PH Dthesis

UNIVERSITI TEKNOLOGI MARA
THE EVOLUTION AND TRANSFORMATION

OF BAJU KURUNG IN THE PENINSULAR OF
MALAYSIA
ASLIZA BT ARIS
PhD
July 2014
UNIVERSITI TEKNOLOGI MARA
THE EVOLUTION AND TRANSFORMATION

OF BAJU KURUNG IN THE PENINSULAR OF
MALAYSIA
ASLIZA BT ARIS
Thesis submitted in fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Faculty of Art & Design
July 2014
APPENDICES
AUTHOR’S DECLARATION
I declare that the work in this thesis was carried out in accordance with the regulations
of Universiti Teknologi MARA. It is original and is the result of my own work, unless
otherwise indicated or acknowledged as referenced work. This thesis has not been
submitted to any other academic institution or non-academic institution for any degree
or qualification.
I, hereby, acknowledge that I have been supplied with the Academic Rules and
Regulations for post graduate, Universiti Teknologi MARA, regulating the conduct of
my study and research.
Name of student : Asliza bt Aris

Student ID No. : 2006156973
Programme : Doctor of Philosophy (Art & Design)
Faculty : Faculty of Art & Design
Thesis Title : The Evolution and Transformation of Baju
Kurung in the Peninsular of Malaysia
Signature of student :
Date : July 2014
2
ABSTRACT
Baju Kurung has existed over more than 600 years ago. It has been the pride and heritage
of the Malay society since the Great Malaccan Sultanate in the 15th Century. Since then,
Baju Kurung has gone through some changes, which include its length, cut and shape,
fabrics, style and coordination. Baju Kurung name is well- known to Malaysian society
especially to the Malay people. It is common that any garment that resemblance the
form of Baju Kurung is often called Baju Kurung (Moden). Due to this assumption,
this research tends to construct an understanding that draws the line between traditional
Baju Kurung and Baju Kurung Moden. Hence, the character definition of Baju Kurung
is clearly drawn. The research looks at historical study of the Baju Kurung through
references of historical literature, journals and visual evidence (photographic
documentations) obtained from the libraries, museums,
National Archive Malaysia and personal collections. A study of samples of man’s and
woman’s Baju Kurung constructed a systematic analysis to document the Baju Kurung’s
workmanship, measurement and fabric choice during a certain period of time. From
historical study, literature review of current trend and the study of the Baju Kurung
samples the research successfully trace the chronology of the development of Baju
Kurung in the Peninsular of Malaysia. Unstructured interviews were conducted with
people who were involved with Baju Kurung industries, academia, traditionalists and
maker. The issues that incorporate Baju Kurung traditional identity is solved by
categorization of the garments into several different groups according to their style and
character. The identity of traditional Baju Kurung is strengthened by imparting the
method of evaluation of Malay aesthetic principles to the garment. This will be an added
value to the existing character definition of Baju Kurung. Character definition of the
traditional Baju Kurung will protect the Baju
Kurung from being misused by fashion industries. Based on the development of the
Baju Kurung it is believed that Baju Kurung will continue to inspire modern Malay
garments in the future. It is hoped that this research will be a major reference in future
study in related field.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
My deepest appreciation goes to Associate Prof. Dr. Norwani Md Nawawi (Thesis

