Organizational Climate

The interpretations that people make about their organization’s climate are “based
on the policies, practices, procedures, and routines that they are subject to, as well
as on the kinds of behaviors that are expected and that get rewarded and supported”
[72]. Organizational climate is made up of four key dimensions: the nature of
interpersonal relationships, the nature of the hierarchy, the nature of the work, and
the focus of support and rewards [72].
In interpreting the nature of interpersonal relationships within a particular
organization one might consider how people collaborate or compete with each
other, share information, and how much they trust one another or those outside their
own work group. Consideration might also be given to whether the health and
wellness of people is important to senior leaders and if people are generally sup-
ported in the workplace. The nature of the hierarchy might be explained by how
decisions are made and whether they include people who are affected by the
decisions, and also whether those in senior leadership roles are clearly distinguished
from others such as in the order of dress, parking accommodations, a physical
separation from those in lower positions, and other symbols that illustrate the
importance of hierarchy.
The nature of the work can be understood in terms of the adaptability of different
jobs or the requirement that everyone needs to perform the work in the same way. It
might also be inferred by how challenging the work is and the degree to which the
organization provides the appropriate resources for the work to get done.
The fourth dimension illustrates the goals the organization is seeking to achieve
by what it supports and rewards. Are results the most important consideration or is
how the results are obtained equally important, such as the respectful treatment of
others? Are people rewarded for technical competence or do leadership qualities
also matter? Do people get recognized because of whom they associate with or are
there clearly defined standards for performance? The answers to these questions
help frame an understanding of what behaviors seemingly matter most and con-
tribute to an overall interpretation of an organization’s climate.

5.2 Justice Climate

A justice climate is one in which people share common assessments about the
fairness of treatment by organizational authorities [66, 96]. It takes into consider-
ation three forms of justice: distributive justice—the perceived fairness of the
outcomes of decisions; procedural justice—the perceived fairness of
decision-making processes; and interactional justice—the quality of treatment
received as part of these processes [96].
In the workplace people form distinct perceptions about the fairness of out-
comes, the processes that lead to the allocation of these outcomes, and the
5.2 Justice Climate 85

interpersonal treatment received during the process [19, 37]. Perceptions of fairness
affect various workplace outcomes such as job satisfaction, organizational com-
mitment and performance [25, 33].
People expect to be treated fairly in the workplace, and they can experience
disappointment and personal stress if this does not occur. When people feel they are
treated in a fair, open and honest fashion this encourages feelings of being included,
and of having status and pride within the group or organization [8]. Fair treatment
also leads to enhanced perceptions of self-worth [27], which is even more important
for employees who have been traditionally marginalized in a policing environment.
The experience of fairness indicates to employees that they are supported by the
organization, and such support allows for better management of uncertainty and
more effective decision-making in difficult situations. This is particularly salient for
policing given the situations in which officers may find themselves on a daily basis.
The importance of a fair and supportive organizational climate cannot be
underestimated, as perceptions of fairness are suggested to be “a basic requirement
for the effective functioning of organizations and the personal satisfaction of the
individuals they employ” [36: 399]. A police organization that treats its members
fairly is sending an important message that it values its members [13].

5.2.1 Distributive Justice

Distributive justice relates to employee assessments of the degree of fairness in the

allocation of resources or specific outcomes [25]. People assess the fairness of
outcomes by evaluating the relationship between individual effort and the promo-
tions, recognition or opportunities that might be received as a result. Essentially,
people expect to receive similar rewards and opportunities as their colleagues who
are performing similar work. If perceptions of distributive justice are high,
employees are more likely to accept that some employees will receive greater
rewards; whereas when distributive justice is low this can cause distress and feel-
ings of injustice.
Similarly, if employees perceive that rewards and resources are allocated fairly,
this signals there is a level playing field and that the harder people work, the more
rewards they will likely receive. For example, if employees perceive there is a level
playing field they may be more inclined to put in the requisite effort to potentially
advance to a specialized investigative unit or to receive an important developmental
opportunity.

5.2.2 Procedural Justice

Procedural justice pertains to the fairness of the processes in which outcomes such
as pay, performance evaluations, rewards/recognition, promotions, and career
86 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

opportunities are determined [56, 80]. People pay attention to the particular
methods used by management and individual supervisors as they demonstrate the
organization’s commitment to the fair application of policies and practices.
Organizational policies and procedures are believed to be fair if they are applied
consistently over time and people without bias [52, 91], if they are applied accu-
rately [26], if they are correctable, and if they are consistent with ethical norms [52].
When procedures are believed to be fair, people will trust that their organization’s
actions are in their own best interests—even if this leads to a disappointing
outcome.
People want to be treated with dignity and respect by their organization. They
want supervisors to care about them and they expect that supervisors will make fair
and neutral decisions based on facts, rather than based on personal biases. This
includes giving employees an opportunity to provide input and express concerns
during the decision making process, providing explanations of why decision were
made, and giving employees the means to appeal decisions that they perceive as
wrong [82].
Fair procedures covey to employees that they are valued and respected members
of the organization, which causes them to identify more strongly with and to take
more pride in their group and organization [7]. Whereas perceptions of distributive
justice may led to increased productivity and performance, perceptions of proce-
dural justice can lead to increased employee pride, satisfaction and commitment
[96].
Common sources of procedural justice in the workplace include: having a voice
in decision-making, having the opportunity to correct errors of judgment, equal and
unbiased application of the rules, and decisions made on the basis of accurate
information [38, 52]. Employees have a need to be involved in making decisions
that affect them, and by giving employees a voice organizations can demonstrate the
importance of entrusting employees with the requisite power, authority, and dis-
cretion that is required to do their jobs [40, 48]. Simple things such as seeking
employee input regarding proposed changes that affect them, or soliciting their
ideas for devising new ways of responding to various challenges can go a long way
in ensuring that employees perceive that they are being listened to and that their
opinions are genuinely considered.
Procedural justice also plays an important role in shaping the identities of
employees and how they feel and think about themselves [27, 87], as well as
contributing to feelings of self-esteem [47, 89]. The extent to which people identify
with their respective organization is shaped, in part, by the treatment they receive.
Crucially, the enactment of fair procedures by supervisors matters most when
employees identify more strongly with the organization. For instance, police per-
sonnel who identify with their organization are more motivated to act in the best
interests of the organization as opposed to personal interests [8].
For police organizations that act in procedurally fair ways, having police per-
sonnel establish a positive relationship with the organization influences them to
abide by the organization’s rules and norms and to consider the organization as an
important part of their self-identity [2, 41, 43, 100].
5.2 Justice Climate 87

We do very important work. The great majority of members take great pride in keeping
Canadians safe and secure. We definitely have our problems/issues, but I know that when I
leave the RCMP it will be with the satisfaction that I made a positive difference in an
organization that values integrity and character.

These statements reinforce that police organizations should create the conditions
for employees to develop social identities that are grounded in the values and work
of the organization. This is critical, as research findings reveal that identity is central
to employee behaviour [9]. By being members of a valued group or organization
that treats them with respect, police personnel can develop a meaningful social
identity that increases their sense of self-worth and influences values-based
behaviour.
When police personnel work in a procedurally fair organization, they are more
likely to trust and cooperate with their supervisors, less likely to be psychologically
and emotionally distressed due to unfair treatment, and less likely to be cynical and
mistrustful in general [82]. If officers feel they are treated fairly they are more likely
to endorse a service-oriented style of policing [59]. This is particularly relevant for
police organizations that are dealing with excessive use of force complaints or other
complaints of misconduct.

5.2.3 Interactional Justice

International justice reflects not only the role of a manager in the application of
formal procedures but also employees’ perceptions of how much the organization
cares about them [18, 64]. More specifically, interactional justice is defined as a
manager’s fairness, respect and honesty in interactions with team members [6]. It is
generally agreed to consist of two specific aspects of justice: interpersonal—relating
to respectful treatment, and informational—the timeliness and clarity of information
in explaining procedures and events [6, 37, 73].
Respectful and honest treatment by a manager assures team members that the
manager is trustworthy, that justice is important and that the manager will treat the
team with respect [15]. People are more likely to perceive their organization is high
in interactional justice when communication between supervisors and subordinates
is timely and respectful.
Respect pertains to assessments people make about their own social status and
acceptance within their organization [9]. It also communicates information
regarding the extent to which people feel included [27, 54, 85]. People are moti-
vated to belong to groups or organizations they perceive as valued and important
[5]. Additionally, the level of engagement with a specific group is influenced by the
degree of fairness people experience in the workplace, as this is an indication that
they are included and are respected by their peers [76, 86].
A high level of interactional justice communicates that team members are val-
ued, that they can be proud to be a member of the team and that they do not need to
be concerned about unfair treatment [20, 89]. Therefore, when managers treat their
88 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

employees fairly there is a greater likelihood that employees will feel a sense of
pride to be part of the team and to increase their effort as a result [57]. An inter-
actional justice climate is also relevant in creating team members’ trust in their
managers.
I have a fantastic supervisor whom I trust and who has shown compassion, respect, integrity
and the other core values of the RCMP. Overall, I have enjoyed a good career and am
fortunate to have been employed with the RCMP.

In Chap. 4, I described the experiences of non-dominant group members, such

as women, racial/ethnic and sexual minorities, and even some men who have been
excluded, harassed or discriminated against in a policing environment. Barriers to
their inclusion have consisted of biases and stereotypes, perceptions of social status,
elements of police culture, and the inconsistent and unfair application of various
policies and practices. As such, interactional justice concerns are especially
important for diverse members [67, 74], who are more likely to feel threatened
based on their subgroup identities and who may be more reluctant to share ideas
and viewpoints [92, 94].
Managers who create and foster a strong interactional justice climate by treating
all members fairly communicate that all team members share the same status,
thereby creating a more inclusive environment [65]. By applying the same rules of
fairness to all team members, managers may also be able to mitigate intergroup
biases and potential status differences [60].
An interactional justice climate provides a basis for psychologically safe and
respectful interactions [60], in which each person’s individuality is acknowledged
and valued [93]. People who are valued and acknowledged for their unique per-
spectives are likely to feel empowered and motivated to learn from each other, and
to actively contribute in order to enhance team performance [30]. I will discuss
these concepts further in subsequent chapters of this book.
By creating an organizationally just climate, police organizations can receive
important dividends in the form of enhanced job performance, job satisfaction,
organizational commitment and trust, as well as positive evaluations of authority
figures [21, 84]. This latter point is particularly relevant given the hierarchical
structure within policing. Organizationally just climates can be established through
accurate, unbiased procedures that are implemented properly, by giving all
employees a voice in decisions that affect them, by explaining how and why
decisions are made, and by treating all people respectfully and fairly.

5.3 Unjust Climates and Their Implications for Policing

Stress in policing has been shown to occur more from the internal working envi-
ronment than from the work itself, with the work structure and climate representing
two key issues. Organizational stressors stemming from an unjust climate relate to
such issues as management style, staff shortages, heavy-handed disciplinary
5.3 Unjust Climates and Their Implications for Policing 89

procedures, poor communication, and workload [11, 79]. Low organizational and
supervisor support, perceptions of inequitable treatment, limited trust in supervi-
sors, and insufficient co-worker support are also linked to job stress [1, 39, 51].
When a police organization does not promote a fair and supportive climate this
can affect the physical and mental health of employees. Specifically, an unfair
procedure, such as how a harassment complaint may be addressed, represents a
significant source of stress [99].
My first two years were great. I enjoyed my work. Then in my second posting, my
immediate supervisor harassed and bullied me over many months. When I approached the
detachment commander about it, I was told that the issue was between me and my
immediate supervisor and it was left at that…After that, I lost any trust I had in manage-
ment at any level to treat me fairly. Later on in my service, I was diagnosed with a rather
severe case of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, many of the roots of which came from my
experiences in my second posting, compounded by the decided lack of support from the
management there. Now I languish in an assignment position, with no possibility of career
advancement. I have been tucked into a corner, left with the impression that should I push
for equal treatment that discharge proceedings may be initiated against me. So all I can
hope for now is to hang on just long enough to get my pension and then go.

In Chap. 4, I described the story of four women who had reported serious
allegations of sexual assault that were committed against them by a male officer.
Not only did the four women perceive a lack of fairness at the outcome of the
investigation, they also perceived significant injustice in how the investigation had
been conducted and how they were treated throughout. They were subjected to
isolation from their peers, attacks on their credibility and reputations, a lack of
support from police leaders, and retaliatory behavior in the form of misconduct
charges levied against them that were later found to be unsubstantiated. Ultimately
the treatment they received from their organization was almost as bad as the vio-
lations they had originally reported.
An unjust or unsupportive climate may also result in some employees being less
motivated to perform at their highest level or choosing to leave the organization
altogether. A study of police services in England and Wales revealed that when
officers perceived that their service behaved in a just and fair manner they were less
likely to consider leaving. On the other hand, officers who reported experiences of
bullying and harassment were more apt to indicate that they would [11].
In addition, if there is a shared perception that only certain groups of employees
are likely to get ahead, or that men are promoted at a faster rate than equally or
more qualified women, then the police service may also experience difficulties in
retaining qualified women [24]. The following statement from a female police
officer illustrates the frustrations of receiving outcomes that are perceived as unfair:
I feel over the course of my career thus far I have had decisions made on my behalf, without
consultation, about my career. I have had situations where files were being assigned and
due to friendships with management or supervisors, those more desired investigations and
files were provided to others… I’ve been exposed to a career that wasn’t what I expected
with regards to being part of a bigger family, instead realized I was regulated & assigned
roles that were more limiting while what I perceived as lesser deserving members obtained
the more favourable opportunities. I dedicate immeasurable voluntary overtime, never
90 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

recognized for the time invested. I am disappointed as I know many incredible women in
the XXX (I’m not saying I’m one of them, I try hard) and none are supported or treated
respectfully. I want to be equal [99].

Police officers are considered to be particularly sensitive to fairness issues [61].

They desire fair treatment by management and the equitable application of rules
[90]. During recent work with a police service in Central Canada, members
expressed frustration with perceived injustices; namely the inconsistent application
of various policies and practices. Officers also described a gotcha culture in which
they were usually recognized for something they did wrong, rather than for some-
thing they did well. Clearly there existed a fear of making a mistake as management
efforts were perceived to be focused on penalizing the offenders, often in a
heavy-handed manner, rather than treating the situation as a learning opportunity.
Officers also shared their concerns for two standards of accountability. In some
instances, this was described as one standard for police personnel and another for
civilians. In other cases, this was pointed out to be completely different standards of
accountability for officers who may have committed the same infraction. Finally,
officers expressed disappointment that poor performers were not held accountable
which was placing additional strain on others who were already overworked. This
latter complaint has also been commonly reported in the RCMP.
Prolonged occupational stress can also pose a risk to police-community relations
and undermine public safety as studies have shown a positive association between
stress and cynical attitudes towards the public [78]. Organizations that are perceived
as unjust and unfair by their employees are also more likely to experience employee
misconduct [37].
In a study involving police services in England and Wales, the authors found a
correlation between officer perceptions of organizational justice and complaints from
the public. In police services where officers reported more positive perceptions of
organizational justice, fewer complaints were received from the public. In contrast,
negative perceptions of organizational justice equated with more complaints [11].
Similarly, in a separate study involving the Philadelphia Police Department,
officers who thought that the department engaged in unfair management practices,
distributed resources inequitably, or displayed disrespectful treatment were more
inclined to commit acts of misconduct. In contrast, officers who judged the actions
of the department to be fair and just were likely to have fewer citizen complaints
filed against them and to demonstrate a greater willingness to report officer mis-
conduct [98]. These findings are quite promising for police leaders as they suggest
that by treating organizational members fairly and respectfully there is a greater
likelihood that members of the public will be in turn treated in the same way.
When police organizations promote a fair and supportive internal climate,
employees are more likely to internalize organizational values and are motivated to
behave in ways that are consistent with the overall values of the service [84]. On an
encouraging note, there is a growing recognition among police executives that
employees need to be treated with the same degree of procedural fairness as
members of the public [32].
5.3 Unjust Climates and Their Implications for Policing 91

Procedural justice is a way for police management to communicate that

employees are an important and valued part of the organization [55]. Instead of
having to rely on compliance-driven change processes, instilling procedural justice
policies and practices into the internal climate of police services can create an
environment where employees are willing to voluntarily do what is needed for the
service to maintain its legitimacy, including following the rules, doing extra work
and cooperating and collaborating with fellow officers [12]. Essentially, employees
will work harder and be more committed to an organization or group that treats
them fairly [87]. They are also more likely to accept the outcomes of various
processes, such as the investigation of a complaint or a promotional opportunity.

5.4 Precursors of Justice Climates

Earlier in this chapter I described how justice climates can be created through the
implementation of fair and unbiased procedures and policies, by involving
employees in decision-making processes that affect them, by explaining how and
why decisions are made, and by treating all people respectfully and fairly. In this
section I discuss two relevant precursors that influence perceptions of a justice
climate: leadership and organizational structure.

5.4.1 Leadership

Leaders play an important role in the development of a justice climate, as they are
an immediate source of data on which employees base their views of organizational
objectives and policies. Leadership style has also been shown to create internal
climates that affect people in different ways.
When organizations fail to address misconduct this can lead to more instances of
sexual harassment, specifically when victims perceive that complaining may have
negative effects, that their complaints will not be taken seriously, and that sanctions
are unlikely [42]. By tolerating, and even emulating harassing behaviors them-
selves, police administrators enable an environment for such misconduct to occur.
To this end, leaders who consistently violate organizational justice through this
manner may actually legitimize police misconduct [55, 83].
The consequences of the illegitimate use of managerial authority can be dev-
astating to police services as it may also result in individual interests superseding
those of the organization [81, 83]. For example, perceptions of organizational
injustice may lead some officers to leak confidential information to external parties
out of the belief that unfair policies and practices prevent the pursuit of justice [16].
Employees who perceive that their organization has unfair investigative procedures
for police misconduct may also be less likely to report wrong doing due to concerns
that the person accused of misconduct may not receive a fair hearing.
92 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

Alternatively, police leaders who use fair and just polices and practices are more
likely to be perceived as legitimate, thereby encouraging others to follow and
imitate their behaviors, and to act in the best interests of the organization [34, 69,
88]. Legitimacy refers to the belief that leaders can be trusted to deal with issues in
a competent way, and that they should be deferred to and their decisions accepted
and complied with [88]. Thus, an important prerequisite for effective leadership is
that followers support their leaders and voluntarily act in cooperative ways [101].
Employees are more willing to back their leaders when they believe that leaders
are applying procedural fairness [22]. Also, when leaders manage through fair
procedures, they also encourage their people to identify with the organization,
leading to voluntary and willing cooperation [27, 28, 87]. As well, to gain the
requisite followership and support from employees, leaders need to be seen as
legitimate and cannot simply rule through the use of power [83].
The work itself is less of an issue, the issues typically are the people with whom you work
or for who you work. Those relationships have to be one of trust. I am not sure we are there
yet with some of our managers. The managers/supervisors need to earn the employee’s
trust, however far too many assume, due to their rank, the trust in them is intrinsic to the
position, but it is not.

Employees look for cues that communicate both the intentions and character of
their leaders; namely their trustworthiness. If employees believe that leaders are
interested in their well-being, care about their needs and concerns, and take these
issues into account when making decisions, then employees are more accepting of
those decisions. Demonstrations of care and concern on the part of leaders, com-
municate to employees that they are important and valued [53]. The opposite is also
true. Leaders may be seen as illegitimate and even toxic if they are perceived by
their subordinates to have a lack of concern for the well-being of employees and
that they are motivated by self-interest [63].
In 21 years, I’ve never experienced such intimidation… Can only be described as a person
who does not care about any of the members. A true bully. Most members will not speak
up… in fear of retaliation while a number of members have tried… they were all punished
for doing so.
The confidence in my experience and making the right decision always seems to be
questioned. This has shaken my confidence to the point that I second guess or fear retri-
bution on decisions. I respect the rank structure…but feel that there is intimidation when
questioning senior management decisions. What used to be an environment where honest
communication was encouraged has been replaced with one that is stifling. There is little
point in questioning decisions by senior management as they have been put into action prior
to being announced.
This division is being run in a manner that is driving the morale into the ground, and
nothing is being done about it. People here including myself, come to work thinking they
have a target on their back, and wondering when it is their turn [99].

Findings from police research indicate that trust is an important factor. An

emphasis on discussion and participation in decision-making stimulates the
development of trust in leaders [95]. “Trust suggests that decision makers can
5.4 Precursors of Justice Climates 93

engender a sense that they are reliable, dependable and worthy, and that they make
decisions based upon the right information, motivations and ideologies” [68: 133].
Employees who trust their leaders are likely to evaluate the outcomes resulting
from their leaders’ decisions as being fair. Employees who are more trusting of their
managers are also more supportive, dedicated and committed to their organizations
[23, 29, 70]. However, trust is also a “two-way street”. Legitimate leaders must not
only be trustworthy, they must also trust their subordinates, as in the absence of
trust police leaders may revert to micromanagement [50].
To this end, effective police leaders can create a justice climate by demonstrating
trust in and empowering employees, seeking input, communicating clearly,
improving supervision through timely feedback, and the overall implementation of
policies and practices in a fair and just manner [3, 79].

5.4.2 Organizational Structure

The structure of police organizations is another important element that influences

the evolution of a justice climate. Organizational structure pertains to how
responsibilities and authorities are allocated and how work gets done [9, 97]. It can
also be defined as consisting of four specific dimensions: centralization—the con-
centration of power or decision-making authority; how rules and procedures are
communicated; the number of employees; and the number of levels of hierarchy
[71].
Decentralized structures tend to enable greater participation in decision-making
(giving a voice), provide for more control over decisions, clearly communicate rules
and procedures, and have fewer levels of hierarchy. Typically smaller in size,
decentralized structures have also been shown to positively influence perceptions of
fairness [70, 71].
Organizations that centralize decision-making authority, do not formalize and
communicate pertinent policies, and increase complexity through successive levels
of hierarchy may be promoting perceptions of injustice. In such an organizational
structure, employees with the least amount of power are more likely to experience a
greater sense of injustice [72]. In a policing context, this represents employees who
have lower status via rank, function, their category of employment as in police
personnel versus civilian staff, and/or their belonging to a traditionally marginalized
group.
The reality is that few police services are organized in a decentralized manner
that delegates decision-making, empowers lower-level employees, and encourages
input from all ranks [3]. Police organizations are typically organized in paramilitary
fashion, with an internal environment that is rigidly hierarchical and highly
bureaucratic, which in turn inhibits effective interpersonal communication and
leads to strained relationships across ranks, divisions, and even individuals [31].
94 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

In addition, officers from larger police services, which have more formal commu-
nications, greater layers of hierarchy, and fewer opportunities for participation in
decision-making processes, tend to experience more stress than officers from
smaller police services [14].
In the context of organizational structure, police stress has been specifically
attributed to a lack of consultation and communication, inadequate guidance and
support from administrators, insufficient feedback, little to no input in organiza-
tional policies, and too little authority and too much responsibility [3, 44, 77]. The
stark reality of this latter source of stress relates to the nature of the work for
front-line officers in particular. These officers are issued with a gun and a badge and
have incredible authority when they are out on the street, yet they are
micro-managed by a centrally controlled bureaucracy. Unfortunately, this creates a
potentially irresolvable dilemma of being both powerful—as every action could
possibly have lethal consequences, and powerless because “they are constantly
scrutinized, supervised, and reined-in by their department” [45: 128].
If police organizations structure themselves in such a way that facilitates orga-
nizational justice where all employees are treated fairly, and lower-level employees,
specifically, are involved in decision-making, this could result in increased per-
ceptions of organizational justice and improve the overall health and well-being of
all employees. Such a change would send a clear and consistent message about the
importance of fairness. Previously marginalized employees, in particular, would be
reassured that they would not be treated with prejudice in the workplace, thereby
resulting in increased performance and organizational commitment, and decreased
turnover rates and absenteeism [13].
Summary
In Chap. 1, I highlighted the various complaints of gender discrimination and
harassment that have been recently reported in police organizations in and outside
Canada. A police organization that tolerates prejudicial treatment of its employees
is sending a powerful message, namely that certain employees are not valued and
that it is not committed to fair and respectful treatment of all employees. In this
context, discrimination represents a special type of procedural justice violation as it
indicates that someone is not wanted in the group or organization. When one officer
was sharing her tragic story she showed me a picture of a bucket with the words
“kill list” written on its side and the last names of four people listed below the
inscription. Three of the names had a line through them, indicating that they had
been bullied out of the unit with one name left to go, hers.
In organizations that have a low representation of women and minority group
members, these types of justice violations may become quite significant leading to
costly and reputational damaging court battles that might take place because of
discrimination or harassment issues [35]. In December 2015, a Human Rights
settlement was reached in a case where a female officer with the Ottawa Police
5.4 Precursors of Justice Climates 95

Service alleged she had been denied training and career opportunities due to her
family status and gender. The settlement required the Ottawa Police to undertake a
review of workforce demographics and relevant policies and procedures.
The results of the review, which were released in October of 2016, revealed that
women were underrepresented in promotions, do not share in decision-making, are
adversely impacted by family status and related accommodations, and have expe-
rienced inappropriate behavior or comments targeted toward their gender [17]. In
commenting on the original settlement, the female constable noted that:
Many officers have experienced reprisal after coming forward with issues similar to mine,
with some female colleagues going so far as to quit the profession out of frustration.
A change in policing culture, encouraged by policies that respect human rights, can only be
viewed as a positive step forward [62: 5].

