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JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

VOLUME LIX No. 3 2017

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY V OLUME LIX No. 3 2017 THE ASIATIC SOCIETY 1 PARK

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

1 PARK STREET KOLKATA

© The Asiatic Society

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Published in October 2017

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ARTICLES

CONTENTS

Significance and Signification of Païcatattva of Tantra Lily Biswas

1

Néti Literature : A Forgotten Branch of History of Päli Literature Ujjwal Kumar

33

Mära Vijaya in Amarävaté Art : A Stylistic Comparative Analysis with other Early Art Centres of India Sreyashi Ray Chowdhuri

59

Interpreting Uväsagadasäo in the light of Ancient Indian Agronomy Suchitra Ray Acharyya

83

A Short Note on an Unique Early Medieval Aqaba Amphora from Coastal East Medinipur District, West Bengal Kaushik Gangopadhyay, V. Selvakumar, Aurobindo Maiti

109

GLEANINGS FROM THE PAST

A Note on the Bengal School of Artists S. Kumar

125

An Observation on ‘A Note on the Bengal School of Artists’ Rangan Kanti Jana

131

BOOK REVIEWS

An Idealist in India: Selected Writings and Speeches of Sister Nivedita by Amiya P Sen Nikhiles Guha

137

Proper Names of Persons in Vedic Literature by Samiran Chandra Chakrabarti H. S. Ananthanarayana

143

Prehistory of South Asia (Lower Palaeolithic or Formative era of Hunting Gathering) by K. Paddayya and Sushama G. Deo Ranjana Ray

147

Dakshin Paschim Banger Murty Shilpa O Sanskriti by Shri Chittaranjan Dasgupta Somnath Mukherjee

151

SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA OF TANTRA

LILY BISWAS

Introduction

The worship of the Mother Goddess who symbolizes the power (Çakti), is practiced in India since the time of Vedas. Swämé Säradänanda observes that ‘Çakti püjä, especially the worship of Çakti as mother is the exclusive heritage of India.’ There is a natural inclination in human beings to enjoy life. Most of the time, this enjoyment chains ourselves to the objects of enjoyment. The result is that instead of enjoying the objects of enjoyment we are devoured by them. Since we voluntarily bind ourselves with fetters (päça) to those objects, we descend to the status of fettered being (paçu). In order to liberate ourselves from those fetters, we must gain complete mastery over the objects of nature. Then we would become Paçupati or the Lord of beasts. As it is stated :

ghåëä çaìkä bhayaà lajjä jugupsä ceti païcamé Kulaà çélam tathä jätir-añöopäçäù-prakértitäù Päça-baddhaù småto jévaù päça-muktaù sadäçivaù. (Kulärëavatantra, 9th ulläsa. V. 42.)

Hatred, doubt, fear, shame, aversion, lineage, character and caste are the eight fetters. Human being becomes jéva when he is bound by these fetters and becomes Sadäçiva when he is free of them. To attain the status of highest reality (Paçupati / Sadäçiva), one must acquire power (bala) through the worship of Çakti who is the primordial source of power. The worship of the great Mother Goddess cannot be performed without païcatattva (five principles) in one form or another. The objective of using these tattvas in the worship of the great Mother is that by repeating the ritualistic practices based on païcatattva, one realizes that the performance of every human act is an act of worship towards the great Mother. Çaìkaräcärya in his famous hymn to the

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primordial Çakti (Saundaryalaharé, verse: 27) concludes by saying ‘O Supreme Goddess, may all the functions of my mind be thy remembrance, may all my words be thy praise, may all my acts be an obeisance unto thee’. Later, Çré Rämakåñëa in the nineteenth century rejuvenated the täntrika worship to its divine status by practicing all the sixty-four varieties of disciplines mentioned in the viñëukränta (which is explained later) under the guidance of his woman preceptor Bhairavé 1 Yogeçwaré. The Tantras advocate the worship of Çakti because through it, one achieves the double fulfillment - bhukti (enjoyment) as well as mukti (liberation). Thus, it is enunciated in Präëatoñiëé (p. 544).

‘yaträsti bhogo na ca tatra mokño yaträsti mokño na ca tatra bhogaù Çrésundarésevanatatparäëäà bhogaçca mokñañca karastha eva’.

Where there is worldly enjoyment there is no liberation; where there is liberation, there is no worldly enjoyment. However, devotees of goddess Çrésundaré 2 could achieve both simultaneously. The main objective of this paper is to give a critical exposition of the païcatattva or five tattva-s of Tantra sädhanä. This is important for eliminating certain misconceptions about some of the salient features of Tantra sädhanä, specially the part that deals with multidimensional and specific significance of païcatattva that are popularly known as five makära-s (païcamakära). Our analysis in this paper is intended to highlight the deep significance of païcamakära sädhanä and therefore indirectly it will provide a rejoinder to many of its common misinterpretations. Rudrayämala (uttara tantra, p. 17) relates the story of using païcatattva in spiritual practices of Tantra. The story is as follows. The sage Vasiñöha, the son of Brahmä worshipped goddess Tärä for ten thousand years at Néläcala in the region of Kämäkhyä and yet the goddess did not appear before him. Thus when he was about to curse the goddess, she appeared and advised him to go to Mahäcéna. She said there he would find that Janärdana Viñëu Buddha who was performing her worship. Learning Buddha’s secret method, he would be successful. Then Vasiñöha went there and saw that the Buddha,

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surrounded by the damsels, with madirä or wine etc, was performing the worship of the goddess. He advised Vasiñöha that the real worship of the Goddess should be found in cénäcära system.

Mayi ärädhanacaraà Buddharüpé Janärdanaù, Eka eva vijänäti nänyaù kaçcana tattvataù. våthaiva yämavähulya kälo’yaà gaëitastvayä, viruddhäcäraçélena mama tattvamajänatä, udvodharüpiëo viñëoh sannidhià yähi samprati, tenopadiñöäcäreëa samärädhan suvrata. tadaiva suprasannäkñi tvayi yäsyämyasaàçayah (Chattopadhyay : 1978, p. 11)

Also it is said in the 5th paöala of Kämäkhyätantra:

‘madyairmäàsaistathä matsyairmudräbhirmaithunairapi / Strébhiù särddhaà mahäsädhurarcayed jagadambikäm//’

Vasiñöha came back to Néläcala and performed the worship with the help of five ‘ma’s or païcamakäras i.e., madya, matsya, mäàsa, mudrä and maithuna. As it is written in Merutantra:

‘madyaà mäàsaà tathä ménaà mudrä maithunameva ca makära-païcakaà sevyaà çivaçakti samägame’

Similar verse is found in Präëatoñiëé. p. 508.

madyaà mäsaà tathä matsyaà mudrä maithunameva ca / païcatattvamidaà devi nirväëamuktihetave / makära païcakaà devi devänämapi durlavam iti/

An aspirant must worship the great Mother Goddess adopting different level of dispositions (bhäva) which will suit his temperament. They are animal (paçubhäva), hero (vérabhäva) and divine (divyabhäva). Paçubhäva is suitable for the aspirant of mediocre level for whom the scriptures prescribe tämasika sädhanä. Vérabhäva is suitable for the aspirant who is heroic in nature for whom the scripture prescribes räjasika sädhanä. Divyabhäva is suitable for the aspirant of divine nature for whom the scripture prescribes sättvika sädhanä. There are seven äcäras or rules of conduct that are closely connected with these dispositions. They are veda, vaiñëava, çaiva, dakñiëa, väma, siddhänta, and kaula. The first three are applicable for men of paçubhäva, next three are meant for vérabhäva. The last alone is divyabhäva. There are

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others who hold that the first three belong to paçubhäva and next two belong to vérabhäva and the last two belong to divyabhäva. The hero (vérabhäva) deals with dakñiëa and väma. Païcatattva comes under väma äcäras. There are three different interpretations of païcatattva which are adopted by the aspirants of different dispositions. First : Gross interpretation of païcatattva (sthüla/pratyakña païcatattva) which is adopted by véra sädhaka. Second : The substitution interpretation of païcatattva (anukalpa tattva) which is adopted by paçu sädhaka. Third : The esoteric interpretation of païcatattva (divya païcatattva) which is adopted by divya sädhaka. Each tattva will be discussed one by one with their different interpretations:

First Païcatattva

1. The first ‘ma’ of païcamakära is wine. Wine appears to be divided into two classes, viz madya and surä. The former seems to be a simple intoxicant while the latter causes a far greater degree of intoxication. The following couplet of Kulärëava Tantra (5 : 29) mentions eleven types of madya:

‘pänasaà dräkña-mädhukaà khärjüraà tälam aikñavam madhütthaà çédhu-mädhvékaà maireyaà närikelajam’

These are stated to be conducive to enjoyment and salvation (bhuktimuktikaräëi). The following three are called surä:

Gauòi - fermentation of molasses Paiñöi - distilled from rice Mädhvi - distilled from honey. The first is conducive to enjoyment, the second leads to all success (sarva siddhikäré) and the third causes salvation. It is noteworthy that a brähmaëa should neither offer wine to the Goddess nor drink it.

‘na dadyäd brähmaëo madyam mahädevyai kathaïcana Vämakämo brähmaëo ài madyaà mämsaà na bhakñayet’ (Çrékrama tantra referred in Båhattantrasära, p. 439) First Anukalpatattva [A brähmaëa should by no means offer wine to great goddess. A brähmaëa desiring to practice vämäcära should not

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take wine or meat.] For brähmaëa the substitutes (anukalpa) of wine are molasses with ginger (guòädraka), honey, milk, coconut water. Even kñatriyas and vaiçyas are not allowed to take any intoxicating drink; they can drink the juice of a fruit (say, makaranda phala). Mahänirväëa (viii : 170-71) ordains that a householder should offer to the Goddess madhura traya (i.e. milk, sugar and honey) as substitutes for wine. This seems to imply that the offer of wine is implied only for sädhakas who have renounced the gärhasthyäçrama. The work further ordains (vi : 193) that a kula woman should not drink wine, for her, the smell of wine amounts to its drinking. The Präëatoñiëé cites many authorities e.g. Utpattitantra, Mätåkäbhedatantra, to establish that a brähmaëa incurs no sin by drinking wine; on the contrary it is his duty in certain tantric rites. Surä (wine) is said to be conducive to great welfare, physical and spiritual. The derivative meaning of the term ‘surä’ is given as follows:

‘suratvam bhoga mätreëa surä tena prakértitä (Praëatoñiëé, 507). Surä is so called as it imparts suratva (divinity) to one as soon as it is drunk. The Präëatoñiné observes that the texts prohibiting the drinking of wine on the part of Brähmaëas relates to wine which is not formally sanctified (asamskåta) or which is cursed (aviçapta) or not offered in worship. The prohibition may apply to brähmaëa who has not undergone the rite of aviñeka 3 . The work quotes the following verse from Manusmåti in support of his contention that any person commits no offence by drinking wine. ‘na mämsa-bhakñeëa doño na madye na ca maithune’ (V : 56). Thus, the work states that the substitute (anukalpa) of wine should be offered to Goddess only when wine is not available. Thus, it appears that while the early Tantras condemn wine for brähmaëas the latest notable compilation called Präëatoñiëé approves it. There are certain indications about ritualistic etiquette. The aspirant should not produce any sound with his mouth when eating and drinking the ritual food and wine. He should not spill a drop of the beverage, he should eat something before he takes the drink or else it becomes poison.

‘saçabdam na pibed dravyam na bindum patayedadhaù Vinä carvveëa yatpänam kevalam viñavardhanam.’ (Kaulävali Nirëaya. II, 1-4)

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The intended meaning is that he should take the fish and meat before liquor, for fasting is enjoined for the day preceding the formation of cakra. 4 He should not touch what has been polluted through touch (i.e. ucchiñöam) any food that is exposed to the mouth directly or indirectly. He should not raise the bowl with any sort of noise nor, he should make any noise when he fills the bowl. He should not empty the glass at once nor, he should turn the bowl round as he fills it.

‘ucchiñöam na spåçeccakre…… saçabdam noddharet pätram tathaiva ca na pürayet riktapätram na kurvéta na pätram bhramayet sadä’ (Kaulävali Nirëaya, II 1-4)

The married aspirants should not drink more than five bowls made for them and he who drinks more than five are likely to fail in their sädhanas. So long as his sight does not become unsteady, so long as his mind does not become unsteady, so long, he may go on drinking - if he drinks more than that, it is like the drinking of an animal. (Mahänirväëatantra, 6th ulläsa, v. 193/194).

‘sädhakänäm gåhasthänäm païcapätraà prakértitam / atipänät kulénänäm siddhihäniù prajäyate // yävanna calayed dåñöim yävanna calayed manaù / tävat pänam prakurvéta paçupänam ataù param’ //

Thus we see that there are rules and restrictions in every step of using wine in the sädhanä. The person who looses control in himself, he is not fit for this particular worship. The real significance of the païcamakäras is believed to have been deliberately perverted by some vicious people from a desire to give sanctimonious air to their animal appetites. Tantras are often believed to encourage immoral practices but according to Mahänirväëatantra, it is said that ‘he who follows Tantric ritual without comprehending the philosophy behind it, does not obtain salvation, on the contrary he is polluted with sin.’ The same work declares against drunkenness: ‘The king should confiscate the property of and punish that dreadful whose words falter and hands and feet shake, who makes mistakes, is of deranged mind and fretful’. It also asks the king to administer a condign punishment to the drunkard whose senses are not under his control.

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‘The king should confiscate his property and burn the tongue’. Païcamakära sädhanä is directed to gain control over the material desires. The use of crude païcamakäras, according to prescribed esoteric disciplines, leads to detachment and inner purification. A man who is addicted to drinking will reduce the quantity of liquor as part of spiritual discipline. This will give him inner strength for moral control over his basic instincts. Wine is used for the release of the senses from their engrossment in their outer objects. All these wines irrespective of their origination and their carriers must be purified because only the purified material is fit for worship (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S. : 24). As it is said in Mahänirväëatantra (7. 103, 105-08).

‘mahauñadhaà yajjévänäà duùkhavismärakaà mahat / Änandajanakaà yacca tadädyätattvalakñaëam // Asaàskåtaïca yattatvaà mohadaà bhramakäraëam / Vivädarogajananaà tyäjyaà kaulaiù sadä priye//’

In Tantra sädhanä, wine is used for the purification of mind (citta) - ‘madirä brahmagäù proktäù cittaçodhanasädhanäù’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa : 40) provided it is sanctified. If it is not, it will cause illusion and error. The aspirant should remain cautious that drinking is not the goal but a means to achieve the goal. Actually the emotions excelled during the act of drinking wine concentrated afterwards successively towards development of sädhanä. Drinking is not for the sädhakas but for sädhanä. Therefore, it is not to be drunk in the manner suggestive of animal drinking, which only leads to degradation.

‘Paçupänam bidhau pétvä véro’pi narakaà brajet’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa: 93).