Advisor) for her continuous guidance and encouragement towards the completion of
this thesis – The Evolution and Transformation of Baju Kurung in the Peninsular of
Malaysia. I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Dr. Haji Mustaffa Halabi
Haji Azahari, Dean of Faculty of Art & Design and Dr. Arba’iyah Abdul Aziz,
Deputy Dean (Academic).
I would also like to thank Associate Prof. Dr. Baharuddin Ujang and Prof. Dr. Dzul
Haimi Md. Zin for their support and guidance in my studies. Thank you to YM Raja
Fuziah Raja Sir Tun Uda (National Council Heritage), YM Tengku Ismail Tengku Su
(Allahyarham, Patron of Terengganu Songket), Puan Zubaidah Sual (Founder of
Cashmere Gallery), Puan Ramlah Latif (Conservator, Muzium Terengganu), Encik
Shafie Ahmad (Yayasan Warisan Johor) and Encik Salikin Sidek (Fashion Designer).
I am also grateful for the assistance given by the staffs of Perpustakaan Tun Abdul
Razak, UiTM, Perpustakaan Tun Uda, Selangor, Pusat Pendokumentasian, Dewan
Bahasa dan Pustaka and National Archive Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. I am very
thankful for the scholarship from Ministry of Higher Education (MOHE) and University
Technology MARA (UiTM), Malaysia, which has made this research possible. My
appreciation also goes to former lecturers and colleagues in Fashion Design Department
FSSR, Associate Prof. Mohammad Najib Md. Nor and Hajah Kalsom Muda.
Last but not least, thank you to my parents Haji Aris Haji Abdul Majid and Hajah Ainan
Haji Jantan and dearest husband, Suzlee Ibrahim who have been supportive. To my
dearest children Danny Hilman, Hanny Qarera and Danny Hidzwan, sisters who often
had to do my quick translations and editing Azlina, Aslinda, Annies Afizah and Adlene;
I thank you all for your help and support. Finally thank you to friends Dr. Salwa Ayob,
Dr. Mumtaz Hj. Mokhtar, Dr. Rafeah Legino, Mastura Haji Mohd. Jarit, Saemah Yusof,
Nazirah Mohd Ba’ie, Hasma Ahmad, Rose Dahlina Rusli and Norizan Sajar; without
you people this journey would be less colourful!
4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
AUTHOR’S DECLARATION ii
ABSTRACT iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS v
LIST OF TABLES x
LIST OF FIGURES xii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Background of the Research 1
1.3 Definition of Traditional Baju Kurung 3
1.4 Statement of the Problem 10
1.5 Objective of the Study 11
1.6 Scope of the Study 12
1.7 Limitation 12
1.8 Delimitation 13
1.9 Research Methodology 13
1.9.1 Literature Review 14
1.9.2 Object-Based Research 14
1.9.3 Related Theories 17
1.10 Significance of the Study 18
1.11 Summary 18
CHAPTER TWO: THE MALAY PENINSULA

2.1 Introduction 20
2.2 History of the Malay Peninsula 20
2.3 The Malay Kingdoms 22
2.4 The Peninsular of Malaysia 25
2.5 Early Residents of the Malay Peninsula 28
5
5
2.6 Economy 29
2.7 Beliefs and Religion 31
2.7.1 Animism 31
2.7.2 Indian Culture and Its Influence to Malay People 32
2.7.3 Chinese Culture and Its Influence to Malay People 33
2.7.4 Islam and Malay People 33
2.7.5 The Influence of Western Culture 36
2.8 Malay Origin 37
2.9 Physical Character of Malay People 38
2.10 Values of the Malay People 39
2.11 Malay Arts 42
2.12 Traditional Textiles for Malay Dress 43
2.12.1 Songket 44
2.12.2 Limar 47
2.12.3 Kain Tenun Pahang 48
2.12.4 Kain Bergerus 49
2.12.5 Resist Fabrics 50
2.12.6 Embroidered Cloth 55
2.13 Motifs 59
2.14 Structure of Malay Traditional Textiles 63
2.15 Colours 67
2.15.1 Colours in Malay Traditional Textiles and Costumes 68
2.16 Symbolism and Meaning in Malay Traditional Textiles
and Costumes 70
2.17 The Malay Traditional Costumes 76
2.17.1 Basic Design and Silhouette of Baju Kurung 80
2.17.2 Categories of Malay Traditional Costumes 84
2.17.3 Influences in the Malay Traditional Costumes 87
2.18 Baju Kurung 88
2.18.1 Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Women) 89
2.18.2 Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (Women) 93
2.18.3 Other Malay Traditional Costumes for Women 96
2.18.4 Reconstruction of the Malay Traditional Costumes for
Women 101
vi
2.18.5 Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Men 102
2.18.6 Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men 104
2.18.7 Other Malay Traditional Costumes for Men 106
2.19 Trousers 110
2.19.1 Seluar Acheh, Seluar Cina and Seluar Pantaloon 110
2.20 Sarong And Sampin 113
2.21 Measurement 120
2.22 Summary 120
CHAPTER THREE: MALAY AESTHETICS AND DRESS PRINCIPLES

3.1 Introduction 122
3.2 Appreciation of Baju Kurung 122
3.3 Malay Aesthetics 126
3.4 Malay Aesthetic Principles (Zakaria Ali, 1989) 130
3.4.1 Prinsip Berhalus (Finesse) 131
3.4.2 Prinsip Berguna (Functional) 132
3.4.3 Prinsip Bersatu (Unity) 132
3.4.4 Prinsip Berlawan (Contrasting) 133
3.4.5 Prinsip Berlambang (Symbolic) 133
3.4.6 Prinsip Bermakna (Meaningful) 134
3.5 Malay Dress Principles 134
3.6 Malay Dress Ethics (Tenas Effendy, 1989) 136
3.7 Malay Dress Aesthetics (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006) 139
3.8 Dressing in Islam 141
3.9 Summary 142
CHAPTER FOUR: THE EVOLUTION OF BAJU KURUNG