The implementation of policies and practices that are shaped by organizational

justice are not only likely to reduce officer misconduct, they are also likely to
motivate both minority and majority employees and increase their commitment and
identification with the organization. Identifying with the organization improves
employee relationships and encourages employees to help each other voluntarily.
Fair process, neutral, transparent and consistent decision making, and respectful
interactions may encourage positive attitudes and an alignment of organizational
and personal values [84].
A key element of fair treatment is being listened to and having one’s views
considered when decisions are made. In policing, having the opportunity to provide
input is important for two primary reasons. Providing input into decision-making is
not only empowering for all employees, it is especially empowering for employees
from traditionally marginalized groups, such as women and other minorities who
may have not felt comfortable expressing their opinions [13].
For example, a senior officer frequently shared with me her frustrations that her
voice was not taken into consideration during meetings with her colleagues. When
she expressed an idea it was ignored. Only when one of her male colleagues shared
the same idea did it become valid. The outcome was that she lost confidence in
herself and limited her input in future meetings.
If all employees feel comfortable expressing their opinions, more creative
solutions may be reached and more benefits of diversity may be realized. Research
has shown that a diverse group of employees who are enabled to freely contribute
will typically outperform the ideas generated by a single individual [13].
Of additional consideration is the new generation of employees, who are more
demanding of a fair and transparent workplace that facilitates greater input into
decision- making, permits questioning of authority, and provides regular feedback [4].
In light of this new reality it is evident that traditional hierarchical command-and-
control approaches do not create a workplace environment that appeals to this new
generation. As such, it may be time for police organizations to reconsider how they are
structured in order to facilitate greater employee input, effective decision-making, and
96 5 Justice Climates in Police Organizations

increased trust and transparency. Part of the solution necessitates developing and
implementing fair and just practices.
But caution should be taken in simply tinkering with organizational structure. If
sufficient efforts are not taken to involve employees and effectively win their hearts
and minds in the process, any proposed structure can be quickly rendered inef-
fective [75]. Unfortunately, police organizations do not have a good track record of
focusing on the human side of change, which likely relates to the frequent appli-
cation of tactical approaches and the desire to move on to the next challenge. Given
this, a useful starting point might be to address the least procedurally fair aspects of
organizational climate, such as transactional forms of leadership, poor interpersonal
treatment and a reluctance to clearly explain decisions [59].
Similarly, in looking at the issue of misconduct, traditional police reform efforts
often consist of reactive responses to external inquiries and/or lawsuits, and are
focused on addressing symptoms and changing attitudes and behaviors of indi-
vidual officers rather than addressing issues that relate to the organizational envi-
ronment. Referred to as the “bad apple” theory, this classic approach to police
misconduct is focused on blaming the lack of morality of individual officers, and
has been highly criticized [46, 49]. Rather than viewing police misconduct from an
individual perspective only, a more relevant approach is to examine the role of the
organizational mechanisms that might give rise to poor behavior, such as policies
and practices that may be perceived as unsupportive and unfair [98].
In the second half of this book I turn to a broader discussion of the inclusive
police organization. I highlight the evolutionary process as police organizations
progress from exclusion to inclusion and the necessary elements for establishing an
effective foundation for change. I also discuss a number of possible interventions,
together with the implementation of a more inclusive style of leadership.

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Chapter 6
The Inclusive Police Organization
and a Process for Change

Abstract This chapter begins with definitions for diversity and the concept of
inclusion, followed by a discussion of the benefits of each. Attributes of an
inclusive police organization, along with an organization development model that
depicts the evolutionary process from exclusive club to inclusive organization, are
also discussed. This chapter concludes with the introduction of a process for
facilitating change.

The introduction of Community Policing and other changes throughout the past few
decades have assisted with a shift from the all-white, all-male police departments to
a more diverse workforce of women, minorities, and openly gay and lesbian officers
in many police organizations [50, 52]. To some extent, the once exclusive net-
works have been replaced with formal network groups or associations that enable
women and minority group members to interact with each other, share information,
and provide opportunities and support [16]—although this is certainly not the case
across all police organizations. Despite changes in the demographic makeup of the
police, it can be argued that the business of policing is still analyzed through the
lens of the dominant group—white, male and heterosexual. Therefore it is more
likely that the police occupational culture continues to shape the nature of policing
and not the demographic characteristics of police personnel [52]. And it is this
male-dominated police culture that may discourage women, other minority group
members and even some men from pursuing a career in policing [47].
In the first half of this book I described several important concepts relating to the
police culture, identity and belonging within policing, common barriers to inclu-
sion, and the value of an organizational justice climate in police organizations. The
goal of this first part was to illustrate how aspects of the police culture and the
police identity, along with biases and stereotypes and an internal environment that
does not support the inclusion and fair treatment of employees, can prevent police
services from maintaining their legitimacy and even their ability to respond to a
rapidly changing external environment.

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 103

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_6
104 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

The second half of this book is dedicated to a process of change in which police
organizations of all kinds and in all jurisdictions can undertake the necessary
reforms for creating a more inclusive workplace for all employees.

6.1 New Meanings for Diversity and Inclusion

Diversity as a concept has evolved significantly over the past several decades, yet
there is still no agreed upon definition. Whereas some experts regard diversity from
the traditional and legally protected visible attributes of race, gender and age, others
consider invisible characteristics such as personal capabilities, sexual orientation,
education, religion, and language [10, 32]. Still others have proposed that diversity
should be understood as “the varied perspectives and approaches to work that
members of different identity groups bring” [55: 80].
For the purposes of this book, I will use the definition that diversity is based on
any dimension that people use to tell themselves that they or another person is
different [24, 60]. Consider when two or more people get together there is auto-
matically diversity, as we are all different in some regard. This naturally includes
any visible dimension and a wide variety of invisible aspects such as our sexuality,
religion, education, language, leadership style, experience, unique perspectives, as
well as the position we might hold within an organization.
Although many people may believe that diversity will bring about organizational
benefits, such as increased performance, diversity alone simply cannot bring about
these expected results [48, 57]. Instead, diverse employees and their experiences
and perspectives must be effectively integrated into an organization for an increase
in organizational effectiveness to be realized [54]. To this end, diversity and
inclusion must be considered as valued partners. Where diversity recognizes dif-
ferences, inclusion ensures that those differences are embraced and leveraged.
Where diversity is about counting people, inclusion is about making people count.
Crucially, diversity without inclusion does not work [38], as has been demonstrated
thus far in this book.
The concept of inclusion emerged as a result of growing calls for a broader
group of initiatives that would remove barriers that prevent employees from fully
participating in the workplace [58]. Inclusion has been defined as “the degree to
which an employee perceives that he or she is an esteemed member of the work
group through experiencing treatment that satisfies his or her needs for belong-
ingness and uniqueness” [51: 1265]. Inclusion may also be thought of as the degree
to which employees perceive they can fully contribute to the organization. It rep-
resents the sharing of ideas from all perspectives, and it involves people working
together toward a shared objective, despite their differences, and the creation of an
internal climate where differences of thought and opinion are valued and embraced.
6.1 New Meanings for Diversity and Inclusion 105

Traditional diversity approaches assume that individuals are integrated into the
workplace, yet it is the process of inclusion ensures that such integration actually
takes place [6, 48]. As such, inclusion is action-oriented. It is about the choices that
are made to leverage the differences in people and work toward a common goal. It
is about engaging all employees in critical organizational processes, such as having
access to information, being connected to co-workers, and having the ability to
participate in and influence the decision-making process [39]. Referring back to
Chap. 5, by giving employees a voice police organizations demonstrate the
importance of entrusting employees with the necessary authority and discretion that
they need to do their jobs. It also sends a strong message that employees are trusted.
Inclusion in various organizational information networks and decision-making
processes has several positive organizational outcomes. For example, inclusion in
networks is linked to better job opportunities and career advancement [21, 41].
Higher levels of inclusion also relate to increased job satisfaction and an increased
sense of well being [42], and as a potential means for increasing employee trust and
engagement [12]. These outcomes are especially important for employees that have
traditionally been excluded from informal and formal networks within policing [42].

6.2 The Benefits of Diversity and Inclusion

The external police landscape is changing dramatically. Globalization, heightened

budget concerns, the changing nature of crime and threats, along with the availability
of new technology present both challenges and opportunities for police leaders. In
the absence of a diversity of perspectives, senior police decision-makers tend to rely
on well-conditioned response to perceived threats, which may limit the possibility of
more effective solutions in response to the new landscape. Additionally, with the
restrictions in resources that arise through reduced budgets, it is clear that police
organizations require more effective recipes rather than simply adding more cooks.
By maintaining and supporting a diverse workforce, police organizations can
potentially avoid insular thinking and be more open to the possibility for positive
change. For example, employees from a diversity of social backgrounds provide for
a better understanding of certain communities and certain situations. This level of
diversity offers a variety of perspectives that can be leveraged to enhance problem
solving/decision making, and foster creativity [10]. In addition, the new generation
of police personnel are much more tech savvy and appreciative of diversity: two
important qualities for defining new ways of doing things.
Beyond the advantages of creativity and innovation, a diverse workforce may
also offer evidence of just and fair treatment of employees [13], which can assist in
increasing the pool of knowledge, skills, and abilities from which police services
can draw [5, 15].
From an external perspective, and given the unique relationship between the
police and the community, to better serve the community might equate to a work-
force that better reflects the community. Police organizations that are representative
106 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

of the communities they serve may have an enhanced understanding of community

issues. A diverse workforce is also thought to improve community relations and
support by demonstrating respect and fairness and a tolerance for differences and
human rights [30]. Although workforce diversity alone is unlikely to resolve all
issues related to concerns for police legitimacy, increasing the diversity of officers
while at the same time leveraging that diversity, can aid in increasing trust between
the police and the public. In fact, workforce diversity has been shown to influence
external perceptions and the reputation of the organization [34].
In the context of current police-community relations in the US, and even in other
countries, positive external perceptions of the police are vital. For one, the police
cannot do their jobs effectively without the support of the community. Beyond this,
a police organization’s ability to defend itself against public allegations of dis-
crimination is partly based on public perceptions [26]. As gender and racial dis-
crimination lawsuits have demonstrated, the costs of poorly managed diversity can
be highly public, expensive, and cause severe reputational damage. Therefore,
public perceptions may be a valuable asset to police services in terms of main-
taining community support, and positively positioning themselves to potential new
recruits. What this means for police services is that diversity and inclusion are not
only essential for enhancing creativity and improving police effectiveness, they also
represent an important means for increasing the legitimacy of the police [53].
However, in order to genuinely benefit from diversity, police services must have
employees with a diversity of backgrounds, perspectives, and social groups.
Diversity must also generally occur in relation to a particular task as different types
of diversity may assist organizations in different ways. For example, a diversity of
perspectives may be more relevant for a team that is seeking to solve a problem
versus an environment where employees are focused on routine tasks [5]. This is
particularly relevant to policing as the nature of policing is anything but routine as
officers are constantly challenged to resolve a wide variety of social issues within
their communities.
Policing, by its nature and structure, does not promote the inclusion of diverse
thought. Various studies have examined how isolated organizations may become
insular over time, resulting in homogeneity of opinion and leading to groupthink.
Accordingly, an organization plagued by groupthink will not benefit from simply
adding diverse individuals. In this situation, and as discussed previously, new
employees may simply be incorporated into the prevailing corporate culture. Faced
with strong pressure to conform to prevailing norms, individual employees may be
less likely to be creative or to draw upon their diverse experiences. On the other
hand, an organization that structures itself to encourage contributions from all
employees by actively seeking employee input may be able to have franker dis-
cussions and make better decisions [5].
It is clear that diversity coupled with assimilation is no longer a viable strategy
for policing. There must be a more balanced approach that seeks to integrate diverse
individuals while at the same time respecting individual differences. Such an
approach has been proven to increase employee satisfaction, retention, and per-
formance [34, 48].
6.2 The Benefits of Diversity and Inclusion 107

6.2.1 The Syrian Refugee Experience

To illustrate the benefit of diverse perspectives I share the following story. In late
2015 the newly appointed Liberal Government in Canada announced plans to bring
in 25,000 Syrian refugees before the end of the year. Given the short timeframe
there was some haste in getting a variety of agencies engaged and considering all
possible angles. Initial reaction in some areas was to approach this undertaking
from a traditional law enforcement perspective. In other words, to determine the
necessary steps to minimize the risks the refugees would pose to Canada. While
security was certainly a consideration this initial response did not consider the
broader evidence and the realities of the situation.
What was becoming increasingly clear to a small group of people was that
contrary to popular stereotypes, a large body of research demonstrated that immi-
grants (including refugees) have lower levels of criminal offending than do
native-born Canadians [56]. In reality, rather than focused on acts of criminality, the
vast majority of Syrian refugees are primarily concerned with basic survival, such
as finding a place to live, accessing health care and other necessary social services,
getting their children in school, and looking for work.
At the time, it was widely recognized, primarily through media accounts, that the
refugees had encountered enormous risks during the journey from their home
countries to refugee camps in Jordan. Journeys involving multiple border crossings,
arduous sea and land crossings, and prolonged stays in transitional camps, where
living conditions are often harsh. Due to such experiences, it was also expected that
many of the refugees would have significant and unaddressed health needs, high
levels of trauma, anxiety, and an ongoing fear of violence and persecution [56].
Moreover, a previous experience with Tamil refuges that arrived on the coast of
British Columbia, Canada in 2009 and 2010, clearly illustrated that an approach of
guilty until proven innocent can have significant repercussions. The treatment of the
Tamil refuges, from a traditional law enforcement perspective and a concern for
national security, was shown to have contributed to eroded perceptions of Canada
and its institutions. These perceptions were not limited to the refugees. They were
also shared within the broader Tamil-Canadian community [56].
Armed with the lessons learned from the Tamil refugee experience, and with
growing knowledge of the current refugee crisis, diverse representatives from a
variety group of law enforcement agencies from across Canada, refugee experts,
and police officers with their own experiences of finding sanctuary in Canada from a
war-torn country, came together to develop a different approach. All ideas and all
perspectives were welcomed and embraced. No one was excluded and no one was
considered to have better ideas because of rank, gender or their status as a sworn
police officer versus civilian employee.
The approach that emerged from these discussions was focused on establishing
trust and confidence in the police as a primary objective. It was acknowledged that
108 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

establishing trust with communities could be challenging at the best of times,

let alone with refugees who were coming from a place with low levels of police
legitimacy. Positive perceptions of the police are associated with an increased
likelihood of calling the police in times of need, assisting with crime prevention
activities and police investigations, and complying with the law.
To establish a solid foundation in Canada, it was understood that the estab-
lishment and maintenance of police legitimacy in the eyes of refugee populations
would be in everybody’s best interest, and this started with meeting with refugees in
Jordan to listen to their concerns and educating them on life in Canada, as well as
on the role of the police.
A few months after the refugees were brought to Canada, a severe forest fire
forced the evacuation of the City of Fort McMurray, Alberta. As a result of this
mass displacement of families fund raising efforts were undertaken in all parts of
Canada. A fulfilling moment for me was watching the news accounts of Syrian
refugees giving up part of their small daily stipend to assist the evacuees as a
gesture of giving back to a country that had taken them in. It was also fulfilling to
acknowledge that the law enforcement community had played a role in creating the
conditions for the refugees to be accepted and find their place in Canada.

6.3 The Inclusive Police Organization

In order for police organizations to realize the benefits from the diversity of all
employees they need to integrate and learn from individual insights and experiences
[13]. They must also engender a climate of inclusion for all employees by removing
barriers that prevent some groups of employees from being able to fully contribute
to the organization.
I describe an inclusive police organization as one that values and integrates the
perspectives and talents of all employees. It encourages all employees to contribute
their talents, skills and energies to accomplishing the organization’s mission, and it
continuously adapts to make the changes required to value and include all people.
Its systems and processes are such that there is equality and justice at the group and
individual levels, and all employees have equal access to opportunities,
decision-making and positions of power [19, 37]. More specifically, an inclusive
police organization is characterized by heterogeneity not homogeneity, full inte-
gration not exclusion, an absence of discrimination and harassment, low levels of
intergroup conflict, and one where all employees are similarly connected to the
organization and its goals (9, in [19]).
Committed police leadership and the effective management of people who are
different, the ability to admit weakness and mistakes, the empowerment of people,
the recognition and utilization of peoples’ skills and abilities, and an environment
that fosters learning, exchanging of ideas, and flexibility, all represent essential
ingredients for an inclusive organization [59: 3334].
6.3 The Inclusive Police Organization 109

Becoming an inclusive organization does not happen overnight. Although there

are few, if any, examples I can identify within policing, there are a number of
examples of private sector companies, such as the Royal Bank of Canada, that have
been pursuing a diversity and inclusion agenda for several years. Though they have
been extensively recognized by Catalyst, a nonprofit group that advocates for
women in business, their path has been anything but linear and free of challenge.
In the following subsections I borrow from an organization development model
to describe the evolution of policing from an exclusive club to where it holds the
promise of becoming a more inclusive and welcoming occupation. This organi-
zation development model consists of six key phases: exclusive club, passive club,
compliant, proactive, redefining, and inclusive [37]. A review of the percentages of
women and minority group numbers across policing in Canada, the US, Australia,
New Zealand, and the UK, along with various reports that have assessed the internal
climate in some police organizations, indicates that there is a wide variance in the
progress of police services. As such, I will describe each of the relevant evolu-
tionary phases in terms of the types of changes that have occurred, are occurring
and need to occur in order for police organizations to become more inclusive.

6.3.1 Exclusive/Passive Clubs

Up until the second half of the 20th century women and minority group members
were largely excluded from the majority of law enforcement departments in the US
and Canada. As such, policing represented an exclusionary and homogenous
occupation that was based on the perception that all employees needed to conform
to the values and norms of the dominant group—white, heterosexual, and high
school educated males [40, 45].
Aside from the visible homogeneity of policing, the exclusive police club has
often been associated with the hyper masculine attributes of strength, authority, and
power [49]. The prevalence of the military culture and the hierarchical structure of
police organizations also led to a form of “barrack yard” culture, whereby bullying
of subordinates was a common occurrence. Individuals perceived as weak and
lacking authority, were often subjected to hostility by the dominant group [33].
Consequently, not only were women and minorities excluded from formally joining
this early exclusive club, even white males who did not exude the expected degree
of hyper-masculinity faced exclusion from within.
As police departments opened their doors to women and minorities, the exclu-
sive club evolved to a passive club, whereby exclusionary policies were modified,
but the aspect of exclusion remained as individuals were still expected to conform
to dominant ideals. During this phase, diversity tended to be misunderstood as
affirmative action and was predominately driven by a desire to comply with federal
regulations in order to gain federal contracts [37, 55].
110 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

6.3.2 Compliant

With the initial recruitment of women and minorities, police departments began to
demonstrate a symbolic gesture toward diversity that tended to take one of two
forms— encouraging women and minorities to blend in, or to place them in jobs
that were perceived to better fit with their backgrounds, [55]. For example, women
are much more likely to hold clerical and other civilian positions rather than that of
sworn police officer.
Given the wide variation in the diversity of police organizations, it is highly
probable that a number of police organizations are still operating in the compliance
stage. Albeit there may be a passive commitment to include a few people from
outside the dominant group, there is generally little regard for making major
changes. Outsiders are still expected to integrate into existing structures. The
approaches taken in this stage may also be characterized as both color and
gender-blind by promoting sameness, therefore limiting the opportunities for
diverse employees to fully participate in the workplace [55].
From the women I interviewed, who were recruited when some police services
were working through this stage, it is clear that it was very much a numbers game.
“Have one, need one, trade one” was the theme articulated by one senior female
officer.
It was such a double-edged sword being a woman. Sometimes you could get opportunities
because they needed one (a woman) and sometimes you would be withheld from oppor-
tunities because they needed to hang onto you to keep that number. They had to have one
on their team.

Effectively, each of the initial three stages in the organization development

model send very strong signals about organizational culture, namely; the pressure to
fit in, fear of speaking up, who you know is more important than what you know,
denial of differences, and a sink or swim approach to proving oneself [17, 37].
You really had to prove yourself as better and dispel the myth (that women did not belong).
You always had to prove yourself as better than the men if you wanted opportunities.

6.3.3 Proactive

The proactive phase can be best described as police organizations demonstrating an

effort to include others, particularly those in traditionally marginalized groups. And
while there may be a recognition that the old norms and behaviors may no longer
fit, new standards of behavior have not been sufficiently defined to replace them.
The result is the continued influence of existing dominant norms.
Diversity in this phase tends to be still regarded from the perspective of visible
attributes only as there is limited recognition of the advantages diversity can bring
to the workplace and a lack of sufficient commitment to undertake the necessary
6.3 The Inclusive Police Organization 111

cultural change [37, 55]. Because of a tendency to leverage strategies that increase
representation only, initiatives undertaken in the proactive phase may lead to
complaints from dominant group members of favoritism, reverse discrimination, or
lowered standards [6, 17, 37].
The focus should be on the fair and unbiased treatment of all Members with postings and
promotions based on merit and suitability regardless of gender.
Members just want to be treated equally and recognized for their abilities rather than their
skin color, gender, disability or whatever discriminating factor is popular at the time.
My concerns regarding equality and accountability arise from preferential treatment given
to minority and female employees. There is regular communication advising of the orga-
nizational priority that is given to bolster membership and supervisor ranks with minorities
and females. This concerns me because that means the “best” person for the job may not
even be considered due to their gender and/or ethnicity [62].

What’s more, approaches to diversity management during the proactive phase

tend to be focused on tolerating differences without an appreciation of how these
differences may influence how work gets done. Similar to the compliance phase,
what may result is that that women and minority group members are pigeonholed
into specific roles that leverage their demographic characteristics only [55], such as
assigning black officers to patrol predominately black neighborhoods.
That said, there is no doubt that many efforts initiated during this phase will
assist in increasing the representation of women and other diverse groups; however,
they have been and will be insufficient for addressing the actual sources of dis-
crimination [44]. Without a commitment to undertake the necessary cultural change
and a planned course of action to support it, diversity efforts will fail [37].
To effectively influence a shift in culture, police leaders must seek to understand
the systemic barriers that have precluded some people from being able to fully
contribute to the workplace. This means addressing behaviors that lead to the
harassment, exclusion or marginalization of others. More specifically, activities that
serve only to treat a symptom, such as harassment, are unlikely to attack the real
root causes. In the policing context this may mean confronting the role of com-
petitive masculinity and how this may have reinforced issues of sexism, classism,
heterosexism, and other demonstrations of injustice [61].

6.3.4 Redefining

For those police organizations that reach the redefining phase, there is both
recognition and appreciation of the value of having diverse perspectives in the
workplace [13, 43, 60]. In this capacity, diversity can be viewed as an operational
imperative with increased learning and innovation as two important outcomes [2].
Importantly, there is also an understanding that all employees deserve a fair
112 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

opportunity to fully participate in and contribute to their organization. This means

starting with including and embracing the people that are already in the
organization.
Central to this phase is the theme of integration, which promotes equal oppor-
tunity and recognizes and values the differences of all people. Harnessing the power
of diversity enables an organization to leverage the differences of employees so that
organizations grow and perform better [13, 27] .
In the redefining phase police organizations need to examine the relevant
structures, policies, practices, and organizational norms that impede the contribu-
tion of individuals. An equality impact assessment is one method to identify biases
and any direct or indirect discrimination against groups of people within the
workplace. Key information may also be derived through employee surveys, group
discussions and focus groups, employee interviews, and analyses of personnel
indices such as recruitment and selection ratios, turnover rates, performance
appraisal and promotion ratings [28].
In addition to the foregoing assessment, a necessary requirement for progressing
through the redefining phase is the creation of a climate where employees are able
to speak up about obstacles to inclusion such as lingering stereotypes and
unconscious/conscious biases, and where these issues are effectively addressed [3,
37]. An important strategy to support this effort is to identify, reward and leverage
individuals and teams that are actively demonstrating inclusive behaviors. I will
come back to this theme in greater detail in Chaps. 8 and 9.
Overall, the redefining phase is considered the best opportunity to implement
meaningful change. It takes committed leadership and the development and com-
munication of a clear message about the value of diversity in increasing the
effectiveness of the organization and its ability to adapt and respond to change.
When organizations genuinely embrace diversity they are inviting diverse per-
spectives on a wide variety of issues. As such, leaders need to be able manage the
tension that comes with this process in a healthy way such that individual differ-
ences are leveraged for the creative tension they can add, while at the same time not
losing sight of the one element that ties everyone together—being unified around a
common purpose.

6.3.5 Inclusive

The inclusive phase represents the final step in the organization development
model. In this phase the inclusive police organization is one where the distinct
skills, experiences and perspectives of all individuals are valued and every person is
enabled to fully participate in the workplace and contribute to organizational goals
[6, 35, 37].
At this point in the organization’s evolution, diversity and inclusion are seen and
as key enhancements not as obstacles to be overcome or conditions to be managed.
6.3 The Inclusive Police Organization 113

Inclusion is a process, not an endpoint, which means that police organizations can
no longer operate based on what has been done in the past. The process of inclusion
effectively changes everything—how power is distributed, how decisions are made,
how performance is assessed and rewarded, and how people work together. To
create an inclusive police organization, means addressing many aspects of the
culture that have contributed to the exclusion of some people [37]. In this final
section of this chapter I briefly describe a process of change in which police
organizations can become more inclusive.

6.4 The Inclusion Process

Too many organizations approach diversity like turning on a set of Christmas lights—
simply screw in the right number of colored bulbs, turn on the power and declare
success. But we know by now that this approach does not work. If an organization
makes an effort to recruit diverse individuals but subsequently pressures them to
conform to the status quo, there is no real benefit of diversity. This is arguably the case
in policing. Many police services have recruited diverse employees but many of those
employees were expected to adopt the dominant norms to fit in.
Similar to the definition of diversity, with its many interpretations, there are just
as many ideas and recommendations for how organizations should go about cre-
ating a climate of inclusion. Early researchers on this subject proposed that
numerical representation was sufficient for changing the internal climate [29]. Other
experts have generally agreed that the numerical and behavioral aspects must be
considered at the same time [44, 46]. Relevant interventions target policies, prac-
tices and organizational structures such as recruitment, compensation, flexible
policies, and proportional representation of diverse group members across the
organization. They also address basic assumptions, values and beliefs, and lead to
changes behaviors and attitudes [19].
The inclusion process that I utilize for this book builds on the Multicultural
Organization Development (MCOD) that emerged more than thirty years ago as the
result of gaps in existing practices. Change interventions typically directed at
changing the behaviors of individuals were deemed insufficient to produce the kind
of organizational change that would result in the creation of an inclusive organi-
zation [23, 36].
Rather than attempting to fit outsiders into the existing culture the inclusion
process emphasizes restructuring the entire organization, [7, 25]. It also represents a
long-term change process that largely focuses on changing the dynamics of power
in organizations [25: 239]. The ideal outcome is an organization that embraces
diverse representation; the elimination of sexism, racism, heterosexism and other
forms of discrimination; inclusion and valuing of differences; and the redistribution
of power among stakeholders [19].
114 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

Consistent with traditional approaches to change, there are a number of key

assumptions behind the inclusion process:
• Individual awareness training is not sufficient to produce the required changes.
Relevant policies and practices must also be adapted.
• The change process and related interventions need to be pursued with clarity of
the starting point and a vision of what the organization is hoping to achieve—the
ideal state.
• Ownership of the change process by people at all levels is critical to success.
• The process must be continuously monitored and evaluated, employees must be
involved, communication needs to be open and timely, incremental changes in
individual behavior must be celebrated and rewarded, and additional areas for
improvement identified and pursued as progress is made.
Based on the foregoing assumptions the inclusion process is best described as
consisting of three major components: determination of the current state and the
goals for change, designing the intervention plan, and implementation. Given the
long-term nature of this type of change process, setting the foundation for change is
critical to success.

