[JCH 1.

1 (2014) 52-71] JCH (print) ISSN 2051-9672

doi:10.1558/jch.v1i1.52 JCH (online) ISSN 2051-9680

Data from Dead Minds?

Dream and Healing in the Isis/Sarapis
Cult During the Graeco-Roman Age 1

Panayotis Pachis2
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece
pachisp@otenet.gr

Abstract: During the Graeco-Roman Age there were a great many testimonies
from sick and physically disabled people who sought healing in the sanctuaries of
the Egyptian deities, Isis and Sarapis. The most popular kind of healing which was
practised in those sanctuaries was that of incubation (incubatio), during which the
adherents – after following certain rules of diet, hygiene and purification – slept in
the temple until they received a therapeutic dream or vision from the god(s). The
research frame of this paper will be on the one hand the study of specific historical,
cultural and social context of the cult of the Egyptian deities, and on the other cog-
nitive structures and abilities. The importance of using the methods of the cognitive
sciences to study religiosity in antiquity indicates that these practices are not data
coming just from “dead minds” but from human minds generally. They acquire a
particular meaning and may encourage us in our effort to propose new research pro-
jects. It should not escape us that the student of antiquity acts like a detective while

1. I would like to thank Professor Dr Armin Geertz, Professor L. H. Martin, and O. Pana-
giotidou for their valuable contributions regarding bibliography, suggestions, and criticisms.
I would like also to thank Mrs Niki Konstantinidou, M.D., and the research group of M.D.s
at the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) of the Anti-Cancer Theageneion Hospital of Thessaloniki
(Greece) for their valuable information on cases of clinical research.
2. Panayotis Pachis is Professor at the Faculty of Theology, Aristotle University of
Thessaloniki, Greece. He teaches History of Religions (Religions and Cults of Graeco-
Roman Age) and Method and Theory at Aristotle University in Thessaloniki, Greece. He
is co-editor, with Luther H. Martin of Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Graeco-
Roman Religions (Thessaloniki:University Studio Press, 2002), Hellenisation, Empire and
Globalisation: Lessons from Antiquity (Thessaloniki: Vanias Publications, 2004), Imagi-
nistic Traditions in the Graeco-Roman World: A Cognitive Modeling of History of Religious
Research (Thessaloniki: Vanias Publications, 2009), and co-editor with Donald Wiebe of
In the Sights of History and the Cognitive Sciences: Essays in Honor of Luther H. Martin
(Thessaloniki: Barbounakis Publications, 2010), He is also author of Religion and Politics
in the Graeco-Roman World. Redescribing The Isis-Sarapis Cult (Thessaloniki: Barbouna-
kis Publications, 2010).

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2014, Unit S3, Kelham House, 3 Lancaster Street, Sheffield, S3 8AF.
 Data from Dead Minds?  53

using these methods in examining modes of religious behaviours, which belong to

the framework of universals.
Keywords: Asklepios; dream; healing; Hygieia cognition; hypoxia; Imouthis-Asklepios;
incubation; Isis-Sarapis cult; placebo; rapid eye movement (REM) sleep; ventrolateral
preoptic nucleus (VLPO).

This work intends to apply a cognitive approach to the cult of Isis-Sarapis

and especially to their dimension as healing deities during the Graeco-
Roman era. This effort constitutes a challenge not only for the study of this
particular cult but for the overall study of religions and cults in the ancient
world too. In this way we are attempting a “vertical integration” (Slinger-
land 2008) of the natural sciences and the humanities, which may become
a starting point for generating new perspectives in contemporary research.
Such an attempt constitutes a desideratum in the world of science. We
should not forget that this very tactic, which is followed by many scientists,
is usually faced with hesitation or even hostility especially by researchers in
the field of humanities and more specifically in the domain of the study of
religion(s). We should also keep in mind that the above approach and pri-
marily the cognitive neurosciences offer an exceptionally rich potential for
study and understanding of those mental processes and states, which trig-
ger individual consciousness and create a particular sense of selves (Geertz
2004: 363–64; Panagiotidou 2010: 125). Since the very processes through
which people acquire a sense of themselves and shape their identity are
determined by specific cognitive principles and operations, the investiga-
tion of these processes could help us understand how the supplicants at the
temples of the Egyptian deities during this era experienced their interven-
tion during the process of incubation and their consequent healing (Pana-
giotidou 2010: 125).
Medicine in ancient Greece may be distinguished into two categories:
one that is based on Hippocrates’ thought and another that is practised in
the environment of various sacred centers that are connected to the cults
of healing deities. The first shapes the principles of the “official” medicine,
while the latter constitutes a kind of “alternative” or “folk” medicine (Graf
2006: 3; Dunand 2006: 4; Wickkiser 2008: 10–33).
When a person was afflicted by disease, they experienced this situation
as a critical turn in their life at which they should act and make decisions
in order to face this adversity, as their recovery was not exclusively depend-
ent on divine will. Thus, they usually asked for the aid of a physician in
order to restore their health. However, when a doctor confronted a difficult
case and believed that they could not cure a patient, they usually refused to