4.2 The Development of Baju Kurung 144
4.2.1 Foreign Influences of Baju Kurung 145
4.3 Measurement and Proportion 147
4.4 Baju Kurung 1900 – 1957 (Before Independence) 153
4.5 Baju Kurung 1958 – 1979 (Early Independence) 157
77
4.6 Baju Kurung 1980 – 1999 (Modern Malaysia) 160
88
4.7 Baju Kurung 2000 - 2010 (Millennium Years) 167
4.8 Summary 175
CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN DEVELOPMENT OF BAJU KURUNG

5.2 Data Collection and Analyses 177
5.3 Analysis of Baju Kurung 178
5.3.1 Line 179
5.3.2 Texture 205
5.4 Fabric 214
5.4.1 Character of Fabric 214
5.4.2 Fabric Motifs and Layout 223
5.5 Colour and Prints 229
5.6 Form and Shape 239
5.7 Style and Coordination of Baju Kurung 243
5.8 Sizing 247
5.9 Summary 250
CHAPTER SIX: MALAY AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES IN BAJU KURUNG

6.2 Foreign Influences of Baju Kurung 252
6.3 Measurement and Proportion 253
6.3.1 Drafting Baju Kurung from the Bodice Block 257
6.3.2 Interpretation of Form and Shape of Baju Kurung 261
6.4 Malay Aesthetic Principles Applied in Baju Kurung 267
6.4.1 Prinsip Berhalus (Finesse) 267
6.4.2 Prinsip Berguna (Functional) 273
6.4.3 Prinsip Bersatu (Unity) 274
6.4.4 Prinsip Berlawan (Contrasting) 275
6.4.5 Prinsip Berlambang (Symbolism) 276
6.4.6 Prinsip Bermakna (Meaning) 278
6.5 Interpretation of Kain in Malay 280
6.6 Categorization of Baju Kurung 281
99
6.7 Summary 284
10
10
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
7.2 Conclusion 286
7.3 Definition of Baju Kurung 287
7.4 Categorizing the Baju Kurung 287
7.5 Development and Changes of Baju Kurung 289
7.5.1 Fashion Influence 290
7.5.2 Cut, Shape and Garment Making 290
7.5.3 Fabric 291
7.5.4 Measurement and Proportion 293
7.6 Malay Aesthetic Principles in Baju Kurung 294
7.7 Advantages and Disadvantages 295
7.8 Recommendation 297
REFERENCES
APPENDICES
11
11
LIST OF TABLES
Table Title Page
Table 1. Principles of Visual Arts, Malay Crafts and Islamic Dress 124
Criteria
Table 2. Dress Criteria According to Malay Custom, Islam and Western 125
Fashion
Table 3. Malay Aesthetic Principles Applied to Baju Kurung 131
Table 4. Blouse Length of Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden for 150
Women from 1900-1957 (Before Independence)
Women from 1958-1979 (Early Independence)
Women from 1980-1999 (Modern Malaysia)
Women from 2000- 2010 (Millennium Years)
Men from 1900-1957 (Before Independence)
Men from 1958-1979 (Early Independence)
Men from 1980-1999 (Modern Malaysia)
Men from 2000-2010 (Millennium Years)
Table 12. Stitch Count of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung 179
Cekak Musang for Men (1930 to 2010)
Table 13. Examples of Fabrics Used for Men’s and Women’s Baju 232
Kurung 1900 – 2010.
101
0
Table 14. Measurement of Kekek for Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga, Baju 242
Kurung Cekak Musang & Baju Melayu Moden for Men from
1900- 1957 (Before Independence)
Table 15. Measurement of Kekek for Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga, Baju 242
Kurung Cekak Musang & Baju Melayu Moden for Women
from 1900- 1957 (Before Independence)
Table 16. Measurement of Baju Kurung and Baju Kurung Moden for 247
Women (Asylla Collections & Design)
Table 17. Measurement of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Women 247
(Salikin Sidek)
Table 18. Measurement of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Women (Four 248
H Design)
Table 19. Measurement of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (Aden 249
Tailor)
Table 20. Measurement of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (Maroz 249
Tailoring)
Table 21. Measurement of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men 249
(kedaikainonline.com)
111
1
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Title Page
Figure 1. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga from Songket Fabric 5
Figure 2. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (1950s). 6
Figure 3. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Women 7
Figure 4. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (2007) 8
Figure 5. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Pesak Buluh 9
Figure 6. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Pesak Gantung 9
Figure 7. Research Design 16
Figure 8. The Malay Archipelago 21
Figure 9. Major Language Families 22
Figure 10. Southeast Asia Kingdoms Mid 8th Century 23
Figure 11. Southeast Asia Kingdoms Late 12th Century 24
Figure 12. Southeast Asia Kingdoms Mid 15th Century 24
Figure 13. The Location of Malaysia in the South East Asia 25
Figure 14. Map of the Malay Peninsula (The Golden Chersonese) 26
Figure 15. Islamic States in the Malay Archipelago 36
Figure 16. Kain Cindai / Patola 46
Figure 17. Songket Terengganu with Yatch Motifs 46
Figure 18. Two Types of Kain Limar Bersurat, Punca Merah 48
Figure 19. Kain Tenun 49
Figure 20. A Man Demonstrated the Calendaring Technique 50
Figure 21. Batik Telepuk 52
Figure 22. Batik Jawa, Pagi Sore, 1950’s 53
Figure 23. Kain Pelangi,Sarong, Perlis 54
Figure 24. Kain Pelangi,Sarong, Terengganu 54
121
2
Figure 25. Kain Bersulam Kelingkan,Scarf 56
Figure 26. A Woman Demonstrating Kelingkan 56
Figure 27. A Tekat Work on the Face of Velvet Slipper 58
Figure 28. A Woman Demonstrating Tekat 58
Figure 29. The Clove and Its Motifs 61
Figure 30. Bamboo Shoot and Its Motif 62
Figure 31. Structure of Malay Sarong with Kepala Kain 64
Figure 32. Structure of Selendang from Songket 66
Figure 33. Woman in Kemban and Sarong 77
Figure 34. Two Malay Women 77
Figure 35. Baju Belah. 78
Figure 36. Thank You Letter from Queen Elizabeth. 80
Figure 37. Design Principles and Elements in Garment Making 81
Figure 38. Types of Basic Silhouette 83
Figure 39. Johorean Men in Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga circa 1950s. 84
Figure 40. Women in Baju Belah 85
Figure 41. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Man and Woman 86
Figure 42. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang 86
Figure 43. Kebaya 87
Figure 44. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Women) 89
Figure 45. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with kain dagang luar 90
(Woman)
Figure 46. Neckline of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Shanked 91