6.4.1 Foundation for Change

Based on preliminary data, such as the outcomes of an examination of employee

demographics, employee surveys, and/or employee complaints, senior police
leaders can initiate the change process with the understanding that issues exist and
further exploration is required. Such exploration can be facilitated through an
extensive organization assessment with a principal goal of establishing where the
organization is on the inclusion continuum.
This assessment generally includes an examination of such aspects as basic
assumptions about the workplace and how things get done, organizational struc-
tures, relevant policies and procedures, interactions between people, the type of
leadership, the general operating environment, and the type of language that is used
[18, 22]. Cultural audits, employee surveys, focus groups, and interviews with
individual employees comprise additional sources of information to support the
assessment process.
In addition to identifying the starting point for change, another objective of the
overall assessment process is to uncover sources of potential bias and ways that
organizational culture may be putting some employees at a disadvantage. For
example, I previously discussed how the masculine nature of policing imposes an
expectation that police personnel demonstrate a suitable level of aggression,
authority, emotional self-regulation, and adherence to the crime-fighter image. In
Chap. 4, I also discussed how biases and stereotypes, issues of social status and
notions of a traditional career in policing have acted as barriers to inclusion. The
6.4 The Inclusion Process 115

paramilitary structure of policing, with authority and control vested solely in senior
leaders, may also prevent critical voices from being heard.
Once the assessment process is complete a crucial step is to educate key leaders
on the results. It is imperative at this point for senior leaders to accept the results
and their responsibility in both owning and implementing the necessary changes.
Consistent with any organizational change process, the rationale for change must
also be articulated, such that it creates a sense of urgency for undertaking the
necessary improvements and generates the requisite level of leadership, support,
sponsorship and involvement [19]. Top management’s support and genuine com-
mitment to the change process cannot be underestimated. This commitment must go
beyond mere words to the allocation of human, financial, and technical resources,
where necessary, for a period longer than a few months. In this case words matter
but actions speak much louder.

6.4.2 Vision, Goals and the Intervention Plan

At this stage in the change process the results of the organization assessment are
translated into an overall change agenda. This agenda includes definitions of the
desired future state (of what the organization is trying to achieve); the goals of
the change agenda; the specific activities and associated timelines (as known at the
time); the roles, responsibilities and accountabilities of individuals and group within
the organization; and mechanisms for evaluating progress [31, 9].
However, this change agenda should not be developed in isolation, involving
only a select few. It should involve a broad representation of employees to solicit
their input in defining the ideal future state and the necessary change interventions.
Through these actions, the police leaders can demonstrate that something is dif-
ferent and that employee opinions are an important consideration in moving the
organization forward. Such actions are also more likely to lead to greater employee
buy-in, as employees are reticent to support something of which they have no
control. More importantly, by involving employees, the change process will benefit
through the generation of more creative ideas.

6.4.3 Implementation

Top management commitment is crucial for the ongoing execution of the change
agenda but it is not sufficient. Champions are also needed at lower levels to assist
with implementation. Given the divide that exists between front line personnel and
senior management in policing, middle managers can also be empowered to bridge
communication gaps to help ensure that the desired changes are successfully
implemented. However, managers are often disempowered and then targeted as the
scapegoats when change efforts fail.
116 6 The Inclusive Police Organization and a Process …

To empower middle managers, senior police leaders must do much more than
make statements, they need to create a healthy work environment that promotes the
empowerment of managers, particularly creating sufficient safety for mangers to
make and learn from mistakes without fear of repercussions. When managers are
empowered they can encourage others to be more open and share information,
which leads to more people being empowered throughout the organization. In
addition, given that middle management tent to be the gatekeepers of inclusive
practices, to give up some control and involve these managers in the change process
will be critical to success.
The leadership requirement for a change process can also be created through the
formation of a special task force or advisory committee that is led by a senior
manager. Primary accountability and responsibility for implementation may also be
delegated to a change team, which acts under the authority of the senior leadership
team.
Essentially the primary enablers of an effective implementation plan are com-
munication, credibility, and accountability (1, in [19]). Without appropriate com-
munication throughout the organization to all employees and at all levels, without a
valid plan of action that sets clear priorities, and without clarity about responsi-
bilities, accountability, and measures of success, the best intervention plan will fail.
Thus, a key aspect of implementing a strategic plan is defining communication and
engagement strategies, assigning responsibilities to credible members of the orga-
nization, and identifying clear targets of change and measures of success for dif-
ferent organizational members and divisions [1].
Evaluation of diversity and inclusion initiatives is another important element of
implementing change but one that is often most neglected [8, 19]. Where imple-
mentation is evaluated the chosen indicators tend to be limited to numerical rep-
resentation of women and other traditional diversity groups.
To move toward inclusiveness, experts recommend that organizations also need
to consider regular employee assessments of the workplace climate and other
assessments of improved organizational performance [8, 14, 31]. An important
aspect of performance management in relation to inclusiveness is that it presup-
poses that performance is not simply evaluated based on pure output—what people
achieve, but in equal terms on the evaluation of their behavior—how people
achieve results [46].
Accordingly, indicators that assess perceptions of the workplace climate may
include employee perceptions of the fairness of systems for assessing performance,
providing rewards and promotions; having access to information and knowledge;
having access to flexible workplace arrangements; being able to balance work and
personal lives; the ability to influence decision-making; and having opportunities to
acquire and develop new skills [19, 46]. A continuous series of short surveys that
incorporate five to eight questions to assess employee perceptions about the pro-
gress of change is also beneficial. This enables change leaders to make periodic
adjustments as required given the long-term aspect of the inclusion process.
6.4 The Inclusion Process 117

To assess improved organizational performance, progress indicators may show a

decrease in absenteeism and attrition rates, a decrease in harassment complaints and
other forms of complaints, the effective and timely handling of complaints,
increased sharing of information and knowledge, and the effective training,
assessment and rewarding of inclusive leaders [4, 11, 19].
Summary
In this chapter I introduced the concept of the inclusive organization. One in which
an all groups are treated fairly, are included in decisions that matter, share equitably
in the rewards and opportunities that the police organization has to offer, and are
represented at all levels and within all functions [18]. Rather than be assimilated
into the existing culture, diverse individuals and groups can help shape core values
and organizational norms, and also assist with shaping police strategies and how the
work gets done.
Effectively responding to a rapidly changing external landscape necessitates
tapping into a more diverse group of people for creative ideas and breaking away
from traditional control models in which participation might have been limited to
those at the top. Diversity should be embraced in the broadest sense, which includes
anything that makes each of us different, yet care must be taken not to overlook the
common barriers that have prevented traditionally marginalized groups from
achieving success. All employees need to believe that their organization supports
and values their unique contributions [42, 55].
I also described the important relationship between diversity and inclusion,
namely that appreciating our differences is just as important as ensuring that those
differences are effectively integrated into the heart of police organizations. This
chapter concluded with the description of an evolutionary process in which police
organization might progress from exclusion to inclusion, and develop an increasing
capacity to effectively respond to a changing landscape.
In Chap. 7 I discuss how police organizations can successfully establish a solid
foundation for commencing or continuing a process of change that is focused on
inclusion.

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Chapter 7
Establishing the Foundation for Change

Abstract This chapter is focused on building a solid foundation for the change
process. The various themes covered are generated from extensive research as well
as personal experience with similar types of change. These include conducting the
organization assessment, gaining leadership commitment, assessing readiness for
change, and creating readiness for change through communication, employee
involvement and change leadership.

In his extensive work on organizational culture, Edgar Schein suggests that as

organizations mature they develop a set of myths about how they operate which are
usually devised around the good things organizations do and are portrayed through
some form of organizational “face”, such as a public image of a police service that
is very professional or one that “always gets its man” [39]. In this regard, and not
unlike individuals, organizations are considered to have a need for self-esteem and
pride, and therefore may project espoused values that are quite different from what
occurs in daily practice. In the policing context, a police service may promote the
value of a respectful workplace yet in reality there may be widely held perceptions
of injustice in the form of unfair practices and disrespectful treatment. Similarly, the
organization might espouse that an employee’s personal needs are taken into
consideration during physical transfers yet a basic assumption might be that
“anyone who refuses a transfer is disloyal and should not be considered for further
growth opportunities”. Likewise, the organization may espouse the value of
teamwork, but all of its practices may be individualistic and competitive, therefore
reinforcing the issue of competitive masculinity, discussed in Chap. 3.
What makes cultural change so difficult is its strength, particularly in mature
organizations, and the growing illusion that the promoted values are actually how the
organization operates. Through my own experience there have been many instances
where police personnel have brought forward complaints about certain behaviors,
only to be ignored or to face repercussions for speaking up. The reality is that leaders
do not want to believe that such behaviors can be occurring as they “fly in the face” of
the organizational image that has been created and identified with. When this is the

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 121

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_7
122 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

case, it may take a major crisis to motivate an assessment of the current state and to
undertake a change process as a result.
In February 2004, a Commission of Inquiry was established to undertake an
independent investigation into the manner in which the New Zealand Police had
responded to allegations of sexual assault against members of the police and
associates of the police, after two women went public [7]. Upon formal presentation
of the Commission’s report, a ten year monitoring and reporting regime was put in
place to track the implementation of recommendations.
Following a Public Inquiry, in December 2007 an external Task Force released a
report calling for changes in structure, accountability, independence and oversight
of the RCMP. The report also called for the establishment of a reform imple-
mentation council to monitor the progress of the 49 recommendations and to ensure
they were implemented as intended. In late 2011 the first of a series of lawsuits,
including two class-action suits, brought forth by serving and former female
employees of the RCMP, set out serious allegations of gender discrimination,
bullying and harassment that occurred in the workplace.
South of the border, between 2009 and 2016, the US Department of Justice
initiated more than 30 investigations into the conduct of law enforcement agencies
relating to allegations of excessive force; unlawful stops, searches, or arrests; and
discriminatory policing. These investigations resulted in a variety of outcomes for
the implicated agencies, including consent decrees, agreements in principle, tech-
nical assistance, or settlement agreements [42].
In each of the foregoing cases, a crisis or public scandal represented the catalyst for
change, which likely afforded the affected agencies a greater sense of urgency to act.
However, in the absence of such intense public scrutiny, police leaders may take a
proactive approach and address issues that surface through employee surveys and
other means. Importantly, making a decision to create a more inclusive police orga-
nization is not a simple one, notwithstanding the source of pressure for reform, as the
process is likely to challenge long standing beliefs of how people interact, what things
are important and how the work gets done. Accordingly, a proactive approach to
change requires committed leadership to generate sufficient urgency for the organi-
zation to take initial action.
In either case, transformational leaders are vital to unfreeze the organization and
launch the change process [27]. From my own experience, coupled with the advice
of numerous experts, I also suggest that committed and trustworthy leaders,
involved middle management, willing participants, capable champions, account-
ability mechanisms, and effective communications are key ingredients for suc-
cessfully implementing organizational change [12].
7.1 Conducting the Organization Assessment 123

7.1 Conducting the Organization Assessment

Initial employee surveys, other internal data, or even lawsuits (in the case of a
public crisis) may provide pertinent information about the nature of inclusiveness in
a particular police service; however, this information is insufficient as a starting
point for change. As I explained in Chap. 6, in order to establish a more accurate
understanding of the starting point for a change process that seeks to create a more
inclusive organization, an organization assessment that is focused on sufficiently
recognizing problem symptoms and identifying their root causes is a necessary first
step. The purpose of this diagnosis is to establish where the organization may be on
the continuum from exclusive to inclusive organization (see Fig. 7.1), and to
establish a baseline from which various interventions can be designed.
The decision to conduct an in-depth organization assessment must be commu-
nicated to employees. This is not something that should be done quietly nor should
it be limited to a small group or random sampling of employees. All employees
must have the opportunity to participate as this demonstrates fairness of the process
and allows for more robust data collection. Key messaging should explain the
purpose of the assessment, how it will be done and what is expected from
employees. Once the results are complied and analyzed, employees should also
have an opportunity to validate the phase of evolution in which the police orga-
nization is most accurately reflected, and to provide input on appropriate goals for
the organization. Not only does this assist with generating diverse ideas from those
who are more likely to be closest to the issues, it can also create greater ownership
of the process.
The organization assessment is an extensive process that includes several layers
of analysis that may comprise document review, participant observation, individual
interviews, employee surveys, and focus groups. In light of the complexity of issues
to be explored, I recommend that this work is undertaken by a third party with
expertise in organization development, specifically related to diversity and
inclusion.

Fig. 7.1 The Inclusion Continuum [19, 29]

124 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

An initial review may consist of an examination of specific aspects of the

organization’s culture and climate, such as how new members are socialized and
how the organization responds to critical incidents. It may also include examining
required dress codes, desired modes of behavior in addressing superiors, the
physical layout of the workplace, and what kinds of emotions get noticed. Other
key areas involve an assessment of the interactions between people, values and
beliefs about why things are done, how people are rewarded and punished, and how
one gets ahead in the organization [20, 39].
Employee surveys and focus groups are useful tools for assessing employee
perceptions relative to feeling valued, having a sense of belonging and being
included in organizational processes. Employee perceptions about having access to
information and career development opportunities are also relevant. Particularly
important is the degree of employee commitment and identification with the
organization, as well as perceptions of being able to bring up issues without fear of
retaliation and having the ability to influence decision-making [17, 30].
Given there is a greater likelihood of sexual harassment in male-dominated
occupations employee surveys should also include questions that assess views
about organizational tolerance of sexual harassment. As the organization assess-
ment also serves as an initial baseline against which specific interventions can be
developed and later assessed, such as education and training, it is important that
employee surveys and focus groups assess attitudes about the importance and value
of diversity and inclusion in policing.
An equality impact assessment can identify biases and any direct/indirect dis-
crimination against groups of people within the workplace. Referring back to the
chapter on barriers to inclusion in policing, the purpose of this analysis is to ensure
that personnel-related policies and procedures are fair and inclusive and do not
discriminate against any particular employee groups. Relevant indices for exami-
nation might include recruitment and selection ratios, turnover rates, performance
appraisals and promotion ratings [23]. A key part of the impact assessment is to
examine if persons of equal background and experience are being rated in a fair and
consistent manner. The actual positions held by women and minority members
should also be considered, as the results are likely to indicate if the organization is
relying on traditional views of the roles that women and minorities should hold.
Moving beyond ratios and performance ratings, a more in depth analysis of
specific personnel policies and practices provides further indication of how inclu-
sive a police organization might be. For one, this analysis can highlight the types of
people and the types of behaviors that are accepted and reinforced through pro-
motion. Similar to the equality impact assessment, pertinent personnel practices
might include recruitment, mechanisms of reward and recognition, promotion
processes, compensation, the availability of flexible policies and practices, and
formal or informal mentoring and networking processes.
Importantly, while the formalization of specific organizational policies and
practices may be intended to promote inclusiveness, it is the actual implementation
that determines whether inclusion occurs [37]. Mid-level managers generally have
final approval as to whether employees can take advantage of such programs as
7.1 Conducting the Organization Assessment 125

reduced workload, telework, or flextime; influence whether employees are

cross-trained to back up each other during absences; whether policies are well
communicated and shared; and play a lead role in the creation of unit norms that
support inclusionary policies and practices [21]. Thus, the assessment process must
go beyond a mere review of existing policies; it must also evaluate if implemen-
tation actually occurs.
A final piece of the organization assessment relates to identity and socialization.
In Chaps. 2 and 3, I referenced both the socialization and identify formation pro-
cesses where new recruits are socialized to the police and organizational cultures
and begin to form their identities as police officers. Though these processes may
begin prior to or during the recruitment process, they are more pronounced at the
police academy and during initial field training. Because of their influence on
shaping both identity and behavior, these processes should also be included and
examined as part of the organization assessment.
The importance of the organization assessment cannot be underestimated.
Misdiagnosis can result in identifying the wrong problems to solve and then
deciding on solutions that are not appropriate. If done well, the organization can
paint a clear picture of the workplace strengths that can be built upon and where
there are clear opportunities for improvement. It can also provide crucial evidence
of the barriers to inclusion and their impact on both employees and the
organization.

7.1.1 The RCMP Experience

In late 2011 the newly appointed Commissioner of the RCMP was seized with
responding to public allegations of gender discrimination and harassment.
Reinforcing the organization’s intolerance for harassment in the workplace,
Commissioner Paulson vowed to stamp out harassment such that “employees of the
RCMP can thrive in a healthy, productive and harassment-free environment” [45].
An initial step in the change process consisted of a Gender-Based Assessment for
the purpose of validating if recruitment and promotion polices were gender neutral
and if they provided equal opportunities for female officers.
The results of the assessment revealed that relevant policies were largely gender
neutral, yet gender differences were identified in the behaviors of men and women
in pursuing promotion and other developmental opportunities, in the degree of
supervisor support for female candidacy in the senior officer process, and in the
retention of women beyond twenty years of service. Additionally, both female and
male members expressed concerns for selection bias in promotion processes and an
overall lack of faith in these processes [34]. Unfortunately the Gender-Based
Assessment was largely limited to an examination of policies and practices per-
taining to recruitment and promotion, though it did consider the representation of
female candidates entering the RCMP and throughout the hierarchy, and
126 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

perceptions of a sampling of organizational members on the transparency and

fairness of staffing and promotion processes.
A separate analysis conducted in the largest Division of the RCMP identified a
fear of retribution for coming forward with complaints and views that “the club”
was an enabler for harassment and other forms of exclusionary behavior. The
analysis also highlighted issues related to insufficient supervisory skills to address
workplace conflict, organizational intolerance for open and frank dialogue about
disrespectful behavior, a lack of credibility with existing harassment reporting
processes, and a lack of access to reliable and confidential advice [41]. While this
additional information was helpful, together with the initial lawsuits that emerged
from this same Division, it fueled speculation that many of the issues were limited
to this Division in particular and were not being experienced in other parts of the
organization.
This gap became clearly evident during an initial meeting I held with change
representatives from across the RCMP in the fall of 2013. Participants held mixed
views on the scope of the issues; with some suggesting that they were systemic and
others arguing that they were limited to the largest Division. In the absence of key
data, RCMP leaders (including myself) were not able to clearly identify the starting
point for change nor were we able to confirm or refute allegations by the media,
former employees, and even plaintiffs that the RCMP was a workplace where
gender discrimination, bullying and harassment were rampant. In the absence of
this data it was also not uncommon for some organizational members to cast
judgment on the original claims and to defend the organization.
A key lesson learned from this experience is that engaging external expertise is
vital in the completion of an organization assessment that incorporates the various
aspects for analysis I have outlined above. Clearly, we were not asking the right
questions!
Not only does the organization assessment provide the necessary evidence of the
scope and nature of the issues to be addressed, it provides all employees a voice in
the process. It may also influence the approach that is taken in responding to
allegations made through internal complaint mechanisms or external lawsuits.

7.2 Gaining Leadership Commitment

Implementing change is virtually impossible without the active support and par-
ticipation of the senior leadership team. Therefore a crucial step is to get senior
leaders on board once the organization assessment is completed. Senior leaders
need to be vigilant about the actual need for change and their roles in making
change happen because the commitment of other people in the organization is
dependent on what they see their leaders doing. In essence, not only do senior
leaders need to approve the direction and commit the necessary resources, they need
to model the required behaviors and attitudes. Creating an inclusive organization
starts at the top.
7.2 Gaining Leadership Commitment 127

Many of the recent change experiences I have been involved in have consisted of
senior leaders articulating the need for change and their commitment in making it
happen, yet some of these leaders continued to model the very same behaviors they
were expecting others to change—disrespectful treatment of peers and subordi-
nates. Accordingly, the first ingredient in change is for the senior leadership team to
recognize their role in contributing to the current state and to make a firm com-
mitment to do something about it. This may take some time given the self-reflection
that is required to digest many of the identified issues and their origins.
In Chap. 3, I discussed the significance of identity and organizational identifi-
cation and how senior leaders may respond defensively when confronted with an
identify threat. If the police culture and strong organizational identification func-
tion, in part, as defense mechanisms to minimize anxiety and to provide self-esteem
and pride, then an individual’s reluctance to accept certain truths about him or
herself is a normal reaction. So efforts need to be focused on reframing the defense
such that leaders do not minimize the assessment results and cast judgment on any
complainants that may have come forward.
In the RCMP experience some of the harshest criticisms came from women
themselves. Following public allegations of bullying and sexual harassment, a few
women publicly refuted these claims, suggesting that a harassment issue did not
exist in the RCMP. Of relevance to this situation, a Dutch study of senior female
police leaders reported that when participants were reminded of the occurrence of
gender bias they were more likely to describe themselves in masculine terms,
highlight their differences from other women, and downplay the existence of gender
discrimination [15].
I had an opportunity to speak with some of my female colleagues soon after the
fist media reports, and it was clear that some of them did not want these allegations
to overshadow their positive experiences and to unduly label their male counter-
parts as bullies and sexual predators. In other cases, the women acknowledged that
they had worked too hard to be accepted and fit in and now these allegations had
seemingly redefined their identities as women first, and possibly victim second.
I cannot count the number of times friends and family inquired about my own
experiences and if I too had faced gender discrimination and harassment. Still for
others, the media reports dredged up memories of experiences they had tried to put
behind them.
The point I am making is that allegations of sexual harassment can create
additional stress for women, regardless of their experiences, and even strain rela-
tions between men and women if not handled properly. Just as employees
throughout the organization need assistance to support their development and
success with change, so too do senior leaders. The police culture is not normally
conducive to demonstrating vulnerability; therefore police leaders are likely to
require assistance in making sense of the skills they need to learn and safe
opportunities for practicing these new skills [25]. External expertise may be a
128 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

valuable resource to assist senior leaders with understanding their own reactions
and those of their peers, as well as the conditions that may have contributed to the
existing climate within the organization. If this work is done well, then the orga-
nization is well positioned for creating a supportive internal climate for employees
to undertake the requisite behavioral changes [1].
Because of the tactical nature of policing, a challenge will be to balance the
desire to act with permitting sufficient time for senior leaders and successive levels
of leadership to work through this initial period of reflection. Leaders need to own
the process from the onset and avoid the temptation to look to one specific area,
such as Human Resources, to respond. These are complex cultural issues and all
leaders have a responsibility to undertake the necessary changes.
At this stage the senior leadership team should also determine the preliminary
change goals and their assessments of what changes might be more difficult than
others. For instance, upon analysis of the assessment results, if senior leaders
determine that the organization may be in the “passive club” phase, whereby the
organization only accepts people who fit in or conform to dominant group norms,
then aiming to become an inclusive organization as an immediate goal may be too
far out of reach. A more reasonable approach may be to work on initiatives that will
see the organization become more accepting of others, with becoming an inclusive
organization as the ultimate goal.

7.3 Assessing Readiness for Change

The organization assessment represents a significant component of building the

foundation for a successful change process; however, the more difficult work may
actually lie in creating readiness for change on the part of individuals, groups and
the organization itself. Readiness for organizational change is important as the state
of readiness may influence the strategies that are developed and pursued during the
change process.
The reason so many change efforts encounter some form of resistance or fail
altogether is linked to an organization’s inability to effectively unfreeze the status
quo. Organizations often move directly into change implementation before the
individual or the group to be changed is psychologically ready [22]. Throughout my
experience with organizational change this has been one of the most challenging
aspects and arguably the piece that has been most often overlooked.
In general terms, change readiness pertains to the specific beliefs and attitudes of
organizational members about the need for change and the organization’s capability
to successfully implement change [3]. As change can produce both negative and
positive reactions, for a wide variety of reasons, efforts must be taken to influence
and monitor individual beliefs throughout the change process.
7.3 Assessing Readiness for Change 129

Five specific beliefs have been identified as significant for determining the
reactions of individuals to organizational change. These include discrepancy,
appropriateness, efficacy, principal support, and valence [2]. Discrepancy refers to
the belief that a change is actually needed whereas appropriateness reflects the
belief that a particular solution to an identified problem is the right one for the
situation. The concept of efficacy pertains to the level of confidence in the orga-
nization and its members to successfully implement change. Individual confidence
can be influenced by contextual factors such as individuals’ perceptions of their
ability to make the required changes or the success or failure of previous change
efforts [33].
Cynical feelings can arise when previous change efforts have failed or when
leaders continually introduce new change programs [35]. As a result, people may
doubt the truth of what their managers tell them [24]. For police organizations that
have struggled with prior change, organizational members may perceive that a
change process that is directed at creating a more inclusive organization may simply
be a bridge too far. The outcome is little effort is put forth or efforts may even be
abandoned when challenges are encountered along the way [8].
Principal support is the belief that formal leaders are genuinely committed to the
success of a change and that it is not going to be another passing fad or flavor of the
month. Specifically, are leaders perceived to be walking the talk? Finally, valence
reflects the belief that the change is beneficial to organizational members [4];
namely that it answers the question of what’s in it for me.
Individual readiness for change can be assessed through individual interviews,
observations, focus groups and surveys. The results of this readiness assessment can
identify where additional work may be required to increase employee readiness.
The results can also be used to identify employee pereptions of changes that may be
easier to undertake—changes often described as small wins or as low hanging fruit.
By leveraging small wins change leaders can build the necessary momentum to
tackle more difficult changes.
In addition to assessments of individual and group-level readiness, attention
must also be directed at assessing the level of organizational readiness for com-
mencing this type of change process. Organizational readiness refers to the existing
mechanisms, processes or policies that can encourage or disrupt change such as the
organization’s structure, culture, internal climate, and even the degree of leadership
commitment to make change happen [22].
A level of readiness needs to be established in order to ensure that the organi-
zation is capable of successfully undertaking the proposed changes [22]. For
example, if a police organization wants to change its culture to one that is more
inclusive of employee input, an inflexible hierarchical structure and poor commu-
nication practices would hinder this process. This scenario would demonstrate that
the organization is not ready to implement such a change and additional steps may
be required to get it to an appropriate state of readiness.
130 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

7.4 Creating Readiness for Change

The goal of creating readiness for change is for employees to actively participate in
and contribute to the change process [26]. Readiness can be created through specific
interventions that include communication, employee involvement, managing
external information, and change leadership.