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54  Panayotis Pachis

treat them. This obviously was a devastating and shocking experience for
patients, who could not easily accept that they were going to suffer forever
or that they just had to lie there and await death (Wickkiser 2008: 32–33;
Panagiotidou 2010: 129). At this point arose the hopeful and more promis-
ing alternative of visiting the temple of a healing god in order to receive a
cure. The healing of the ill in antiquity never ceased to be a result of both
humans and gods. Particularly, Asklepios was a healing deity par excellence;
he was a doctor himself, and never refused to provide treatment to any sup-
plicant who visited his temple. Moreover, Asklepios was the divine healer
who not only knew better than anyone else all the contemporary medical
treatments, but could also successfully apply them even to the most difficult
cases (Pearcy 1992; Edelstein and Edelstein 1998 [1945]; Petsalis-Diomidis
2007; Wickkiser 2008; Panagiotidou 2010: 129–30).
Many people believed that simply their incubation in the adytum or
in the incubation halls of sanctuaries, especially of Asklepios, would be
enough to cure them (Edelstein and Edelstein 1998 [1945]: 209–12; Alvar
2008: 330 and n. 507; Sineux 2007; Harris 2009). During the Hellenistic and
Roman periods the Asklepieia in the East Mediterranean Sea (Epidauros,
Corinth, Kos, Pergamos) were in their heyday (Herzog 1931; Edelstein and
Edelstein 1998 [1945], passim; LiDonnici 1992, 1995; Compton 1998; Wick-
kiser 2008: 8, 35–76, 55–56, 72, 82–83, 91, 93–94, 97–107, 109; Wickkiser
2010; Mantzavou 2012). Many had evolved into big healing centres with
a large number of facilities surrounding the god’s sanctuary. In addition,
the priests were many and quite experienced; sometimes a priest’s medi-
cal knowledge exceeded that of a private physician. Often the priesthood
accepted private physicians, either with experience in surgical operations
or in the therapeutic properties of plants, as members. The private physi-
cians constituted the largest percentage of people who asked to stay, for
short or long periods, in the famous sanctuaries of healing gods such as
Asklepios.
Relevant cases can be found in Egypt as well. People’s healing in the
country of the Nile had lain, since the Pharaonic period, in the hands of
priests; it used to take place in the environment of temples and was primar-
ily related to magical practices (Alvar 2008: 328–29; Dunand 2006: 5–6,
8–10, 15–24; Bricault 2008: 55). According to testimonies of this era, the
same practices could also be found during the Ptolemaic period. People
in need would appear in the hieratic centers in order to ask for gods’ help
in facing the critical moments in their life. During this period we observe
the practice of incubation, which constitutes an innovation in relation to
the therapeutic practices that were carried out in older periods within the
sanctuaries of Egypt (Dunand 2006: 6–7; Bricault 2008: 55–57; Alvar 2008:

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329). This particular practice is witnessed attested through texts in papyri

texts, mainly from Isis’ and Sarapis’ temples in the area of Canopus (Alvar
2008: 331; Dunand 2006: 18; Bricault 2008: 56–57).
The goddess’s direct relationship to people’s healing and to the practice
of incubation in the environment of this particular temple is found for the
first time in Diodorus Siculus (1.25.5; Bricault 2013: 412). Diodorus points
out that Isis was the discoverer of many medicines and was well versed in
the science of healing; consequently she found great delight in the healing
of mankind by giving aid to patients during their sleep (Sfameni Gasparro
202b: 328–29). Strabo’s testimony regarding the similar healing capaci-
ties of Sarapis is of equivalent importance (Strabo 17.1.17; Bricault 2013:
411–12).
The best known case regarding the importance of dreams and the heal-
ing intervention of the divine world is that of Aelius Aristides (Or. 47
[=Sacred Tales 1] 38. Or. 48 [=Sacred Tales 2]; Behr 1978; Pearcy 1988; Bom-
paire 1989; Martin 1994; Bricault 2013: 419–23), who devoted five years of
his life prior to his conversion to Asklepios cult to the intense worship of
Sarapis. He confirms his commitment when he returns to Smyrna:

Of the gods whom Aristides worshipped, aside from Asklepios, none held a
more important place in his life and belief than Serapis (Behr 1968: 149).

The practice of incubation in the environment of Egyptian sanctuaries

can be considered as equivalent to the practices in Greece within the envi-
ronment of Asklepios’ sanctuaries (Dunand 1973a: 112–13; Dunand 1973b:
141; Dunand 2006: 10).3 We should keep in mind that the Greek metics
that had taken up residence in Egypt since the reign of Ptolemy I Sôtêr (the
Saviour) carried to their new environment their traditional way of think-
ing as well as their traditional gods. Many cults that entered Egypt during
this period maintained their Greek character and were mainly addressed
to the Greek metics in this country (Pachis 2010a: 63–66. Pachis 2010b:
32–35). However, in the long run they also started to appeal to the indig-
enous population, thus becoming an indispensable part of their everyday
worship. Among the Greek deities that are being worshipped during this
period and the subsequent Roman period is Asklepios. The healing god
receives great attention from the indigenous population of Egypt (Frank-
furter 1998: 46–52, 126–27, 139–40, 157–59, 240–41, 256–60, 270–71),
especially if we take into account the cult of Asklepios-Imhotep in Abydos

3. According to Dunand (2006: 19): “Il n’y pas, dans le monde des dieux égyptiens, d’ equiv-
alent de l’Asklépios grec, au sens où un dieu serait quasi exclusivement chargé de la fonction
médicale et guérisseuse”.