The supreme lord is invoked, worshipped and the dedication is sanctified by the esoteric mantra. The use of mantra includes incantation and repetition and invocation of the presiding deity. The sädhaka identifies his whole being and consciousness with the deities and mantra in the course of çava sädhanä 5 before the use of wine. One who does not know the science of Tantra sädhanä has no right to perform this sädhanä. To hell he goes he who dares to infringe these conditions and seeks to enjoy wine and women. He is a sinner. Drinking of wine that is not sanctified is reprehensible as rape. ‘asaàskritaà piveddravyaà balätkäreëa maithunam’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa: 99).

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It is written in the same chapter (verse 102-103) that one who is addicted to drinking has no sense of proportion. For him, there is no meditation, no austerity, no worship, no dharma, and no sense of moral activity, no prudence, no guru, and no thought of his self. He cannot be votary of Tantra sädhanä. Such a person drinks liquor, eats meat and indulges in sex not for true worship and dedication but for his own enjoyment. He may be learned in the çästras but indeed he is condemnable. All the Tantras strongly protest against the inclusion of any person of animal proclivity and of low desires within a Tantric cakra. Then even the virtuous, says the Tantra, will be contaminated by sin and will be degraded to hell. Thus it is observed that there is nothing absolute beneficial or harmful in this world. It should be utilized properly according to necessity and fulfillment of an act. The science behind this is that poison, which kills, becomes elixir of life when suitably treated by the wise physician. There is no harm in drinking wine whose kunòaliné will not wake up without applying the fire (teja) material. There is no need for drinking wine for a person whose kunòaliné is awake. The scripture prohibits them to drink wine, as it is unnecessary.

Second Païcatattva

The second païcamakära is meat (mäàsa). As regards mäàsa the Tantra prescribes three types of meat - aquatic creatures, certain beasts, and birds - ‘mäàsantu trividhaà proktaà jalabhücarakhecaraà’ (Kulärëava Tantra. 5th Ulläsa. V. 44.). The derivative meaning of the word mäàsa is given below according to the Präëatoñiëé (p - 508) which cites the authority of Kulärëavatantra (17th ulläsa, v. 69) in this respect:

‘mäìgalya-jananäd devi samvidänandadänataù sarvadeva-priyatväcca mäàsam itya bhidhéyate’

[mäàsa (meat) is so called, O Goddess as it produces welfare, gives consciousness and bliss and is dear to all gods] Meat par excellence (mahämäàsa) according to the text (Tantrasära, p. 439), is that of the animals like cow, sheep, horse, buffalo, goat, boar and deer. In derogatory sense it sometimes means human flesh, which is prohibited in civilized world.

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‘gomeñäçvaluläyo‘tha godhäjoñöramågodbhavaà mahämäàsäñöakam proktaà devatäprétikärakam’

Another authority reads godha (iguana: gosap in Bengali) and uñöra (camel) in place of human being and boar. Female beasts are prohibited. As regards the meat of human being, the Präëatoñiëé appears to provide it p-507.

‘mahäkälyä mahäpéthe yatra kutra maheçvaré balidänam narasyäpi hathäd bädhä bhaviñyati nivåttaà hi tato devi balidänaà narädikam’

The idea underlying the prohibition seems to be that human sacrifice may be obstructed or resisted by others. In another context, it is prohibited by brähmaëas (Matsya sukta quoted in Präëatoñiëé).

Second Anukalpatattva

A brähmaëa should

not offer wine and meat. The things which are prescribed as substitute

for meat are salt, ginger, oilcake, sesame, wheat, pulse called mäña and garlic.

Third Païcatattva

The third païcamakära is fish (matsya). As far as fish is concerned, it is divided in the Präëatoñiëé into three categories viz, uttama (best), madhyama (medium) and adhama (worst). Those of the first class are çäla, päöhéna and Rohita. Those of the second class are old ones, devoid of bones, fat and those having scales. The worst of those, which are small, belong to the third class. According to the Mahänirväëa, those devoid of bones belong to the second class and those full of bones are the worst. It however ordains that even the worst kinds of fish may be offered to the Goddess if those are fried very well. Tortoise is also included in the class of fish (Yoginétantra). The derivative meaning of ‘matsya’ is given as follows in the Präëatoñiëé (p - 508) on the authority of the Kulärëavatantra.

‘mäyä- malädi-çamanän-mokña-märga-nirüpaëät añöaduùkhädi-virahän-matsyeti parikértitaù’ (Kulärëava, 17th ulläsa, v. 63)

‘na dadyäd brähmaëo madyaà mäàsaà ca …

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Matsya is so called as it puts a stop to illusion, sin etc. It determines the way to salvation and causes the cessation of the eightfold misery.

Third Anukalpatattva

Instead of fish, one may take the white brinjal vegetable, red radish, masur (a kind of gram), red sesame and paniphala (an aquatic plant). Boiled milk of Buffalo, cow, goat and roasted fruits can be treated as non-vegetable items. These are also substitutes of fish. (Kaulajïäna nirëaya).

The fourth païcamakära is mudrä (grain). On the authority of Kulärëavatantra and the Yamala, the Tantrasära divides mudrä into two classes. They are:

Fourth Païcatattva

1. Kåsara - a dish consisting of sesame and grain (mixture of rice and peas with a few spices). It is kept in a circular shape and looks like the orb of the moon and is filled with sugar etc. (Benerjee, 1992 : 142)

2. Fried paddy, etc. — it is so fried that it can be chewed.

The Mahänirväëatantra (vi : 9) speaks of three classes of mudrä. They are:

1. Uttama - white like the orb of the moon, prepared with the çäli rice or barley or wheat cooked with ghee, beautiful to look at.

2. Madhyama - prepared with fried paddy and the like.

3. Adhama - prepared with other fried grains.

Thus, the fourth tattva is easily available, originated from earth, life of being (jiva) and the vital force of this world (Mahänirväëatantra, 7th ulläs, v. 107 B.5 : 31). There is no substitute prescribed for mudrä.

‘sulavaà bhümijataïca jévänäà jévanaàca yat äyurmülaà trijagatäm caturthatattvalakñaëam’

Mudrä in different perspective

The term mudrä may also denote a seal i.e. an instrument used for sealing and stamping. It is also the identifying mark. In the ancient Indus valley civilization we find seals engraved in carved stone with a variety of designs and used to imprint this design into the wet clay pot. Muller observes: “For the Kashmiri traditions, the list of ‘Ma’

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appears to have been reduced to three ‘ma’s: madya (consecrated wine), mäàsa (flesh or meat) and maithuna (ritualistic sexual intercourse). (Tanträloka: 29 : 96). Mudrä does not appear on this list. Abhinavagupta devoted an entire chapter to explain the nature of mudrä in a different and quite subtle way (Tanträloka 32 : 1-3). Abhinavagupta presents a theory of mudrä that is intended to explain both its practice and origins. Abhinavagupta first offers a traditional interpretive etymology of the term mudrä. He says - breaking the term apart into two constituent elements that a mudrä is described in the traditional texts or çästras as that which give ‘ra’ a pleasure or happiness ‘mud’. That is to say, Abhinavagupta continues a mudrä in the name for that by means of which one attains the intrinsic nature of consciousness. Most importantly, he adds, a mudrä is that which presents the gift of the self by means of the body (Tanträloka 32 : 3). Kñemaräj, one of his disciples and an important Tantric author in his own right, adds to these traditional interpretive etymologies of the term ‘mudrä’. In his comment on sutra 19 of Pratyabhijïahådayam, Kñemaräja says a mudrä is so called first, because it dispenses joy (mudrä) as a result of being of the nature of the highest bliss (paramänanda); second, because it dissolves or melts (dravanät) all spiritual bondages; and third, because it seals (mudranät) the entire universe into the state of the transcendent consciousness (turéya). All of these interpretations convey different aspects of the traditional understanding of mudrä. In this context Paul. E. Ortega Muller also describes different types of mudrä as found in haöhoyoga, viz, khecaré mudrä, açwiné mudrä, vajroli mudrä etc. 6 (White, 2001 : 576-77). Thus before proceeding towards the fifth tattva, the ritualistic consummation of the four tattvas is summarized as follows:

1. All the ingredients of païcatattva must be sanctified properly before offering to the Mother Goddess. 2. The basic objective of this worship with the aid of païcatattva is to offer all these ingredients to the Divine Goddess who resides within the human body in coiled form (kuëòaliné çakti). That power accepts and consumes these offerings, not the aspirant in physical form. 3. The aspirant does continuous repetition (japa) of his béja 7 along with the rituals of consuming the above ingredients.

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Fifth Païcatattva

The fifth ‘ma’ is maithuna. The word ‘maithuna’ signifies couple. The union of the couple is maithuna. The aspirant who identifies himself as Çiva unites with the female aspirant who identifies herself as Çakti. Their union is called maithuna which is a part and parcel of païcamakära sädhanä. Primarily there are three categories of ceremonies of fifth païcatattva. The woman who accompanies the aspirant is named as ‘duté’ or ‘latä’ (creeper) because she clings to and depends on man as the creeper to the tree. As this fifth païcamakära sädhanä is not possible without the participation of women, it is also called ‘latä sädhanä’ or ‘dutéyäga’. In the first type of ceremony, Lord Sadäçiva Himself or the aspirant who resembles Him is qualified for this type of worship. The person who is the king of ascetics can only perceive this spiritual discipline. One cannot get exact idea about this sädhanä by going through the scriptures. This form of worship is not possible nowadays for the lack of suitable aspirant. It is stated in the scriptures (Rahasyärëava) that in the second type of ceremony, after the completion of worship of Çakti the aspirant has to worship his companion (duté) as per rules prescribed in the scriptures. Then he offers his semen as ‘ghee” to the fire of the sacrificial pit in the form of vagina of his female companion. Usually this form of ceremony is practiced with one’s own wife. In the third type of ceremony, the aspirant worships the lady who may be his disciple or any other willingly prays to be the part of this ceremony. The aspirant worships her and gives the offerings. He unites with her mentally and offers the mental copulation to the Lord. From the Mahänirväëa (VI: 14 & 20) and other Tantras it appears that one is allowed to use other’s wives (parakéyä çakti) besides one’s own wife. From an authority, cited in the Präëatoñiëé it is said that one Koulika 9 should worship with much care and five tattvas having brought a single çakti. Coition with one’s own wife in the absence of other woman is allowed by the orthodox text like Mahäcénäcärakramä. It is relevant to mention Sudhakar’s view in this respect, that in Harivaàsa, (ii. 3, 7-8) ‘hallisa kréòä’ is treated as synonymous with ‘rati’ or sexual enjoyment in the company of young gopa girls who are forbidden to

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do so by their parents and brothers. It seems that such a cult had been developing gradually among the Yädavas of the Mathura region. The actual text however refers to ‘rati’ and to the gopis as ‘ratipriyä’, which however refers to erotic plays of sexual enjoyment for ‘rati’ also, means devotion and ‘ratipriyä’, the devoted ones. (Chattopadhyay, 1978: 18). Regarding the fifth tattva, i.e. sexual union it appears that only a woman who is initiated should be resorted to. Such a woman at first is subject to abhiñeka. Here there is a significant observation by Bharati. The Måtyuïjaya-mantra pronounced during the ‘purification’ of the çakti is the vedic invocation of Viñëu to make the womb fertile. These mantras were used in vedic marriage ceremony. It is strange because the objective of païcamakära sädhanä is not procreation but the very opposite - immersion of one’s own identity amidst the supreme existence ‘Sadäçiva’. Bharati wrote ‘the only satisfactory answer I got was from Pandit Gopinath Kaviraj at Banaras: the womb of the çakti must be intact, as he put it, for a woman with a barren womb is not entitled to function as çakti, just as an impotent man is not entitled to any form of yoga or sannyäsa 10 .’ (Bharati, 1965 : 253) However, it may be noted in this connection that although such Tantric sädhanä with five ‘ma’s appeared to be somewhat repugnant in the eyes of the orthodox class, but it could be hardly set aside as it had already made a place in the Tantra. Hence the orthodox Tantra explained the whole scheme as nothing but different forms or stages in the präëäyäma 11 . The Yoginétantra (pürvakhaëda) p-6 observes:

‘sahasräropari bindau kuëòalyä melanam çive Maithunaà paramaà dravyaà yaténäà parikértitam’

Fifth Anukalpatattva

The offering of karavi representing liìga (penis) and aparäjitä flowers representing yoni (vagina) with hands of kacchapa (tortoise) mudrä can serve the purpose as substitute. According to the scripture (Paraçurämakalpa), the aspirant should give sandal paste as semen to karavi flower and saffron as blood to aparäjitä flower. Thinking the union between the two flowers mentally, the aspirant should offer this union to the Goddess. Now, this fifth tattva must be dealt with much prudence. The account of Mahäcénäcärakrama may show that this particular esoteric form of worship came from the proto Mongoloid region. It is quite

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evident from the sociological point of view the story of Vasiñöha as stated earlier reveals that this form of worship actually imported from the semi-Mongoloid region. It was prevalent mostly among non-Aryans and indigenous tribes. It was very much in practice in Kämäkhyä in Assam which is also called yonipitha or the place where the pudendum of the great Mother fell after her body was cut to pieces by the discus of Lord Viñëu. ‘Whatever may be the sociological interpretation the identification of Buddha with Janärdana Närayaëa is very much significant because in the Çäntiparva of Mahäbhärata, Janärdana Närayaëa is associated with both worldly matter (pravåtti), austerity (tapaù) and moral code of conduct (dharma). It is generally held that the dactic section of Mahäbhärata was composed about 200 A.D. i.e. just after scytho-kuçäëa age and it is therefore very likely that the theory of attachment (pravåtti) and non-attachment (nivåtti) which form the key note of esoteric practices draws its inspiration from the texts already prevalent.’ (Chattopadhyay, 1978 : 12-24). The worship of Mother Goddess with wine etc. is also mentioned in the great epic Mahäbhärata (IV : 369). In the Durgä stotra the Goddess is described as having her perpetual abode on Vindhya hills and worshipped with liquor, flesh and sacrificial victims.

‘vindhye caiva naga çreñöha tava sthänam hi çäçvatam käli käli mahäkäli sédhumäàsa-paçupriye’

The association of the Goddess with the Vindhya region is interesting because the whole area was inhabited by proto Austroloid tribes. The description clearly shows that a Mother Goddess of proto Austroloid merged with the great Aryan Mother Goddess and non- Aryan habits were imbibed in them. Further, the account shows how the Goddess was worshipped with wine and meat. In Rudrayämala it is stated that an aspirant achieves quick success by following the supreme sädhanä of Devé Durgä 12 . The Tantra specifically gives importance on self-control amidst all the objects of enjoyment. This is the Tantric view of renunciation and this finds its best expression in the cénäcära. According to Mahäcénäcärakramä, the worship should be as follows:

a young lady should be brought for the purpose. She should be fairly beautiful, young, not shy but smiling. She should be completely naked

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and her body should be smeared with scents. The sädhaka should worship the Mother Goddess in her private parts according to the prescribed manner and with the guidance of his preceptor. The worshipper should then resort to präëäyäma and remain ever calm in mind meditating on the divine presence of the Mother Goddess. The aspirant will never see a woman in such way except at the time of worship. The same rule applies to the woman also. The text is very emphatic on this point. As it is said in Shakti & Shäkta (Woodroffe; 1918 : 609)

‘püjäkälaà vinä nänyam puruñam manasä spriçet püjäkäle ca deveçi veçyeva paritoñayet’

The worshipper is cautioned that a woman’s body is the residence of all the deities and hence worshipping her is considered the best of all.