7.4.1 Communication

Effective communication has been shown to increase employee acceptance, open-

ness, and commitment to change. On the other hand, failure to provide sufficient
information can lead to cynicism [44], and efforts on the part of employees to make
sense of impending changes by filling in information gaps with rumors that tend to
exaggerate the negative aspects of change [9]. What is clear, simply telling indi-
viduals that change is coming is not an effective method for getting people to take
action. Both the message itself and the manner in which it is communicated are
equally important [4].
Interventions to create readiness for change should be delivered in a timely and
transparent manner and be focused on creating a clear and compelling rationale for
the change and the implications of not changing [12]. Through the use of effective
communication channels and frequent messaging, leaders can build awareness of
the organization’s problems, the sources or root causes of these problems, and the
impact on the organization and organizational members if these problems are not
addressed. The change message should also address three important factors: a need
for change, the ability to accomplish change and opportunities for participating in
the change process [5].
To effectively build awareness and to motivate action, a readiness message
should incorporate a persuasive communication strategy that addresses the five
beliefs I described in the previous section. As a first priority, the message must
create a sense of discrepancy, namely that change is needed. It also needs to be
evidence-based and include supporting data from the organization assessment, such
as survey results, examples of disreputable conduct and even the stories of men and
women who have been bullied, harassed and/or discriminated against in the
workplace. From my personal experience these stories are particularly compelling
as they present a human element, a face if you will, to the issues. At the same time,
sharing these stories may also give other people the confidence to come forward.
In one of my last roles with the RCMP, it was not uncommon for people to share
their stories as I visited Divisions across the country. One male officer described
waiting several years to get into the RCMP due to a hiring freeze, only to be
excluded by his peers when he was eventually hired because he chose to pursue a
degree in the interim. Another senior officer became quite emotional as he finally
7.4 Creating Readiness for Change 131

had the permission to share his story of experiencing severe bullying as a young
constable and the physical and mental price he paid as a result.
One of the most difficult stories I heard involved a young female officer who was
sexually harassed by her supervisor and then bullied relentlessly by colleagues and
senior officers for having reported it. I also heard stories from senior officers who
experienced the guilt of having done nothing when a junior employee was bullied
and/or harassed. The reality is that this type of behavior was tolerated, and to report
or confront it could have resulted in indiviudal repercussions. On a personal level
these stories were a game changer as they demonstrated the impact on people for
having lived them. For these reasons I recommend that such stories, along with
some discussion of the conditions that permitted them to occur, be part of the
narrative for creating readiness to change.
Including strong supporting data presents a compelling rationale that change is
needed. It can also create confidence that the proposed changes are appropriate for
the situation as they have been developed through careful diagnosis of the issues. In
addition, for those individuals who were not actively involved in reviewing the
assessment results and preliminary discussions of next steps, it would be helpful to
provide some details of the process, such as that all senior leaders were brought
together to discuss the results, that they accepted responsibility for the current state,
and that they have adopted the supportive behaviors required to successfully
implement change. Leadership humility is an important attribute at this juncture as
it demonstrates vulnerability and a willingness to accept responsibility. Moreover, it
gives permission for others to do the same.
This first step of unfreezing is comprised of three different processes: providing
enough data to cause serious discomfort with employees; connecting the data to
important goals and ideals that might cause anxiety or even some guilt; and creating
sufficient psychological safety for employees to see the possibility of solving the
problem and learning something new without experiencing a loss of identity [40].
Learning anxiety and fears about loss of identity are particularly relevant in
policing. For one, I have repeatedly remarked that the police identity is very
important to individual officers, as is often the identification with a specific work
unit and the police organization overall. Secondly, the police culture is generally
not supportive of making mistakes or one in which someone might openly admit a
lack of knowledge on a certain topic. As such, learning anxiety can be based on one
or more valid reasons, including the fear of loss of power or position, fear of
temporary incompetence, fear of punishment for incompetence, fear of loss of
personal identity, and fear of loss of group membership [38].
In Chaps. 2 and 3, I highlighted the importance of group membership and how
individuals may be rejected or ostracized if they do not conform or are perceived as
a weak fit. By developing new ways of thinking or behaving, some people may be
concerned that the group will reject them. This fear is difficult to overcome because
it requires the whole group to change its ways of thinking and behaving in terms of
ideas about inclusion and exclusion. Accordingly, efforts must be undertaken to
reduce learning anxiety through organizational messaging.
132 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

By addressing learning anxiety and working to reduce it, this will also serve to
create a sense of efficacy—the belief that the individual and the organization can
successfully implement change [2]. Depending on past experience with change, this
part of the message may need to be extra convincing through the inclusion of a few
key points that relate to the dedication of employees and their ability to respond to
challenges; that the organization will make the necessary investments in resources
to support the change; and that senior leaders are confident and dedicated to
ensuring that the changes will succeed. Such statements are likely to also address
principal support—the belief that the organization will provide tangible support for
change [4].
In light of the high level of cynicism that tends to exist in policing, together with
any number of flavor of the month attempts at change and previous abandoned or
failed change attempts, the entire senior leadership team may need to be part of and
repeating the readiness message rather than this be left exclusively to the head of
the organization. The message of principal support “is meant to convey that the
leaders of the organization are committed to investing the time, energy, and
resources necessary to push the change through the process to institutionalization”
[4: 178]. But in reality leadership actions speak louder than words. Hence the
readiness message must go beyond mere words to demonstrable action: signaling
that something is different.
The final change belief, valence, is concerned with an individual’s evaluation of
the benefits or costs of a proposed change. In terms of creating a more inclusive
police organization, the readiness message may incorporate references to how the
changes will lead to greater engagement and input of employees, and people
working together toward a shared objective, despite their differences, as well as the
creation of an internal climate where differences of thought and opinion are valued
and embraced. Caution needs to be exercised in articulating messages that the
percentages of women and minority officers need to increase. If this is not handled
well it can easily equate to a sense of loss and injustice for white male officers and
lead to further backlash against women and minorities. I will come back to this
point in Chap. 8.

7.5 Communication Channels

Communication channels differ in their ability to convey important information.

Some channels are considered rich in that they are able to handle multiple com-
munication cues at once, such as words, posture, facial expression, gestures and
intonations; facilitate rapid feedback; and be very personal [28]. For nonroutine
communications, such as the announcement of a major change initiative, in-person
is considered the most appropriate and richest form of communication as it
establishes a personal focus and permits multiple information cues and immediate
feedback. Oral persuasive communication can consist of in-person speeches, either
live or recorded.
7.5 Communication Channels 133

The form of persuasive communication that is utilized can send important sig-
nals about the importance of and commitment to making change happen. If the head
of the police organization and members of the senior leadership team exert sig-
nificant effort in visiting various work sites to talk about the need for change, this
not only delivers the messages that are contained within their comments, it also
sends a symbolic message that the issues are important enough for leaders to take
the time and resources necessary to communicate them directly.
One of the more recent and highly praised examples of an oral readiness speech
comes from Lieutenant-General David Morrison, head of the Australian Army, in
2013 in response to a scandal inside the Army. This speech covers many of the
necessary elements for unfreezing and creating motivation to change. I have
included key excerpts from this speech below.

Earlier today I addressed the media and through them and the Australian public about
ongoing investigations into a group of officers and NCO’s who’s conduct if proven, has not
only brought the Australia Army into disrepute, but has let down everyone of you, and all
of those who’s past service has won them the respect of our nation…. evidence collected to
date has identified a group of men, within our ranks, who have allegedly produced highly
inappropriate material, demeaning women and distributed it on the internet and defence
email networks. If this is true, then the actions of these members are in direct contravention
to every value that the Australian Army stands for…

I have stated categorically, many times, that the Army has to be a inclusive organization, in
which every soldier, man and woman, is able to reach their full potential and is encouraged
to do so. Those who think that it is ok to behave in a way that demeans or exploits their
colleagues, have no place in this army. Our service has been engaged in continuous
operations since 1999, and in it’s longest war ever in Afghanistan. On all operations, female
soldiers and officers have proven themselves worthy of the best traditions of the Australian
Army. They are vital to us, maintaining our capability now, and into the future…
Every one of us is responsible for the culture and reputation of our army and the envi-
ronment in which we work. If you become aware of any individual degrading another, then
show moral courage and take a stand against it. No one has ever explained to me how the
exploitation or degradation of others, enhances capability, or honours the traditions of the
Australian Army…
The standard you walk past is the standard you accept. That goes for all of us, but especially
those, who by their rank, have a leadership role…
If we are a great national institution, if we care about the legacy left to us by those who have
served before us, if we care about the legacy we leave to those who, in turn will protect and
secure Australia, then it is up to us to make a difference. If you’re not up to it, find something
else to do with your life. There is no place for you amongst this band of brothers and sisters [6].

7.5.1 Managing External Information

Credible sources of information from outside the organization can either support or
hinder the change process. For instance, organizational members who receive
134 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

negative social information from credible external sources, such as the media,
academics, professional associations or external colleagues may de-identify with
their organization. If nothing is done to counter these messages the outcome might
be that some members downplay their affiliation with the organization and/or make
the decision to leave [32].
During the significant media coverage of the sexual harassment and bullying that
was being reported by women of the RCMP, it was not uncommon to hear members
say that they hid the fact that they worked for the RCMP while they were traveling
for work or were off duty. “I used to be a proud Mountie. Now I am a federal
employee”.
If managed well, external sources can be used to reinforce readiness messages
that are delivered by organizational leaders. The news media is one such external
source that can play an important role in creating readiness for change. Information
provided by the traditional media tends to be viewed more objectively, and therefore
is often much more persuasive [5]. Internal communication specialists can leverage
the media by providing information to them regarding the organization’s recognition
of the issues, its commitment to change and regular updates on progress.
Additionally, in the instance where serving and former members have gone public
with their allegations, these members can become public ambassadors for change,
particularly if the organization has accepted responsibility and they are engaged in the
process. Furthermore, external experts can be useful in providing context for the
issues that have been publicly identified, such as explaining how and why the police
and other male-dominated occupations are experiencing similar issues. Similarly,
experts can be utilized to publicly validate the proposed approach for change.

7.5.2 Employee Involvement

Once a commitment is made to tackle organizational issues, one of the best things
that leaders can do is to get people involved in the process, specifically if the
organization assessment identifies that employees perceive they have limited ability
to influence change. In Chap. 5 I noted that a common source for creating per-
ceptions of procedural justice is to allow employees to have a voice in
decision-making. By giving organizational members the opportunity to provide
input sends a strong message that they are trusted and will likely increase their
confidence in initiating change themselves. In fact, studies have shown that when
employees participate in decisions related to a change effort, feelings of empow-
erment are created, thereby producing a sense of being able to contribute and
having some control in the process [5, 16].
Ideally, employees need to be engaged in the organization assessment, in vali-
dating the starting point for change and in sharing their ideas on a reasonable
change goal to pursue. Involving employees in the organization assessment can
sensitize them to changes that may be coming and start to create readiness for
change. From my experience, few people are content to have change imposed upon
7.5 Communication Channels 135

them or to have limited opportunity to control their destiny. Because they are also
closest to the ground, front line employees can provide important insights on what
changes might be most effective or even easier to implement than others.
Getting organizational members directly involved in understanding the need for
change, in understanding their own situation, in establishing a sense of ownership
of the overall process, and involving them in decisions that affect them, are key
steps that can be taken in establishing a solid foundation for change [13]. Providing
information and effective communication, along with opportunities for employee
voice and active participation can also result in positive attitudes about change [18].

7.5.3 Change Leadership

Building trust is another manner in which leaders can help create readiness for
change and to successfully manage the change process. Trust has been identified as
a factor that yields the strongest relationship with change reactions [31], because it
has been associated with greater acceptance and a willingness to cooperate with the
change effort [11, 43]. Also, when there are sufficient levels of trust employees are
more likely to share information and participate in change activities, which can
result in increased performance and more positive attitudes and actions [14, 36].
Sharing information about next steps, specifically on how employees can
become involved, can greatly enhance trust and motivate employees to participate
in the change process. Leaders can also foster perceptions of trust through open
communication and providing opportunities for feedback and an open exchange of
thoughts and ideas, sharing accurate information, and providing explanations for
decisions [10].
Top management commitment for creating readiness for change and for the
ongoing execution of the change agenda is important but it is not sufficient to
achieve the desired levels of change. Champions are also needed at lower levels
within the organization, especially at the level of line management, to assist with
implementation. To facilitate this, senior police leaders must create a healthy work
environment that promotes the empowerment of managers, particularly creating
sufficient safety for mangers to make and learn from mistakes without fear of
repercussions.
One of the best examples where local managers were empowered involved a
large Division of a Police Service. In addition to giving managers control of change
in their respective units, the Divisional commander established a change manage-
ment office to provide support to line managers in the form of additional survey
analysis that identified issues at a local level, training in change management/
leadership, and facilitated discussions with employees to identify solutions. I was
fortunate to work with one of the line managers who really took his responsibility
for leading change to heart. It was evident that he was already viewed as a com-
petent and trusted leader; and he took it one step further to demonstrate
136 7 Establishing the Foundation for Change

vulnerability and humility by stating that he did not have all the answers, that he
was going to make mistakes and that he was empowering everyone to be part of the
process and to work with him.
This example illustrates that when managers are empowered they can create the
conditions for others to be more open and share information, and to be similarly
empowered to engage in change. In addition, given that middle managers tend to be
the gatekeepers of inclusive practices, to give up total control and involve these
managers in the change process is critical to success.
Summary
There is an abundance of literature that suggests that few change initiatives achieve
their intended outcomes. Various explanations are offered for these results, including
insufficient understanding of what needs to change, insufficient leadership commit-
ment, poor communication, limited involvement of employees, and poor planning, all
of which contribute to a lack of readiness for change. If organizational members do not
recognize a need to change and if they do not feel psychologically safe enough to
reflect on what the assessment results might suggest about their organization or even
themselves, they will not be able to hear the truths the assessment may have revealed.
Worse yet, they may perceive a personal and/or organizational identity threat that puts
their self-definition at stake. Such a scenario may cause them to fight back or to lose
self-esteem in the process. As such, building the foundation for change is a critical step
in creating a more inclusive police organization.
In this chapter I discussed the importance of the organization assessment as a
means of identifying key issues and their root causes. To facilitate this, the
assessment must dig deep into an examination of a number of specific areas such as
the organizational climate, personnel-related policies and practices, and employee
perceptions of being included in the workplace. A second major building block
involves generating leadership commitment, commencing with those in a senior
leadership role. Often this is step is rushed as there may be an automatic assumption
that senior leaders are committed, simply because they have been told that a change
is happening and there is pressure to take action. There are many compliance-driven
processes that are part of policing, but it is very difficult to approach a cultural shift
in the same manner. If change is to be genuine and sustained then senior leaders
must also be permitted to have a psychologically safe space to interpret the truths
found within the assessment results.
Other steps to prepare the organization and its members for change consist of
persuasive communication strategies, the involvement of employees and change
leadership. Depending on the nature of the assessment results and the extent of
organizational identification by members, there are likely to be multiple parties who
may not uniformly interpret the results as a violation of the organization’s values or
even view it as equally severe. On the other hand, if the assessment results validate
any public allegations then this situation is likely to be viewed as an extreme case of
organizational identity threat, and affect the relationship between the organization
and its members. This situation may also potentially implicate members as violators
7.5 Communication Channels 137

—not just violated parties. Providing organizational members with the opportunity
to participate in the change process, not only creates change readiness, it may also
result in repaired relationships between members and the organization [32].
Over and above these critical activities, the leadership requirement for a change
process can also be created through the establishment of an advisory committee that
is led by a senior manager and comprised of a broad representation of organiza-
tional members. In view of my previous comments, consideration should also be
given to including current and former serving members who have experienced some
form of organizational violation.
In Chap. 8 I describe the key steps in designing a process for change that is
derived from the organization assessment and an analysis of results. This begins
with clarifying the vision and change goals and the behaviors that support the
desired future state.

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16/article-2806209/New-RCMP-commissioner-to-tackleharassment
Chapter 8
Designing a Process of Change

Abstract Police reforms have typically focused on the similarities between police
officers rather than their differences, and top-down management control rather than
rank and file participation. By approaching change in such a fashion opportunities
have been lost to pursue different ways of managing—not all officers require the
same amount of supervision, to engage police personnel in reform efforts, and to
identify outstanding officers and learn from them [70]. Instead, reform efforts have
generally assumed that all police personnel are the same, thereby promoting a one-
size fits all model.

The persistent top-down model for change implies that workplace democracy has
no place in policing, and as such police leaders miss out on being able to “mo-
bilise…the energy, passion, commitment, and expertise” of organizational members
[3: 546]. Involving organizational members in decision-making not only boosts
morale; it improves the quality of decisions by taking advantage of the diverse,
practical knowledge of those doing the work [83].
In policing, like most organizations, the barriers to inclusion can be deeply
rooted in the structure, culture, and internal dynamics of the organization, which are
likely to be reinforced through biases and stereotypes held by wider society. For
instance, I argue that society still equates policing with physicality and assertive-
ness, traits not normally associated with women. Because they are so entrenched
these systemic barriers cannot be eliminated through training or awareness pro-
grams, by leaders saying all the right things, or by hosting diversity and inclusion
appreciation days. Depending on the extent of the issues that are identified, the very
culture of the organization may need to be changed—“its systems, structures,
practices, rewards, norms, and accepted behaviors—and that requires learning new
skills and new ways of behaving, managing, interacting, partnering, and doing
business” [41: 106].
When evidence is presented that parts of an organization’s culture are dys-
functional, it is the responsibility of leadership to acknowledge these problematic
elements, along with the positive aspects of culture that need to be preserved,

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 141

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_8
142 8 Designing a Process of Change

nurtured and leveraged. In light of traditional approaches to police reform,

managing a cultural evolution is no small task. But failing to recognize the toxic
parts of culture may mean that these elements continue to manage the organization,
rather than those who are at the top [68].
In this chapter I focus on designing a process for change in furtherance of
creating a more inclusive workplace. In reaching this point in the overall process, it
is assumed that senior police leaders have accepted the cultural truths that have
been identified in the organization assessment; that they have committed to a
process of change; and that important steps have been taken to create individual and
organizational readiness. Consistent with the foundation stage, the commitment of
leadership, the involvement of employees and effective communication between
leaders and their staff are crucial elements for the remainder of the change process.
I begin this chapter with a discussion on developing the vision and goals for
change. This is followed with a description of possible steps for identifying the
requisite behaviors that support the vision, and a variety of interventions that can be
undertaken to address the diverse issues that emerge through the initial assessment.
I offer a number of initiatives that support equality and social justice as well as
additional interventions under a workplace democracy approach. To this end, it is
not the intention for this chapter to provide a laundry list of possible change
interventions that can be replicated in any police organization. Instead, my goal is to
identify possible interventions that may be appropriate for a variety of issues that
are likely to be identified, including common barriers to inclusion.

8.1 Developing the Vision and Goals

In Chap. 7 I noted that a key component of establishing the foundation for change is
to determine the starting point, based on an analysis of the results of the organization
assessment. To assist with this step, I presented an inclusion continuum (reproduced
in Fig. 8.1) to provide some context of where the current organizational polices,
practices and norms might align in terms of the six phases. I also suggested that

Fig. 8.1 The inclusion continuum [33, 50]

8.1 Developing the Vision and Goals 143

senior leaders should identify a preliminary change goal or goals, such as making a
commitment to actively include women and minorities, and then socialize this goal
with employees through messaging and other activities focused on creating readi-
ness for change. This messaging should also consist of recognition and celebration
of the positive features of the organization’s culture that can be leveraged for
implementing change.
For example, following an extensive study of the RCMP, Dr. Linda Duxbury of
Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada, provided a strong indictment of the RCMP
culture, yet she also acknowledged two indisputable facts: employees are fulfilled
by their work and are committed and loyal to the RCMP [21].
Referring back to the RCMP process of change I discussed in Chap. 7, although
no additional analysis was undertaken to identify/verify the specific starting point, a
review of the RCMP Gender and Respect Action Plan revealed specific change
goals that suggest a concerted effort to progress to the proactive phase. These
include: increase representation and access; decrease harassment; educate and
increase awareness; and support the development and advancement of women and
other minority groups [59]. In the same way, the Australian Federal Police report
referred to increasing the representation of women, adopting flexible work
arrangements and decreasing harassment [8].

8.1.1 Crafting the Vision

The vision represents the desired future state of the organization, namely the type of
organization it is seeking to become based on an understanding of the current state.
Through extensive discussions with police personnel at all levels it is clear that the
vision must be multifaceted and not limited to singular arguments of social justice or
organizational performance. These arguments resonate with different people dif-
ferently; therefore, it is wise to include arguments that speak to all organizational
members. For instance, the equality and social justice argument is based on elimi-
nating the oppression of those who are different and developing an internal culture
that promotes inclusion, equity, access, and opportunity for all people [7]. Of note,
an organization’s commitment to equality and social justice is often assessed by how
far diversity initiatives are pursued without any obvious benefit to the organization.
The organizational performance or business case argument is focused on the
benefits organizations might realize for pursuing a more welcoming and inclusive
workplace—benefits such as increased productivity, greater innovation and
increased retention of employees [39], and an enhanced reputation for fairness. In
the RCMP response to allegations of gender discrimination and harassment it is
evident that the organizational performance argument was central.
The benefits of a diverse workforce were noted as follows: “…diversity brings
with it new capabilities and approaches to tackling modern criminality. Different
backgrounds, perspectives and ways of thinking must be nurtured and fostered in
our organization. Increasing diversity will make us a stronger Force” [59: 9]. The
144 8 Designing a Process of Change

Action Plan also recognized concern for the undermining of public confidence if
harassment complaints are not expeditiously resolved. Likewise, the final report of
the investigation into the Australian Federal Police focused heavily on the benefits
that women bring to the workplace [8].
A third possible argument/approach builds on the equality and social justice
argument. The workplace democracy approach looks at two specific dimensions of
organizational justice: distributive justice—making sure that all organizational
members are fairly recognized and compensated for their work, and procedural
justice—making sure employees have a voice in decision-making processes.
Although I indicated in Chap. 1 that police organizations have resisted pressure
to adapt their hierarchical command and control structures, it is reasonable to
assume that if police organizations are structured along democratic lines they can
encourage a more democratic form of policing. Essentially, police officers are more
likely to respect and protect citizen rights if they themselves are afforded those same
democratic rights within the workplace [46]. In addition, internal democracy has
been shown to lead to a “happier, more confident, workforce with greater support
for organizational programmes and goals” [6: 1025].
More than one argument can and should co-exist within a vision statement given
that change leaders need to reach all audiences in the organization. For
non-dominant group members, the case for change may be based more on a desire
for equality and justice and having equal access to opportunities, decision-making,
and positions of power. In contrast, members in the majority are likely to be
concerned about the fair application of relevant policies and practices across all
groups. For police leaders, their interests may be more focused on the internal
benefits of increased productivity, innovation, and employee engagement, and on
the external benefits of positive public perceptions.
One of my favorite vision statements comes from a police service in Canada.
Following concerns of a strong divide between sworn police officers and civilian
personnel, the Chief articulated a simple, yet compelling vision of 1200 strong, to
unite all organizational members as one team. This vision is continuing to evolve
with employees suggesting that 1200 strong refers to an organization in which
everyone feels valued, where everyone is aligned around the same goals, where
there is respect for each other, where everyone is appreciated for the roles that they
hold, and where the strengths of all individuals are recognized.
Crafting the vision and related change goals are essential steps, as all inter-
ventions need to be aligned accordingly. For example, change interventions under
the equality and social justice argument focus on addressing issues of fairness
through equal access to opportunities, representation, and organizational rewards.
Specifically, these interventions seek to address social identity-based discrimination
and inequalities of race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, ethnicity, and other
relevant differences as well as promote a culture of inclusion throughout the
organization [33].
A broader interpretation of diversity is more likely to place a greater priority on
creating a fair and inclusive environment for all people, not just those who have
been traditionally subjected to discrimination and inequality. On the other hand,
8.1 Developing the Vision and Goals 145

initiatives aimed at improving workplace democracy will be focused on trans-

forming structures toward greater autonomy and distribution of power, and the
involvement of organizational members in decision-making [69]. The bottom line is
that change interventions must be appropriate for the organization and the diagnosis
that was completed in the foundation stage. These interventions must also align
with the organizational vision and goals.

8.2 Defining Standards of Behavior

Building upon a description of the future state, all employees need to have a clear
understanding of expectations for behavior. In the Victoria Police of Australia, the
Values Project (see Fig. 8.2) was a manner in which employees were engaged in
defining a set of core values and related behaviors to support inclusiveness. These
behaviors were subsequently incorporated into relevant Human Resource policies
and practices [49]. Though the changes were not sustained, this is still a useful
exercise for engaging employees in the process of designing the type of workplace
they hope to create. Notably, if a police organization chooses to work through an
exercise of developing/updating values and their supporting behaviors, it is
important that concerted efforts be taken to recognize those individuals who con-
sistently model these behaviors.

Integrity
• Act with honesty, respecting the right of a fair
process for all
• Maintain confidentiality and respect those we deal
with
• Demonstrate moral strength and courage
• Behave with honor and impartiality
Leadership
• Are approachable and consistent when dealing
with colleagues, partners, and the community
• Apply fair process
• Strongly commit to the values of the organization
• Guide, trust, develop, and empower colleagues
• Make timely decisions that are guided by both
values and evidence
• Inspire participation and commitment through a
shared vision
Flexibility
• Are open-minded and adaptive to change
• Adopt an attitude of continuous improvement
• Encourage creativity
• Build partnerships with our community
• Welcome difference
• Practice tolerance
Respect
• Accept diversity with tolerance and understanding
• Listen with patience, value opinions, and provide
feedback
• Are appreciative of and acknowledge the efforts of
others
• Consider our internal and external customers
• Inspire confidence through ethical and fair
treatment of others
Support
• Recognize and reward service of members
• Provide empathy in a timely and genuine manner
• Promote professional and career development
• Care for the well-being of colleagues
Professionalism
• Accept responsibility, show commitment, and lead
by example
• Achieve and contribute to the professional
knowledge pool
• Are accountable to both our internal and external
customers
• Maintain high personal standards, taking pride in
our appearance and conduct
• Communicate openly, honestly, and consistently
• Are transparent in our delivery and strive for
service excellence

Fig. 8.2 Values project, Victoria Police. Source Adapted from Victoria Police [79: 44]
146 8 Designing a Process of Change

By consistently rewarding positive behaviors and surrounding organizational

members with messages about appropriate behavior, unconscious biases are less
likely to manifest. By focusing on respect in the workplace, police organizations
have the potential to not only empower marginalized groups, but also to discourage
expressions of bias [9]. This approach suggests that organizations will have greater
success in influencing positive behavior by encouraging members to be respectful
of each other instead of potentially insulting members by focusing on perceived
biases or prejudices.
As part of the RCMP efforts an organization-wide approach was adopted to
focus on creating more respectful workplaces throughout the organization. This
approach leveraged employee affinity committees, such as the women’s advisory
committee and the advisory committee for visible minorities, respectful workplace
committees, and employee ambassadors to promote ongoing forums for discussions
about respectful behaviors. Part of this approach was also focused on developing
supportive relationships and strategies for addressing workplace issues [84].