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56  Panayotis Pachis

(Weinreich 1931: 17–22; Dunand 1991; Dunand 2006: 10–12; Merkelbach

1996: 201–202; Bricault 2008: 56; Alvar 2008: 331).
The overall structure of the practice that was usually followed in the
Egyptian sanctuaries corresponds to the one that was practised in the
Asklepios sanctuaries. This was the usual process that took place before,
during, and after incubation with some variations from place to place and
from time to time. The number of testimonies coming from the temples
of the Greek healing god point out that patients visited the sanctuary and
carried out preparatory rituals (i.e., purified bath and sacrifice). During the
night they entered the incubation hall or some specially-shaped adjacent
spaces (sanatôria), and usually slept on the floor. They were awaiting their
communication with the god. Under the lights of candles in a peaceful
atmosphere, they might be preoccupied by impatience and the expecta-
tion of divine appearance (Panagiotidou 2010: 131; Bricault 2013: 412–14).
The god appeared in a dream and performed the healing. Other times
the dream itself was a riddle that demanded further interpretation by the
priests or wardens for the treatment to be revealed. However, in the Hel-
lenistic and Graeco-Roman era, the god increasingly used to suggest proper
remedies to patients, which they should follow in order to gain recovery.
When the sun rose, the patients, who had been immediately healed, were
bound to offer their thanksgiving and fulfill their vows to Asklepios (Sfa-
meni Gasparro 2002b: 335–39; Bricault 2008: 55–58; Bricault 2013: 416–18;
Alvar 2008: 328–29).
One of the largest sanctuaries of Sarapis was in Memphis (Strabo, XVII
1, 17; Bricault 2008: 57; Bricault 2013: 411–12). This sanctuary’s visitors were
sick pilgrims who sought treatment by the god. Many were staying in the
sanctuary as enkatochoi (εγκάτοχοι), following the advice that the god had
given them probably in a dream (Delekat 1964: 11–85; Merkelbach 1996:
73, 210–11). The most famous enkatochoi is a man named Ptolemy, whose
name is found in many papyri; among his attributes, these papyri mention
his ability to interpret dreams. There must have been many people who were
seeking advice from authorities on dream interpretation (UPZ, nr. 2-105.
ID, 2072–2073; Merkelbach 1996: 73; Chaniotis 2000: 211). According to
Artemidorus (Oneir. II 44; Diog. Laert. Vit. Phil. 5.76), among patients who
visited Sarapis’ sanctuary at Canopus was Demetrius of Phaleron, who was
actually healed by the god (Diog. Laert. Vit. Phil. 5.92; Alvar 2008: 329;
Bricault 2008: 56).
The connection of Isis and Sarapis to the practice of people’s healing
can be directly related to the character of those deities during the Graeco-
Roman period (Stambaugh 1972: 75–78; Pearsy 1988: 377–78). These gods
belong to the group of deities that are characterized as saviours (Pachis

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2003a, passim; Pachis 2010a, passim; Pachis 2010b, passim). Hence, Isis
Sôteira and Sarapis Sôtêr enjoy a great part of admiration in the devotional
life of people of this era (SIRIS, 118 = RICIS, 202/1004; RICIS, 202/0365;
SIRIS, 180 = RICIS, 204/0109 [Isis]. RICIS 202/0170; 204/0343; 402/0601;
SIRIS, 389 = RICIS, 501/0126 [Sarapis]; Bricault 2013: 424–27). The omnip-
otent nature of the goddess – at least as it is displayed in the Aretalogies –
constitutes irrefutable proof of her decisive and beneficial influence on the
life of believers. This reality demonstrates the idiomorphic relationship that
evolves between the gods and their believers. During the Graeco-Roman
era we find similar texts devoted to other Egyptian deities, such as Sarapis
and Horos-Karpokrates (Pachis 2003b).
The existence of hymns is a very common and rather novel phenomenon
in ancient Egyptian literature, and it is in those hymns that the omnipo-
tence of the divine dynamis (δύναμις) or energeia (ενἐργεια) is manifested. Of
course, we should not forget that at the same time hymns play very crucial
roles in people’s cultic life during the Graeco-Roman period. Among them
it is worth mentioning those hymns that come from the cultic environ-
ment of Sarapis and Asklepios. These particular deities appear in this case
as omnipotent gods who can decisively control the forces of nature as well as
help people to overcome their everyday problems. This is further reinforced
in the context of cultic teachings of this time. The notion of divine victory
had been commonplace since the beginning of the Hellenistic period. The
“invincible Sarapis” is the only one who has the power not only to end the
numerous problems of the mortals but also to lead them to salvation. Salva-
tion for people of the entire oikoumenē is closely related to the decisive divine
power (Pachis 2003, passim; Pachis 2010a, passim; Pachis 2010b, passim).
The soteriological character of Sarapis and Asklepios can be considered
their primary feature in healing people’s illnesses. We should not forget that,
according to popular beliefs of this era, the most important cause of illnesses
– as well as other problems in people’s everyday life – was the influence of
the blind and unanticipated Fortune who dominates and controls people’s
lives. This very idea is widely spread in parallel to the ideas of contemporary
physicians regarding the causes of illnesses as based on the principles set by
Hippocrates. In such an unstable world as the Graeco-Roman period, Tychê
(Fortuna) dominates people’s lives and the consequences are explicit: one feels
like a captive of her caprices and one’s life seems to be an ungoverned ship
caught in the middle of a storm. The “eastern cults” that disseminated in the
whole Graeco-Roman world offer an alternative to the ongoing ideas of this
era, among which was the notion of Tychê (Martin 1995a, 1995b; Martin 1998:
21–23; Sfameni Gasparro 1997 [2002a]; Pachis 2003, passim; Pachis 2010a,
passim; Pachis 2010b, passim). Isis is connected with Fortune and, according