‘yato hi yoñito dehe sarvadevasya saàsthitiù ataù püjäsu sarväsu täsäm prädhänya mucyate’ (Mahäcénäcärakrama, Paöala 3 : 3)

In this connection, mention is made of three péthas 13 - yonipétha or worship on the yoni 14 , mantrapétha or worship with the help of mantra 15 and manaùpétha or mental worship, but the yonipétha is cosidered to be the best of all péthas. Some of the injunctions stated in this connection cannot be understood properly. Thus, it is maintained that the woman who is to be worshipped should either be an actress or a kapälini, prostitute, washerwoman, barberwoman, a brahmin, a çudra or a milkmaid. As the following quotation in Präëatoñaëé, p-507 :

‘kulastrésevanaà kuryät sarvathä parameçvari ramate yuvatéà ramyäà kämonmattaviçälinéà naöéà käpälikäà veçyäà iòòipänäà varäëganäà çüdräëéà mleccharamaëéà yavanéà parameçvari’

It is ordained that such lady should be well versed in the tantric lore (vidagdhä) and should be attached to the guru. Kämäkhyätantra in paöala 3 states:

‘vidagdhä sarvajätéyä mantrajuktä ca tatparä gurupädagatä grähyä nänyathä varavarëiné’ (Tantrasära, p. 435)

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The implication here evidently is that while the worshipper himself should be a proper aspirant, the woman also should be of the same attitude. Else, she may induce the aspirant to indulge in indecent acts. It is advised that an aspirant after worshipping the private parts of the woman who is considered as his companion (bhairabé) should worship his own pennies or liìga and think himself to be a bhairava 16 . The Kämäkhyätantra on the other hand, maintains that for the purpose of worship, other’s wife and not one’s own or a public woman is preferable because it is difficult to regard one’s own wife as mother. In fact, for understanding the esoteric practices, the Kämäkhyätantra is of great help to us. It carries esotericism to the extreme but simultaneously prescribes immense self-control almost impossible for the men of ordinary capacity. Thus it is said that an aspirant is supposed to kiss his woman, put his nail on her buttock and ultimately have coition with her, but his semen should not come out and in that embracing pose he should continue his ‘mantra’ or ‘japa’ 17 eight thousand times. Throughout this act, the aspirant must remember the key point: ‘maraëam bindu patena, jévitam bindu dhäraëät’. He should hold the semen. However, there is difference of opinion. Agehananda holds that : ‘There is a difference between the Hindu and the Buddhist Tantric spiritual disciplines. The Hindu Tantric ejects his sperm and Buddhist vajrayäna adept does not’. (Bharati, 1965: 265) It is significant to note that coition with the public women is generally hated but this idea goes against the verse written in Kämäkhyätantra. 18 This he should continue at least three days with his mind under complete control. There is an alternative method as well. Those who cannot control themselves completely should fix their gaze on the pinnate part of the woman and thinking her to be the Mother Goddess, should continue the worship for seven nights.

‘yonià vékñya japenmantram saptarätramatandritaù Pratyahaà satataà kåtvä so’pi siddhiçcaraù kalau’ (2nd Ulläsa, v. 24)

As L. P. Singh observed “Desire is an enemy but it can be made an ally. Tantra does not believe in the suffering and torture of the body and mind. The physical body of man is the only media through which one can attain salvation. The physical body is an expression of the supreme self. The manifest universe has been created by Bliss. In the copulation of man and woman the same Bliss is experienced in a lesser intensity. If it is done with a spiritual motivation and under

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strict esoteric discipline, the physical function is divinized. This is called vérabhäva. It has been discovered as ‘the profound pagan instinct to glorify the generative impulse with religious ritual’. ‘Times literally supplement’, June 11, 1922’ “. (Singh: 1976) Païcamakära sädhanä is a psycho-spiritual process to transform the mental being into a divine being. It is scientific, positive, esoteric and mystic sädhanä of inner progression. It makes a man pure and powerful. It gives vision and strength. The whole principle of the païcamakära depends upon the ideation and intention. ‘A wife is kissed with one feeling, a daughter’s face with another’ (bhäbena cumbitä käntä bhäbena duhitänanam). According to Sarvalläsatantra, if a man goes to a woman in the belief that by the commission of such an act he will go to hell, he is sure to go there. Also, even if the act is lawful but is done in the belief that it is unlawful, there is subjective sin. Tantra does not sanction immoral and unlawful satisfaction of carnal desires in the way, it does normal eating and drinking and so forth, it demands the man should unite with Çiva Çakti in worldly enjoyment as a step towards the supreme enjoyment (paramänanda). In so doing he must follow the dharma prescribed by Çiva (Çakti and Çäkta, p-607). The question now arises - what was the real secret of this form of worship? The Mahäcénäcärakrama clarifies in the way that ‘one who is yogé cannot be a bhogé, and one who is bhogé cannot be a yogé’.

‘yogé cennaiva bhogé syäd bhogé cennaiva yogavän Yogabhogätmakaà kaulaà tasmät sarvädhikaà priye’

Thus instead of theoretically preaching the doctrines of pravåtti 19 and nivåtti 20 the Tantras harmonize the two factors with emphasis on the later. This is the practical renunciation in an aspirant’s life. The Kumärétantra states emphatically that a worshipper who performs this type of worship for material gain or for satisfying sensual pleasure, goes to hell.

‘arthädvä kämato väpi saukhyädapi ca yo naraù. Liìgayonirato mantré rauravam narakam våajet’ (Båhat-tantra-sära, 10th ed; p.-627).

The Kulärëavatantra (2nd Ulläsa, v. 118-120) states that if by drinking wine one can attain siddhi 21 , then the veteran drinker of wine could

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have easily attained it, if by taking meat one can attain bliss, then the every meat-eater would have attained the supreme goal.

‘madyapänena manujo yadi siddhià labheta vai Madyapänaratäù sarve siddhià gacchantu pämaräù / Mäàsabhakñaëamätreëa yadi puëya gatirbhavet / Loke mämsäçinaù sarve puëyabhäjo bhavantvi ha Strésaàbhogena deveçi, yadi mokñaà brajanti bai Sarve’pi jantavo loke muktäù syuù stréniñevaëät’

It is interesting to note that the use of wine and sex are also observed in the primitive rituals practiced by the tribal people. D.P. Chattopadhyay in ‘Lokayata’ observes traces of obscure cults and agricultural ritualism in the Tantras. He quotes extensive sociological evidences to show how primitive tribes make magical use of wine for the purpose of promoting agriculture and bringing fertility to the land. Similarly at the time of marriage some of the primitive people use it in their obscure ritual with their beliefs in its inherent fertility. (Chattopadhyay, 1978: 286) According to ‘Golden Bough’, fertility and sexual intercourse are connected together by the primitive Proto Austroloid tribes. Thus, some of the tribes follow the peculiar custom of enjoying the wife on the ground ready for sowing with the belief that such an intercourse will lead to the fertility of the land. Others again abstain totally from having connection with the wife with the belief that the fertility of the wife may thus pass to the land to be sown. (Frazer, 1957:182) Almost all the Tantric scriptures including Buddhist and Hindu engaged in depicting sexual intercourse in diversified ways. If the Tantric aspirant’s goal is to replace mundane human thought with enlightened consciousness, and if sexuality is the divine path to enlightenment, then the aspirant’s endeavor should actually be enacted in a sexual mode. Yet over the centuries, the debate goes on whether the Tantric sexual imagery is to be taken literally or simply the symbolic signification of the scriptures. ‘In early Hindu Tantra, sexual intercourse was often simply practical means for generating the sexual fluids that constituted the preferred offering of the Tantric deities. Elsewhere, there can be no doubt that an early and persistent form of Tantric initiation and practice involved transactions in sexual fluids between a male initiate and a female

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consort - termed again yogini for Hindus and Prajïä for their Buddhists. Here the male initiate was physically inseminated with sexual emissions of the female consort sometimes together with the semen of the male guru 22 as a means of transforming him, reproductively as it were into a son of the clan (Kula-putra). Here the role of the female consort is vital, because the clan fluid (kula-dravya) or the clan nectar (kulämåta), vulval essence (yoni-tattva) or thought of enlightenment (bodhicitta) is understood to flow naturally through her womb. Because she herself is the embodiment of energy of the godhead, her sexual of menstrual discharge is considered to be the germ of the godhead or enlightened consciousness itself. Human males through whom this divine fluid does not naturally flow, can only gain access to it through the conduct of the female sexual organ. Tantra in Kashmir, for example, recognition of the consciousness-expanding effects of the orgasm was accompanied by an understanding of the psychological effects of the oral consumption of such an impure - and thereby powerful and dangerous - substance as female discharge (sexual emissions and menstrual blood), as well, as the other prohibited substances: the five makaras, the five nectars, and so on. Here, in a socio-religious system in which’ you are what you eat’, the potentially self destructive act of ingesting such substances was deemed sufficient to effect a breakthrough from limited conventional thought to expanded, enlightened god-consciousness.’ (White, 2001:15-16) So far we have discussed the gross interpretation of païcamakära but there is the other interpretation which is still not unfolded.

Divya Païcatattva

The subtler meaning of wine is not liquor. The mystic interpretation of the word ‘madya’ means the hormones secreted from the pineal gland (brahmarandhra) 23 , hormones are secreted from every endocrine gland. The hormone secreted from the pineal gland is partly controlled by the moon (soma) and the nectar (hormone) secreted from the gland is known as somadhärä or somarasa. It revitalizes the different glands and gives divine bliss (Ägamasära). Man does not have any experience of the bliss until the kunòaliné is awakened and made conscious, upward rise and drinks the pineal nectar.

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somadhärä kñared yä tu brahmarandhräd varänane Pétvänandamayastäà yaù sa eva madyasädhakaù (kaulajïäna rahasya, p. 255 footnote)

One ought to drink incessantly of the nectar through the junction of the tongue and the throat for this is the wine the yogis drink and not the wine produced from distilled molasses and grain (Gändharvatantra).

jihvägalayoù saàyogät pibeta sadämåtaà tadä yogibhiù péyate tat-tu na madyaà gauòa paiñöikam

The term wine is also interpreted in a different way in Vijayatantra; p., 517 footnote

yaduktaà paramaà brahma nirvikäraà niraïjanaà tasmin pramadanaà - jïänaà tanmadyaà parikértitaà.

The Knowledge (pramadana-jïänaà) that is derived by meditating on the supreme Parabrahman is called ‘madya’. The nectar melted from the crescent moon located in the thousand petalled lotus of the pineal gland is the wine to be taken by the aspirant. This wine satiates the whole world and is invaluable. The selfless (parärthakuçala) aspirant following divyabhäva attains liberation by drinking this wine (Bhairavayämala).

brahmasthänasarojapätralasitä brahmänòatåptipradä yä çubhräàçukaläsudhävigalitä sä pänayogyä surä sä hälä pivatämanarghaphalapradä çrédivyabhävaçriteryäà pétvä munayaù parärthakuçalä nirväëamuktià gatäù (Sädhanarahasyam, Parçiñtakhaëòam p. 35.

Mäàsa (meat) does not mean the eating of flesh of animals. The real meaning of mäàsa is to overcome the dilemma of ‘virtue’ and ‘vice’ through yoga. It means to free the consciousness from the bondage of fetters with the sword of divine knowledge. The consciousness so freed is merged with the supreme entity. This is the esoteric meaning of mäàsa sädhanä.

‘puëyäpuëya paçuà hatvä jïänakhaògena yogavit.’ (kulärëava tantra 5th Ulläsa, v. 109.)

The other meaning of matsya is tongue or speech. The word ‘ma’ means tongue. Mäàsa sädhanä means control over tongue which is the main instrument of speech. (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S:18)

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mä çabdäd rasana jïeyä tadaàçän rasanä-priyän sadä yo bhakñayeddevi sa eva maàsa sädhakaù (Kaulamärga rahasya p. 255 footnote)

It also means all actions should be dedicated to the supreme Brahman (mäà).

evaà mäà sanoti hi yatkarma tanmäàsaà parikértitam na ca käyapratékastu yogébhirmäàsamucyate. (Nigamänanda, 1391 :

18)

According to the Ägamasära, matsya (fish) sädhanä means control of breath through a psycho-physical discipline like präëäyäma. 24 The rivers Gaìgä and Jamunä symbolise the two ‘näòé-s 25 iòä and piìgalä. The inhalation and exhalation through the nostrils are the two fishes that always swim through these two ‘näòé’-s. The aspirant who attains kumbhaka 26 by stopping the movements of two fishes is called matsya- sädhaka. It is only in that state, a person attains the vision of the luminous Self.

gaìgäyamunayormadhye matsau dvau carataù sadä tau matsyau bhakñayet yastu sa bhavenmatsyasädhakaù. (Kaula märgarahasya p. 255)

The other meaning of matsya sädhanä is the controlling of senses. The senses are brought under control of mind and yoked to self. This is the true eating of fish. (Kulärëavatantra 5th Ulläsa, v. 109) The other eating is merely hurting the creatures.

Manasäcendriyagaëaà saàyamyätmani yojoyet Matsyäçé sa bhaveddevi çeñäù syuù präëéhiàsakäù

The knowledge by which one who feels the joy and sorrow of all beings within oneself is called ‘matsya’. (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S:19)

matsyamänaà sarbabhüte sukhaduùkhamidaà priye iti yat sättvikaà jïänam tanmatsyäù parikértitaù.

According to Bhairavayämala, ego, pride, vanity, deceitfulness, jealousy and aversion are the six fishes. The kaula sage catches these fishes in the net of anti worldly desires (viñayahara), cooks in the fire of eternal knowledge (sadvidyä), and eats them regularly. He does not eat aquatic animals.

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ahaàkärodambhomadapiçunatämatsaradviñäù ñaòete ménä vai viñayaharajälena vidhåtäù pacan sadvidyägnau niyamita sadä koulaåiñibhirvibhujyante sarvän na ca jalacaräù ménapiçitäù (Sädhanarahasyam, Pariçisöa khaëdam)

In the mystic sense of the term, Mudrä does not mean parched rice. It means detachment from the evil that keeps the soul in bondage. To cut off all evil connection is mudrä sädhanä.