Button
Figure 47. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Front Patch Pocket 92
Figure 48. A Modern Baju Kurung 92
Figure 49. Baju Kurung Kecil 93
13
Figure 50. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Women 94
Figure 51. Shapes of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga 95
Figure 52. Shapes of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, Pesak Gantung 95
Figure 53. Baju Riau-Pahang 96
Figure 54. Kebaya Labuh (2007) 97
Figure 55. Baju Kota Bharu 98
Figure 56. Kebaya Sulam (Nyonya) from Penang 99
Figure 57. Kebarung 100
Figure 58. Baju Kedah 101
Figure 59. Kebaya Sulam with Balloon Skirt 102
Figure 60. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Men (1930s) 103
Figure 61. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (2011) 105
Figure 62. Baju Sikap Worn by Royals of Kedah 106
Figure 63. Baju Mengan 107
Figure 64. Baju Cina or Baju Pesak Sebelah 107
Figure 65. Baju Muskat (Kedah), 1910 108
Figure 66. Baju Kehormatan Barat 110
Figure 67. Seluar Acheh 111
Figure 68. Seluar Gunting Cina 112
Figure 69. Seluar Cina 112
Figure 70. Seluar Pantaloon 113
Figure 71. Seluar Kabul 113
Figure 72. Sampin Songket with Kepala Kain 115
Figure 73. Kelubung (circa 1900s) 115
Figure 74. Kelubung (circa 1900s) 116
Figure 75. Kain Dagang Luar (circa 1900s) 117
Figure 76. Metal Belt (circa 1970s) 118
14
Figure 77 Malay Man in Sarong and Baju Kurung 118
Figure 78 Sir Raymond Firth in Malaya, circa 1939 119
Figure 79. Two Malay Men in Jacket and Sarong, circa 1940s. 119
Figure 80. Baju Saloma (1950s) 146
Figure 81. Fashion of the 50s 147
Figure 82. Measurement of Baju Kurung According to Body 149