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58  Panayotis Pachis

to Apuleius’ novel Metamorphoses, she herself is the “Good Fortune” (Fortuna

videns) who helps people overcome their problems by means of her omnip-
otence (Griffiths 1975: 86, 241–44, 251). Individuals appeal to supplication
and the subsequent protection from the divine world. In this case, Isis’ image,
especially as she is portrayed in the texts of this period, undoubtedly offers
people of this era a feeling of protection and salvation from everyday prob-
lems. Human beings trust in the goddess’ favour and her ongoing protection;
they believe that the goddess who is characterized as epêkoos actually listens
and corresponds to their pleas (RICIS, 115/0201; 202/0197-198; SIRIS, 389 =
RICIS, 501/0126; 503/1201).
All of these factors allow us to understand the connection of the Egyp-
tian deities with human beings’ recovery from illnesses. This is another
indication of their omnipotence that is manifested in many testimonies of
this period. These records inform us about the deities’ capacity not only
within the environment of their local cults in Egypt but also after their dis-
semination in the whole Graeco-Roman world (Merkelbach 1996: 199–201).
The relevant testimonies from the Graeco-Roman oikoumenē show spe-
cifically the healing qualities of Egyptian deities. It is characteristic that
Isis, among the many theophoric epithets that characterize her in the whole
Graeco-Roman oikoumenē, is also called Hygieia (ID 2060, 3 = RICIS,
202/0307. SIRIS 337b = RICIS, 311/0201. Pausanias 2.27.6; Bricault 1996:
72). There is insufficient evidence regarding the practice of incubation in
her sanctuaries. However, the large number of testimonies demonstrates
the significance of the deities for their followers in their call for help. This
is explicitly shown in Apuleius’ novel. The importance of dreams within
this cult can also be understood by the body of priests who are character-
ized, according to epigraphic testimonies of this era, as “dream interpret-
ers” (oneirokritai) (ID 2071= RICIS 202/0217 ID 2120 = RICIS 202/0245. ID
2151=RICIS 202/0289. ID 2619= RICIS 202/0209 col. i. 10. RICIS 101/0206;
Rubenson 1900; Vidman 1970: 38, 55, 73; Merkelbach 1996: 210–11; Chani-
otis 2000: 211).4 Their main duty was the interpretation of dreams through

4. According to Mantzavou (2012: 193): “The importance of dreams as a diagnostic tool

and a component of the healing process is obvious from the miracle inscriptions of Epidauros.
It is not unreasonable to assume that in a healing environment they were particularly useful,
especially in the cases where the patient was in a state of embarrassment or numbness because
of the suffering caused by the illness, or was incapable of producing a narrative of his illness
– thus hindering diagnosis. The dreams are used as a major diagnostic tool, as a way to break
through to the cause of suffering. The diagnosis in the case of the miracle inscriptions is not
seen as a preliminary stage of the healing, but as a structural part of it. The importance of the
narrativisation of the illness and its symptoms as a breakthrough for the diagnosis of the ill-
ness and its treatment has already been underlined by some scholars”.