8.2.1 Harassment Policies and Practices

Given the nature of the police environment and the instances of marginalized
groups being excluded, isolated, and even harassed and bullied in the workplace,
robust harassment policies and practices are an essential element for addressing
misconduct and for creating a safe environment for all employees [29]. Effectively,
these policies are put in place to address behaviors that deviate from what is
expected. In situations where there is low organizational trust, consideration may
also need to be given to creating external mechanisms through which employees
can safely report allegations of harassment without fear of retaliation.
Workplace policies send an important signal about what an organization values.
When an organization strives to treat all employees fairly and has well-documented,
neutral policies for dealing with complaints, it not only creates a welcoming
environment for all employees, it also sends an important signal about appropriate
behavior. Ensuring harassment policies are in place, widely shared and enacted
upon are particularly important for male-dominated organizations, such as the
police, where higher instances of workplace incivility are expected to occur [29].
In police organizations where there is a low representation of women, as efforts
are made to increase the percentage of women there may be greater instances of
discrimination and harassment as male officers react to perceived identity threats
from more women entering the occupation [23]. Therefore, effective harassment
policies and practices are vital for addressing this form of incivility in the work-
place. They should also be widely communicated to employees, be consistently
applied across all situations and include the following key elements:
• Broad descriptions of conduct that constitutes harassment;
• Awareness training for all employees;
8.2 Defining Standards of Behavior 147

• Encouragement and support of employees to report harassment;

• Explanations of consequences that harassers might face;
• Prohibition of retaliation against complainants;
• Provision of safeguards for the confidentiality of all parties involved;
• A choice between informal and formal processes for victims;
• Specific procedures for reporting and for addressing harassment complaints;
• Training for supervisors on the processes for conducting investigations;
• Representative investigative teams; and
• Timelines for various components of the process once a complaint has been
made [5, 36, 62, 72].
The one caveat that I will add in terms of awareness training is that
compliance-driven processes that involve one-time training only and assume all
people have the same training needs are unlikely to be successful over the longer
term. This form of training is appropriate for legal-compliance purposes but not
necessarily if the organization is seeking to effect positive change [54]. In addition,
when employees are cynical about organizational change they are also more likely
to be cynical about harassment training and perceive that such training is introduced
for disingenuous reasons [40].
In Chap. 4 I noted that sexual harassment occurs more frequently in organiza-
tions that are more tolerant of harassing behavior and where there is a specific job
gender context. An internal climate that is tolerant of sexual and other forms of
harassment may be reflected as follows: there is no policy on sexual harassment or
it does a poor job of communicating existing policies; there is no protocol for
reporting sexual harassment or a reporting protocol is in place but reports are
inconsistently investigated; and/or there is limited or no punishment for employees
who engage in sexual harassment [80: 220].
These findings reinforce the necessity for police leaders to take the time to build
readiness for change, including refuting myths about sexual harassment, such as
victims deserve, exaggerate, or contribute to the harassment they have experienced;
that sexual harassment is very infrequent, and that sexual harassment is only per-
petrated by deviant men [80: 218]. Extensive research has demonstrated that sexual
harassment is more common that not; that it is a gendered phenomenon with
women experiencing more sexual harassment than men [24, 44]; and that men
experience different forms of harassment than women [4].
If the organization assessment included questions that assessed employee per-
ceptions of organizational tolerance for sexual harassment, these results will enable
change leaders to undertake a number of preliminary steps prior to introducing
harassment training in a context that may not support it. Such changes may include
removing leaders who have been known to harass employees and/or tolerate
harassment; the revision or implementation of harassment policies and practices;
and the engagement of external expertise to assist with developing education and
awareness sessions [80].
The manner in which supervisors respond to complaints or concerns is also
directly correlated with employee satisfaction with harassment polices [62]. For
148 8 Designing a Process of Change

change to take root, police organizations must actively demonstrate intolerance for
harassment, monitor supervisor handling of harassment complaints and hold per-
petrators accountable for their actions [5, 36].
In light of the issues of fairness I highlighted in Chap. 5 primarily the incon-
sistent application of policies and decisions made about discipline, it is very
important that police leaders do not overreact and attempt to make up for past
decisions through heavy handed discipline outcomes that do not match the nature of
the misconduct. The danger of such a practice is not only that it perpetuates con-
cerns for procedural fairness; it may also potentially prevent complainants from
coming forward. In many cases, the victims simply want the behavior to stop they
are not looking for someone to be unduly punished.
In the British Columbia Division of the RCMP, leaders took their approach one
step further by appointing respectful workplace advisors as trusted peer support for
employees to contact. This approach was adopted based on feedback from
employees that suggested some people might feel reluctant to come forward, and/or
feel isolated and alone in the workplace. The goal of the advisor network was to
assist individuals with informal resolution of issues, where possible. In many cases
this involved utilizing informal conflict management practitioners to resolve issues
that were conflict-related. There is some evidence that this approach has been
effective.
The issues from the past are now starting to get addressed. The respectful work place
advisors are a good starting point and I have referred 3 female members and one male
member to the advisors. Overall they have been happy with the response.

Importantly, sexual harassment has been shown to be less prevalent when

confidential advisors are employed in the workplace [17].

8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions

Change interventions tailored to addressing issues of equality and social justice

typically focus on providing equal access to opportunities and organizational
rewards and increasing representation of traditionally marginalized groups in all
functions and at all levels. In order for police organizations to move toward a fully
inclusive model, which eliminates the consequences of tokenism (as discussed in
Chap. 4), traditional diversity group representation is argued to be at least 35% or
more [74]. Consistently, a study commissioned by the British Association of
Women Police suggested that a 35% representation of female officers is necessary
for adequate career progression and cultural integration [10]. To provide some
initial context for this section I begin by highlighting the percentages of women and
minority officers in select countries.
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions 149

8.3.1 Representation of Women and Minority Officers

Despite the early advances of women and an increased focus on women in policing,
an analysis of police resources reveals mixed progress in recent years. For instance,
Table 8.1 shows an increase in the percentage of female officers, from 2011 to
2015, in all listed countries except for Northern Ireland and the US [2, 19, 48, 51,
56, 71, 76–78, 81].
Additionally, there is a marked difference in female representation across select
counties. In the United Kingdom women are close to representing 30% of all police
officers, whereas in the United States the percentage of women lags significantly
behind at 11.6%.
Increases in the number of female officers have been attributed to changes in
recruitment and other human resource practices. On the recruitment side, such
changes have included adjustments to physical entry tests, targeted recruitment of
women and the provision of additional support and mentoring for female appli-
cants. Other changes have consisted of equity committees and female representation
on selection and promotion committees for women [55].
Notwithstanding the growth of women in policing, there is evidence that this
growth is actually slowing [48, 55]. One explanation offered for this is the
dampening effect of the male-dominated police culture. Some researchers have
suggested that the male culture, which is associated with many traditional features
of masculinity that are often hostile to women, may discourage women from
seeking employment in policing [60]. Still, others suggest there are a relatively
stable percentage of women interested in a career in policing who are not intimi-
dated by the male-dominated police culture. To this end, an alternate explanation is
that the number of interested women has been fully exploited [13]. If this is the
case, it may indicate that a career in policing is still not an attractive option for
women, and therefore, additional strategies are required to support the recruitment
and retention of women in a policing career.
Minority Officers
In England and Wales, the percentage of minority officers increased from 3.6% in
2006 to 5.5% in 2015 [35]. The number of minority officers nearly doubled between

Table 8.1 Percentage of Country 2011 2015

female police officers in select
countries Australiaa 24.7 25.5
Canada 20.0 20.8
New Zealand 18.0 18.9
UK (England and Wales) 27.0 28.2
UK (Northern Ireland) 28.0 28.0
UK (Scotland) 27.0 29.0
United States 11.8 11.6
a
Includes the average of six police services that report on gender
150 8 Designing a Process of Change

1987 and 2013 in the US, yet further analysis suggests that minorities remain
underrepresented in the majority of law enforcement agencies in communities of
100,000 residents or more. Comparisons to Census estimates of the demographics
of respective communities indicate that minorities are significantly underrepre-
sented. In just over 40% of jurisdictions where Blacks, Asians or Hispanics make
up the single largest minority group, their representation in the police department is
less than half of what it is in the total population [43].
Following police shootings in the US in the summer of 2016, journalists from a
Canadian news outlet surveyed the minority representation in police agencies across
Canada. Outside of the Halifax Regional Police, they concluded that: “major law
enforcement agencies across the country fail to reflect their communities’ diver-
sity among their ranks, leaving large swaths of visible minorities and Indigenous
populations without representation” [45: 2]. A suggested consideration is that
immigration trends may be outpacing the attrition rates of most police services,
which are consistently low.
Based on the foregoing factors, it is quite likely that the outcomes of dedicated
recruitment efforts will not be fully realized for several years. For example, in
setting a target of 30% female officers by 2025, the RCMP established a benchmark
of 35% enrollment of women for the first two years, following the adoption of the
Action Plan, and then 50% every year after that until the target was clearly in sight.
For the many reasons I have already stated these targets might be unrealistic; and
therefore, significant efforts must also be put forth to value the people that are
already in the organization. However, before turning to this part of the chapter I will
address possible recruitment strategies to assist in increasing the numbers of diverse
candidates.

8.3.2 Recruitment

The first indication of employment barriers is an insufficient number of women and

minorities applying for the job. In policing, this barrier might be related to one or
more factors: the target population may be unaware, unqualified, or uninterested
[47]. In addition, when a police agency is viewed as illegitimate people will have
less regard for the police [75]. “Many people in our society see us as not always
[standing] up for their best interests, and you certainly see that in recruiting” [43: 6].
During my time as head of RCMP recruitment in Central Canada from early
2005 to late 2007, my team and I were challenged with overcoming recruitment
barriers (the region with the highest population in Canada, yet with the lowest
number of applicants), and increasing the number of applicants overall, particularly
women and minorities. Based on research that was conducted on our behalf by a
local university, our efforts largely focused on outreach as a primary means for
increasing awareness and positive perceptions of the police.
Recruitment events not only targeted specific groups of applicants, they also
included their families. The reasons for this varied, but mainly because many
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions 151

potential applicants (or their parents) came from countries where law enforcement
was not considered a viable profession—perceived as working class, or that the
police were corrupt and any experiences with the police had not been positive.
Evidence suggests that past experiences with law enforcement influence perceptions
about the police and the motivation to seek out additional information related to a
career in law enforcement [73].
By hiring student researchers to speak with prospective applicants at various
venues we were able to determine that a number of prospects did not pursue a career
in policing due to the negative views of law enforcement held by their family
members. Accordingly, our efforts were tailored toward winning over the
prospective applicants AND their families. We took our approach one step further
by implementing a mentoring program, which matched applicants with serving
officers. Applicants not only had a dedicated resource they could readily engage
with to learn more about a career in policing, this approach also served to increase
their identification with the RCMP, while at the same time actively involving
serving officers in the diversity recruitment effort.
A further barrier to diversity recruitment is that police organizations often
continue to draw on masculine images to define what it means to be a police officer
[57]. In addition, recruiting and other professional materials typically include
images of officers engaged in tactical and other traditional crime-fighting roles [26].
What this implies is that despite the increasing presence of women and focus on
community engagement, the masculine reality of policing has not been sufficiently
addressed, nor does it necessarily appeal to applicants.
Both male and female police applicants have been found to be consistently
motivated primarily by the desire to help others, followed by job benefits and job
security [25, 61, 63, 82]. These findings suggest that recruitment efforts should play
up these attributes rather than focusing on images of the traditional crime fighter.
For police organizations seeking to significantly increase the representation of
women, a significant challenge exists that is largely outside the role of any singular
agency to address. That is, identification with certain jobs contributes to people’s
decisions about which jobs to pursue. Specifically, cultural beliefs about gender act
as an important constraint on women’s job seeking behavior. Gender shapes how
people see themselves, interact with others, and make sense of the world [64]. It can
also deter them from assuming job roles that may conflict with their gender identity.
A number of cues about a specific occupation or role can assist female applicants
with assessing the relationship between a certain job and their gender identity. For
instance, the physical nature of policing may reinforce that policing is an occu-
pation that is better suited for men rather than for prospective applicants that
maintain a strong female gender identity. Other cues may entail general police
messaging through social media and other mediums, the public actions of police
officers, and the visible composition of women in policing.
Similar to my comments above, police organizations have the opportunity to
highlight the aspects of the job that may be perceived as more feminine, such as
showing empathy and compassion by helping people and building relationships
with community members. Efforts should also be taken to showcase the roles of
152 8 Designing a Process of Change

women in policing and their contributions rather than to simply use female officers
as tokens at recruiting events. Consideration could also be given to profiling
high-performing officers, especially women who are at senior ranks.
During a recent speaking engagement at a conference in New Zealand I had the
opportunity to meet with several officers and staff from the New Zealand Police who
were part of a group receiving the Supreme Award, the highest award given to any
organization for a commitment to diversity and inclusion, at the annual New
Zealand Diversity Awards. The New Zealand Police were recognized for a
recruitment campaign that specifically targeted women, including the Do you Care
Enough to be a Cop? campaign and the Women in Blue reality TV show. As a result
of these initiatives the number of female recruits has steadily increased from just
over 24% in 2012 to 36% in 2016.
The Ontario Provincial Police have also been recognized for their efforts to
recruit women through their OPP Bound initiative. A five-day OPP “recruit camp”,
held at the OPP Provincial Police Academy, consists of mentoring sessions,
physical activity, practical exercises and relationship building, all with the goal of
exposing women to a policing career [53].
While these and other recruitment efforts are likely to increase the representation
of women and minorities, this representation will remain concentrated at the bottom
rungs of police organizations unless additional efforts are taken to remove barriers
to advancement. In Chap. 4 I identified some of the common barriers to
advancement in policing, such as a lack of networking and mentoring opportunities,
and organizational policies and practices related to promotion, leadership devel-
opment, and flexible work arrangements.
In the next sections I discuss certain policies and practices that can remove these
barriers. None of these polices and practices should be implemented in isolation but
rather they should be derived from a needs assessment and aligned with the vision
and goals of the organization. In addition, if nothing is done to simultaneously
address the internal dynamics of police organizations then diverse recruits may
continue to be socialized and assimilated into the existing landscape.

8.3.3 Formal and Informal Networking Opportunities

Informal networks are critical for sharing information, for providing access to
influential people in the organization, and for achieving career success. The process
of networking essentially creates a network of personal contacts that can provide
support, feedback, important insights, resources, and information, for three inter-
related types of networking: operational networking, personal networking, and
strategic networking [38]. Operational networking consists of relationships with
people who can assist individuals with doing their current jobs, such as direct
reports, superiors, and peers, and other internal people with sufficient power and
influence.
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions 153

Personal networking is generally external and consists of affiliations with pro-

fessional associations whereby police personnel can gain new perspectives and
access to contacts who may provide important information and developmental
support [38]. The International Association of Women Police (IAWP) is a highly
regarded network for women. Many countries have an established chapter as well
as other venues that allow women to network, such as the Australian Council of
Women and Policing, the European Network of Policewomen, the National
Association of Women Law Enforcement Executives, and the Atlantic Women in
Law Enforcement. The Association of Black Law Enforcers (ABLE) is a non-profit
organization that addresses the needs and concerns of Black and other racial
minorities in law enforcement. In addition, there are a number of gay and LGBT
police associations in various cities and countries.
For women and minority members, these personal networking venues can also
be a safe space for personal development, and at the same time serve as a basis for
more strategic networking as they advance in their careers [11, 38].
In reality, organizational decisions are often made based on the access one has to
information through formal networks such as meetings as well as through informal
networks within the organization. In many instances, decisions about promotion can
also be made through informal networks, such as those created through golf,
hockey or some other form or sport. These informal networks generally exclude
women and even men who do not participate in such sporting activities.
In Chap. 4 I also referenced the importance of social capital for women in
particular and how it plays a role in career advancement to senior management.
Social capital helps women gain the benefits of increased visibility, support for
upward mobility, and respect and recognition within the organization [1]. While
women may find it difficult to become part of men’s informal networks, creating
women’s networks can be a viable source of support and information. Given this,
police organizations have the opportunity to create internal networks in which
women can identify and share common experiences and emotionally support one
another’s learning. In addition, a women’s network can provide a safe space in
which members can speak openly, take risks, and be vulnerable without fearing that
their male colleagues will misunderstand or judge them. In an interview with one of
my former female police colleagues, she described the important role of one of the
first women’s networks that was created in the RCMP.
We had four big issues for the committee. One was to get us vests (bullet proof); the other
was to change the promotion process; we had issues with the uniform—the plain clothes
holsters…and we wanted to focus on operational issues to be credible. We did not want to
focus on harassment. We wanted to talk about how we were going to be better police
officers. We thought that was important for our credibility…

At the same time this women’s network afforded the female officers the
opportunity to identify shared workplace experiences—even though they did not
want to expressly focus on this as a core purpose of the group.
In the company of women we started going to each other’s baby showers and visiting each
other when we were on maternity leave. It was there in the company and comfort of other
154 8 Designing a Process of Change

women that we realized other women had experienced things. There was a female member I
remember telling me rather dramatically that she had been followed and harassed and
stalked by another male member that she had turned down several times for dates. And it
was to the point of criminal harassment. She brought it forward and brought it forward and
no one was doing anything about it. Then I started hearing rumors of other people, even a
rape of a female member during a course. It was like “don’t talk about it, don’t ever repeat it
as it will ruin her career”.

In establishing more formalized internal networks, consideration must be given to

the nature of policing and the reality that some women may be ambivalent or even
hostile to women’s networks out of fear that they will be labelled the bitch and stitch
club or some other demeaning term. For my part, throughout my entire policing
career I resisted every invitation to participate in a women’s network for these same
reasons. I had worked hard to be accepted as one of the guys and I did not want
anything to jeopardize this. Even after I assumed a senior leadership role in over-
seeing the RCMP efforts to address issues of gender discrimination and harassment
in the workplace I still could not do it. My thinking was simply too ingrained at this
stage in my career. Also, with the added focus on promoting women, I did not want
to be included in any implied narrative of victimhood and instead preferred net-
working opportunities that involved both men and women. I am not sure this was the
right approach but I am not alone in my thinking; therefore, police organizations
need to consider a variety of networking possibilities.
Over and above networks for women, internal networks can be established that
are based on race/ethnicity, sexuality or some other demographic variable.
Furthermore, as women, minorities, and other men who are not part of the dominant
group have traditionally been excluded from formal and informal networks, another
method to connect with peers, with those from other demographic groups, and with
those at senior levels, is through meetings that facilitate interaction and provide
visibility to women and minorities. These interactions can be facilitated through
targeted networking opportunities with senior leaders in the organizations or
through various mentoring programs [11].

8.3.4 Mentoring

In addition to networking, mentoring can be effective in developing and retaining

women and minority members [11]. Mentoring is often defined as the traditional
relationship between senior, more experienced people in the organization and
junior, less experienced members for the purpose of teaching junior members about
the job, sharing information about organizational politics, introducing them to
contacts, orienting them to the organization, and addressing issues that may arise on
the job [12].
Some experts advocate that women and minorities should be mentored by
individuals from their own identity group who have appropriate knowledge of the
challenges experienced by marginalized groups within the workplace [85]. This
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions 155

argument may hold some validity as mentors who do not understand the double
bind that women face between not being aggressive enough and lacking presence
and being too aggressive or too controlling, may find it challenging to provide
useful advice. As I indicated in Chap. 4, women tend to be more associated with
warmth whereas men are more associated with competence. To manage the
trade-off between competence and warmth, these same well-intended mentors may
advise women to downplay femininity or to soften a perceived aggressive style in
order to increase social capital in the workplace. Conversely, women may be told to
demonstrate more aggressive behavior to demonstrate confidence.
A senior female officer working in a city police service shared her frustrations
stemming from a recent promotional process, where she and some of her female
colleagues were told to be more confident as a means of demonstrating their lead-
ership potential. This officer’s experience reinforces that leadership roles in policing
continue to be judged through a masculine lens, with women having to carefully
navigate both sides of the gender bind. When women are performing traditionally
male roles while conforming to feminine stereotypes they tend to be liked but not
respected [66], as they are often judged as being too soft, emotional and unassertive
to make tough decisions, and to appear as sufficiently authoritative [22].
On a more positive note, when a well-informed senior influential leader (gen-
erally a man) takes an interest in a woman’s career, her efforts to build social capital
are likely to be much more effective [22]. The reality of policing is that there are
few women and minorities in leadership positions; therefore, establishing important
connections with senior white male police leaders may prove to be more advan-
tageous, with more diligence taken to identify matches between people possessing
similar values.
The challenge with mentoring in any organization is that there are many
instances where mentoring efforts have fallen short because some mentors may lack
commitment, interpret their roles incorrectly, or they are simply not good at
mentoring. Therefore greater efforts need to be expended in selecting and assigning
mentors and offering specialized training to develop their skills.
To ensure a mentoring program effectively meets the needs of the organization
and is built for success, a number of key considerations are suggested. These
include: clarifying the aim of the mentoring program (formal or informal); deter-
mining who is to be involved and their respective functions; the experience or status
of participants; the length of the relationship and expectations for contact; selection
processes; and what, if any, oversight is provided [16]. Mentoring programs should
also be integrated with other personnel systems and processes so that they can
garner sufficient support and attention [12].
Due to the concentration of men at the top, a relevant question might be to
ascertain if mentoring is really going to be enough. I am not convinced that it is.
Because of the gendered job context of policing, women, more so than men, need a
leg up. In others words promising female leaders require someone to advocate on
their behalf. This assertion is supported with recent research by the Center for
156 8 Designing a Process of Change

Talent Innovation, which noted that women need a sponsor or a powerfully posi-
tioned champion to get ahead [30].
Sponsorship goes beyond providing feedback and advice to leveraging influence
with other senior executives to advocate for the individual. Sponsors are generally
influential senior managers who introduce individuals to other executives who may
advance their careers, or even steer them away from executives who are unlikely to
be of assistance [37]. In my own career I have been very fortunate to have a sponsor
in the form of Deputy Commissioner Mike Cabana (now retired). Mike continu-
ously advocated on my behalf and connected me with important assignments in the
RCMP. Unlike a mentor, as a sponsor Mike tended to go out on a limb for me, but
he expected outstanding performance in return.
Unfortunately, when senior police leaders are considering someone to sponsor
they are more likely typically turn to people that are most like them—in many cases
this means other white men. Accordingly, greater awareness is required to over-
come this natural tendency and to identify other candidates who are also worthy of
sponsorship [31]. The added advantage of this approach is that it also can help
mentors and sponsors become aware of their own biases and to appreciate the skill
sets diverse candidates can bring [20].
A further consideration may be to identify targets for women in leadership or to
aggressively pursue an organizational goal of increasing the numbers of women and
minorities officers in leadership positions. In addition to articulating targets for
women, minorities and aboriginal officers, Commissioner Bob Paulson indicated
that the leadership cadre of the RCMP should also be reflective of the composition
of employees in the lower ranks of the organization. To facilitate this goal, the
Commissioner monitored all senior officer appointments and challenged senior
leaders in instances when no female candidates had been put forth for consideration.

8.3.5 Flexible Work Arrangements

To overcome the idea that a traditional career in policing is full-time and inter-
rupted, and to better support the inclusion of working parents, police leaders should
consider introducing greater flexibility through various initiatives as flexible work
schedules, part-time work, job sharing, compressed work weeks, and other policies
and practices that support inclusiveness and greater equity in the workplace.
The adoption of family-friendly policies such as flextime and job sharing can
allow women, and even men, to stay in their jobs during the most demanding years
of raising children, to continue to maintain their networks and expertise, and to
compete for promotion once they fully reintegrate into the workplace. The imple-
mentation of such practices are not only advantageous for the individual members,
they can also increase the commitment of members to the organization and retain
them in the workplace.
Recently, I had the opportunity to reconnect at a conference with a female officer
I had not seen in a few years. She explained that she had to moved to western
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions 157

Canada, had a family and made the decision to make her family her priority.
Therefore she requested to be able to work part-time at her new detachment. She
was prepared for a negative response and to resign from policing, and was both
shocked and delighted that the detachment commander had been open and pro-
gressive enough to accept her proposed work arrangement. The outcome of this
decision was that she could continue in a job that she loved and contribute, while at
the same time fulfilling her commitment to her family.
Over and above the issue of flexible work arrangements, many police officers I
have spoken to have also raised the issue of feeling isolated when they have taken
time off to raise their children. In the example I described earlier of one of the initial
women’s networks in the RCMP, committee members made a point of checking in
on each other when they were on maternity leave. Although I applaud these efforts,
I argue that an organization has an added responsibility to maintain contact with
members who are on parental leave. The purpose of this outreach is to ensure
members continue to feel included and a part of the organization, that they are able
to keep up on new developments, and that they are well positioned for a successful
return to the workplace.

8.3.6 Clear Expectations for Performance

Setting clear expectations for performance and how performance is assessed can
overcome the ambiguity and subjectivity that allows for certain types of people to
advance over others, by mitigating biases that might be injected into the process.
For instance, in cases where it is more difficult to assess the specific contributions of
individuals mangers may resort to face time or presenteeism as indicators of
performance.
To be more fair and inclusive of all employees, and to recognize and reward
employees with family demands who continue to be very productive, I recommend
that police organizations shift their focus to more objective measures of produc-
tivity and value. Through the use of neutral, transparent, and evidence-based per-
formance reviews, members are more likely to trust that developmental
opportunities and promotions are based upon achievement and not personal ties or
bias.
Greater care should also be taken in the drafting of job descriptions to ensure
they actually reflect what is required for the job and avoid using overly gendered
language that may dissuade women from applying. Words such as strong, active,
ambitious, competitive, decisive, and committed may signal that the organization is
seeking the ideal leader, who is a man and not a woman, and may reinforce that
women do not fit or belong [27].
For police organizations that have talent management systems already in place, a
positive step forward might be to engage a diverse group of people to review them.
A fair and inclusive talent management process should be free of biased language
and competencies; use clear and measurable talent identification criteria; include a
158 8 Designing a Process of Change

documented and structured process for talent identification; and introduce more
checks and balances through multiple decision makers [18].
Automatic bias to certain people in leadership positions can also be reduced
through exposure to exemplary candidates who possess key leadership attributes
[15]. For example, senior police leaders can adopt a practice of internally
announcing senior-level appointments, including the qualifications of selected
candidates. For women and minority appointees this also represents a means of
increasing their leadership legitimacy while downplaying concerns they may have
been awarded the position due to gender or their minority status. This has been a
standard practice in the RCMP for quite some time.