‘satsaìgena bhavenmukti-rasatsaìgeñu ca bandhanam asatsaìgamudraëam yattu tanmudräparikértitä’ (Nigamänanda, 1391 : p-18)

The person who knows Brahman (brahmajïa) daily digests eight types of mudrä cooked in the fire of Brahman (brahmägni). They are desire, craving, fear, hatred, humility, shame, aversion and companionship. Also, there is another interpretation of mudrä. The supreme self (Çiva) pure like mercury resides inside the closed pericarp of the thousand petalled lotus at the uppermost part of the head. This Ätman 27 is radiant like thousand suns but its luster is soft like thousand moons. The person who knows about this extremely fascinating supreme self (Çiva) with kuëòaliné Çakti is the really aspirant of mudrä. (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.5:19)

‘sahasräre mahäpadme karëikämudritaçcaret atmä tatraiva deveçi kevalaù päradopamaù. süryakoöipratékäçaçcandrakoöisuçétalaù atéva kamanéyaçca mahäkuëòalinéyutaù. yasya jïänodayastatra mudräsädhaka ucyate’

There is a great deal of misunderstanding and misinterpretation of the fifth païcamakära sädhanä (maithuna). Tantra is based on scientific principles. It does not ignore the biological and psychological aspects of human personality. It enables the sädhaka to control and sublimate his carnal desire gradually, by practicing self restraint. It is said that those who are heroic (véra) and who are not slaves to the animal instincts are entitled to participate to these rituals. But for the sädhaka of divine (divya) disposition, the subtler esoteric meaning of maithuna sädhanä is the union of Çiva and Çakti. The kuëòaliné Çakti which is lying asleep in the ordinary man has to be aroused from its slumber. Then it is brought up through the suñumnä channel and finally merged

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with the supreme self (Çiva), who is stationed in the sahasrära. This union between Çiva and Çakti is real Maithuna, the final ‘Ma’, by which the aspirant experiences ecstatic delight. ‘Anything else is only copulation.’ The scripture says,

‘maithunaà paramaà tattvaà sriñöisthityantakäraëam Maithunät jäyate siddhirbrahmajïänaà sudurlabham’ (Koulamärga rahasya, p. 265, footnote.)

The cause of creation, sustenance and destruction is maithuna. That is why it is regarded as tattva. An aspirant definitely gets success by act of maithuna and achieves the Brahmajïäna which is the rare of the rarest knowledge (Nigamänanda, 1984:20). But what is the definition of that maithuna?

‘rephastu kuìkumäbhäsaù kuëòamadhye vyavasthitaù makäraçca bindurüpo mahäyonau sthitaù priye äkära-haàsamäruhya ekatä ca yadä bhavet tadä jätaà mahänando Brahmajïanaà sudurlabham’ (Koulamärgarahasya, p. 255, Footnote.)

The ruddy hued ‘reph’ lies in the reservoir (kuëòa) and the letter ‘ma’ lies in the great pudendum (mahäyoni) in the condensed drop (bindu). When the two unites through the letter ‘a’- the swan (haàsa) then the knowledge of supreme bliss will be achieved. The person who can unite this is real maithuna sädhaka. According to Ägamasära, the letter ‘ra’ signifies Tripuräsundaré or kuëòalinéçakti. The reservoir ‘kuëòa’ refers to mülädhära cakra. The letter ‘ma’ refers to Çiva. Mahäyoni refers to the triangle located in the pericarp of thousand petalled lotus (sahasrära). Haàsa refers to the mantra, which is automatically repeated through respiration by a process called präëäyäma. When the kuëòalinéçakti located in the mülädhära is brought up to sahasrära through präëäyäma and united with Çiva stationed in the triangle then brahmänanda 28 which is the source of supreme bliss is enjoyed by the aspirant. It is said that an aspirant can accomplish all the six parts of maithuna sädhanä by doing nyäsa 29 (embrace), meditation of deity (kiss), invocation (sound indicating the sudden sensation of pleasure), offering (smearing), repeating the holy name given by guru (copulation)

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and payment of fees to the priest after the termination of the religious ritual (discharge of semen). (Nigamänanda, 1984). If we can understand the maithuna aspect of sädhanä in its proper perspective, the significance of Tantric works and some sculptures of medieval period may be comprehended more judiciously. There are sculptures exhibiting copulation in different erotic postures in almost all the Indian temples since thirteenth-fourteenth century. The couples were invariably always engaged in erotic postures gracefully and playfully. These sculptures judged in the background of the Tantric treatise instead of showing any vulgarity, exhibit before us the most difficult form of worship. All the ingredients of païcamakära sädhanä when taken together provoke passion in human body and the fifth tattva in which the seeds will not flow under such condition only reflects the extreme form of self restraint. The aim of the first four ingredients is to prepare the practitioner for the sexual act which is the last ingredient by stimulating his senses. The performance of the sexual act is the culmination of the entire process. The sexual intercourse at the physical level gives immense joy to both men and women. By means of copulation, the practitioner intends to make use of his sexuality as means of attaining transcendental bliss. It would, therefore, erroneous to say that sexuality is used as means of self gratification or indulgence. Since the sexual act is used for transcendental purposes, so no debasement of sexuality as such is involved. This act is used as means to achieve a transcendental union where the distinction between male and female completely disappears. Such an aspirant is designated as Hero (véra) and the whole spiritual discipline is termed as véra sädhanä. As such sädhanä is not possible for ordinary man it has not been recommended by some of the Tantras. As it is said in Präëatoñiëé (p-508) 30 . To summarize, it is necessary to mention the following aspects of the païcamakära sädhanä:

1. It seems apparently that païcamakära is a license to lascivious persons for carrying their lustful activity and adultery under the sheet of spiritual disciplined prescribed by Tantra. But it is not so. It is clear from the above discussion that the objective of the païcamakära sädhanä has an inner spiritual significance. The word

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25

‘kula’ is defined as ‘the state in which the mind and the sight are united, the sense organs lose their individuality, Çakti becomes identical with jéva and the sight merges into the objects visualized.’ (Kaulajïäna nirëaya: p-38).

yatra dåsöimanastatra bhütendriyamapudgalaù çiva çaktijévabhütäni dåstilakñnairlayaà gataù

Svacchandatantra states that kula is Çakti and akula is Çiva. The great Sanskrit scholar Bhäskararäya defined the two term kula and akula as

kulaà çaktiriti proktamakulaà çiva ucyate kule’kulasya sambandhaù kaulamityabhidhéyate iti tantroktaà çivaçaktisämarasyaà vä kaulam.

The unity (samarasya) of the two is ‘kula’, and the process by which this relationship is established is called ‘kaulamärga’. (Bagchi, 1934:40) The objective of kaula çäkta sädhaka is to achieve the union of kula with akula, Çakti with Çiva, which are said to be located in the mülädhära and sahasrära cakras respectively. The kaula attains the path of liberation through controlled enjoyment of the object of senses. The ritual practices of the cult, therefore enjoined the partaking of païcamakära. 2. Kñemendra, a writer of medieval period (first half of 11th century) who was also an ardent follower of Çaiva cult, revealed an extremely debased form of worship including Kaula and käpälika 31 cults that seemed to be particularly strong during that time. In the eighth upadeça of Daçopadeça he caricatured the çaiva guru in a degraded way and in Narmamälä he painted a savage picture of a kaula guru and the rituals practiced by him. This reflects how the basic morality of the so called preceptors had been declined considerably during that period. 3. Païcamakära sädhanä is an esoteric method employed for the transformation of physical desire. Hunger and sex are innate biological needs that cannot be ignored by the common people. However, without control they will degenerate the man. On the other hand, when they are controlled by mind under the guidance of spiritual preceptor or guru they become allies and ultimately serve as an aid to liberation. The principle behind païcamakära sädhanä is that man must rise with the aid of that Çakti which if misused will cause his fall. Man has to work out his salvation not

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by negating his desires, but by turning them into a different direction so that they are sublimated into higher forms.

4. In the very beginning, it is stated that Tantra promises not only liberation (mukti) but also enjoyment (bhukti). Sometimes ‘bhukti’ has been taken as license to satisfy the carnal desire of those person who are not qualified for practicing this particular type of spiritual discipline. For this reason, tantric scriptures in my opinion, have been confined to a very limited group of people who took initiation into the secret lore of Tantras since ages. The reason behind may be that the preceptors thought if this spiritual discipline was popularized among the common people, the chance of misinterpretation of the scriptures might endanger the basic moral code of the society.

5. It is an admitted fact that though Tantric traditional spiritual disciplines have not been popularized, but some of their rituals are incorporated into the performance of our daily rites which knowingly or unknowingly we follow. ‘Tantrism generally is ritual oriented’, observes David Kinsley. By means of various rituals (exterior and interior, bodily and mental) the sädhaka (practitioner) seeks to gain mokña (release, salvation).

6. The antinomian character of Tantra is reflected in the use of païcamakära. Tantra completely opposes the concept of spirituality that believes in the liberation by renouncing the world. Having a positive attitude towards the sense pleasures Tantra thereby not only gives importance to the human body but also considers it as the best means to achieve the goal. Tantra believes that human body is the container and the receptor of all divine potencies. As such, it is the best medium for experiencing the transcendental bliss. It should be remembered that this païcamakära sädhanä is prescribed for those few aspirants who has been certified by their preceptors as capable of controlling their sense organs under all sorts of temptations and at the same time mentally recollects the Divine power. Only then, apparently antinomian ritual will convert into spiritual act.

7. The Tantra makes no difference between man and woman, and between man and man. Every body irrespective of caste, class

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and sex has the right to participate in the Tantric worship. Thus Tantras are most cosmopolitan in their doctrines. Religion is meant for all and needed by all. In the Goutamiyatantra it has been laid down that the total outcaste people and even women are entitled to receive the mantras. 8. The mahävidyäs are worshipped in a format known as vämäcära. This worship is characterized by the païcamakära ritual. Texts devoted to mahävidyäs 32 often refer to the païcamakära ritual indicating that at least some of the Goddesses are worshipped in this context. 9. The most outstanding contribution of Tantra is that it glorifies the womenfolk as symbol of divinity. Woman is the mother of the three worlds, its representative and container. Woman sustains all the beauty of the world. Moreover, that woman is none other than the deity worshipped in Tantra. 10. It should be noteworthy to mention that great importance is given to antaryäga in Bengal Tantra. It means mental worship where all five tattvas are conceptualized in an abstract way. In connection with antaryäga, it is said, one who seeks the deity outside is a fool, ignoring kaustabha (a precious jewel) in his hand, runs after the glass. Mahänirväëatantra describes elaborately how to worship the Goddess in the aspirant’s own heart. The sädhaka should imagine his heart as lotus and offer it for Her seat. He will wash Her feet with the ambrosia tricking from the lotus of the thousand pettalled lotus. He offers his mind as bouquet to welcome Her. Then he offers the same ambrosia as water for rinsing Her mouth and bathing Her body. He offers the essence of ether as garment, the essence of smell as perfume, essence of mind (citta) as flower, essence of smell as incense sticks, essence of fire as lamp and ocean of nectar as food (naivedya). He offers the unstruck sound (anähatanäda) for the ringing of bell, the essence of air as flywhisk (cämara) for fan, thousand pettalled lotus as an umbrella and veins as ornamental girdles. He entertains Her by offering essence of sound as music and restless sense organs as dance. He worships Her with ten kinds of flowers namely, guilelessness, absence of egoism, detachment, absence of pride, freedom from delusion, absence of duplicity, lack of enmity, freedom from mental

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disturbance, absence of envy and absence of greed. Five most excellent flowers should also be offered namely, harmlessness, control of senses, kindness, forgiveness and spiritual knowledge. After that an ocean of wine, a mountain of fried fish and meat, a heap of palatable parched food (mudrä) cooked in milk with sugar and ghee, the nectar produced by means of Çakti (kulämåtam), the flower (kulapuñpa) and the water used for washing of Çakti. Then having sacrificed all lust and anger, he starts japa. The rosary (mälä) consists of the letters of the alphabet strung on kuëòaliné as the thread. After reciting each of the letters of the alphabet from ‘a’ to ‘la’ with the bindu superposed upon each, the mülamantra should be recited. Japa should be offered to Devi after repeating the mantra hundred and eight times. Then the aspirant mentally prostrates himself by touching in mind the ground with eight parts of his body. Having concluded the mental worship, he will commence the outer worship. It may be concluded with an observation that païcatattva of Tantra should be understood not by its gross and external interpretation but by its divine interpretation which they actually signify or aim at. According to the scriptures of Tantra, the individual self (jéva) distinguishes from the supreme self (Çiva) due to the non-manifestation of power (Çakti). Man is essentially divine and he can realize this divinity if he manifests the potential power inside him. The aspirant following the left path through self purification, meditation, devotion, surrender and deep yearning for liberation arouses kuëòaliné Çakti at her repose and made her turn and rise to the sahasrära where the Parama Çiva lies. This is possible by gradually elevating oneself through different level of dispositions. The beginners should adopt the animal disposition (paçubhäva), and then by accomplishment of sädhanas at that level successfully he will be promoted to heroic disposition (vérabhäva). After completion of sädhanä by adopting the second level of disposition the aspirant will be qualified to do the worship according to divine disposition (divyabhäva). This sequence of sädhanä is generally applicable for the ordinary people. There may be exceptions for extraordinary aspirant who can begin at the second or straight at the third level. That depends entirely upon the judgement of the preceptor who will guide him into proper direction. Sri Ramakrishna did not

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29

worship these principles in gross form because his desires are already sublimated into higher forms. 33 On the contrary he strongly criticized the spiritual disciplines involving woman and wine. He warned the devotees that these are only the means to achieve the end. 34 He described his experience with the fifth principle which he dealt with much prudence. 35 According to Tantrasära and Yämala, the union of Çiva-Çakti ‘in close embrace in the abode of thousand pettalled lotus’ is realized in the highest plane (sahasrära). This union of Çiva and Çakti is the true Yoga and joy that arises out of it is, known as Supreme Bliss. That joy is a thousand times more intense, than any mode of human pleasure. The nectar which flows from such union floods the kñudrabrahmäëda or the human body. It is then the aspirant achieves the liberation and immerses in effable bliss.

Notes

1 Female companion of the Tantric aspirant.

2 Devé Durgä has ten manifestations (daçamahävidyä), one of which is Ñoòoçé or Çrisundaré.

3 A form of consecration often involves in sprinkling water.

4 A circle composed of aspirants (both men and women), the women being sitting on the left of their male partners.

5 Sadhanii which is practiced on dead corpse.

6 For more details the article written by Paul. E. Muller-Ortega in ‘Tantra in Practice’ is referred.

7 The mantra which is given by the Guru.

8 Clarified butter

9 Aspirant following Kuläcära. It is the highest stage recognized in some of the Tantras.

10 Monastic ordination.

11 Technique of breath control.

12 vämäcäram pravakñyämi çridurgä-sädhanam param, yaà vidhäya kalau çéghram mantrikäù siddhibhäg-bhavet mälä nådantasaàbhütä pätraà tu naramuëòakam äsnam siddha-carmädi kaëkanaà stré-kacodbhavam dravyam-äsavättv-äòhyaà bhakñyam mäàsädikam priye, carvaëaà balamatsyädi mudrä viëäravaù kathä maithunam parakäntibhiù sarva-varëa-samänatä vämäcära iti proktaù sarva-siddhi-pradaù çive. (Bharati, 1965 : 268)

13 A seat or a resort of the deity

14 The female sexual organ.

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15 A mystic word recited in prayer to the deity.