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 Data from Dead Minds?  59

which these gods communicate with their adherents either in their everyday
life or when they pleaded for their help in order to be healed from various
illnesses. The phrase kat’ onar kai prostagma (κατ᾽ὄναρ καὶ πρόσταγμα) that
we find on epigraphic testimonies of the Graeco-Roman period is another
indication as to the place of dreams in the devotional life of the Egyptian
deities (IG 10.2.91 = RICIS 113/0569. RICIS, 112/0705. IG 11.4.1247 l. 4 =
RICIS 202/0124; Alvar 2008, 333; Sanzi 2005, 1, fn. 2). The text of Isidorus’
second Hymn from the area Medinet Madi in southern Fayum (first cen-
tury bce) constitutes further evidence regarding the healing properties,
which are related to the alleviation of the afflictions facing people of this
era (Isidorus Hymn II 7-8; Totti 1985: 78–79; Vanderlip 1972: 35).
The first relevant reports about the gods’ healing qualities in the envi-
ronment of the Hellenistic oikoumenē come from the island of Delos, par-
ticularly from the so-called Sarapeum A (Sfameni Gasparro 2002b: 331–32;
Bricault 2008: 58; Pachis 2010a: 228, 233). In this place we find information
about the followers of the cult who were healed by the beneficial interven-
tion of those gods (ID 1417 = RICIS 202/0424. ID 1452= RICIS 202/0433).
This quality of the latter is further amplified by their co-existence with
Asklepios. Their common cult is confirmed in the epigraphic and archaeo-
logical testimonies of the Graeco-Roman era. The number of the first epi-
graphic reports regarding the existence of this cult, dating back to the end
of the third and the beginning of the second century bce, is limited and
they come from the area of central continental Greece (RICIS 105/0703-
0709; 105/0602; 106/0802-0893; 106/0201; 106/0303; 112/0707; Bricault
2008: 59–60).
This changes during the Imperial Age, when we find a larger number of
testimonies that come from almost every part of the Roman Empire. The
testimonies of this period demonstrate the common cult of Isis and Askle-
pios or even that of Asklepios and Isis-Sarapis (RICIS 603/0701; 603/1001;
704/0101; 501/0118; 702/0401. CIL III 11758. SNRIS, Pagae 2; Bricault 2008:
60–69). Of particular importance are the epigraphic reports from Lebena in
Crete (third–fourth century ce) which are dedicated to Serapidi Asklōpiōi
iatrôi (Σεράπιδι Ἀσκληπιῷ ἱατρῷ) (SIRIS 161, 3-5 = RICIS, 203/0301; Merkel-
bach 1995: 210–11, fig. 219; Bricault 1996: 98; Chaniotis 2000: 210–11) The
temple of Isis in the city of Argos the Peloponnese (first century ce) develops
special connections with the temple of Asklepios in Epidauros, which is the
primary city for the worship of Asklepios in Greece. The temples of the Egyp-
tian deities in Cenchreae of Corinth (second century ce) and of Isis under the
Acropolis of Athens are both located near the temples of Asklepios (RICIS,
101/0219, 101/0221; Aupert 1985; Aupert 1994; Bricault-Veymiers 2007; Bri-
cault 2008: 61–62; Pachis 2010a: 263–64 and n. 17; Wickkiser 2010).

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The testimonies of the Imperial Age that are related to the so-called
Isis Aretalogies are also of significance regarding her connection to
people’s healing. Furthermore, the late third–early fourth century ce
Aretalogy of Karpokrates from Chalkis on the island of Euboea, unlike
analogous earlier texts, explicitly claims that the god invented the use of
medicines:

pasan pharmakian iatrois eis sôtêrian (i.e., tôn anthrôpôn epenoêsa…) Teitanios
Epidauros (πᾶσαν φαρμακίαν ἰατροῖς εἰς σωτηρίαν [e.g. τῶν άνθρώπων έπενόησα…]
Τειτάνιος, Ἐπιδαύριος) (Harder 1944: 7–18; Totti 1985: 15–16; SIRIS, 88 = RICIS,
104/0206; Sfameni Gasparro 2002b: 332–33; Alvar 2008: 330).

The most characteristic proof of the beneficial capacities of these dei-

ties and of the gratitude the healed people felt in this period is the vast
number of votives that have been discovered (ID 1417 = RICIS 202/0424.
ID 1452 =RICIS 202.0433 [Delos]; Hamilton 2000: 465–79; Despinis and
Stephanidou-Tiberiou and Voutiras 1997, I, nrs 130[48]; 131 [49]; 132[50];
133[51] [Thessaloniki]). These particular offerings from the adherents con-
stitute a characteristic sample of the settled policy of people to offer obla-
tions to the gods as an expression of their gratitude. These further amplify
W. Burkert’s characterization of all the cults of the Graeco-Roman world as
“votive cults” (1998: 12).
The practice of treatment and incubation in the sanctuaries of the Egyp-
tian deities became even stronger in Egypt during the Imperial Age. After
all, this is the only area of the Graeco-Roman oikoumenē where we find
explicit indications about the incubation, which took place within the tem-
ples. The testimonies of this period demonstrate a peculiar reinforcement
of these practices in the cities of Thebes, Canopus, Memphis and especially
in the temple of Isis in Menouthis (Frankfurter 1998: 40–41, 46–47, 162–63,
165; Dunand 2006: 10–13; Bricault 2008: 57–58; Alvar 2008: 331–32; Ren-
berg 2010). One of the most significant testimonies of this period comes
from this temple. The texts found in papyri of the second century ce
coming from the temple of Amenhoptep I or Amenothis at Deir el-Bahri
in the so-called Valley of the Queens are of vital importance (Frankfurter
1998: 158; Dunand 2006: 13–14; Bricault 2008: 55). This god was associated
with the gods Imouthis-Asklepios and Hygieia, who enjoyed great popular-
ity in Egypt since the Ptolemaic period (Weinreich 1931: 17–22; Dunand
1991; Bricault 2008: 56).
A valuable testimony regarding the healing qualities of the gods and the
practice of incubation is an Aretalogy of Imuthes-Asklepios (POxy 1381,
ll. 91-140) which dates back to the first half of the second century ce (Totti