8.3.7 Diversity Training and Other Mechanisms

Education programs are often viewed as an important option for addressing inap-
propriate behavior, depending on the specific individual needs and focus of the
organization. This education may take the form of awareness training, skills
building and team-building activities, dissemination of information, and discussion
groups [34]. The goal of these sessions is to equip individuals with the appropriate
tools such that they can begin to model behaviors that support inclusiveness by
improving attitudes toward women and minorities.
However, it is possible for diversity training to be ineffective. Training people to
suppress their stereotypical thinking might actually increase activation of biases and
stereotypes rather than eliminate it. Forced diversity training can also result in anger
and resentment and greater animosity toward women and minorities [20, 65].
Essentially, police organizations cannot expect to get people on board by blaming
and shaming them with rules and reeducation efforts.
In addition, training interventions may not achieve their intended outcomes or
even backfire if they are treated as one-time events with no form of follow-up or
reinforcement [42]. Similarly, if behavioral interventions are overly focused on
fixing individuals or equipping minority group members, they will overlook
the systemic structural and cultural factors that influence individual and group
behaviors [28, 52].
As I noted in Chap. 5, classic approaches to police reform have generally been
focused on dealing with people who are perceived to be rotten apples or dark
hearted. As such, the focus tends to be about finding bad people and fixing and
leaving the good people alone. The reality is we are all biased and judgmental. So
the work needs to be more about each of use becoming more self-aware about our
judgments about people in general, to look for that in our day-to-day interactions,
and to challenge it when it unnecessarily emerges.
Initiatives that have been shown to work well include those that help people
appreciate differences rather than trying to eliminate or ignore them. Diversity
training that focuses on bias education has also been successful as it encourages
people to think about the reasons why biases and stereotypes exist [32].
8.3 Equality and Social Justice Interventions 159

Beyond specific bias or diversity training, a number of other mechanisms have

been proven to be effective in increasing the percentages of women and minorities.
One such mechanism is boosting social accountability whereby the success rates of
men, women and minority members in promotion processes can be regularly posted
as a method for increasing transparency and awareness and holding managers
accountable. Posting this information can also refute beliefs that no issues exist or
that women and minorities are receiving more opportunities than white men.
Diversity task forces are another means that can help promote social account-
ability. Divisional commanders and members of underrepresented groups can be
tasked with reviewing diversity numbers on a periodic or quarterly basis to deter-
mine which parts of the organization might require attention and to identify solu-
tions. Likewise, the installment of diversity managers with the requisite authority to
review selection decisions can lead to greater inclusion. When managers are aware
that they may need to explain their decisions, they are more likely to consider a
broader group of qualified candidates and less likely to act on bias [20].
Aside from the benefits to a police organization that might accrue from the
various policies and practices efforts I have discussed in this section, depending on
the internal climate they may not be enough as more harm can be done in creating a
situation where white male heterosexual officers perceive that they will lose.

8.4 Workplace Democracy Interventions

Changing the culture of a police organization in order to value diversity and dif-
ferences and to redress power imbalances is a difficult task. It involves changes in
how people interact, how information is communicated, how things get done, and
how decisions are made. Relying on traditional diversity practices, that are solely
focused on addressing equality and social justice issues, benefit women and
minorities but are likely to be perceived as threatening to majority members,
thereby leading to a hostile working environment and conflict among employees.
This situation can be further exacerbated if diversity initiatives are introduced in an
environment where there are existing concerns for fairness.
In 2013, a professional climate survey was undertaken in the RCMP a few
months after the Commissioner released his action plan to address gender dis-
crimination and harassment and communicated his targets for women and minority
officers. At the same time a number of other reforms were underway which resulted
in reductions to benefits. Expectedly, the results revealed reduced trust in senior
management, increased perceptions of unfairness and fewer officers who would
recommend the RCMP as a good place to work. In addition, the climate encouraged
derogatory suggestions that female officers should apply for promotional oppor-
tunities, as it was the year of the vagina.
The workplace democracy approach is aligned with the concept of organiza-
tional justice, although heavier emphasis is placed on the aspect of procedural
160 8 Designing a Process of Change

justice that I discussed in Chap. 5. Procedural justice is about fairness and it is an

important means of communicating that all employees are an important and valued
part of the organization. Common sources of procedural justice in the workplace
include having a voice in decision making, having the opportunity to correct errors
of judgment, equal and unbiased application of the rules, and decisions made on the
basis of accurate information.
A key element of respectful treatment is having one’s views listened to and
considered by others, particularly when decisions are made. Generally, research
shows that people value the opportunity to voice their concerns and share ideas, as
long as they believe that their views are given fair consideration. Instead of con-
ducting employee surveys that are subsequently ignored, police leaders should
actively seek out opportunities to solicit employee opinions and demonstrate that
their concerns are being taken seriously. Importantly, having a voice is not only
empowering for all employees, but it is especially empowering for people from
traditionally marginalized groups [9].
In Chap. 5 I also shared the story of a senior female officer who was consistently
frustrated that her voice was not listened to during executive meetings. It was only
after this issue was brought to light that her colleagues actively sought to both
solicit and incorporate her input.
Referring back to Chap. 3 and my discussion of organizational identity threats,
procedural justice can also create an environment where all employees are provided
with opportunities to express their opinions and suggest creative solutions to
diverse problems; thereby avoiding groupthink and well-conditioned responses to
perceived identity threats. In addition, listening to employee concerns and taking
concrete steps to address the issues they raise may result in greater trust and
confidence in management, as well as a workforce that is both happier and more
productive [9].
A procedural justice approach can also change the overall climate of a police
organization and have positive consequences for both minority and majority
employees. An added advantage of this approach is that the principles of fairness
apply to all types of organizational situations not just those related to diversity. The
benefits of voice, respect, neutrality, and fair procedures hold significant promise
for the overall functioning of police organizations and can assist police leaders with
avoiding the harms that are often associated with traditional diversity management
practices.

8.4.1 Implementing Inclusive Practices

The idea of inclusive policies and practices is that they are applicable to all
employees. By making work-life balance a woman’s issue can further perpetuate
stereotypes in the police culture and make it difficult to create a culture that provides
flexibility for all employees. Encouraging both men and women to exercise flexible
work options, reduces the overall stigma for everyone. Women are therefore just as
8.4 Workplace Democracy Interventions 161

likely as men to gain access to important leadership roles [22]. This approach means
thinking beyond women and minority group members to also supporting working
fathers and other employees who are caring for elderly parents.
Through the adoption of inclusive policies and practices, police organizations
can create a culture that enables both men and women to better meet the competing
demands of their professional and personal lives. The implementation of inclusive
policies and practices may also assist police organizations with becoming a more
attractive workplace for the new generation of applicants.
An additional consideration is that even though organizational policies and
practices may be intended to promote inclusiveness, it is the actual implementation
that determines whether inclusion occurs [67]. Four important attributes that sup-
port effective implementation of inclusive polices and practices include supervisor
support, universality, negotiability, and quality of communication. Supervisor
support for various policies promotes feelings of respect and inclusion and signals
that employees are valued. Universal policies that are open to all employees also
demonstrate inclusiveness. Policies that are negotiable also allow for consideration
of individual needs, and avoids a one-size-fits-all approach to implementation.
Finally, effectively communicated policies signal the importance of inclusion and
that the organization genuinely cares about its employees.

8.4.2 Structural Changes

In Chap. 5 I discussed how the structures of police organizations might contribute

to perceptions of fairness and inclusion in the workplace. If police organizations
structure themselves in such a way that facilitates organizational justice with all
employees being treated fairly and being involved in decision-making, this could
result in reduced perceptions of injustice and improve the overall health and
well-being of all employees.
Vertical organizations that are divided by function and highly bureaucratic are
considered to be effective in environments with a high degree of certainty, where
technology tends to be routine, and where employees are regarded as simply
another resource. However, the external environment is no longer stable, technol-
ogy is anything but routine, and employees are a police organization’s most
important assets [14]. Traditional hierarchical command-and-control approaches do
not equate to a workplace environment that appeals to a new generation who have
grown up with technology and have differing backgrounds, competencies, moti-
vations, and expectations.
To respond to this changing environment police organizations need to be
structured such that they are based more on teamwork, horizontal relationships,
face-to-face interactions, learning, and innovation. Creating an inclusive workplace
is not only more attractive for a new generation of police personnel; it can also
foster the creative mindsets of all employees.
162 8 Designing a Process of Change

Summary
In this chapter I outlined a number of key elements that need to be taken into
consideration when designing change interventions that are aligned with the out-
comes of the outcomes of the organization assessment, that are directed more at
addressing the organizational climate and culture, and involve employees in the
overall effort. This process begins with clarifying the vision and goals for the
change effort followed by identifying the requisite behaviors that support the
development of a more inclusive workplace. To avoid these values being simply
pinned on a wall and disregarded, they need to be reinforced by recognizing,
rewarding and learning from employees at all levels who are modeling appropriate
behaviors.
Given that harassment and other uncivil activities are commonly reported in
policing, I also included a section on essential harassment policies and practices to
fairly and appropriately address complaints of disrespectful conduct. Focusing on
the aspect of equality and social justice I then turned to an extensive discussion of
recruitment and efforts that may lead to increasing the numbers of women and
minorities, and a series of policies and practices aimed at addressing traditional
barriers to inclusion for marginalized groups.
In keeping with the elements of an inclusive culture and the results of the
assessment process work, conditions may need to be adapted such that all
employees have opportunities for reward and advancement based on performance
and talent. This means implementing relevant policies and practices and promoting
workplace democracy in order to increase perceptions of inclusion and organiza-
tional justice.
In view of the role of leadership in establishing, sustaining and changing the
culture of an organization, in Chap. 9 I turn my attention to inclusive leadership as a
means of creating the conditions that enable an inclusive workplace to flourish.

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Chapter 9
Inclusive Leadership

Abstract This chapter begins with a description of inclusive leadership and the
anticipated outcomes of more inclusive leadership practices. At the individual level,
a starting point is greater self-awareness of the conscious and unconscious biases
that are affecting decisions and judgments made about people in the workplace.
This chapter also highlights inclusive team leadership, and more broadly the ele-
ments that will assist police leaders through the process of embracing a shift in
leadership.

Over recent decades policing has experienced numerous changes in managerial

policies and processes. As a result, a substantial portion of police work is now
quantified with performance indicators assessed at the individual officer level such
as clearance rates, street checks, and traffic stops. Experts suggest that the impact of
these changes is a greater focus on individualism and a culture of blame rather than
learning from mistakes and identifying best practices [28]. In a few places
throughout this book I have highlighted the emergence of a blame culture in
policing where officers perceive that managers are spending more time looking for
officers to make mistakes and to punish them accordingly. Research has shown that
performance cultures cause people to focus on proving rather than improving
competencies, and to consciously avoid any evidence that would demonstrate
incompetence [15]. Similarly, in chapters two and three I described the masculine
nature of policing and the frequent pressure for individual officers to conform to a
masculine identity, that has tended to value the image of the physical crime fighter
and the suppression of emotions, while downplaying parts of the job that may be
perceived as feminine work. I also noted that given the role of masculinity in
policing, proving competence is often equated with proving masculinity.
Organizational practices that reinforce an orientation toward performance may also
reinforce compliance with these traditional masculine scripts [15].
Taking a step outside policing, there is evidence that the script of masculinity
can be changed. A study at two offshore oil production platforms identified three

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 167

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_9
168 9 Inclusive Leadership

primary cultural elements that enabled workers to deviate from traditional expec-
tations of masculinity: shared goals that advance collective well-being, definitions
of competence linked to task requirements, and a learning orientation toward work.
The primary focus on safety directed workers away from a goal of proving mas-
culinity to goals that were incompatible with maintaining a masculine image.
Through supportive practices that rewarded competence, learning and the expres-
sion of vulnerability, workers routinely admitted physical limitations, publicly
admitted to mistakes, and openly shared fears and anxieties while demonstrating
concern for others [18].
In order to feel safe and secure and capable of making such changes, people need to
have a sense of psychological safety [40]. Psychological safety refers to the belief that
one will not be rejected or humiliated in a particular setting or role, and it describes a
climate in which people feel free to express their thoughts and feelings [17].
If organizational culture is a means of influencing people to behave in certain
ways, and if a key role of leadership is to create, manage and even change an
organization’s culture, then introducing and nourishing a more inclusive style of
leadership is essential for creating a more inclusive police organization.
The introduction of cultural practices that enable officers to be vulnerable and to
engage in demonstrating different behaviors, without having to prove manliness,
may hold greater promise than previous efforts that have simply focused on
attempting to change attitudes. Such a change would also require a significant shift
from traditional control-centered management approaches to allow for greater
officer discretion and autonomy [23].

9.1 Inclusive Leadership

To create a more inclusive police organization requires police leaders to create an

environment that authentically values and respects the diversity that individuals
bring to the workplace and leverages these differences for maximum advantage.
This means building a healthy working environment by demonstrating trust in and
empowering employees, seeking their input, communicating clearly about decisions
that have been made, providing timely feedback, and fairly applying policies and
practices across all situations. The intent of these efforts is to create the conditions
to get the best out of all people, not just a chosen few. It is about seeing all talent
and finding ways to tap into that talent.
Due to the complexity of the external environment, along with demands from
employees for a better workplace and the new generation to have a voice in
decision-making, there is an increasing urgency for police organizations to embrace
9.1 Inclusive Leadership 169

a new leadership paradigm. This new paradigm involves shifting focus from the all-
knowing, all-powerful leader to the inclusive leader. It also involves acquiring
competencies for communicating across differences, addressing and working
through conflict, and creating a safe and supportive team environment [32].
Diversity and inclusion experts Frederick Miller and Judith Katz propose that
this new leadership paradigm means shifting practices from judging people to
joining people; from taking care of certain people to caring about all people; and
from promoting an environment of competition to creating a collaborative work-
place where all employees feel safe in speaking up. This shift also requires making
problems visible and addressing their root causes rather than keeping problems
hidden. What’s more, it demands courageous leaders who can question the status
quo, where appropriate, instead of simply following orders. Similarly, it means
giving up some control and creating the environment for other people to share ideas
and suggestions [25: 40].
Inclusion does not imply consensus or the idea that every opinion must be
adopted and followed. Where consensus is having everyone agree, inclusion is
about having all ideas heard. In the end, the leader is still responsible for making the
decision [12].
Inclusive leadership can be defined in a number of ways but most definitions
refer to it as the specific actions of leaders that invite and appreciate the contribution
of others, particularly the contributions from those who normally might not be
heard [33]. To be an inclusive leader means to be aware of one’s own biases and
stereotypes [2]; to be collaborative; to treat people fairly and respectfully; to create a
sense of value and belonging by valuing the uniqueness of individuals while also
providing a sense of connectedness to the rest of the group; and to create the
conditions for high performance by providing individuals with a safe space to speak
freely and the encouragement to do their best work.
Inclusive leaders must also go beyond caring and compassion to have the
courage for making tough decisions, such as calling out incidents of unfair practices
and influencing change throughout the organization. Finally, inclusive leaders must
demonstrate a sense of vulnerability and humility by admitting mistakes, learning
from feedback and different points of views, and being aware of personal strengths
and weaknesses.

9.2 Outcomes of Inclusive Leadership

In Chap. 4 I shared how social status can be a barrier to the inclusion and
advancement of some groups of people within policing. Social status refers to the
level of respect that might be given to an individual based on some characteristic
such as age, education, ethnicity/race, experience, gender, function, or rank.
170 9 Inclusive Leadership

Generally, high-ranking white heterosexual male officers tend to be judged as being

more superior to those who have less of the same attributes, and therefore their
opinions tend to be deferred to the most. Unfortunately, some of the best ideas
might actually come from those who are perceived as having less status and less
likely to be listened to—those who are actually doing the work!
One of the greatest frustrations I have heard from police officers is the inability
to influence decisions. Officers perceive this is because they are not viewed as part
of the club—in relation to gender, race/ethnicity, or that they do not share similar
experiences. Relying on people with similar backgrounds can lead to groupthink
and the inability to tap into the creativity of all people throughout the organization.
When police leaders practice more inclusive behaviors they can cultivate an
environment in which people feel that they are psychologically safe to speak up and
take risks involved in coming up with meaningful solutions that may be outside the
normal way of doing things [8, 16, 33]. Likewise, when leaders demonstrate greater
inclusiveness, individuals who are perceived as having lower status are likely to feel
more supported and to believe that leaders see them as important members of the
team. As a result, an atmosphere of mutual respect may develop in which the
expertise and perspectives of lower status individuals are viewed as valuable for
achieving team goals.
In the context of teams, psychological safety pertains to a sense of confidence
that the team will not embarrass, reject, or punish someone for speaking up or for
making a mistake, and that it is safe for interpersonal risk taking [14]. This margin
of safety facilitates learning as it alleviates concerns about others’ reactions, thereby
permitting individuals to be vulnerable and also their authentic selves in the work
setting [14, 30]. This in turn equates to greater organizational commitment and
decreased intentions to leave [36].
Teams are very attuned to the behavior of leaders and they will examine the
actions of their leaders for information about what is expected and acceptable in
terms of team interactions [45]. If a leader takes a strict, unsupportive, or defensive
stance in reaction to input, team members are more likely to feel that it is unsafe to
speak up. On the other hand, if a leader is democratic, supportive, and openly
welcomes questions and challenges, team members are likely to feel greater psy-
chological safety within the team and in their interactions with each other [33].
Specifically, when leaders exhibit openness, availability, and accessibility, these
efforts facilitate the development of psychological safety among employees at
work—an important outcome of inclusive leadership [16].
In organizations with clear power hierarchies such as the police, the risk of
speaking up can be severe. The promising news is that the practice of inclusive
leadership, even in police organizations, can mitigate status differences within work
groups, improve employee engagement and enhance team learning [33]. Overall,
inclusive leadership can contribute to improved performance, increased innovation
and creativity, improved collaboration, and greater engagement and loyalty [42].
9.3 Understanding Conscious and Unconscious Biases 171

9.3 Understanding Conscious and Unconscious Biases

All individuals posses a lens through which they see themselves, see others, see the
world, and see themselves in the world. At the same time individuals are prone to
blind spots—they don’t know what they don’t know. Self-reflection and awareness
can help prevent these blind spots from influencing judgments that are made about
people [1].
In Chap. 7 I noted that in order to facilitate change, individuals must be in a state
of readiness. Readiness to change is bolstered when individuals have the necessary
skills to successfully perform the tasks that are associated with the change [6]. As
such, the starting point for leaders who want to create a more inclusive workplace is
to recognize that we have all biases, many of which are negative, and that we tend
to judge people based on these biases.
An unconscious bias is an implicit association or attitude about race, gender or
some other variable that operates beyond individual control and awareness; that
informs perceptions of a person or social group; and that can influence decision-
making and behavior toward the specific target of bias [9].
Although we might believe that we make decisions objectively, research shows
that when we are confronted with limited information about a person or a group of
people we are conditioned to rely on biases and stereotypes in making decisions.
Because these biases, both conscious and unconscious, narrow our vision, they
interfere with our ability to make decisions based on fairness, merit and objectivity.
If leaders are aware of personal biases, understand their origins, and how they
can influence perceptions, judgments and individual behavior, they can learn to
correct and overcome them. By being more aware of personal biases, leaders can
acknowledge how differences of identity and status may influence decisions about a
wide range of workplace issues, including who is selected for various develop-
mental opportunities, assignments and promotions, and also how resources might
be allocated. In short, understanding personal biases helps leaders be more inclusive
of diverse people and diverse points of view.
On a personal note, it was not until I started to read about the subject of
unconscious bias did I realize that I held an automatic bias toward effeminate men
in a policing context. I had been so conditioned to automatically associate policing
with demonstrations of masculinity that when I was looking for a certain expertise
to join my team I was initially resistant to a particular candidate. Tom was a lovely
man with a wife and two daughters, yet he was soft spoken and shy. As I reflected
on my feelings about him I soon realized that I was guilty of equating masculine
traits to men and feeling uncomfortable when a man displayed qualities that we
normally associate with women. When I acknowledged this reality I was quite
disappointed in myself and I wondered how I could be guilty of harboring such a
bias when I was tasked to make things better. This was an extraordinary eye
opening moment and enabled to me to understand things in a much different light.
Tom later joined my team and made a wonderful contribution.
172 9 Inclusive Leadership

The reason I share this story is that it is easy to condemn men for not being open
and accepting of women in policing or to suggest that all white officers are prej-
udiced toward nonwhites, but in reality we all have biases. We just need to take the
time to become aware of them and make sure they do not get in the way of good
people and good ideas.
Since I covered the common stereotypes that typically act as barriers to inclusion
in Chap. 4, in the remainder of this section I focus on two specific types of personal
bias: similarity-attraction and process bias.

9.3.1 Similarity-Attraction Bias

According to arguments based on similarity-attraction theory, individuals within the

workplace tend to select or align themselves with others based on similar attributes
such as age, gender, ethnicity, status, expertise, rank, position, or even thinking
style [7]. People that are similar across one or more attributes are likely to have
greater interaction and better cohesion and social integration. Conversely, people
will often avoid engaging with those they dislike or with those who hold opinions
or views that differ from their own [39].
Given that individuals are more attracted to others who are similar, they tend to
rate those individuals more favorably. Therefore, similarity-attraction bias may
explain why a male police leader might provide a coveted developmental oppor-
tunity to another male officer with similar background experience over a female
officer, a minority officer, or even another male officer, who does not share the same
experience. This bias may also partially explain the low representation of women
and minorities in the top ranks of police organizations, and even limited tolerance
for diverse points of view.
To explain this a bit more, organizations naturally evolve toward a state of
uniformity over time through a process of attraction, selection, and attrition. This
process begins when individuals are attracted to join an organization based on
perceptions that they have things in common with the organization’s members [41].
As existing organizational members generally prefer to select people who are
similar to them, the screening process results in the selection of like individuals
[10]. As a result, the similarity-attraction process works to intensify the uniformity
that already exists [29]. For those who are perceived to be a weak fit they may be
forced out at various intervals—during initial training at the academy or on-the-job,
or when they might choose to start a family.
The different mental buckets from which we draw to generalize information
about people influence the decisions we make on a daily basis. Being cognizant of
these stereotypes, and also how similarity-attraction bias may influence decisions in
the workplace, is a critical step in becoming a more inclusive leader and in creating
a more inclusive workplace for all employees.
9.3 Understanding Conscious and Unconscious Biases 173

9.3.2 Process Bias

There are two general forms of process bias: confirmation bias and consensus bias.
Through confirmation bias, people are more inclined to seek out or to take into
account only information that confirms their point of view. Conversely, information
that is contrary to one’s own opinion or point of view may often be disregarded,
undervalued or ignored. In some cases, efforts may even be taken to discredit the
source of contrary information [26]. For instance, very little weight may be given to
an opposing point of view with the individual providing such a view being discredited
on the basis that he or she has little experience relevant to the topic of discussion.
I often joke about the experiences at my first detachment, in which a standard
response to most suggestions I made was typically “Bah! I have socks older than
you!” I found it quite frustrating at the time, but now I can only laugh. I was a junior
female officer in a male-dominated environment that valued seniority and rank. Of
course, my viewpoint would be disregarded.
In other cases people will unwittingly build a case to justify a conclusion that has
already been reached. For example, consider a police leader who selects a man over
a woman for a promotional opportunity based on his beliefs that men are better
managers than women, or he selects someone with strong operational experience
based on the idea that a good investigator equates to a great team leader. Consider
also a recruiter who consistently selects candidates based on beliefs of what
qualities are most suitable for a career in policing. Even in the absence of any
information to corroborate such beliefs, the recruiter will continue to select can-
didates based on the same criteria. As such, confirmation bias is also a form of
selection bias [35].
Furthermore, confirmation bias can also manifest in other ways. The presumption
of a relationship prompts an individual to find evidence of that relationship, even
when none exists, or even when some evidence does exist to over emphasize it and
come to a conclusion that is not supported [35]. Perceptions that female police
officers are more suited to be school resource officers may compel a manager to look
for evidence to justify this relationship. Equally, perceptions that male police officers
will unduly cause further harm to victims of sexual assault will oblige managers to
look for information that also justifies this relationship.
Consensus bias, also known as the false consensus effect or projection, is the
overestimation of the commonness of one’s own beliefs, values, abilities and
behaviors [11]. People tend to perceive their own judgments as relatively common
while viewing alternative responses as uncommon or inappropriate [27].
Additionally, people generally perceive that others from the same group will share
similar views [21].
False consensus bias is the tendency to believe that one’s views reflect the
dominant views, when in fact they do not [43]. An investigator who would agree to
take a polygraph test might assume that most innocent people would as well.
Consequently a noncompliant person may be perceived as having something to
hide. Similarly, an interviewer who would be willing to disclose family status
174 9 Inclusive Leadership

during a job interview might consider a female candidate who refuses to do the
same as uncooperative and holding back.
Misperceptions about the commonness of one’s views can lead to a number of
possible outcomes: undervaluing alternative viewpoints; undervaluing those with
opposing views; ignoring constructive feedback; and pursuing courses of action that
may not be in the best interests of the work group or organization [11]. This
situation can be particularly problematic in a hierarchical environment such as
policing where rank often trumps all.
To overcome such bias requires more than education and awareness. Two
prominent experts, Robert Cross and Susan Brodt, recommend that efforts must also
be expended on developing an awareness of various situations in which such biases
are likely to occur coupled with the skills to combat them. Importantly, there is
strong evidence that when confronted with information that disproves original
assumptions, previously held views can be changed [20].
For one, unless a leader makes an effort to surround him or herself with diverse
others, there will be a natural tendency to default to similar attraction and select people
who share the same backgrounds, values and outlooks. Consistent, with my previous
comments, overcoming biases necessitates creating individual awareness of personal
bias and challenging oneself to adopt different viewpoints. A key point of reflection is
that most people overestimate the commonness of their beliefs, me included [11].
Similarly, if leaders do not create a safe space in which people can speak up and
challenge assumptions then false consensus will reign. Imagine a scenario in which
police executives might be discussing issues of diversity and inclusion in their
organization and a minority member of the leadership team expresses concern that it
is difficult for minority officers to get ahead. If the person chairing the meeting
draws on his or her experience alone and perceives that others share the same
opinion, then he or she might shut down further discussion by suggesting that the
raised issue is not really a problem for the organization.
Another option to overcome bias may be to audit decision-making processes.
Referring back to Chap. 7, such an audit could form part of the initial organization
assessment. Based on the assessment results, opportunities could be created to
encourage individuals to share their perspectives during meetings.
Particularly relevant to the topic of consensus bias and the identity threats that
police organizations might anticipate is to recognize that what worked in the past
may not be applicable in today’s reality. Just because police leaders may not have
actively engaged with the media (for example) does not mean this strategy is
appropriate in a world where the public is demanding greater transparency.

9.4 Inclusive Team Leadership

To respond to the complexity and challenge of modern day policing, police orga-
nizations must become increasingly specialized. As more opportunities open up for
women, underrepresented minorities, other traditionally marginalized groups, and
9.4 Inclusive Team Leadership 175

even those with diverse skill sets, there is a reality that leading or working with a
diverse team can be a very difficult task [19].
To implement policies and practices that increase the diversity of the workforce
without understanding how diverse individuals can work together has been proven
to be ineffective, and perhaps even irresponsible. Research has shown that diversity
can have negative effects on team integration and communication, can create more
conflict [24, 46], and can result in poorer performance and lowered satisfaction for
group members [38].
Accordingly, this creates a demand for more effective coordination and man-
agement of diverse teams. Team leaders need to be trained in how to manage teams
with diverse needs and goals, to be good people managers and to be better able to
recognize when team member needs and goals are changing [37]. In other words,
there needs to be more focus on people and less on process. The following
strategies offer useful steps for overcoming barriers to team inclusiveness.