16 Manifestation of Çiva.

17 Repetition of mantras.

18 ‘karpüritamukhaù svädu sädhakaçcumvayenmudä, tasyädharo yathä bhåìgo nérajavyäkulaù priye dantakñatiritanaïca paramantatra kärayet aliìgayen madonmattaù. sudåòhaà kucamardanaà nakhäghätairnitambe ca ramayedratipaëòitaù punaù punaçcumvanaïca yonau kuryät kuleçvari çukraïca stambhayedvéro yonau liìgaà praveçayet’ (Kaàäkhyätantra)

19 Inclination towards the worldly desire.

20 Disinclination towards the worldly desire.

21 Success.

22 Spiritual teacher who acts as the medium for the transmission of divine grace.

23 Situated in the cranium with its multicoloured thousand petals. This is the so called sahasrära mentioned in the scriptures.

24 Control of breath and deals with regulation of inhalation, exhalation and retention of breath.

25 An elaborate network of 72,000 subtle ducts of the body through which breath and energy are channeled.

26 Retension of breath by undertaking präëäyäma.

27 It is the true and innermost self in everything. It is called Çiva or Paramaçiva which underlies everything and being. It is all pervading.

28 The joy of realizing Brahman - the absolute reality.

29 A system of yogic exercise to stimulate the nerve centre and consequently distributes the powers equitably throughout the body.

30 ‘yä suräsarvakäyeñu kathitä bhuvi muktidä, tasyä näma bhaveddevi térthaà pänaà sudurlabham. çüdräëäà bhakñayogänäà yanmäàsaà devanirmitam, vedamantreëa vidhivat proktä sä çuddhiruttamä. bhakñayogyäçca kathitä ye ye matsyä varänane, te rahasye mayä proktä ménaù siddhipradäyakäù. påthukataëdulä bhåñöä godhümacaëakädayaù, teñäà näma bhaddevi mudrä muktipradäyiné. bhagaliìgsya yogena maithunaà yadbhavet priye, tasya näma bhaddevi païcamaà parikértitam. prathamantu bhavenmadyaà mäàsaïcaiva dvitiyakam, matsyaïcaiva tåtéyaà syänmudrä caiva caturthikä, païcamaà païcamaà vidyät païcaite nämataù småtäù’

31 A çaiva school that emerged from the tantric thought current.

32 Manifestations of Devé Durgä.

33 “I become intoxicated at the mere thought of God. I don’t have to take any wine. “ The Gospel: p.634.

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34 “One must worship the Ädyäçakti. She must be propitiated. She alone has assumed all female forms. Therefore I look on all women as mother. The attitude of looking on woman as mother is very pure. The Tantra mentions the Vamachara method also. But that is not a good method; it causes the aspirant’s downfall. ibid; p.788. 35 “I remember the day when I was able by the grace of Mother to view with supreme equanimity, the supreme pleasure of a pair of lovers, seeing nothing in it but the blissful sport of the Divine; the mind instead of descending even to the neighbourhood of ordinary human feelings, soared higher and higher merging at last in deep Samadhi. After regaining normal consciousness, I heard the Brahmani say, “You have reached the desired end of a very difficult Tantric sadhana and established in the divine mood. This is the ultimate sadhana of the (heroic) mode of worship’” Sri Ramakrishna The Great master: p.273.

References

1.

Banerjee, S. C., Tantra in Bengal, Manohar, Delhi, 1992.

2.

Basu, Manoranjan, Fundamentals of the Philosophy of Tantra, Mira Basu Publications, Calcutta, 1986.

3.

Bharati Agehananda., The Tantric Tradition, B. I. Publication, Delhi, 1965.

4.

Bhattacharya, Sukhamaya., Tantraparichaya, Visvabharati, Shantiniketan, 1359 B.S.

5.

Bose, D.N., (Ed), Tantras their philosophy and occult secrets, Oriental Publishing Co., Calcutta.

6.

Chattopadhyay, Sudhakar., Reflection in Tantras, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,

1978.

7.

Das, Upendrakumar., Çästramülak Bhäratiya Çaktisädhanä, (volume I & II), Viswabharati Research Department, Santiniketan, 1395 B.S.

8.

Frazer, James George (Sir), Golden Bough: A study in Magic & Religion, Macmillan & Co., London, 1957.

9.

Kinsley, David. R., The Sword and the Flute, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,

1955.

10.

Kinsley, David., Tantric visions of the divine feminine, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1998.

11.

Mukherjee, Govinda Gopal., ‘The Spiritual Heritage of India: The Tantras’, in the Studies in Tantras, The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, (Ed.) Kolkata, 2002

12.

Nigamänanda, Tantric Guru, Bangiya Saraswata Math, Kokilamukh, Jorhat (Assam), 1391 B.S.

13.

Pandit, M. P., More on Tantras, Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi,

1985.

14.

Pandit, Motilal., The Disclosure of Being, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers

Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2006.

15.

Raghavacharya, E.V.V. & Padhye, D.G., (Ed.) Minor Works of Kñemendra, Replacement of Numeric Publishers Codes, Hyderabad, 1961.

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16. Sen Sharma, Debabrata., Aspects of Tantra Yoga, Indica Books, Varanasi, 2007.

17. Singh, L. P., Tantra: Its Mystic and Scientific Basis, Concept Publishing Company, Delhi, 1976.

18. Singh, Rajnath., Hindu Tantricism, Dominant Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 2001.

19. Swami Nikhilananda (translated), The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna, Sri Ramakrishna Math, Madras, 1974. 20. Swami Saradananda, Swami Jagadananda (translated) Sri Ramakrishna, The Great Master, Ramakrishna Math, Madras, 1952.

21. White, David Gordon., (Ed.), Tantra in Practice, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,

2001.

22. Woodroffe, (Sir) John., Introduction to Tanra Çästra, (4th ed.) Ganesh & Co., Madras, 1963. ----- Çakti and Çäkta, Luzac & Co., London 1918.

Sanskrit Text

1. Vidyalankara, Ramatoshan Compiled, Saumya Nanda (Ed.) Präëatoñiné Tantra, Basumati Sahitya Mandir, Kolkata, N. D.

2. Bhagavat, Shriman Maleswar (compiled), Pt. Baldeo Prasad Mishra (translated), Mahanirväëa-Tantram, Shrivenkatshwar Steam Press, Bombay,

1952.

3. Das, Upendra kumar (ed.) Kulärëava Tantra, Nababharat Publisher, Kolkata, 1383 (B. S.)

4. Bhatacharya Krishnananda Agambagish, Chandra Kumar Tarkalankar (translated), Rasikmohan Chatterjee (Ed.) Båhat Yantrasära, Nababharat Publishers, Kolkata, 1389 (BS).

NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH OF HISTORY OF PÄLI LITERATURE

UJJWAL KUMAR

The modern history of Indian literature is generally classified based on religions or languages. The classification based on religions consists of categories such as Brahmanical Literature, Buddhist Literature, Jain Literature and so on. Similarly, there are works based on the classification of a particular language, the works such as “A History of Sanskrit Literature”, “A History of Päli Literature” and “A History of Prakrit Literature” etc. It may be observed that in ancient times, there existed a classification of the then existing branches of knowledge of various genres. One such listing of the branches of knowledge is found in the Lokanéti (Ln 10-11), a popular book under the Päli Néti Literature (PNL) as follow:

suti sammuti saìkhyä ca, yogä néti visesikä > gandhabbä gaëikä ceva, dhanubedä ca püraëä >> tikicchä itihäsä ca, joti mäyä ca chandati > hetu mantä ca saddä ca, sippäööhärasakä ime >>

The Vedas, the Småti, the Säìkhya, the Yoga, the (worldly) Law, and the Vaiçeñika system of philosophy; Music, Arithmetic, Archery, and the Puräëas, and the science of Medicine, History, Astrology, Magic, Metre, Causation, Diplomacy and Grammar; these are the eighteen branches of knowledge.

Though we know that this classification is of late origin and not found in early Buddhist literature, its antiquity goes back to the Milindapaïha (Mil). The Mil was the first text where this classification is used with one more addition, that is, Buddhavacana reaching the number of sippa up to nineteen. The account of the sippa given in the Mil illustrates the principal features of the systems of both Brahmanical and Buddhist education as they prevailed in their times. Some passages in the Jatakas, nevertheless, make individual mention of some subjects under scientific and technical education; however, it is not certain whether they would

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come under the eighteen sippa-s. The Dummedha Jätaka (Jä no. 50) mentions the number of sippa-s as eighteen. However, their names are not illustrated there. In Sanskrit literature, the antiquity of the eighteen sippa-s goes back to Viñëu Puräëa (III. 6 : 28-29):

aìgäni vedäç catväro, mémäàsä nyäyavistaraù >> puräëaà dharmaçästraà ca, vidyä hy etäç caturdaça >> äyurvedo dhanurvedo, gändharvaç caiva te trayaù >> arthäçästraà caturthaà tu, vidyä hy añöädaçaiva täù) >>

Kavidappananéti (2-3), one of the late néti texts under the PNL faithfully transmits this gäthä as follow:

aìgäni vedä cattäro, mémaàsä nyäyavittharo > dhammasatthaà puräëaïca, vijjä hetä catuddasa >> äyubbedo dhanubbedo, gandhabbo ceti te tayo > atthasatthaà catutthaïca, vijjä hy äööharasa matä >>

Historically speaking we do not know in what sense exactly Buddhist texts used the term Néti among the list of eighteen sippa. Treckner (1908:

102-138) points out that “for småti and nyäya, substituted terms were sammuti (Sanskrit sammati, perhaps in the sense of ‘what is universally agreed on’) and néti; the regular equivalents, sati and ïäya, being objectionable, because these are among the technical terms of Buddhism (ïäyo = ariyo aööhangiko maggo), and might have induced Milinda to suppose of Buddhist attainments previous to his conversion.” Even in the list of eighteen sippa-s, before and after the term Néti, Yoga and Viçeñika are mentioned. Therefore, logically it is possible that the word Néti here indicates Nyäya School of philosophy. The Nyäya derives its name from nyäya, the rules of logical thinking or the means of determining the right meaning or the right thing (see Matilal 1978 : 53). Gray (1886: 4) reports that in Lokanéti Nissaya, “the ancient collection known as the Nétiçästra is referred to” as néti.

Meaning of the Word Néti

The word Néti, common to both Sanskrit and Päli, is derived from the root and has various meanings. V. S. Apte’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary gives the following meanings: 1. Guidance, direction, management; 2. Conduct, behaviour, course of action; 3. Propriety,

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35

decorum; 4. Policy, prudence, wisdom, right course; 5. Plan, contrivance, scheme; 6. Politics, political science, statesmanship, political wisdom; 7. Righteousness, moral conduct, morality, etc. The PED also gives the same meanings. In the Mil, Néti indicates a branch of study. In the ‘Saddanéti’, a famous Päli grammar text, the word Néti signifies ‘policy or method’. The Päli grammar Padarüpasiddhi derives the word Néti from the root ni with the feminine suffix ‘ti’ according to the rule 599 ‘Itthiyamatiyavo vä’. Thus, one may articulate that the Sanskrit-Päli word ‘Néti’ is equivalent to “conduct”. As applied to books, it is a general term for a treatise, which includes maxims, pithy sayings, and didactic stories. Treatises of this kind, intended as a guide in respect of matters of everyday life, help an individual to build his character and form good relations with his fellow men. They have therefore been popular in all ages, and have served as the most effective medium of instruction. Out of the eighteen branches of knowledge mentioned above, the present paper is focused on néti literature in general and PNL in particular. As far as the History of Päli Literature is concerned, the néti literature has scarcely been dealt with. There is no comprehensive study of this genre to date. It is therefore intended to take up a study of this very important and neglected theme in the History of Päli Literature. The purpose of this study is to delineate the available PNL with a chronological or a historical perspective and see the stages of its development through the ages.

Previous Research on PNL

Western scholarship has noticed the importance of the PNL at an early stage of Päli studies, particularly commenced and developed in Burma. The very first scholar who noticed the place of PNL in Burmese society was E. Fowle. In 1858, Fowle published his paper Translation of a Burmese Version of the Niti Kyan, a Code of Ethics in Pali in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 17, 252-266. Subsequently he prepared a short English summary of one of the famous works of that genre, namely the Lokanéti, from the Burmese nissaya which was published in 1860. Fowle informs, “[Niti Kyan] a short code of ethics compiled from selections from various authors is one of several that I have translated from the Burmese language, which are themselves translations from Päli.” Unfortunately, Fowle had not mentioned the

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sources of his translation and simply called it ‘Néti Kyan’, and thereby misled some later scholars to think that the Néti Kyan was a separate Burmese work based on the Lokanéti. Relied on Fowle’s work, Ludwik Sternbach (1963: 329-345), a great scholar who mainly devoted his academic writings to Indian néti literature, was misguided and thought that the Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan were different works. In his article, “The Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan and Their Sources”, Sternbach drew our attention to the similarity between the Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti kyan. As Bechert and Braun pointed out “The translation of the introductory verse (Fowle 1860: 253) and a comparison of Fowle’s translation with the printed Burmese version of the Lokanéti (Sternbach 1969a) clearly show that Fowle’s text was a nissaya of a Lokanéti manuscript representing a text only slightly different from the version which was printed later on.” However, the pioneering works of Fowle’s attracted many scholars later to devote their academic writings to the field of PNL. After Fowle, Richard Camac Temple made and published a more exact translation of the Lokanéti from the Burmese nissaya in 1878 (The Lokanéti, Translated from the Burmese paraphrase. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XLVII : III, 239-252). Temple (1878) rightly informs “There is probably no book so universally known to the Burmese as the Lokanéti, pronounced in Burmese as Lawkanédi”. Temple had the earliest printed editions and a number of manuscripts at his disposal. Temple (1878: 239) notifies that “[this text] has been copied into hundreds of

palm-leaf Mss with more or less accuracy

the Government itself

published an edition of it in Burmese and Päli in an issue of 10,000 copies.” Temple was the first person who tried to establish the date of

the text and identify the author of the work. On the basis of the account of general public Burmese Sanyäa-s or learned men, Temple (1878: 240)

it was written originally (date unknown) in Sanskrit

mentions that “

(? Päli) by the Põngnä (Brahman) S à nn ê kgyaw (Burmese name) and paraphrased into Burmese in 1196 Burmese Era (= 1826 AD.) by the Hpô ngyé U P ôk: of the Mahä Oung My ê B ô ng S à n Ok Kyoug (the Great Brick built Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava. U Pôk’s priestly name was Sêk-kàn-da-bé, to which the king of Ava added the titles of Théri Th à ddamma-daza, Mah à Damma-y à za Guru, (= Sanskrit, Çri

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Saddharmadhuaja, Mahä Dharmaräja Guru)

Temple writes to him that the author was a priest “with no extraordinary knowledge of Päli” who either collected the maxims from old books or what is more probable is that he collected some of them and added others of his own composition. Though Temple was not sure about the date and the compiler of the text, he firmly believed that Hpôngyé U Pôk had revised the text. Emilio Teza, an Italian scholar, published his study of the Lokanéti in 1879, under the title “SuI Lokaniti, Studi sulla gnomologia buddiana” (Memoriw dell: Instituto Lombardo, 126-132). With the help of a single edition of the Lokanéti, printed in Rangoon in 1879, Teza then edited and translated eighteen stanzas from this work and traced the sources of several of them. Till that time it was confirmed that the Lokanéti was compiled from the different sources and the role of Sanskrit subhäñita-s was already established for the compilation of the text. With this understanding Teza identified several stanzas. The great pioneering work for making the néti literature of Burma known and accessible to the academic world was done by James Gray. For the first time, in 1883, Gray edited the Päli text of the Dhammanéti, the longest and most interesting néti work of Burmese Päli tradition (The Päli text of the Dhammanéti: A Book of Proverbs and Maxims. Pp. 45, Ha Þ sävaté Press, Rangoon, 1883), and then added the Burmese nissaya to the second edition of this text published in 1884 (The Päli text and Burmese Translation of the Dhammanéti: A Book of Maxims. Pp. 165, Ha Þ sävaté Press, Rangon, 1884.). In the history of PNL 1886 was a remarkable year when Gray had published an English translation of four Burmese Päli Néti works, viz. Lokanéti (Pp. 1-36), Dhammanéti (Pp. 37-118), Räjanéti (Pp. 119-141), and Sutavaòòhananéti (Pp. 142-157) and he added a number of subhäñita-s found in the Burmese literature under the heading of “Old Indian Sayings” (Pp. 161-174), as well as a table of corresponding stanzas (Pp. 175-178) in the four texts under the title, Ancient Proverbs and Maxims from Burmese Sources; Or, The Néti Literature of Burma, TrÈbner & Co, London, 1886. Gray in his translation also tried to identify the original sources of Päli Néti gäthä. Many times he succeeded but in some places he wrongly identified the source of Päli gäthä. The English translation of Dhammanéti, Räjanéti and

Sutavaòòhananéti are the only English translations available till now.