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1985: 40–41; Pearcy 1988: 378; Alvar 2008: 331–32). This text, which follows
the principles of “I-narration”, can be considered as further propaganda on
the part of the priests of these cults (Pachis 2003b). The grandiose presence
of the god in the vision/dream of the protagonists in this particular testi-
mony may be considered equivalent to the presence of Asklepios-Sarapis
in the testimony of Aelius Aristides and to that of the hierophany of Isis to
Lucius in Apuleius’ novel. The above mentioned text, from Oxyrynchos, is
the personal praise of a believer towards the healing god:

It was right, when every living creature was asleep except those in pain, but
divinity showed itself the more effectively (to de theion energesterôn ephaineto
[τὸ δὲ θεῖον ἐνεργέστερον ἐφαίνετο, l. 94f.]); a violent fever burned me, and I
was convulsed with loss of breath and coughing owing to the pain proceeding
from my side. Heavy in the head with my troubles, I was lapsing half-conscious
into sleep, and my mother, as a mother would for her child…was sitting with-
out enjoying even a short period of slumber (mêde kath’ holigon hypnou met-
alamvanousa [μηδὲ καθ᾽ὁλίγον ὕπνου μεταλαμβάνουσα, l.160f.]), when suddenly
she perceived – it was no dream or sleep, for her eyes were open immovably,
though not seeing clearly (ofthalmoi gar êsan akeinêtoi diênoigmenoi, vlepon-
tes men ouk akribôs [ὀφθαλμοὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἀκείνητοι διηνοιγμένοι, βλέποντες μὲν
οὐκ ἀκριβῶς, l. 109-112]) – divine and terrifying vision, early preventing her
from observing the god or his servants, whichever it was. In any case there was
someone whose height was more than human, clothes in shining raiment and
carrying in his left a book, who, after merely regarding me two or three times
from head to foot, disappeared. When she had recovered herself she tried, still
trembling, to wake me, and finding that the fever left me and that much was
pouring off me, she did reverence to the manifestation of the god (tên men tou
theou prosekynêsen epiphaneian [τὴν μὲν τοῦ θεού προσεκύνησεν ἐπιφάνειαν,
l. 131f.]), and then wiped me and made me more calm. When I spoke to her to
declare the virtue of the god (tên tou theou…aretên [τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ…ἀρετὴν, l.
135-137]), but I, anticipating her, told her all myself; for everything that she saw
in the vision had appeared to me in my dreams (hosa gar dia tês opseos eiden,
tauta egô di’ oneiratôn ephantasthiôthên [ὅσα γὰρ διὰ τῆς ὄψεως εἶδεν, ταῦτα ἐγὼ
δι᾽ὀνειράτων ἐφαντασθιώθην, l. 138–40]).5

A cognitive approach may establish a paradigm for understanding

the alternative practices that we encounter in antiquity – as, in this case,
from the Isis-Serapis cult during the Graeco-Roman era – and for the rel-
evant contemporary practices. It will be an attempt to use “data from dead
minds” not only to understand but primarily to explain them according to
the data of contemporary scientific research. This is accomplished, accord-
ing to Slingerland, if we take into account that:

5. Translation according to Alvar (2008: 331–32). See also Totti-Gemünd (1998).

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62  Panayotis Pachis

[p]eople do seem fundamentally different to us than objects, which is why this

understanding versus explanation distinction is able to gain a foothold to our
minds. However, the conviction that the human can be explained – the human-
level explanation can never be reduced to lower-level forces – takes this intuition
a step further. The result is that the field of human inquiry has proudly wrapped
itself in an impenetrable shell of Verstehen and violently resists any attempt by
the natural sciences to breach this boundary (2008: 4 [emphases in original]).