9.4.1 Consider Task Type and Goals

In Chap. 6 I pointed out that diversity should generally occur in relation to a

particular task as different types of diversity may assist organizations in different
ways. Tom Tyler, a highly regarded expert in procedural justice from Yale
University, and Jennifer Brown, a former doctoral student at New York University,
suggest that a diversity of perspectives may be more relevant for a team that is
seeking to solve a problem versus an environment where employees are focused on
routine tasks [4].
To effectively manage the necessity for police organizations to pursue ongoing
operations while also fostering a creative environment to adapt and respond in a
constantly changing world, both task type and task goals need to be considered in
the creation of teams [5].
For close-knit teams, such as tactical response, a more homogeneous group of
officers may be more appropriate. Whereas, given the non-routine work of police
platoons and the necessity to be able to effectively engage with a diverse populace,
heterogeneous teams are required. Effectively, it is the responsibility of team leaders
to create and utilize diverse teams to their best advantage.

9.4.2 Improve Group Processes

In 2014, a couple of years after the restructuring of the RCMP Federal Policing
program at national headquarters, I developed a team assessment process to assess
the perceived effectiveness of newly established teams of diverse individuals. The
survey was administered initially through face-to-face sessions and then online.
176 9 Inclusive Leadership

A core area of the survey focused on group processes such as communication,

problem-solving, decision-making, and conflict management.
Invariably, when team members perceived that these processes were ineffective,
they were less satisfied with their membership on the team and less likely to
perceive that the team was capable to achieve its goals. This assessment process has
been conducted over three consecutive years and the results are consistently the
same. These findings highlight the necessity for team leaders to improve group
process skills to overcome these challenges and to increase team cohesion.

9.4.3 Connect People

A method to build trust and respect within diverse teams is to establish a mean-
ingful connection between all team members. The intention of such a connection is
not to minimize differences in people, but rather to leverage those differences in
pursuit of a common goal. In Chaps. 2 and 3 I highlighted the many differences in
policing, beyond core demographics, such as by function, by rank or by virtue of
being a sworn police officers versus a civilian employee. If not carefully managed,
and without an effort to create unity, these differences can dominate.
Similarly, I also emphasized the competing identities of traditional law
enforcement and community engagement, and how a lack of clarity of goals can
create conflict between teams and between individuals with perceived differences in
status. To successfully connect people, police leaders need to clarify the purpose of
the organization or the team and rally people toward achieving this purpose.
One of my faculty colleagues continuously stresses there are two key groups of
people in any organization: those who care about the customer and those who care
about them. This same philosophy is very applicable to policing. Whereas front line
personnel may be the visible part of policing that has the most contact with
members of the public, they cannot function without those who support their efforts
through dispatch functions, fleet maintenance, training, procurement, and so on.
The advantage of creating some form of connection is that it establishes a strong
link between group members and leads to other benefits, such as increased trust and
team cohesion, effective communication, and high performance. The role of the
team leader is to bridge the diversity of team members by developing an important
and overarching goal for the team, which may be task related, connected to the
mission of the organization, or linked to organizational values. Given that the vast
majority of police personnel are motivated to join the police out of a desire to help
people and to make a difference, a meaningful goal is one that taps into this
motivation.
This could include rallying a team around a goal to address a specific threat
within the community, such as the emergence of a new street drug, or to develop a
strategy to tackle increasing incidents of impaired driving. Connections that focus
9.4 Inclusive Team Leadership 177

on values, norms, or organizational goals, are likely to be more powerful, such as a

goal of the London Metropolitan Police of “putting communities at the heart of
what we do” [31]. Such a goal is both compelling and generic enough to allow
every unit to easily align its work accordingly.
In the Federal Policing example I described previously, the team assessments
also examined the clarity of team purpose and associated roles and responsibilities,
and compared this with levels of satisfaction with team membership. When team
members were less clear on the overall purpose of the team and their specific roles
in achieving that purpose, they were less likely to be satisfied with being a member
of the team. These results imply that inclusive team leaders need to clarify and align
the efforts of the team with the team mission; they need to build cohesion and
cooperation among members; and they need to ensure that the team members feel a
sense of identify with the group.
Specific actions may include emphasizing common interests and values, using
ceremonies and rituals (which are common in policing), using symbols to develop
identification with the group (such as a group logo), encouraging and facilitating
interactions among group members, and showcasing group activities and
achievements [47].

9.4.4 Ensure All Voices Are Heard

In a group setting, the presence of a majority opinion tends to stimulate convergent

thinking—generating a single answer to a problem, whereas the presence of a
minority opinion tends to generate divergent thinking and consideration of an issue
from diverse perspectives [34]. As I stated previously, in the absence of openness to
diverse ideas, team discussions can result in groupthink. Instead, creating the
conditions in which minority opinions can be heard can enhance team learning and
lead to better team decision-making.
Deloitte Australia recommends a few strategies for generating a more fulsome
dialogue within diverse teams and ensuring that all perspectives are heard. As the
first speaker at any meeting ultimately can set the tone for a discussion, a team
leader can overcome the first speaker advantage by asking team members to come
to meetings prepared to share their thoughts about whatever topics are being dis-
cussed. Similarly, it is common for the loudest and most assertive person to
dominate the discussion. I cannot recall how many town halls I have held where a
few vocal people consistently took over the meeting. Unfortunately such scenarios
take away the voices of others.
A possible strategy to counter this situation is to insist on a communication
protocol where everyone has a chance to contribute. Finally, to avoid bias to
groupthink, a team leader can establish a rotating Devil’s Advocate potion whereby
one person is tasked to present a contradictory viewpoint at all key meetings [12].
178 9 Inclusive Leadership

9.5 Implementing Inclusive Leadership

Shifting toward a more inclusive leadership style is not an easy task for police
organizations given the paramilitary nature of policing and the focus on traditional
command and control management practices. As a starting point, the commitment
to embrace a more inclusive leadership style in furtherance of a fair and just
workplace must be included in the overall change plan and not as a separate
stand-alone item. In this section I identify a series of steps that can be undertaken to
implement a more inclusive form of leadership.

9.5.1 Identify Why Inclusive Leadership Matters

Similar to any other change initiative, an essential first step is for change leaders to
articulate why the organization needs to embrace inclusive leadership. Building on
the case for change, that was articulated through the vision and associated goals (as
described in Chap. 8), change leaders need to explain why a shift in leadership is
necessary; what inclusive leadership will bring that is different; and what this means
for people currently in a formal leadership position, and also for others who are
considering promotional opportunities. In light of the perceived fairness issues that
are seemingly central in many police organizations, change leaders also need to
clearly describe how inclusive behaviors will be evaluated and rewarded.
In 2015 the British Army introduced inclusive leadership as its new Leadership
Code. The rationale for this change was explained as follows:
Leadership is the lifeblood of an army; success on operations relies on getting the very best
from its people in arduous, dangerous, challenging situations. Developing an organization
with a more inclusive style of leadership will attract and retain the very best talent and
enhance the reputation of the Army as an employer of first choice. Most importantly it will
get the very best from those already serving, in an organization that relies on every indi-
vidual “to go the extra mile” [3].

9.5.2 Mobilize Leaders

Asking police leaders to give up power, to be more vulnerable and self-aware, and
to unlearn the leadership style they have practiced and been rewarded for over a
period of time is a big request. Therefore, those leaders driving the change must
lead the way—leaders go first! They must acknowledge that change will be diffi-
cult, that mistakes will be made, that they are open to mistakes and to learning from
9.5 Implementing Inclusive Leadership 179

them, and finally, that they actually demonstrate a more inclusive way of leading.
While police leaders may be judged by their words, their actions generate the most
attention.
For the Police Chief, Chief Constable, Police Commissioner, or whatever formal
title that defines the head of a police organization, his or her responsibility is not
only to model inclusive leadership, but to create a unified and cohesive senior
leadership team. Thus, mobilizing leadership starts with the top team.
Over much of the past year I have had the pleasure to do some extensive
consulting work with a municipal police service. The Chief is quite progressive and
wants to undertake some meaningful changes, specifically in relation to building a
more inclusive Service; however, he has one major obstacle in front of him. His
senior leadership is not aligned and working toward a common purpose; nor are
they modeling inclusive leadership behaviors.
In a graduate course on strategic leadership that I teach with one of my col-
leagues, we highlight that the top leader must ensure that his or her team is actively
engaged and that they feel they are doing important work. Similar to the team
leadership example I referred to in the previous section, clarity of purpose is
essential, as is the necessity to deal with leaders who may seek to derail change.
In Chap. 7 I identified a number of steps for encouraging individual senior
leaders to be ready to undertake the significant process involved in creating a more
inclusive police organization. Although much of this effort is geared toward the
broader change process, in terms of implementing inclusive leadership it becomes
much more personal. Given this, the top leader must work with his or her senior
leadership team to establish how they want to work together and to define the
behaviors that will lead to a better functioning senior team.
It is easy to suggest that the senior leadership team members might be near the
end of their careers, and as such, greater focus should be placed on developing the
next generation of leaders. However this thinking is problematic, mainly for the
principal reason that the credibility of the entire change effort is at risk if the senior
team does not model the way. Therefore, the top leader’s efforts do not stop here.
The senior team is also likely to require additional support in terms of recognition,
education, and possibly even executive coaching.
Beyond the senior team, other leaders throughout the organization need to be
unleashed and mobilized. Because of the vital role of middle managers, inclusive
leadership must also be pushed from the middle. As I indicated in Chap. 7, the
organization assessment can identify those leaders who are already demonstrating
inclusive leadership practices, and engage them with assisting and influencing other
leaders to change. This represents a more appreciative form of inquiry, which
enables police organizations to acknowledge and celebrate those leaders who are
modeling inclusive behaviors. Showcasing these leaders, and the outcomes of their
inclusive leadership style, is an essential step for demonstrating the new kinds of
behaviors that are accepted and rewarded, and contribute to people getting ahead.
180 9 Inclusive Leadership

9.5.3 Develop and Support Leaders

In order to practice new mindsets and new behaviors, leaders must first have a clear
understanding of what behaviors are expected. So far I have described inclusive
leadership as being aware of one’s own biases and stereotypes, communicating
openly, and being open to the ideas and suggestions of others, yet a more detailed
list of leadership behaviors might be required in order to effectively develop leaders
and to assess their performance.
In the British Army example I previously referenced, the Army introduced seven
inclusive leadership behaviors: lead by example, encourage thinking, apply reward
and discipline, demand high performance, encourage confidence in the team, rec-
ognize individual strengths and weaknesses, and strive for team goals [3].
Building on the Army example and the key topics that have been covered
throughout this book, I have identified a detailed list of inclusive leadership
behaviors, in no particular order:
• Understand own biases and how these affect decisions
• Acknowledge own limitations with respect to knowledge, information and
expertise
• Encourage different voices to speak and value diverse perspectives
• Accept feedback and advice from a broader mix of sources
• Empower employees and involve them in the decision-making process
• Make consistent decisions based on fact not on personal biases
• Explain the rationale behind decisions rather than simply commanding people to
comply, and offer opportunities for employees to appeal decisions they perceive
as wrong
• Coach, mentor and sponsor the career development of people who have been
traditionally excluded
• Develop effective team processes for communication, conflict management,
problem-solving, and decision-making
• Treat all people fairly and with respect
• Create mutual trust
• Promote a safe space in which employees can learn from mistakes and express
vulnerability
• Recognize and reward good work
• Provide timely feedback
• Promote goals that advance the collective well-being
• Be accountable and hold others accountable for things that are within their
control.
To implement its version of inclusive leadership, the British Army utilized a
two-phase approach. Due to its hierarchical nature, those in a senior leadership role
were first introduced to what the Army defined as Master classes. This initial step
was followed with the adaptation of existing leadership development courses to
incorporate inclusive leadership competencies and behaviors.
9.5 Implementing Inclusive Leadership 181

For policing, an additional training requirement may be to train command staff in

effective management techniques, such as developing greater awareness of how
their decisions, actions or inactions, and general management style can create stress
for people throughout the organization, such as implementing too much change at
once or implementing policies and practices in an unjust manner.

9.5.4 Embed New Competencies

To avoid leadership development efforts becoming a one-time intervention and

disconnected from day-to-day operations, inclusive leadership competencies should
be written into the overall definition of leadership and incorporated into the criteria
for recruitment, leadership development opportunities, promotion, and evaluation
of leadership performance.
Inclusive leadership competencies can also be included in personal objectives
and development plans, in 360 exercises that provide police leaders with feedback
on their inclusive behaviors, and as a key element in succession planning. One of
the few police services I aware of that formally incorporates 360 exercises is the
Durham Regional Police Service near Toronto, Ontario. This 360 instrument is
utilized in the revamped promotion process that places a greater emphasis on people
skills over process. Organizational members have generally viewed this as a pos-
itive step as they now have input into the people that are selected for leadership
roles.
By formally assessing inclusive leadership capabilities, police organizations can
identify both individual and organizational developmental gaps and create devel-
opmental plans to overcome them. Plans that include experiential learning oppor-
tunities, whereby a leader is assigned to lead a more diverse team or to work
directly for an inclusive leader, are also effective. Development plans might also
involve training, coaching or mentoring [37].
Notwithstanding the importance of the initiatives I described, inclusive leader-
ship cannot be considered only when a new recruit arrives from the academy. It
must also be introduced into the formal academy setting. I have never been a fan of
the traditional paramilitary police training methods that are directed at blaming and
shaming, and bullying those who are different. As I stated in Chap. 1, democratic
and inclusive policing begins from the inside out, and it begins in the academy
environment where new recruits are socialized to the police and are forming their
identities as police officers.

9.5.5 Changes to Performance Management

To support individual behavioral change, reward systems may need to be adapted to

ensure that the performance management process is aligned with the new way of
182 9 Inclusive Leadership

leading. When certain types of performance by certain types of people are sup-
ported and recognized through promotion, this reinforces certain behaviors and
beliefs of how to get ahead [44]. In view of the competitive nature of policing and
the tendency to focus on proving masculinity over competence, part of the shift may
also entail recognizing and rewarding teamwork and collaboration rather than
individual contributions.
Throughout the entire change process of change, change leaders must also
continue to encourage and reward positive behavioral change. Leadership apathy
can be a powerful antidote to change; therefore, various incentives may need to be
leveraged. To promote inclusive leadership, senior leaders might be evaluated in
relation to how they assist and support other leaders in implementing the necessary
behavioral changes. This means listening to the concerns of other leaders, providing
them with encouragement to persevere, and celebrating their progress—all the
while undertaking change themselves and communicating the change and its goals
continuously [25]. Importantly, leadership review processes must also include an
assessment of how leaders achieve results, rather than focusing on results alone.
In the final section of this chapter I highlight an example of inclusive police
leadership in action.

9.5.6 Inclusive Leadership in Action

When Chief Superintendent Bill Fordy (now Assistant Commissioner) was pro-
moted to the Detachment Commander position in Surrey, British Columbia, he
recognized early on that he had a significant learning curve. Up until that point, his
entire career was dedicated to investigative work, and as a result he gained a lot of
respect within the policing community and the legal profession. However, in his
view, this experience did not prepare him to be the Surrey Detachment commander,
the largest RCMP detachment in Canada that was made up of approximately 1100
sworn officers and civilian personnel.
His first 18 months represented the “perfect storm”—30 murders and a work-
force that was tired and under resourced. He recognized that they needed to change
what they were doing, and that change started with him. This meant shifting from a
tactical leader to a strategic leader, and figuring out a way to change the service
delivery model, not only for the benefit of the men and women that he served with,
but also for the community they collectively served. He also realized that he needed
to navigate the political realities of his position and to embrace his role as a leader.
In addition to successfully making the case to the Mayor and Council for
additional resources, and a way forward for doing things differently, he also sought
to better understand how people felt about working in the detachment. To facilitate
this, he requested an employee survey to assess perceptions of detachment members
and to solicit their feedback on the types of changes they would like to make. He
also asked them what they would do if they were in his shoes as the head of the
Detachment.
9.5 Implementing Inclusive Leadership 183

The survey generated valuable feedback by highlighting concerns about fair

treatment, recognition for good work, teamwork, trust, people being asked for their
opinions, people being held accountable, and information sharing. Just under 70%
of people indicated they were satisfied with the work that they do; whereas less than
40% indicated they were satisfied with the conditions in which they worked. In
other words, the work itself was much more satisfying than the workplace.
To address the issues that were identified in the survey, Bill reached out for
assistance in commencing a much broader process of change. This is where I came
in. Despite both of us being in the same organization, and at the same rank, I knew
little about him until our first meeting. My initial reaction was one of surprise.
I found him to be incredibly humble and very forthcoming about what he did and
did not know. It was also clearly evident that he was committed to making the
Detachment a great place to work, which convinced me that I was going to do what
I could to help.
Our first bit of work was to hold half-day sessions on leading change with all
supervisors. This was an opportunity to openly discuss the issues that had been
identified through the survey, how supervisors felt about these issues, and to walk
through a process of change that would involve and engage detachment personnel.
Bill was originally planning to sit in during the first half-day session only, but as a
result of the engagement of his people and the open dialogue, he decided to return
for every session after that.
I was impressed with his dedication and his willingness to do this. This meant
late nights and early mornings for him to manage many other competing priorities,
but I did not get the sense that his was even a concern for him. He genuinely wanted
to listen to the concerns of his leaders and support them in their roles, as they
collectively set out to make the necessary changes that would improve the
workplace.
Following these initial sessions, Bill invited me to meet with his leadership team
to listen to their thoughts and ideas for next steps. It was evident that he was
comfortable with being openly vulnerable in front of them and admitting that he
does not have all the answers. When I asked him about this, Bill acknowledged that:
The team is better than any one person. I can be the best leader in a room but if I surround
myself with good people and solicit their input, then the outcome of that meeting, brain-
storming session or process will be better than the best leader in the room doing it himself.
I really believe that. I believed that as an interviewer. I believed that as an investigator, I
believed that as a manager, and I believe that as a senior executive within the organization.

There was consensus at this meeting to involve every employee in the detach-
ment in the change process. The rationale for this was to validate the survey
findings, and to focus on issues that were within the Detachment’s control to
change, and also to identify possible solutions. More importantly, this step would
allow all detachment personnel to have input into decisions that would directly
affect them.
184 9 Inclusive Leadership

Over a period of a week, every employee had the opportunity to join with their
respective team members and talk about the survey results. While many of the
issues were validated there were some that really did not pertain to the Detachment
at all. They were largely frustrations stemming from changes made at the national
level that exacerbated people’s perceptions of fairness and of feeling valued. We
parked these issues and focused on identifying steps that could be taken in the near,
medium and longer term.
At the end of every session Bill came into thank the participants for their work
and to reassure them that he was committed to making positive change happen.
When I left Surrey at the end of these sessions I was confident something good was
going to happen. I clearly saw Bill as an inclusive leader. Everyone had a voice, and
everyone’s opinion counted, and it was obvious there was mutual trust and respect
among his leadership team members. There was also something “in the air” that I
could not really explain. Someone who has known and worked with Bill for a long
time explained this for me.
There is a trend that happens in policing where great work comes out of strong units and it
happens in cycles. If you were to really look into it you would see that these trends follow
great leadership. When Bill touched down as the OIC at Surrey Det a wave of very
competent managers and investigators followed him there and in turn their influence on
producing superior work product was experienced. It is no secret…Good people follow
great leaders.

Over the months that followed, Bill also worked on developing his leadership
cadre as he recognized that they too required the necessary tools to be successful.
Part of this required clearly defining the responsibilities of their leadership roles and
the types of leadership behaviors that would facilitate trust and perceptions of
trustworthiness. In the leadership sessions, Bill asked his leaders if they were
trustworthy; if they handled themselves in honorable ways and if they honored
people when they were absent; and if they put unspoken conflicts on the table. His
key message to them was to model the way for others to follow.
As a result of Bill’s efforts and the efforts of the people around him, Surrey
Detachment moved from a place where some people referred to it as “doing time”,
to being a very desirable place to work. Less people were off sick. Morale and
communication improved, and supervisors became more engaged in providing
constructive feedback and in recognizing good work.
I recently had the opportunity to speak with Bill about his Surrey experience,
including some of the things he believes led to positive change, his lessons learned
and key insights. He spoke about the sharing of responsibility and the value of
internal communication and accountability. Specifically, he indicated that he could
not ask others to do things that he was not doing himself, such as frequently
meeting with their team leaders.
So he made a point of meeting every day with his senior leadership team. The
first day consisted of a formal sit down meeting, and the remainder of the week was
dedicated to daily “stand up” briefings where senior leaders sharing things that were
9.5 Implementing Inclusive Leadership 185

occurring in their respective business lines. This required supervisors, at all levels,
to speak to their people on a daily basis to understand what was happening, thereby
facilitating an engagement process from top to bottom and increasing supervisor
accountability for being informed. This also permitted leaders to stay abreast of any
gaps and to identity great work being done.
He also spoke about the necessity to communicate his vision for the detachment,
which included the three priority areas of prevention, intervention and enforcement,
and to keep people informed on decisions that affected them. This communication
occurred through email, video messaging and face-to-face during briefings between
shifts. He understood that it was not so much about what he said but how people felt
about what he said. Therefore, he took every opportunity to clarify misinformation
and to listen to feedback.
For Bill, the Surrey experience highlighted the importance of being strategic and
trying to look ahead and determine how to make things better. It was about being
brave, openly admitting mistakes, being real, and being trustworthy. Consistent
with the discussion of leadership in Chap. 5, Bill stressed that trust is at the heart of
leadership. People will open up, they will share and they will want to come to work
because they know it is a safe place for them.
Because Bill is too humble to say much about his role as a leader, I asked
someone who has known for a long time to describe Bill’s leadership journey and
the impact Bill has had on other people.
I had the continued good fortune to work under Bill as he progressed through leadership
positions and the supervisory ranks of the RCMP. I was able to witness first hand, the most
incredible evolution. I marveled at Bill’s ability to analyze scores of information, process
conflicting areas of interests, listen to and understand the respective needs of sections, units,
and individual members, his intuition in seeking out and identifying true underlying issues,
and his innate ability to quickly make sound decisions, stand by them and be wholly
accountable for his decisions. These attributes resulted in Bill becoming one of the most
positively impactful leaders in the RCMP. The membership doesn’t see Bill as a manager.
They see him as a Leader and one whose reach, impact and influence in matters of policing
extend well beyond the walls of the RCMP.

Summary
Research findings imply that the pursuit of a common purpose, the promotion of
learning, and the alignment of competence with task requirements and not mas-
culine traits, enable people to effectively disrupt their compliance with traditional
gender norms. This disruption can occur through a supportive culture and the
creation of margins of safety in which people can relax their guard and experiment
with new behaviors without fear that others might belittle or humiliate them.
In the context of policing, this research provides evidence that the negative
aspects of the police culture can similarly be changed by providing police personnel
with sufficient motivation, a model to follow, and a margin of safety in which to
deviate from traditional masculine scripts.
186 9 Inclusive Leadership

As a staring point, clarity of purpose can assist, not only with some of the
ambiguity associated with the police identity and the corresponding status of
individuals, but also as a meaningful goal in which to unite all personnel, such as
the example of the London Metropolitan Police—“putting communities at the heart
of what we do”. In the Surrey Detachment example, Bill Fordy emphasized the
importance of three key policing pillars: prevention, intervention and enforcement.
More importantly, given that many functions contribute to the achievement of
such goals, a necessary change should also involve shifting from a performance
culture and a focus on individual goals to one that focuses on collaborative or
collective efforts. A key consideration in making this shift is to define competencies
that better support achievement of the overall purpose, as opposed to competencies
and skills associated with the traditional image of the police, such as aggressiveness
and physicality.
A shift to a more collaborative culture also requires a significant shift in the
transactional/command and control leadership styles that have often been associated
with policing [13]. Changing the masculine script requires a greater degree of
humility, vulnerability and a more democratic and inclusive form of leadership that
starts from the top.
In this chapter I have described some of the necessary inclusive leadership
behaviors as treating people fairly and respectfully; giving all people a voice;
making consistent decisions based on fact and not on personal biases; explaining
the rationale for decisions; seeking feedback from diverse sources; creating a sense
of value and belonging by valuing the uniqueness of individuals, while also pro-
viding a sense of connectedness to the rest of the group; and by providing indi-
viduals with a safe space to speak freely and also the encouragement to do their best
work. I have also illustrated an inclusive leader in action by showcasing Assistant
Commissioner Bill Fordy and his leadership experience at Surrey Detachment to
demonstrate the various approaches that might be taken in creating a fair and more
respectful workplace.
By moving away from proving masculinity and introducing inclusive leadership,
police organizations not only become more welcoming for women and minorities,
they may also enable both men and women to achieve their full potential. More
importantly, the police are more likely to be able to fulfill societal expectations by
embracing a policing paradigm that emphasizes both service and order mainte-
nance. This latter point is significant as it speaks specifically to the legitimacy of the
police, which is determined through the trust and confidence members of the public
have in the police to perform their duties [22].
This chapter was one of my favorites to write given my passion for people, for
the subject of leadership, and for those leaders who seek to create the kind of
workplace where all people can thrive and fully contribute to the success of the
organization. In the next and final chapter of this book, I focus on monitoring and
evaluating the process of change in creating an inclusive police organization.
References 187

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Chapter 10
Monitoring and Evaluating Progress

Abstract Designing an intervention plan, or even a few preliminary activities to

start, takes a significant effort yet it is still just one part of the change process.
Throughout this process of change organizational leaders need to openly commu-
nicate with employees on a timely basis, to seek their input and to share information
about the implementation process; that is, letting people know if the change is going
in the right direction and what goals might have been achieved.

Accordingly, developing a strategy for how change activities will be implemented

and monitored and how progress will be assessed is critical for success. The sense
of urgency and the state of change readiness that was developed at the onset of the
change process can easily erode if efforts are not taken to update employees and
other stakeholders on progress, to solicit their feedback on various interventions,
and to also celebrate individuals and teams that are doing good work.
Monitoring and evaluating a process of change requires ensuring that what was
planned is being implemented as intended, and that identified interventions are
achieving expected outcomes. It is much more than counting people or the
decrease/increase in employee or public complaints. It also involves evaluating how
people feel about the workplace. Depending on the nature of the assessment results,
it could similarly entail examining public perceptions of the police and complaints
of police misconduct.
To begin establishing some momentum I recommend that police organizations
begin with a few purposeful steps through a phased approach rather than attempting
to undertake multiple changes all at once. For one, this type of approach can
continue to increase change readiness by demonstrating the organization is capable
of initiating change; and two, that organizational members also have the capacity to
make such change happen.
In this last chapter of the book I describe the essential oversight mechanisms for
guiding and supporting the ongoing work and the use of “check-in” opportunities to
obtain employee feedback on the change process. Regular progress reports are quite
valuable as they assess performance against several important indicators as well as
employee perceptions about certain aspects of the workplace. Outreach activities

© Springer International Publishing AG 2017 189

A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_10
190 10 Monitoring and Evaluating Progress

with external experts can provide an additional source of validation and feedback.
Celebrating and rewarding inclusive behaviors and other good work produce the
momentum for continued change.