“One of correspondents of

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After Gray’s (1886) work, Paolo Emilio Pavollni, an Italian scholar produced a short study of the Dhammanéti in Italian language (Pavolini 1907: 609-616). In his article “Cenni sulla Dhammanéti Päli birman e sulle sue fonti” [Commentaries on the Päli and Burman Dhammanéti and its Sources]. Pavolini identified some of the gäthäs of the Dhammanéti and almost rightly established a theory that Päli néti works are a mere compilation of Sanskrit néti verses. In the main stream of Päli study the Ln and the Dhammnéti were included for the first time in the text book for Matriculation students, prepared by Charles Duroiselle (1907). Under his editorship, fifty gäthäs from the Ln and thirty gäthäs from the Dhammanéti were included in a text book namely Päli Unseen (School Päli Series III. Rangoon: British Burma Press. 1907). Mabel Hayanes Bode’s (1909) Päli Literature of Burma was another work where the reference to PNL is made. Bode makes this passing remark only in two sentences that are being reproduced here: “For a king’s äcariya, he must be able to discourse on ethics and polity, pronounce moral maxims, and give advice. The Räjanéti, Ln, and Dhammanéti represent this sort of literature modelled on Sanskrit originals” (Bode 1909: 51). This way Bode hints at the existence of the Päli néti works but does not provide further details. The importance of PNL was once again recognized by a very famous Burmese scholar Maung Tin. Tin (1920 : 43-52, 72-83) includes the Ln in his 2nd edition of Päli Reader and brought the study of PNL in the mainstream of Päli study. This text was used for the Anglo-Vernacular High School Final Examination. Highlighting the reason for including this text in the Päli Reader, Tin says (1920: Preface), “In place of the first five Chapters of Dépavaïsa (Chronicle of Ceylon) of the old course, the present reader includes Ln (Worldly

. Ln is the only one which is not in the three Piöakas but

its high standard of morality and its pithy stanzas have won a great popularity in Burma. Indeed it had been included at the express wish of the Burman Buddhists.” After Maung Tin, Ludwik Sternbach was the first westerner who notices the PNL. In his article (1963: 26, 329-345) “The Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan and Their Sources”, Sternbach carried forward

behavior)

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the work of Gray, Pavollni, and Teza and tried to identify the sources of the Ln verses. Unfortunately, in this pioneering work, Sternbach identified many Ln gäthä-s wrongly and identified them as of Sanskrit origin while they were taken from Päli sources. Since 1963, Sternbach has included the Päli Néti works in the scope of his studies of the subhäñita literature (cf. in particular Sternbach 1963a, 1969a, 1973a, 1973b and I 974b) and brought out a major work of PNL in Subhäñita, Gnomic and Didactic Literature in 1974 in the famous monumental work A History of Indian Literature edited by Gonda. Apart from these few writings on PNL, a major work was carried out by a German scholar Heinz Braun. For his Master’s thesis, he edited the Ln under the title Bearbeitung des Päli-Werkes Lokanéti, GoÎttingen, in 1972. This was the first critical edition of Ln. In this edition Heinz Braun consulted more than thirty manuscripts and brought out the first critical edition of the Ln. Subsequently in his Ph.D. thesis Heinz Braun once again concentrated on PNL and edited two other important texts, viz. the Dhammanéti and the Mahärahanéti (Dhammanéti und Mahärahanéti, Zwei Texte der Spruchliterature aus Birma, GÎttingen, 1975). Later on with Heinz Bechert, Braun published his dissertation from PTS in 1981 and also included one more important text, namely, the Räjanéti, under the title Päli Néti Texts of Burma: Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Mahärahanéti, Räjanéti (PNTB), Text Series No. 171, London: PTS, 1981. Till now this edition was the only critical edition that covered the four major works in the genre of PNL. In this work Braun and Bechert not only edited the four major texts of PNL but also identified the sources of most of Päli gäthä-s. The main part of the volume (pp. 1-160) consists of critical editions of the Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Mahärahanéti and the Räjanéti, and notes thereon. The latter contains the critical apparatus, comments upon grammar and metre, and parallels to the verses in other texts, both Sanskrit and Prakrit, and especially a large corpus of Sanskrit verses attributed to Cäëakya, which Sternbach had collected. After Heinz Braun, Khin Win Kyi was the only scholar who did her Ph.D. on the works related to PNL. She submitted her Ph.D. thesis on the Ln in 1986 to the Washington University under the title Burmese Philosophy as Reflected in Caturangabala’s Lokaniti. In her work, Kyi mainly focused on the social aspect of the Ln in Burmese society.

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The present author of this paper has also published the first Devanagari edition with Hindi translation and notes of the Lokanéti (see Ujjwal 2015).

General Introduction of Päli Néti Literature

The Néti-literature of Päli is not abundant. It was originally written in Päli, from which some of the Néti-works were afterwards translated into Burmese and other East Asian languages. Most of the Päli Néti- sayings are of Sanskrit origin and many of the maxims occurred originally in Sanskrit subhäñéta-saÞgraha-s; particularly, the so-called Cäëakya’s sayings were incorporated into the Päli Néti Literature (hereafter PNL). One more thing to highlight here is that all most all the Päli Néti texts were composed in Burma alone. Though, the Theravada countries like Sri Lanka, Thailand upheld their doctrinal thought in Päli, and after the Aööhakathä or Tékä period composed many secular literary activities in Päli, we do not find any attempt to compose Néti texts. In other words, we can say that the PNL totally flourished and developed in Burma. The endeavour of this paper is to provide a detailed outline of available Päli Néti-texts. For this purpose following texts are taken into consideration: Lokanéti, Dhammanéti, Cänakyanéti, Mahärahanéti, Sutavaòòhanéti, Lokasära, Lokaneyyappakaraëa, and Räjanéti. After the discussion of general introduction of available PNL, this paper discusses the subject matters of PNL.

1. Lokanéti (Ln)

1.1. The Ln is one of the well-regarded works in Burma. To-day it is

known more by its name than by its contents. It is most probable that it was prepared for a king’s äcariya in order to enable them to discourse on ethics and polity, to pronounce moral maxims, and give advice. In Burmese tradition this text is considered as the base of all the Néti-texts.

1.2. The authorship of the Ln has not been finalized so far by the

earlier Päli scholars who dealt with this text. The Ln itself gives no clue to its authorship. Therefore, the opinions about author and date of Ln

are widely at variance, and the arguments so far proposed for dating the text are not quite convincing.

1.3. In Burma there are two traditions about the authorship of Ln.

The first and foremost, without any substantial evidence, the main stream of Burmese tradition seems to attribute the authorship of Ln to

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Caturaìgabala, a well-known Burmese scholar who lived in the middle part of the 14th century at the court of the Burmese kings Ngashishin (1343-1350) and Kyawswange or Thihathu (1350-1359) at Pinya (Bechert and Braun 1981: xlix). Abhidhänappadipkä-vaëëanä or öika is composed by Caturaìgabala, which is confirmed by Piöakat samuin (Piö-srn 452). The SäsanavaÞsa of Païïäsämi also narrated the life story of Caturaìgabala and his authorship of the Abhidhänappadipkä-vaëëanä. However, we have no reference to his presumed authorship of Ln. As Bechert and Braun (1981: xlix) pointed out that the “earliest reference to this tradition seems to be found in the concluding verses of the Ln pyui by Ü Rhaì Kale, a rendering of the Ln in Burmese verses which was composed in 1880 (published in Nan Ïïvan Chve 1961, p. 321-346; for this passage, cf. p. 345; see also Sternbach 1963a, p. 331 and E Moì 1947, pp. 136f.). The statement in the Mranmä cvay cum kyam (EB III, p. 133) that Caturaìgabala was the author of Ln seems to be based on this epilogue. 1.4. Temple (1878: 239) provides very interesting information about the author of the Ln. According to him, Burmese people believed that ‘Sªnnekgyaw’, i.e. Cäëakya was the author of Ln, which shows that the Burmese were aware of the fact that Ln was nothing but a version of the ancient Cäëakya Néti tradition. Though we do not have any evidence of Temple’s remarks, however, it is interesting to note that the name of Cäëakya was associated with the composition of Néti literature in Burma. About the authorship of Ln, another information is given by M. H. Bode (1909: 95) in his famous book Päli Literature of Burma. According to Bode, Cakkindäbhisiri was the author of Ln. Bechert and Braun (1981 : 1) point out that Bode was confused with the author of the nissaya of Ln. Actually Cakkindäbhisiri wrote Ln nissaya and not the Ln. Out of the above mentioned three names, the more accepted name in Burma about the author of Ln is Caturaìgabala. Two Burmese scholars, namely, Maung Tin (1920) and Sein Tu (1962) who worked on the Ln, unanimously acknowledge Caturaìgabala as the author of Ln. Though we do not have any cross reference to check this Burmese belief, there is however no ground to deny this belief. In modern writing, there is no agreement about the authorship of Ln, the date of composition of this text is also not fixed. In most of the writings, this date varies from 14th century to 18th century.

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1.5. Temple (1878: 239) who studied and translated the Ln into English

for the first time, most probably from a Burmese translation, could not find out much about the history of this book, although he personally made enquiries to get information from the Burmese sayä-s (learned men). He reported that, according to one account, it was written originally at an unknown date in Sanskrit (or Päli) by the P õ ngnä (Brähmaë Sännekgyaw (Burmese name) and paraphrased into Burmese in 1826 by the Hp õ ngyi U P õ k of the Mahä Oung Mye Bõ ng San Ok Kyoung (the Great Brick Built Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava. This U P õ k’s name as priest was Sek-kän-da-bé, to which the king of Ava added the titles of Théri Thäddamma-daza, Mahä Dama-yäza Guru (Sri Saddharmadhaja, Mahä Dharmaräja Guru). According to another informant of Temple (1878: 239), “the author was a priest without very extraordinary knowledge of Päli who either collected the maxims from old books or collected some of them and added others of his own composition. This opinion is corroborated by the unequal merit of the original Päli verses and by the many grammatical and other errors observable in them even upon a superficial examination.” 1.6. Gray (1886: ix-x) reports that Ln, Rn and Dhn were found in Sanskrit among the Manipurian Puëëäs, who, driven from their native abode by the vicissitudes of war, made a home for themselves in Burma. They were written in Bengali characters, but editions in Sanskritised Burmese were also procurable. The Sanskrit Ln of the Manipurian Punnas commences with the first introductory stanza of the Hitopadeça (siddhis sädhye satäm astu). This stanza was disregarded in the Burmese anthology most probably on account of the difficulty in its adaption to Buddhist views. The Sanskrit Ln originally contained 109 verses, which, in the Burmese version, have been expanded to 167 gäthä-s. Sternbach (1969a: 38) refutes Gray’s account of the origin of Ln among Manipurian Punnas and says: “It is not clear from Gray’s account whether he really saw the Sanskritised Ln or only heard about its existence. Despite careful

search, not only in Burma but also in India, I could not find a single text

of the Sanskritised Ln

1.7. On the basis of an imitation of verse 61 of the Ln on Pagan

inscription which was erected in 1408 CE, Gerolamo Emilio Gerini (1904:

139f.) puts forth the date of compilation of Ln between the time of

Buddhaghosa and the date of establishment of the inscription. He thought that the Ln was composed between 425 and 1400 CE. He saw

”.