The practice of incubation that is connected to people’s treatment in the

ancient world offers the appropriate conditions for the production through
dreams of similar experiences of altered states of consciousness (ASC) that
create the proper conditions for communication between humans and the
supernatural world (Shantz 2009: 106, 117–18). All experiences and espe-
cially the religious ones are realized, according to current clinical research,
via the human brain, and more specifically in the hippocampus, the amyg-
dala, the temporal lobes and the prefrontal lobes, particularly those on the
right side (McNamara 2009: 94; see also Schjoedt 2011). This latter point
acquires special importance due to the fact that it is the right hemisphere
which generates holistic cognition (Shantz 2009: 118). The neurotransmit-
ters serotonin and dopamine play a crucial role in the production of reli-
gious experiences. In this way all these experiences could be considered
as products of brain neurochemistry (Sloan 2006: 243; McNamara 2009:
232, 250). On the other hand, Uffe Schjoedt and other Aarhus University
researchers do not support the idea that there is a uniform religious experi-
ence which can be identified in specific regions of the brain (Schjoedt et al.
2008; Schjoedt et al. 2009; Schjoedt et al. 2011).6
Consciousness is the vital biological function that makes an organism
aware of its own self and surroundings. According to Antonio Damasio’s
description of the internal cognitive operations that generate the sense of
self in the act of knowing the world (Damasio 2000: 168–69), there are two
component mechanisms that are activated when an organism interacts
with an object. This interaction causes a transformation of the organism
itself. Especially at first level, the organism as a unit is mapped within the
structures of its brain “that regulate the organism’s life and signal its inter-
nal states continuously” (Damasio 2000: 169). The awareness arising in the
second order maps makes the organism ‘conscious’ of the situations and
themselves (Damasio 2000: 168–69; Panagiotidou 2010: 127). In a cognitive

6. Professor Armin Geertz (personal communication) mentions: “Uffe Schjoedt’s prayer

studies show that religious experiences differ, and even in relatively uniform phenomena, such
as prayer, different regions of the brain are used depending on the type of prayer (and here we
are talking about the Lord’s Prayer and personal prayer)”.

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 Data from Dead Minds?  63

model of dream production, consciousness is considered the strategic con-

trol that may be present in dreams (Cicogna and Bossinelli 2001).
Dreaming is a process of emotional selection as well as emotional prepa-
ration for individuals solving their problems (Hobson and Stickgold 1994;
Cicogna and Bossinelli 2001; Bulkeley 2006; Sloan 2006: 250; McNamara
2009: 200, 202–204; Shantz 2009: 114). Dreams and visions from the spirit-
ual world are thought to be involuntary experiences caused by the presence
of supernatural agents, who could be characterized as “minimally counter-
intuitive” (Boyer 1994; McNamara 2009: 203). Their presence during the
dreaming process can be considered a “full strategic access” (McNamara
2009: 195, 203–204). Furthermore, we should mention at this point that the
boundaries between dreams and visions cannot be clearly defined. In many
occasions, the emergence of visions to people who have similar experiences
includes “the sensation of intense light, sometimes provided as glowing fig-
ures”. According to R. Joseph (1996: 283–86; see also Shantz 2009: 115 and
n. 17), “the perception of brilliant light is likely related to intense stimu-
lation of the amygdala and hippocampus”. All the above can be directly
applied to the relevant reports that we find in the text of POxy regarding
the experience of a similar vision, during which the mother of the patient
experiences the glorified presence of god. We also find an analogous narra-
tion in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses (11.3-4). According to this text, the hero
Lucius experiences a similar situation with Isis’ theophany (Griffiths 1975:
72–74; 123–37).
The neuroscientific study of dreams gives a better understanding of the
anatomic areas associated with dreaming, thus giving new evidence to the
traditional theories of Freud on dreams and the Jungian psychotherapeutic
methods (Martin 1994). The production of dreams, as mental activity, is
directly related to the long-term memory of the person who is dreaming.
This activity is controlled by specific mechanisms activated during the dif-
ferent stages of sleep. Sleep is dependent upon the ventrolateral preoptic
nucleus (VLPO), which is a group of neurons in the hypothalamus. During
the night, we go through stages of deeper and deeper sleep: in the first stage
(light sleep) one wakes up and easily falls asleep again; in stage 2 the cer-
ebral waves decelerate, with occasional appearances of rapid waves; in stage
3, sleep is deep with very slow brain activity. Between these stages there are
interferences of the most active phases, during so-called “rapid eye move-
ment” (REM). This results in the acceleration of cardiac rate and respira-
tory functions. It is in this phase of sleep that we see most of our dreams
(Hobson and Stickgold 1994; Cicogna and Bossinelli 2001: 33; Shantz 2009:
114; McNamara 2009: 200).

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The primary diagnostic method for dreaming as applied in clinical