10.1 Oversight

By now it is clearly evident that creating a more inclusive police organization is not
a short-term fix but a committed process over a lengthy period of time. Because of
this reality, it is not something that can be successfully managed by the senior
leadership team or off the corner of someone’s desk, nor is it something to be
assigned to the Human Resources department. It takes a dedicated oversight body to
facilitate the work on behalf of the organization and to integrate the change process
as part of ongoing operations. Depending on the drivers for the reform process, an
external oversight mechanism may also be necessary as an additional layer of
accountability and support to the reform process.
The New Zealand Police are a good example of a long-term commitment to
change. While the police were compelled to undertake reform as part of a ten-year
monitoring process in response to misconduct issues, the federal government also
made a similar commitment to review and assess progress throughout the ten-year
period and to made recommendations for further improvements where necessary.
The government’s monitoring role was assigned to the Office of the Auditor
General, with expectations for annual assessments of police progress. Where there
were concerns for the pace or commitment to progress, the Auditor General’s office
also had the authority to conduct additional reviews [4].
An important role of the Auditor General’s office was to also clearly define when
a specific recommendation was considered implemented. This took more than
merely putting solutions in place, it required that “solutions are embedded, used,
and continue to have the desired effect” (11). It other words, a recommendation was
not considered complete until a relevant policy, procedure, system, or practice was
put in place and adhered to, functioned as intended, and matched the purpose of the
specific recommendation.
For its part, the New Zealand Police established a commission of inquiry
executive oversight group to oversee the change process. This group is chaired by a
Deputy Commissioner and includes a broad representation of senior officers, such
as the assistant commissioner in charge of strategy and transformation, the national
risk manager and deputy chair for the oversight group, senior leaders within the
human resources function, the national employee relations manager, and district
commanders.
Similar to the New Zealand Police, in May of 2014, the Commissioner of the
Ontario Provincial Police established the Commissioner’s Inclusion Council, which
is composed of senior leaders who provide leadership, strategic direction, expertise
and oversight to the organization by identifying issues, sharing information,
engaging in discussion, and setting priorities for implementation [3].
10.1 Oversight 191

In my role with the RCMP, the intent was for me to oversee the Gender and
Respect Action Plan and other related initiatives, and to report to the senior lead-
ership team. In hindsight, the New Zealand Police approach might have been much
more effective as it would have likely added greater credibility and transparency to
the change process. When change has arisen as a result of lawsuits and public
reports, it is often challenging for an organization to monitor and assess its own
progress as there is a tendency to over emphasize the outcomes of solutions that
have been introduced and to declare success too soon. Seeking external assistance
signals that the change process is sufficiently important to organizational leaders.
Other oversight mechanisms might come in the form of a formal office. Based on
the results of the workplace assessment that was undertaken in the Calgary Police,
the former Chief, Rick Hanson, formally established the “Office of Inclusion” to
address employee complaints related to workplace culture and gender equity, to
reduce bias in the workplace and to improve leadership training. Similarly, the
Australian Federal Police appointed an Assistant Commissioner to head up a new
Division that was tasked with leading the cultural reform process.
Putting in place an oversight mechanism will not guarantee successful change;
however, it is certainly a step in the right direction as it provides the necessary
leadership commitment, guidance and support. If change champions are appointed
throughout the organization they can also provide a valuable means for sharing
information and feedback with the formal oversight committee, as they are the eyes
and ears on the ground.

10.2 Periodic Check-Ins

In Chap. 7 I described individual and organizational readiness and the importance

of assessing and creating readiness for change following the completion of the
initial organization assessment. These readiness assessments are not limited to the
start of change only, as they can also provide feedback throughout the change
process on how things are progressing, such as the effectiveness of various
strategies to engage and involve employees and employee perceptions that suffi-
cient attention is being directed at making change happen.
One method to capture feedback is to utilize standard employee surveys or mini
surveys that incorporate only a few focused questions. During a change process I
was involved in several years ago, a number of questions were incorporated into an
existing employee survey to assess perceptions of progress one year after formal
change had been introduced. Questions pertained to the clarity of messaging,
including the vision and objectives for change, the commitment of employees, the
capability of the organization to achieve change, and perceptions that senior
management will make the right decisions.
The responses reveal the relevant information that can be derived from a follow
up readiness assessment (see Table 10.1). For one, these results indicated that more
efforts were required to communicate the direction and goals of the change process
192 10 Monitoring and Evaluating Progress

Table 10.1 Assessment of change readiness

Survey question % Agreed
I am familiar with the RCMP’s vision for change 63
The RCMP’s vision is clear and compelling 39
I feel that the vision for change has been effectively communicated to employees 25
in my unit
Change objectives have been clearly communicated 30
I understand how my work contributes overall to the change management 43
strategy
I am personally committed to doing what I can to achieve the vision for change 83
I view change as an opportunity 84
The RCMP is capable of achieving the change-related goals 38
The RCMP culture emphasizes continuous improvement 45
Employees are supported when taking risks 32
I trust that senior management will make decisions that will lead to the 32
improvement of the organization

and to support employees as they experimented with new behaviors. At the same
time the results highlighted the commitment of employees to support the change
process [9].
Other survey questions might examine how employees feel about changes that
have been implemented—if they are appropriate and if they will make things better,
their perceptions of leadership commitment, if leaders are “walking the talk”, and if
supervisors and peers support the change [1]. Open-ended survey questions also
encourage ongoing employee participation by soliciting suggestions for
improvement.
Where steps have been taken to implement various practices such as flexible
work arrangements and more inclusive practices in general, brief surveys can be
tailored to assess employee feedback on these practices, specifically if they are
being utilized as intended. Employee responses might indicate that further training
is required or they can showcase good examples of where these practices are
flourishing under local leadership. Before and after leadership development train-
ing, 360-degree feedback exercises are another useful option for assessing changes
in leadership behavior.
Other forms of periodic check-ins could involve meeting with small groups of
employees to discuss their reactions to various changes and/or to messages that
pertain to change. Such meetings allow change leaders to become aware of rumors
and misinformation, and to clarify where necessary.
A further means of feedback is the use of exit surveys and interviews, which can
provide additional information on why people might be leaving the organization.
This information can highlight employee perceptions about the workplace, which is
even more relevant for those employees who are leaving earlier than expected.
As part of the RCMP action plan, an online exit survey was made available to
those leaving the organization. Initial results indicated that both men and women
10.2 Periodic Check-Ins 193

who chose to leave early reported a much more negative workplace climate.
Suggestions for improvement included valuing employees more, improving man-
agerial training and creating a better work environment [7].
The key point I am making here is that change leaders require ongoing feedback
throughout the change process to validate if changes are headed in the right
direction and if too much change is being introduced at once. This also represents a
mechanism for continuous employee engagement, especially if the feedback is
acted upon and employees see that their contributions are valued.

10.3 Progress Reports

Over and above periodic check-ins and opportunities to solicit feedback from
employees, there is a requirement to update internal and external stakeholders on
the progress of change. The extent of any external messaging will depend on the
nature of the issues that are identified and if these issues are known outside the
organization. Progress reports should not be considered as a tactical exercise that
simply provide a list of action items and identify if they are on track. Instead,
reports should remind employees of the goals the organization is working toward
and their role in the process, briefly describe key steps that have been taken and any
related challenges, summarize feedback from employees on changes or the overall
change process, highlight any noteworthy changes in performance indicators such
as absenteeism rates, and provide a means for employees to ask questions or include
a list of frequently asked questions and their corresponding responses.
Care should be taken to avoid stating that a solution has been implemented when
it has only been introduced. Per the New Zealand Police example, a solution is only
considered successfully implemented once has been put in place, is being adhered
to, and is functioning as intended.

10.3.1 Key Performance Indicators

Consideration must also be given to identifying key performance indicators that are
aligned with the goals the organization is seeking to achieve. For instance, if the
organization seeks to increase the representation of women and minorities while
reducing instances of harassment, then performance indicators should reference the
percentage change in the numbers of women and minorities at all levels of the
organization, including recruitment, and any changes in harassment and bullying
complaints.
Police organizations that are further along the inclusion continuum should also
include changes in promotion trends for women and minorities and a more detailed
picture of where women are most represented. In earlier chapters in this book, I
noted that women are typically assigned to more traditional roles. A key indicator
194 10 Monitoring and Evaluating Progress

that a shift is occurring would be the number of women that are in non-traditional
roles, at all levels.
The attrition rates of men and women are also relevant as research indicates that
women are resigning at slightly higher rates than men, with family responsibilities
acknowledged as the most common reason for departure [2, 5]. In the initial
gender-based assessment of the RCMP, it was revealed that in 2010, the attrition
rate of female officers between 20 and 24 years of service was 6.7%, compared to
3.9% for male officers. Between 25 and 29 years of service, attrition rates increased
to 14.8 and 9.4%, respectively [8]. Albeit these attrition rates are not high, they
indicate a substantial difference between the retirement patterns of men and women.
Per the 2010 data, women were 72% more likely than men to retire between 20 and
24 years of service, and 57% more likely between 25 and 29 years of service.
A 2105 progress report suggests that various interventions are working as the
retention gap between men and women who are approaching retirement age is
narrowing, particularly for those members between 20 and 24 years of service (the
minimum retirement age). Over the 2014/2015 fiscal year 3.7% of women and 3.1%
of men between 20 and 24 years of service left the RCMP; representing an 81%
decrease in the attrition of women from 2010 [7].
For more detailed progress reports that are completed on an annual basis,
additional performance improvement indicators could include the increased use of
parental leave and rates of return following leave. More meaningful indicators
demonstrate the acceptance of men and women utilizing flexible work arrangements
through the number of men and women that access them, as well as the number of
applications for flexible arrangements that were submitted, together with the per-
centage that were accepted. Another important indicator is the percentage of people
who are promoted after accessing various work arrangements.
In addition to reporting a percentage change in complaints, particularly in
instances where the organization assessment reveals that bullying and harassment
are an issue, indicators should also be utilized that illustrate the types of complaints
and the relevant demographics of the complainant and the respondent; the number
of complaints that were dealt with internally, investigated and resolved; and the
average time taken to resolve a complaint.

10.3.2 Assessments of Workplace Climate

Beyond key performance indicators, the progress reports should also include
employee assessments of various aspects of the workplace. This information can be
captured through a form of check-in survey, that I referenced in the previous
section, or through more formalized employee surveys. It is important to identify
specific factors that will form part of an ongoing organization assessment rather
than those that assess more immediate feedback on changes that have been
implemented.
10.3 Progress Reports 195

Similar to the organization assessment I described in Chap. 7, relevant questions

should assess perceptions of various aspects of the workplace, including the sense
of comfort in bringing up tough issues, of being included and having a sense of
belonging, and general views about the level of organizational justice in the
workplace.
In earlier chapters of this book I noted that different groups of people tend to
have different experiences within the police workplace; therefore, the survey data
needs to be disaggregated by key demographic variables such as race, gender,
police versus civilian personnel, age, rank, and tenure. The rationale for capturing
and analyzing the data in this way should also be communicated to employees to
avoid additional concerns for bias that might advantage or disadvantage any par-
ticular group.
In the policing context, performance indicators tend to be limited to traditional
law enforcement measures such as response times, clearance rates, traffic infrac-
tions, and arrests. Including indicators that pertain to the workplace and assess-
ments about the workplace sends a clear message that achieving fairness and
inclusion is just as important as operational goals. In other words, performance is
not simply evaluated based on pure output—what people achieve, but equally on
how people achieve results. Incorporating these specific indicators into the per-
formance agreements for senior police leaders would send a powerful message
about the importance of people in the workplace.

10.4 Benchmarking and Outreach

Because people generally like to know how the performance of their organization
compares with others, it is also helpful to benchmark with other police organiza-
tions or even paramilitary organizations. I have frequently been asked how the
RCMP compares to other police services, and how these same services compare to
other industries. The point of these questions is to establish some context for
understanding the scope of workplace issues.
In Chap. 8 I noted that the New Zealand Police received external recognition and
validation of their efforts when they received top honors at the annual New Zealand
Diversity Awards in August 2016. This example indicates that external validation
of positive change may be achieved through professional associations or nonprofit
organizations that benchmark and recognize organizational performance in relation
to diversity and inclusion. Not only do such awards validate the good work that is
being done, they also provide a stamp of endorsement for recruitment purposes.
Sharing progress reports with external experts is another useful means for
generating feedback. In addition to providing suggestions for improvement, these
experts can also provide external validation of interventions that are being intro-
duced, which can be leveraged for generating internal and external confidence in
the overall change process.
196 10 Monitoring and Evaluating Progress

Alternatively, meetings with external experts can present a unique opportunity

for senior leaders and those actively engaged in driving change to openly discuss
implementation strategies and where challenges might exist. During one such
meeting I was involved in, many of the improvements were acknowledged, as were
the larger gaps, which reinforced the necessity to sufficiently create readiness for
change at the beginning of the process (as discussed in Chap. 7). For instance,
participants communicated that the organizational direction was not clear, nor was
it clear what success looked like and what behaviors people were to be held
accountable for. Through discussions with subject matter experts in a variety of
areas, key recommendations were identified for refocusing and improving the
change process.

10.5 Celebrate the Best of People

In Chap. 7 through nine, I explained the importance of seeking out people who are
doing good work. Regardless of the stage of organizational development the
department is in or the specific goals that are set, recognizing good behavior is
essential for demonstrating appropriate examples to follow. Through my own
experience with organizational change this step is not done as well as it could be.
During a meeting with RCMP change leaders from across the country in the fall
of 2013, it was broadly recognized that celebrating success and the good work of
people was an important consideration. Despite the public nature of the workplace
issues that had been identified and the increased scrutiny of the media, change
leaders acknowledged that the organization continued to do good work and make a
difference, and that employees needed to see and believe this. This same issue was
identified in the outreach session I referred to in the previous section. Specifically, a
number of meeting participants noted that we were not doing enough to tell our
story and to celebrate our heroes. This pertains to employees who go above and
beyond on a daily basis, not only in relation to their regular duties, but also in
creating a fair and inclusive workplace.
In my role with the RCMP, it was not uncommon to hear stories of good people
doing great things as I traveled across the country. From a grassroots group of
people who were driving a respectful workplace initiative throughout a Division, to
a sergeant who was doing what he could to create a healthy work environment for
his people and make the detachment a more desirable place to work. Stories also
involved people pushing forward with a mental health initiative to assist people
who were struggling in the workplace, groups of people championing the inclusion
of all men and women in the workplace through the initiatives put forth by various
advisory committees, and a senior leader who was working to actively engage
employees in improving the workplace through a team assessment process that
captured their feedback as a starting point for the dialogue that followed.
Celebrating good work is a critical part of the change process as it showcases the
types of leaders who are modeling the way. These efforts not only reinforce the
10.5 Celebrate the Best of People 197

types of behaviors that are desired and rewarded, they also highlight the commit-
ment of various people throughout the organization to the change process.
Importantly, the act of celebrating good work may also increase perceptions of
individual and organizational capability for change, and help maintain individual
identification with the organization. In such cases, where these successes are made
public, this can also reinforce public confidence in the police.

10.6 Build on Momentum

For many police leaders there may be a tendency to quickly move forward with
change, which is understandable given the tactical nature of the job. Likewise, if
change originates through commissions of inquiry and/or lawsuits, the recom-
mendations that are presented can be numerous with the added expectation that
police leaders swiftly react. The problem with this approach is that it fails to take
into account the necessity to prepare people and the relevant organizational systems
and processes for change.
In addition, tackling too much change at once can create chaos and confusion
about what the organization is trying to achieve. For police organizations that have
had difficulty in successfully implementing change in the past, too much change can
also cause people to lose faith and to check out.
Earlier in this chapter I recommended that police leaders begin with a few
purposeful steps and then once credibility and momentum is established, move
forward with implementing additional change. This might involve clarifying the
desired behaviors for all employees in the workplace, and more importantly, for
those in a formal leadership role. Updating formal harassment policies and practices
may also be a key starting point to address conduct that deviates form expected
behaviors. As I indicated in Chap. 7, the original readiness assessments may also
identity where there are “quick wins” to initiate the process.
Given that middle managers often exist in an ambiguous “grey” zone, by
offering mentoring and support as they begin experimenting with new leadership
behaviors and as they learn about new or enhanced mechanisms for addressing
complaints, middle managers are more likely to increase their confidence and to
introduce their own ideas for change at a local level.
Although much of the interventions introduced by the RCMP were national in
scope, grassroots driven efforts were pervasive across the country. Where there was
more local oversight and support for managers to undertake change, there was a
greater likelihood that positive results were achieved.
Through check-in surveys, 360 feedback exercises, employee focus groups and
other mechanisms for soliciting feedback, change leaders can identify when these
initial changes are gaining traction and where there are additional opportunities to
build on the momentum that has been generated.
I am not suggesting that the process is easy but it can generate positive returns.
For example, the efforts of the people within the RCMP have led to a 55% decrease
198 10 Monitoring and Evaluating Progress

in long-term absenteeism; a reduction in the average processing time for conduct

matters—from 12 to 18 months down to within six months; and a 63% increase in
the number of female officers in senior ranks, with women representing one-third of
the Commissioner’s senior executive committee and leading five of 15 Divisions.
In addition, the latest employee survey results show that 78% of employees
agree that the RCMP respects individual differences and 80% agree that the RCMP
is respectful. Both of these indicators increased from 67 and 76% in 2011 [6].
Together with the settlement of two class-action lawsuits and an apology to the
women who experienced gender discrimination, bullying and harassment, these
results are cause for celebration.
To build on this momentum, there is now an opportunity to turn to a broader
assessment of workplace indicators, as I described above, which will provide an
overall assessment of how people feel about the RCMP workplace. Survey ques-
tions need to be specifically tailored to aspects of diversity and inclusion such that
they are examining the right things, thereby positioning the RCMP to push forward
with more meaningful change.
Summary
The ideas that I have presented in this chapter represent the final piece of building a
fair and inclusive police organization. For police organizations that are at beginning
of the inclusion journey or for those who may be further along the inclusion
continuum, these steps are equally relevant. To increase the chances for success
efforts need to be made to put in place an effective means of oversight, to com-
municate clearly, to involve employees through soliciting feedback and suggestions
for improvement throughout the process, to provide regular and meaningful updates
on progress, to benchmark with other organizations and to leverage external
expertise, and to celebrate the successes of people along the way.
By also assessing public perceptions of the police and complaints against the
police, police organizations communicate an overall message of inclusion in that
they care about their people, they care about the service they provide and they care
about the people they serve. This facilitates the practice of inclusive policing from
the inside out.

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7. RCMP (2015) Gender and respect progress report. Unpublished draft
8. RCMP (2016) Results and respect in the RCMP workplace. Retrieved from http://www.rcmp-
grc.gc.ca/en/results-and-respect-the-rcmp-workplace
9. Workman-Stark A (2010) Interim assessment of RCMP transformation. Unpublished draft
Chapter 11
Conclusion

Abstract When I first assumed the role of overseeing the RCMP response to
allegations of gender discrimination and harassment, I had no idea where the
journey would take me. I never imagined that learning about the many unfortunate
experiences of women who had been bullied, harassed and discriminated against
would compel me to better understand what was actually happening below the
surface. What I have learned through my interviews with serving and former police
personnel, extensive research and working with police organizations, is that the
issues extend beyond gender and cannot be fixed just by putting in place tough
harassment policies and practices and increasing the numbers of women and
minorities. The issues are much more deeply rooted.

To understand these issues is to first learn a bit more about the origins of policing,
the many shifts that have taken place over the years and how these changes have
contributed to some of the current challenges. I began this book with a description
of how Peel’s principles shaped modern policing, namely with the idea that the
ability of the police to fulfill a mission of preventing crime and disorder is
dependent on the cooperation and consent of the public and the ability of the police
to secure and maintain public trust and confidence. In doing so, these principles
require that the police provide service to all members of society without regard to
race or social standing. A key aspect of Peel’s vision was that it should remain a
shared responsibility between the public and the police and that the police should
only use as much force as is necessary.
Despite the many positive changes that have enhanced the professionalism of the
police and introduced more modern management practices, attempts to reform the
police may have inadvertently caused the police to move away from the spirit of
Peel’s principles through bureaucratic structures, performance management regimes
and internal control mechanisms that reinforce a culture of individualism and
proving masculinity, a further distancing between the ranks, and an us against the
world mentality. The extensive media scrutiny of police conduct, coupled with the
application of social media, in which every misstep is potentially recorded and
instantly uploaded, also fuels this separation.

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A.L. Workman-Stark, Inclusive Policing from the Inside Out,
Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-53309-4_11
202 11 Conclusion

The police culture and the associated police identity have been forged from the
image of the ideal police officer as a physical crime fighter who views violence as
legitimate and is preoccupied with maintaining self-respect, proving masculinity,
and not tolerating abuse from the public. Because of the association with physi-
cality, policing has continued to be seen as masculine and to demonstrate sufficient
toughness police officers have hidden their emotions and other vulnerabilities so as
not to appear weak. In many cases these efforts have taken a physical and mental
toll on officers and they have also resulted in the violation of human rights and the
marginalization of women and others who did not fit in.
As the police identify forms a significant part of an officer’s personal identity, I
believe its salience has been overlooked through these reform processes, and that
changes that have seemingly threatened this identity have been met with heavy
resistance. For example, community policing represented an important shift to bring
the police closer to the community by actively collaborating to solve local prob-
lems. While this change opened up more opportunities for women and minorities
through demands for different skills and qualities, including empathy, compassion,
trust and relationship-building, it also represented a movement away from the crime
fighter role.
It is likely that a continued focus on traditional performance metrics, the pro-
motion of crime fighting specialists and the police socialization process—which
consists of sharing “war” stories and indoctrinating new recruits into the police
culture, all play a significant role in maintaining the focus on the crime fighter role.
One officer I spoke with recalled an often used expression by one of his former
sergeants, namely that: “Hollywood never made a movie about police officers
giving tickets to soccer moms”… which “just reinforced the idea that we should be
hardened”.
Making the police more diverse was thought to be a means in which to break up
the solidarity of the police, to address police misconduct and to improve relation-
ships with communities. Instead, it seems that the police culture and the social-
ization process that serves to fortify it were not actively considered. The presence of
less physically strong women and gay men challenge the norm that policing
requires physical strength and real men to undertake it successfully. The endorse-
ment of a softer, more tolerant and more diverse form of policing has likely been
interpreted as striking at the heart of masculine identities.
To preserve the masculine identity of policing, some officers have stuck back at
perceived threats by reinforcing traditional gender roles, recreating a distinction
between themselves and those who threaten their identity, and reestablishing
self-esteem and job satisfaction by bullying, harassing and excluding others. These
behaviors have often been tolerated due to the status difference between male and
female officers, and likely the perception that “boys are just being boys”.
Since many efforts to increase diversity have been driven from external pres-
sures, women and minority officers were not joining a welcoming environment, nor
one that was open to the advantages that diversity could bring. Diversity has tended
to be negatively viewed from the perspectives that it is too difficult to bring in
people from diverse backgrounds, that those who are different should conform, and
11 Conclusion 203

that diversity will cause white male officers to lose as only a few can succeed. The
end result in many instances is the assimilation of diverse officers into the existing
culture and expectations to fulfill traditional roles rather than to be fully integrated.
Throughout the many changes in policing there has been insufficient effort to
incorporate the same democratic practices on the inside that are expected of the
police in their dealings with the public. A primary mechanism for establishing
police legitimacy is procedural justice and consideration for fair treatment and
quality decision-making. Specifically, judgments about procedural justice are
influenced by whether the police are considered as neutral and transparent; whether
they explain their actions and seek input from community members before making
decisions; and whether they treat people with dignity and respect.
In general, the internal police climate has failed to sufficiently promote an
inclusive and democratic environment in which all personnel are treated fairly and
respectfully and are able to contribute to decision-making processes. Perceptions of
internal injustice may have also been a contributing factor to the exclusion of those
believed to be outsiders. In Chap. 8 I specifically highlighted the push back against
practices that were perceived to disadvantage white male officers in an internal
climate that was already viewed as lacking fairness.
An unfair working environment has not just been limited to disrespectful
treatment within the workplace, it has also been shown to equate to external police
misconduct. In Chap. 5 I illustrated two important studies that demonstrated a
strong correlation between officer perceptions of fair treatment within the workplace
and complaints from the public. Importantly, these findings suggest that creating a
fair and inclusive workplace will not only create a more welcoming environment
for all employees, it can also reduce instances of police misconduct and enhance
public trust and confidence in the police. Thus, inclusive policing begins from the
inside out.
An inclusive police organization is one that values and integrates the perspec-
tives of all employees. It is about engaging all employees in critical organizational
processes, such as having access to information, being connected to co-workers,
and having the ability to participate in and influence the decision-making processes.
It is characterized by heterogeneity not homogeneity; full integration, not exclusion;
an absence of discrimination and harassment; low levels of intergroup conflict; and
is one where all employees are connected to the organization and its goals.
By maintaining and supporting a more diverse workforce, police organizations
can be more open to the possibility for positive change as diversity offers a variety
of perspectives that can enhance problem solving/decision making, and foster
creativity. This means leveraging diversity to devise new ways for responding to
the challenges of policing in a modern world, one of which is effectively engaging
with communities and promoting a more democratic form of policing that maintains
police legitimacy.
Becoming a more inclusive police organization is a long-term journey that can
be successfully realized through a process of change that requires committed and
supportive leadership, a willingness to be open to the truths that will emerge
through an in-depth analysis of the current state, investing the time to create a state
204 11 Conclusion

of readiness, communicating with purpose, identifying and supporting change

leaders throughout all parts of the organization, involving employees, implementing
solutions that address root causes not symptoms, and continuing to monitor and
evaluate progress.
If a key role of leadership is to create, manage and even change an organization’s
culture then introducing and nourishing a more inclusive style of leadership is
essential for creating a more inclusive police organization. This begins with leaders
becoming self-aware and recognizing how their own biases might influence the
decisions they make about people.
Inclusive leaders are able to connect all people by establishing meaningful goals
and a sense of purpose. They take care of all people rather than just taking care of
certain people. They involve people in decision-making processes, they make
consistent decisions based on fact not on personal biases, and they explain the
rationale behind decisions rather than simply commanding people to comply.
Inclusive leaders encourage learning and expressions of vulnerability, they reward
and recognize good work, and they create a safe space in which all people can
experiment with new ideas and learn from mistakes without fear of repercussions.
In the end, inclusive leadership is the key to establishing a fair and just workplace,
and to promoting effective relationships with communities.
My hope for this book is that it provides useful information for police leaders to
commence a process of change that will create the kind of workplace in which all
people can thrive. There are numerous examples of amazing men and women doing
great police work and who continue to be motivated to make a difference in the
communities they serve. These are the people that need to be involved in driving
change forward. Find them, celebrate them and unleash them!