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the date a quo in the commentary to the Dhammapada- the Dhammapada Aööhakathä- ascribed to Buddhaghosa, in which he could notice “strict analogies” between certain passages of the Ln and the Dhammapada Aööhakathä. Though, this argument is very strong and valid, Bechert and Braun (1981: I), are not ready to accept this argument. They think that the author of the inscription could have modeled his text after the Sanskrit source of the verse in question and has not necessarily made use of the Ln collection. Whatever doubt put forth by Bechert and Braun, the same doubt one should also put on Bechert and Braun’s argument having applied the same theory. 1.8. Sternbach (1969a: 37), in response to Temple’s argument, articulates: “Temple probably refers to one of the translations of the Päli Ln into Burmese, while the Päli text was known in Burma much earlier. Therefore, it is quite possible that the Ln was composed in the beginning of the fifteenth century and that the two other néti collections (Dhn and Rn) were compiled not much later.” Unfortunately, Sternbach does not give any argument against the support of his hypothesis. Later on, Sternbach (1973b, § 52.8) dated the text as composed quite possibly “in the beginning of the fourteenth century”, but without providing new evidence for this date. 1.9. According to an evaluation of the sources and parallels of the verses Bechert and Braun (1981: I) assume that the author of Ln has taken material from the Dhammanéti. This observation provides us with a terminus post quem. Apart from the reference in the Arakanese chronicle quoted by Gray, there is, however, no reliable terminus ante quem earlier than the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, but it is hardly possible that a book which has obtained such popularity and fame at that time should not have been compiled at a considerably earlier time. In addition, the rather corrupt state of the textual tradition already in the earliest available manuscripts points at a considerable length of time between the composition of the work and the date of these manuscripts. An additional difficulty arises from the fact that the name Ln could not only refer to our text but was also used as a rather general term for a class of literary works, viz. for Néti texts in verses. The Ln in Sanskrit which was studied by the Manipurian Puëëä-s of Burma and referred to by Gray (1886 : ix); also quoted by Stenbach (l969a; 1973b, § 52.1; cf. also 1974a, pp. 41fn.), where the introduction of the Päli text through Manipur is assumed. Under these circumstances, we cannot give a more

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accurate answer to the question about the date of Ln than to say that it was compiled in its present form probably between the second half of the 15th and the middle of the 18th century. 1.10. Ln is divided into seven distinct chapters (Päli kaëòa) and consists 167 verses dealing with: (1) the wise man (Paëòitakaëòa 1-40); (2) the good man (Sujanakaëòa 41-67); (3) the evil-doer (Dujjanakaëòa 68-78); (4) friendship (Mittakaëòa 79-93); (5) women (Itthikaëòa 94-111); (6) kings (Rajakaëòa 112-137); and (7) miscellanea (Missakakaëòa 138- 167). The author or compiler clearly states in the opening stanzas his object in undertaking this work and mentions the name of the text as Ln. In the very first stanza of Ln the author also indicates their sources and does not claim that this treatise is his own composition. Here the author starts his writing with the homage paid to the Three Gems and then he says that he will recite the “Lokanéti” concisely in Mägadhese extracted from various treatises, “lokanétiÞ pavakkhärni, nänäsatrhasamuddhaöaÞ> mägadheneva saìkhepaÞ, vanditvä ratanatthayaÞ> > The author of the Ln has opened his work with the introductory stanza of his book on Ratanattaya, or the Three Gems (Refuges). Though, the Ln comes under the categories of secular literature the intention of the author to start with the veneration of Three Gems is only indicatory to mark that this text is meant for Buddhist upäsaka-s and upäsikä-s. Every religion worthy of the name has certain articles of belief in which its followers have confidence. It is these articles which awaken the religious impulse of man and inspire him to lead the religious life; they give concrete shape as it were to abstract principles around which the followers of a religion rally. Thus, it may be said that it is these articles of belief which give rise to the institutional form of a religion, the organized form of a religion cannot exist without them, in fact no movement whatsoever can be operative and successful unless organized in the institutional form. Buddhism is no exception, and it is the Three Gems in which its followers show their confidence. 1.11. The Buddha, the Dhamma, and Saìgha, known as Ratanattaya or the Triple Gem, form the Three Refuges. The Buddha is the one who has attained to full enlightenment after the fulfilling the Ten Perfections (Dasa-Päramitä) during the period of four incalculable and hundred thousand kappa-s. The Dhamma is the doctrine preached by such an enlightened teacher (SammäsaÞbuddhai). The Saìgha is the ‘Order of the Nobel Ones’ who have practiced the teachings and realized the Nobel

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Truths (Ariyasacca) in varying degrees. For the same reasons the Order of such members is known as the Ariya-Saìgha.

1.12. In the introductory verse itself the author of the text gives the

title of his book “the Lokanéti”. The word Ln is made up of two Päli

words, ‘loka’ and ‘néti’. In Buddhist sense the meaning of the word loka

is ‘world’, that is, ‘visible world of daily experience’ and the Néti signifies

‘guide’. So, by choosing the title the author tries to express the whole

aim and objective of his work- to be a guide in the visible world of daily experience. In other words, the author means that his work is to help and guide people in conducting themselves properly in the affairs of daily life.

1.13. After the introductory verse the very first chapter of the Ln

namely Paëòitakaëòa (Section on Wise Man), starts with highlighting the importance of Néti in one’s own life:

“nétiloke purisassa säro, mätä pitä äcariyo ca mitto > tasmä hi nétiÞ puriso vijaïïä, ïäëé mahä hoti bahussutoca >>

The “Néti,” in this world, is a man’s essence, his father, his mother, his teacher, his friend: a person, therefore, knowing the “Néti”, is a prudent man, both excellent and well-informed” (tr. by Gray: 1886).

Having highlighted the importance of Néti in human life, the first

chapter discusses many aspects of discourses connected to leading a good life. Here the importance of learning, different branches of learning, characteristic of wise man, characteristics of true friends, signs of good parents etc. are discussed in a very lucid and heart touching language.

1.14. In the second chapter of the Ln as per the name of the chapter

‘’The Good Man”, the author has gathered those gäthä-s which are

concerned with the title of the chapter. To emphasize the value of being

a good man and the value of being in company with good men,

Lokanétikära included the chapter “On the foolish and Bad Man” immediately following the one “On the Good Man”. After that, chapter four is devoted to friendship. The author has very deliberately pointed out the true friends and given some astounding examples of a friend. The fifth chapter is devoted to women. The role of women in household life is discussed here in detail. But at the same time women are also portrayed with some derogatory remarks. For example we can see the verse number 104 of Ln which says that “All rivers are crooked; all forests are made of wood; all women, going into solitude, would do what is

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evil” (tr. by Gray 1886: 23). In chapter sixth “on the ruler”, the author talks about what a good ruler or a good king is supposed to be. The seventh chapter, the last one in the book, speaks about diverse matters and is appropriately entitled as pakkiëëaka. There, the author tries to remind his readers of uselessness of prayers. He admonishes any of his readers who had a tendency to run into debt by including such weak person among those who were supposed to be the living dead. He also speaks about how careful we should be in talking about others or to strangers. Here we also find some prejudices the author holds and some of the superstitions too.

2. Dhammanéti (Dhn)

2.1. Dhn is the longest of the néti works in Päli. This text played an

encyclopedic role for their predecessors to compose other néti texts in

Päli. Unfortunately, none of the Burmese accounts mentions the name of the author of Dhn. Hence, the name of the author and the date of the compilation of the text are still not known with conformity. From the study of parallel verse groups in the Päli Néti works Bechert and Braun

(1981: Ivi) tentatively determine the date of its compilation and assume that Dhn was compiled earlier than Ln and Mhn. The authorship of Mhn is ascribed to Mahäsélavaàsa whose date was almost fixed around the fifteenth century CE. So if Mahärahanétikära utilized the sources of Dhn then this text must have been composed before than fifteenth century CE. The lower date of this text is fixed by Bechert and Braun in between late fourteenth.

2.2. Gray (1886: 37 fn. 1) noted that Dhn was translated for the first

time into Burmese by ‘Tipitakalinkära Mahädhamma (i.e. TipiöakälaÞkäradhajamahädhammaräjaguruthera mentioned in Sä alias Bä Karä Charä To) in 1784 CE by the order of King Bodawpaya. Outside Burma Dhn was not found in any Thereväda county except Thailand where this text was available in the Thai script and in the Thai translation. Dhn was translated in Thai language in early twentieth century. Bechert and Braun (1981: xxvi, lvii) reported the only traces of Dhn in non- Burmese tradition in two Siamese texts: Thammanéti [Dhamrnanéti] bap hang tham, 423 pp., Bangkok, Rongphim Thai press, 2464 AB/ 1921 CE. A Thai translation, based on the same textual tradition is found in the edition of tripartite Lokanéti-traiphäk, ed. and tr. Sathira Koses (Phya

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Anuman Rajadhon) 192 pp., Bangkok, Rüam sän Publication, 1926, where the Päli text is not added. 2.3. Dhammanéti is a compound word. Its derivation can be drawn as “dhammassa néti”, In Buddhist terminology, the word dhamma has various meanings. Dhamma is used in the sense of mental states (cetasika) (see Dhp 1 and 2), law (niyäma : utu, bija, dhamma, citta, kamma) (see Dhp 5, 24 and 144), the Buddha’s teachings (Tipiöaka, see Dhp 20, 38, 60, 64, 82, 102, 182, 190, 194, 259, 297, 363 and 392), righteous means/ practice (see Dhp 46, 84, 87, 167, 168, 169, 242 and 248), phenomena (see Dhp 109, 353, 273 and 279), path of virtue (bodhipakkhiya Dhamma) (see Dhp 44, 45, 79, 86, 164 and 364), samatha and vpassanä (dvayesu dhamma) (see Dhp 384), nine transcendental states (4 magga - s + 4 phala – s + nirväëa) (see Dhp 115,217,261 and 393), truth (see Dhp 70, 176,205 and 354) etc. Here in the Dhn the word dhamma signifies righteous means, way or practice. Meaning of Néti as I have already shown in Sanskrit-Päli is equivalent to “conduct”. As applied to books,

it is a general term for a treatise, which includes maxims, pithy sayings,

and didactic stories. So we may articulate Dhn as a collection of “Maxims for Righteous Way of Life”. 2.4. The Dhn consisting of 411 maxims, plus three introductory stanzas, divided into 24 sections (äcariyo the preceptor 4-13; sippaÞ scholarship 14-27; païïä wisdom 28-57; sutaÞ knowledge 58-63; kathä conversation 64-74; dhanaÞ wealth 75-80; deso residence 81-87; nissayo

dependence 88-95; mittaÞ friendship 96-111; dujjano the bad man 112- 140; sujano the good man 141-150; balaÞ the power 151-155; itthé women 156-172; putto sons 173-179; däso servants 180-181; gharäväso the wise man 182-195; kato what should be done 196-227; akato what should be avoided 228-248; ïätaboo relatives 249-256; alaìkäro ornamentation 257-265; räjadhammo king duties 266-287; upasevako ministration 288-323; dukädimissako two’s, three’s etc. 324-334; pakiëëako miscellaneous 335- 414), comprises the longest of the néti works in Päli. It is very clear to note that the division of the chapters of the Dhn is not in a consisting manner. Some of the chapters consist of a large number of verses (for example the pakinnako section) and some consist of only few verses (for example däso, balaÞ etc.). This indicates that Dhn was not composed in

a much planned manner or it might be possible that various authors contributed to compose this text.

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2.5. The Dhn is not as common as Ln but is better known than RN.

Unlike Ln, it never became a handbook of study in Burma in government

or monastic schools. It is much longer than the Ln and Rn and therefore was not so willingly recopied by scribes; in addition, it did not have a reputation of being originated in India, though it was partly a translation from Sanskrit into Päli. The Dhn contains a great number of maxims identical with those found in the Ln; at least 67 verses are common to both Dhn and Ln (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxix). But generally speaking, the Dhn is more loosely connected with Sanskrit sources than Rn and particularly Ln. The maxims of Dhn are in principle not straight translations from Sanskrit but paraphrases of Sanskrit maxims. It was possible to trace the origin of 127 maxims, i.e. 31 % of Dhn verses to Sanskrit sources (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxx).

2.6. The Dhn starts with three introductory stanzas. In the first verse

of Dhn the author pays his respect to the triple gems. The second and the third verses of Dhn establish the mätikä of the text and, no doubt, these three verses are the composition of the author himself. äcariyo ca sippaïca païïa sutaÞ kathä dhanaÞ > deso ca nissayo mittam dujjano sujano balaÞ >> Dhn 2 itthé putto ca däso ca gharäväso katakato >

ïätabbo ca alaìkäro räjadhammopasevako > dukädirnissako ceva pakiëëako ti mätikä >> Dhn 3

Tabulation or condensed contents (are as follow): The Teacher, Art and Craft, (Worldly) Wisdom, Knowledge, Story Telling, Wealth, Habitation, Dependence, Friendship, The Bad Man, The Good Man, the Power; Women, Children, Servants, Residence, What should be done, What should not be done, Relatives, Ornamentation, Duties of King, Ministration, Things taken by two etc., and Miscellaneous.

2.6. The first chapter of Dhn is äcariyo, the Preceptor. There are 10

verses in this chapter. Here the importance of preceptor, the role of preceptor in one’s life, the zeal of clever pupil to follow their preceptor etc. are dealt in detail. Following the first chapter, the second chapter discusses the various arts and crafts one should learn. Here a question mark has been raised for the people as to ‘how an idle one can acquire

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knowledge’ (alasassa kuto sippa Þ). The importance of learning in one’s life is highlighted here in the following manner:

bodha putra sadä nityaÞ mä khedäcariyaÞ garuÞ > sadese püjito räjä budho sabbattha püjito >> Dhn 18

o dear one, always acquire knowledge; do not cause trouble to your venerable teacher; a king is honoured in his own country; a man of knowledge in every place.

2.7. In continuation of chapter two, SippaÞ the third chapter, rightly speaks about païïä, wisdom. The very first gäthä of this chapter says:

susüsä sutavaòòhané païïäya vaòòhanaÞ sutaÞ > païïäya atthaÞ jänäti ïäto attho sukhävaho >>

Close attention to study augments knowledge; knowledge increases wisdom; by wisdom, we know the signification (of a thing); the knowledge of the signification brings happiness.

This chapter consists of thirty verses highlighting the role of knowledge in one’s life. Likewise the Dhn deals with various topics pertaining to the day to day activities.

3. Mahärahanéti (Mhn)

3.1. The Mhn is attributed to Mahäsélava Þ sa (1453-1518). In comparison to the Ln and the Dhn, this text is far less known which are always quoted in lists of Päli néti works. This work had not come to the notice of Gray (1886) and Sternbach. It seems that they were completely

unaware of the existence of this text, though this text was along with its nissaya printed in Burma in 1915 (Mäha-Sélava Þsa, Mahärahanéti kyam, with nissaya of ‘Oì mre bhuÞ ca Þ ‘ut kyoì charä to [Cakkindäbhisiri],

163 pp., Rangoon, The Sun Press, 1915) and in 1929 (Arhan Maha-

Srlavamsa, Mahärahanéti päöh nissaya, ed. Ü Bha Raì, 112 pp., Rangoon,

Ha Þ sävaté piöakat Press 1929, reprint Rangoon 1949). The introduction of 1929 edition contains a note on the author; it was prepared by Friedgard Lottermoser from the Burmese text and

quoted by Bechert and Braun (1981: lviii). According to that note “the Thera Mahäsélava Þ sa was born near Ton tvaì kré in the year sakkaräj

830 (1468 CE) wrote the Mahärahanétipäöha-nisaya, which was lost for

over four hundred years and which exists in five old manuscripts.” As for the title of Mahärahanéti, in stanza 3 the word Lokanéti (tathä

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tathägatovädä nugäyaÞ lokänétiyaÞ >) is found in a way to suggest that it was the original name of the book which was later replaced by the name Mahärahanéti derived from the first word of the work (mahämhärahaÞ sakyamuniÞ névaraëä raëä >). Bechert and Braun (1981: lviii) opine that this was probably done to avoid confusion of the text with the work now known as Ln.

3.2. Till now we have only one critical edition of Mhn produced by

Bechert and Braun. In that edition, the text of Mahärahanéti consist of 254 verses divided into five sections viz. Päëòitakathä (4-80), Sambhedakathä (81-112), Mittakathä (113-163), Näyakakathä (164-197), Itthikathä (198-254) followed by three introductory gäthä. It seems that Mahärahanétikära utilises Dhn for the compilation of the text. 216 of the stanzas of Mhn are identical with or very similar to verses of Dhn. In many instances, verses are also grouped together in the same way in both texts, e.g. Dhn 14-15 = Mhn 10-11, Dhn 36-37 = Mhn 24-25, Dhn 38- 43 = Mhn 34-39, Dhn 46-48 = Mhn 53-55, Dhn 123-128 = Mhn 129-134, Dhn 272-282 = Mhn 164-175 etc (Bechert and Braun lxviii). To conclude the relationship between Dhn and Mhn, Bechert and Braun (1981: lxviii) rightly observe: “The systematical arrangement of the verses in the Mhn

shows considerable improvement compared with that in the Dhn, and since the author of Mhn has clearly improved the ‘Pälization’ of verses translated from the Sanskrit compared to the still much more ‘Sanskritic’ language as found in Dhn, we can safely assume that Mhn is the later work and that its author has heavily borrowed from Dhn”,

3.3. First three verses of Mhn are introductory verses where the author

pays homage to the Buddha and highlights the purpose of composing the text. Certainly, these three verses are the composition of the author of Mhn. The very first chapter of Mhn is Paëditakathä, story of wise, started with highlighting the importance of Néti in one’s life.