research is the polysomnography (PSG), according to which we have a
comprehensive recording of the biophysiological changes that occur during
sleep. The basic tool for PSG is the electroencephalograph (EEG), which rep-
resents the brain’s electrical activity of a person during sleep. While passing
through the stages of sleep, the brain’s activity decelerates and its electronic
representation changes from short sharp waves into long and curve-shaped
ones. In the course of sleep, the slow waves in the brain become slower from
stage 1 to stage 3 (deep sleep), which one can reach within 60 to 90 minutes,
and those mild surges are periodically discontinued by the recurrence of
REM’s high activity (Max 2010).
The importance of ponto-geniculo-occipital (PGO) waves during REM
sleep also contributes to the idea of PGO waves being a signal that a person
is dreaming. Since dreaming occurs during the REM sleep, the PGO waves
are theorized to be the signals that make the brain start to recount the
experiences of the previous day. This, in turn, allows us to “see” our dreams
since our visual sense is quickly going through the information it has stored
(Hobson, Pace and Stickgold 2000; Krippner and Combs 2000).
Three human brain centres are connected to the process of sleeping
and dreaming: (a) The hippocampus is of crucial importance for memory
formation; during REM phase, the hippocampus repeats all memories in
order to be stored; (b) The pons is engaged in the awakening and activation
of dreaming activity; during REM phase, the pons prevents the forwarding
of signals towards the spinal cord, thus maintaining physical paralysis and
preventing any movement during the dreaming process; (c) The cerebral
cortex is activated during REM phase by signals coming from the pons;
dreams might constitute an attempt of the cortex to create a “story” from
the information gathered while we are awake and active.
According to McClenon (1997: 346), the production of dreams during
hypnosis leads to the creation of an “ASC that is defined as ‘a qualitative
shift’ from normal patterns of mental functioning, a subjective sensation
associated with behavioral changes”. The above-mentioned practices of
incubation and hypnosis that are accompanied by a whole series of cultic
practices are directly related to altered, dissociative processes of conscious-
ness (McClenon 1997; McClenon 2006: 135–36, 150–52). These practices,
which are deemed by contemporary medicine as alternative healing forms,
are based on the production of placebo effects and the creation of psycho-
logical affects, which amplify the expectations of ill individuals (Means
1925: 73; McClenon 1997a, 1997b, 2002; Harrington 1997; Kaptchuk 2002;
Humphrey 2002; Humphrey 2004; Donnovan 2004; Evans 2004; Bulbulia
2006). After all, according to McClenon (2006: 136; McNamara 2009: 30),

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these practices can be integrated into the frame of “ritual healing theory”,
through which people face difficulties in their lives. Among them, the most
important are those illnesses that disrupt the normal flow of life, often with
dire consequences.
According to Bulbulia, “the evolution of religious error (REROR) is
through stress mitigation. Consider the data. Countless studies suggest
that psychological stress adversely effects health” (2006: 97, emphasis in
original). Just as aptly the same researcher remarks, “the religious heal-
ing through placebo can act as a hard-to-fake signal of cooperative com-
mitment” (Bulbulia 2006: 115). We find similar practices and ideas in our
time. For example, we could mention the cases of Lourdes in France and
the temple of the Holy Mother (Panagia) on the Greek island Tenos, where
many patients arrive hoping for treatment.
We should also mention that in addition to the above placebo strategies,
there are also explanations from clinical research and contemporary medi-
cine, which can offer explanations for the case cited above from the Oxy-
rhychus papyrus, the most important study of the incubation phenomenon
and subsequent healing in the cult of Isis-Sarapis. According to these data, a
very ill person who, for some reason, is suffering from hypoxia (due to high
fever or respiratory/cardiac problems) can experience delusions or halluci-
nations. Of course, the same phenomenon can be observed in patients who
use drugs. Another clinical case is the syndrome some patients experience
after being in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) for a number of days. In this
case, we should take into account that all the above reasons could play a
role for the emergence of delusions or hallucinations, i.e., hypoxia, drug
effects and psychological reasons. It should not escape our notice that delu-
sions are considered to be creations of our fantasy. In the case of mental
disease, we observe a particular exaltation of religious delirium, which in
this case is considered to be a common locus (Guillamondegni, Richards,
Ely et al. 2011; Janz, Abel, Jackson et al. 2010; Buckhart, Birkner-Binder
and Steiner 2010; Morandi, Jackson and Ely 2009; Girard, Pandharipande
and Ely 2008; Müller and Ely 2006).
The importance of using the findings of the cognitive sciences to study
religiosity in antiquity indicates that these practices are not data coming
just from “dead minds” but from human minds generally. They acquire
a particular meaning and may encourage us in our effort to propose new
research projects. It should not escape us that the student of antiquity acts
like a detective while using these findings in examining modes of religious
behaviours, which belong to the framework of universals. As Martin points
out, the contemporary researcher “always ‘goes’ behind the familiar meta-
phors, typologies, or set of concepts proposed on the modern historical

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66  Panayotis Pachis

assumptions in order to achieve his goal”. Thus, “he/she establishes a ‘meth-

odology’ that lies at the core of the current scientific study of religion, in
order to achieve ‘a theoretical filling-in of the evidential gaps (in our field)
that is based upon testable hypotheses’” (Martin 2004: 263; Martin 2009:
5). This kind of research strategy, as in the case of treatment through the
practice of incubation, is also stressed by Bulbulia (2006: 116), who main-
tains that the naturalistic study of religious healing will motivate “further
empirical studies of the cognitive design that supports nature’s medicine
and give non specialists some idea of the intriguing pathways along which
the evolutionary study of religion and mind is moving”.

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Abbreviations
CIL. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.
CRAI. Comptes Rendus de l’Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
ID. Inscriptiones Deliacae
REG. Revue des Études Grecques.
RICIS. Recueil des Inscriptions Concernant les Cultes Isiaques.
SIRIS. Sylloge Inscriptionum Religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae.
SNRIS. Sylloge Nummorum Religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae.

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