Nétédhä jantunaÞ säro mittäcariyä ca pétarä Nitirna subuddhi byatto sutvä atthadassimä

The “Néti,” in this -world, is a man’s substance, his father, his mother, his teacher, his friend: a person, therefore, knowing the “Néti,” is a wise man, both excellent and well informed.

The first chapter consists of 77 verses in which the author tried to capture different aspects of wisdom. Here the importance of knowledge, the role of knowledge, the positions of knowledgeable people in society, different aspects of knowledge etc. are discussed in a very lucid manner.

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The Sambhedakathä, a chapter on contamination or confusion of the Mhn, begins with the discussion of time utilized by wise men and the wicked person. It is said here that “the time of the wise passes in examining prose and poetry; that of the wicked in injuring others, in sleep and in quarrel” (Mhn 81). Here the roles of wicked persons, the manifestation of their nature, the fruits of their wealth etc. are discussed. After the Sambhedakathä, chapter 3 of Mhn is Mittakathä. Though the name of this chapter indicates that it speaks about a friend, the subject matter of this chapter is mainly devoted to a foolish person, a wicked person, and the nature of identifying such persons. The fourth chapter of Mhn i.e. Näyakakathä, the chapter of hero, mainly discuss the character and nature of righteous king. The fifth and the last chapter of Mhn is named as ltthikathä, the chapter on women, is a miscellaneous chapter and occupies subject matter of different aspects.

4. Räjanéti

4.1. The Räjanéti (Rn) is said to have been composed by the court Brahmins Anantïäëa and Gaëämissa. The latter is mentioned in the inscription in Ava from the beginning of the sixteenth century. Bechert and Braun were informed by U Bo Kay, Archaeological Conservator in Pagan, that a Brahmin named Gaëaimiçra is mentioned in an inscription no. 1050 (Duroiselle 1921 : 164) at the Hti-hlaing-shin Pagoda (Thé Ihun rhaì bhurä) in Ava (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxi). This inscription is dated 872 B.E. i.e. 1510 CE and deals with the building of a palace at Ava by King Shwenankyawshin Narapati (1502-1527). Reading of the relevant passage is like patiöhäpaka amaïï hi so asyhaì nhaì Gaëaimiçra hü so puÞëä nhaì pan laïï lha i. So there is no doubt to accept Gaëimiçra as the second co-author or redactor of the Räjanéti. Bechert and Braun inform that the name of this Brahmin is spelt as Ganarnissaka in all editions and manuscripts of the text with the only exception of one manuscript where

the reading is Gaëämissaki which seems to be a misreading of Gaëämisso.

About the first author of this text Anantaïäëa we do not have any information. Therefore, on the basis of the Ava inscription, we may assume that this text was composed in the fifteenth century. As James Gray (1886:

viii f) suggests, this text was originated from the tradition of the Manipuri

Brahmins which is nothing but an imagination. Sternbach’s theory that

the work was composed in the beginning of the fifteenth century is rather

close to the date suggested here.

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The Rn deals only with a single theme: the right conduct of a king. This is one of the major points of difference with other Néti texts, each of which treats different topics in individual chapters. There is one more peculiarity with this Räjanéti; it has only three verses in common with the other Päli néti works (Gray 1886: viii f). Therefore, we may regard it as a basically independent work or compilation. Finally, it is the only ancient Päli néti work of which the name of the compilers is definitely known to us. The Räjanéti in Päli was beyond any doubt the most popular of the néti texts in Thailand as well as in Cambodia, and it seems that its Burmese origin has been completely forgotten there.

5. Päli-Cäëakyanéti

5.1. Even though associated with the great Mauryan Empire, neither Cäëakaya nor Candragupta were mentioned in Päli literature till the period of Vaàsa literature of Sri Lanka. It was the Mahävaàsa (V.16) where the two legendary figures of Indian history were mentioned first time, and the legend is given in some detail in the commentary thereto, the Vaàsatthappakäsiné or Mahävasa Öikä (Malalasekera 1935: 180-194) composed in between early sixth to tenth centuries CE. In other words we can say that around tenth century Cäëakya was noticed by Päli scholars. This was the time when the texts related with Cäëakya had been translated into Tibetan. Though we know that there are no cultural relations among the Tibet and Sri Lankan Buddhists in that period, however, we must remember that this was the time when Cäëakya was noticed in Buddhist country. In spite of that, Cäëakya was noticed in Päli around tenth century, but his work has been acknowledged very late. In Burma, translation of Cäëakya Néti started in modern time. Sternbach (1969: 46) informs that an edition of Cäëakyanéti namely Cäëakya-néti-Thaòa-néti, was published in the Hla Khin and Sons Press, Dat Nan Ward, Mandalay, 1939. This text of Cäëakya version contains 110 verses in Sanskrit in Burmese characters. Probably this text is the first Sanskrit text published in Burmese character. After this edition, Cäëakyanéti was made available in Päli. The Cäëakyanéti in Päli is a unique text in the category of PNT. This text is a verbatim translation of Cäëakya-néti-çästra. In the entire text, there is not a single Buddhist element. Even the author has not paid salutation to the Buddha. The

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name of the composer of this Cäëakyaniti is known as Paëòita Thera who translated this text in 1955 into Päli from original Sanskrit and produces a Burmese nissaya and Burmese translation thereupon (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxv). Bechert and Braun opine that “the Päli-Cäëkyanéti published in Burma does not seem to represent part of the traditional néti literature in Päli.” Cäëakyaniti is a rather recent adaptation of the Sanskrit Cäëakyanétiçästra version for Burmese readers by providing a Päli translation. However, one cannot ignore the importance of Cäëakya- compendium in the composition of Päli Néti literature. As we know that materials from Cäëakya-compendium has been utilized extensively. Therefore, there is no harm to include this text among the traditional Päli Néti literature. This version of Cäëakya’s compendia in Päli is, as a rule, prefaced by two introductory stanzas beginning with the words “näna satthoddhataÞ vakkhe” which state that the author teaches worldly wisdom “selected from various çästra-s”, the knowledge of which enables a foolish to become wise “yassa vïïäna-mattena, müÿho bhavati paëòito”. These introductory stanzas already show that in this version the maxims are collected from various sources. The original compiler of Sanskrit Cäëakya sayings chose the best known maxims, usually attributed to Cäëakya, but added maxims that he liked himself or believed would be liked by the reader. As Sternbach points out many editions and manuscript belonging to this group are different. The only important exceptions to this rule are the compendia, which contains 108 maxims, which are known to exist under different titles. These texts are almost identical and form the classical text of Cäëakya-néti-çästra version. As most of the Sanskrit versions contain 108 maxims with two introductory stanzas, comprising altogether 110 maxims, our Päli edition also follows the same pattern.

6. Sutavaòòhanéti (Svn)

The Svn, ‘Guide for the Advancement of Knowledge’, is a comparatively recent collection of sententious verses borrowed from the Buddhist Päli canon rather than from Sanskrit sources. This is a very small text, contains 73 verses, of which only three (Nos. Svn 7, Svn 52: cf. CN 1.15; Cv 1.16, CS 3.48, CN 25, CR 2.21 and Svn 60: cf. Cv 6.13, Cr 5.38), as far as could be ascertained, originated in Sanskrit sources, while the rest is indebted to the Pali canon. This work was composed

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by the Kyoì kok charä to Saddhammanandi (1098-1155 B.E. / 1736-1793 CE) of Chaunkauk in Upper Burma and therefore was known as Kyoì kok néti (Gray 1886: 142; Bechert and Braun 1981: lxiii). This text is also known by its third alternative title as Paëòitälaìkäranéti (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxiii). Till now no critical edition of this text is available. Even I am not able to find any Burmese edition of this text. Neither Sternbach nor Bechert and Braun have quoted any edition of this text. This text is also not available on Chaööha-saìgäyana online Tipiöaka version. Fortunately, Svn, the last of the four Néti texts translated by James Gray (1886: 142- 157) is available in English. In Gray’s English translation of Suttavaddhananéti this text is not divided into any chapter. We can trace at least 18 parallel verses of Suttavaòòhananéti in Päli Dhammanéti and Lokanéti (Svn 36, 37= Dhn 14, 15, Svn 28 = Dhn 75, Svn 7 = Dhn 132, Svn 33 = Dhn 135 Ln 25, Svn 34 = Dhn 150 Ln 26, Svn 60 = Dhn 185, Svn 58 = Dhn 202, Svn 57 = Dhn 230, Svn 62-62 = Dhn 266, 267, Svn 59 = Dhn 369 Ln 24, Svn 63 = Dhn 397). One verse of this text very interesting to discuss here is the classification of the Buddha. In verse no. 27 of Svn it is said, “There are four kinds of ‘Buddha-s’, namely, the omniscient Buddha (SammäsaÞbuddha), the secondary Buddha (Pacceka-Buddha), the Buddha acquainted with the four truths (Arahata), and the Buddha who is full of learning: a man who is full of knowledge is also a Buddha” (Gray 1886: 148).

7. Lokaneyyappakaraëa

Lokaneyyappakaraëa, the book on the instruction in worldly matters, fairly long text, mostly in prose but contains more than six hundred verses (gäthä). The term “Lokaneyya” is rather unclear and has not been explained in the text itself. However, at the beginning the author refers to the text as subhäsitaÞ väkyaÞ i.e. “well-spoken sentences”, thus suggesting that the Lokaneyyappakaraëa falls in the genre of Néti, or aphoristic literature (Jaini 2001 : 139). The editor of this text Padmanabh S. Jaini (1986 : xi) says: ‘this text is conspicuously absent from Bechert and Braun’s comprehensive work’ on Päli Néti Text of Burma. The reason behind being unnoticed by Bechert and Braun is that, unlike the Néti texts [namely Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Rajanéti, etc.] the Lokaneyyappakaraëa, is not merely a compilation of néti verses; rather it is a work in which these verses have been integrated as a part of the

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narrative. In this respect the Lokaneyyappakaraëa, may be said to imitate the style of the Païcatantra and the Hitopadeça, the two classical Sanskrit néti texts. Although Päli literature abounds in didactic poetry, as well as narrative prose, the Lokaneyyappakaraëa, would appear to be the sole Päli work to have attempted a narrative, in which the prose merely serves as a context for presenting the néti verses appropriate, however tenuously, to the occasion (Jaini 1986: xiii). In true nature of Päli Néti verses only 141 verses of Lokaneyyappakaraëa out of 596 verses are considered. Jaini (1986: xiii) reports that ‘no less than eigty-nine have been traced to different Päli Néti texts of Burma and have traced Sanskrit sources for twenty verses which did not find their way to Päli Néti texts. The authorship of this text is not yet decided. Jaini articulates that this text was composed in northern Siam sometime during the Païïasa- Jätaka period. Some cross references to compilations of Néti verses may point to the 14th century (von Hinüber 1996 : 196). Written primarily in prose the text contains 41 didactic stories based on and shaped like Jätaka-s; but also draw material from apocryphal Suttanta-s. Lokaneyyappakaraëa also includes 596 verses (of these, forty-one verses are repetitions. Therefore, the total number of individual verses is only 555, of which 141 can be identified as Néti verses) in a variety of metres. Despite being a fairly lengthy text Lokaneyyappakaraëa has remained virtually unknown to the Päli literature. Neither such as SäsanavaÞsa or GandhavaÞsa, nor the modern catalogues of Päli manuscripts from Southeast Asia mentions this text. Although called a “pakaraëa” the Lokaneyya, with a nidäna, atitavatthu and a samodhäna, reads like an “apocryphal” Jätaka and, indeed, is modeled upon the Mahäummaggäjataka (Jätaka 546). Like the latter it is divided into several Païha-s (questions), through which the Bodhisatta, Dhanaïjaya, imparts worldly wisdom to the King and at the same time defeats his rivals at the court. Apart from these important texts, we do find some modern compilation under the PNL. One such text is Gihivinayasaìgahanéti. U Budh alias Cakkindäbhisiri composed this work in Päli verse along with his own nissaya in 1192 B.E./1830 CE (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxvi). The Gihivinayasaìgahanéti lankä and the Gihivinayasaìgahanéti chuÞ ma cä were composed by the same author. Other such texts available in Burma are Kavidappaëanéti, Nétimaïjari, Suttantanéti, Sürassatinéti, Naradakkhadépané, Caturärakkhadépané.

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MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART : A STYLISTIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS WITH OTHER EARLY ART CENTRES OF INDIA

SREYASHI RAY CHOWDHURI

The Mära legends are very conspicuous in the Buddhist texts. With regard to the Mära’s episode it may be pointed out that in the Buddhist literature Mära is described as the God of pleasure, love and death, the personification of evil, the sovereign of illusion and the tempter of Buddha. He is the personification of räga (passion), dveña (hate) and moha(delusion). He is the leader of the army of demons (Märasenä) and can entrap anyone in sensory pleasures and bondage (Märabandhana). It can be surmised that Mära represents the personification of distracting instincts that ultimately cause spiritual death and hence the epithet Mära which is derived from the root ’to die’ and in causative marayati iti märah. Mära’s daughters are Tanhä, Araté and Räga. While Buddha, then Bodhisattva, was on the way of acquiring perfect knowledge enabling escape from the perpetual cycle of rebirth (Saàsära), he had to encounter the temptation of Mära. This was because Buddha’s Enlightenment signified freedom from all bondages. Mära decided to fight and win over Bodhisattva. In several ways Mära along with his army and his daughters tried to distract him but were not successful in their attempts. Several Buddhist texts mention the Mära vijaya episode. The Padhana Sutta of the Sutta Nipäta speaks of Mära visiting Gautama on the banks of the Neraïjara and of Buddha’s tenfold classification of the Mära’s army as lusts, aversion, hunger and thirst, craving, sloth cowardice, doubt, hypocrasy, false glory and lauding oneself while condemning others. The Dhitaro Sutta mentions Märakanyäs that is Tanhä, Araté and Räga tempting Buddha after his Enlightenment and retiring in defeat l . The Nidänakathä provides a detailed account of the attack of Mära’s army and Buddha’s calling of the earth as witness to his generosity 2 . The text assigns the temptation in the fifth week after Buddha’s Enlightenment when Buddha sat under the Ajapala banyan

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tree. During this time Mära’s three daughters found their father drawing lines on the ground. The Mahävastu also gives description of the Mära Vijaya episode. According to it in the third week after Enlightenment while Buddha walked up and down the jewelled path, Mära dejectedly wrote on the ground with his staff after his failure. He called his daughters to tempt Buddha. According to t