Proportion and Traditional Measuring Method.
Figure 83. The Proportion of Women’s Baju Kurung Before 1930s, 154
Top Paired with Sarong.
Figure 84. The Proportion of Men’s Baju Kurung Before 1930s , 155
Top Paired with Sarong.
Figure 85. The Proportion of Men’s Baju Kurung Before 1930s , 156
Top Paired with Seluar Acheh.
Figure 86. Pocket on Woman’s Baju Kurung 158
Figure 87. Skirt with Waistband, Zip, Hook and Bar (1970s) 158
Figure 88. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang as sewn by a Chinese Tailor 160
Figure 89. Mini Kurung, 1970s 161
Figure 90. High Necked Collar (Lady Diana’s Collar) 162
Figure 91. Padded Shoulder 1980s 162
Figure 92. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, late 1980s 163
Figure 93. Sudirman in Den Wahab’s Baju Kurung Cekak Musang 164
with Matching Songkok
Figure 94. Traditional Name for Crossed Fashion, 1990s 165
Figure 95. Mini Kurung matched with Trousers 166
Figure 96. Modern Garment Inspired by Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga 168
Figure 97. Men Wearing New Baju Melayu Inspired by Baju Melayu 169
Cekak Musang
15
15
Figure 98. Modern Garment Inspired from Baju Kurung Teluk 170
Belanga
Belanga
Belanga
Belanga
Belanga
Figure 103. Process of Analysis of Baju Kurung 178
Figure 104. The Number of Stitching Made to the Hem of Baju 180
Kurung
Figure 105. Stitches of Tulang Belut 181
Figure 106. Different Size of Fold Made to the Neck Facing 182
Figure 107a. Systematic Method of Kelim Betawi (French Seam) 183
Figure 107b. Systematic Method of Kelim Betawi (French Seam) 183
Figure 107c. Systematic Method of Kelim Betawi (French Seam) 184
Figure 108. The Method of Tindih Kasih (Hand Top Stitching) 184
Figure 109. Jahit Kia 185
Figure 110. Attaching Pesak to Kekek 185
Figure 111. Kekek and Pesak Joining Without Side Seams. 186
Figure 112. Pesak and Kekek Joined to Sleeve 187
Figure 113. A Straight Shoulder with Shoulder Pad 187
Figure 114. Slanted Shoulder and Armhole Line 188
Figure 115a. Hem Longer at Sides 189
Figure 115b. Uneven Folds Create Uneven Hem 189
Figure 115c. Perfect Hem 190
16
16
Figure 116. Neckline Cut from A Finished Baju Kurung 191
Figure 117. Changes Made to the Kain of Baju Kurung 192
Figure 118. Waistbands and Zip on Skirt 193
Figure 119. Variation of Waistbands 194
Figure 120. Types of Skirt for Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju 196
Kurung Cekak Musang
Figure 121. Variation of Skirt Worn with Mini Kurung and Baju 197
Kurung Moden (1960s-1980s)
Figure 122. Skirt Variation Used with Modern Blouse and Baju 198
Kurung Moden in 1980s
Figure 123. Sarong and Seluar Acheh 200
Figure 124. Seluar Cina, Seluar Jerut and Seluar Getah for Men 201
(1950s to 1960s)
Figure 125. Western Styled Trousers (1960s to 1980s) 203
Figure 126. Western Styled Trousers (1990s to date) 204
Figure 127. Tulang Belut 206
Figure 128. Bentuk Kerang or Karipap Stitches 206
Figure 129. Mata Lalat 207
Figure 130. A Neckline Finish Using Piping 207
Figure 131. Neckline Finish, Man’s Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga 208
Figure 132. Jahitan Pucuk Rebung on Baju Kurung Neckline 209
Figure 133. Tulang Peringgi Hand Stitching 209
Figure 134. Hand Buttonhole Stitches 210
Figure 135. Collar of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men and 211
Women
Figure 136. Collar of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang with Piping 212
Figure 137. Stand Collar with Slit 212
Figure 138. Machine Embroidery on Placket and Stand Collar 213
17
17
Figure 139. Baju Kurung with Decorative Embroidery 214
18
18
Figure 140. Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh made from Three Different 216
Fabrics
Figure 141. Illustration of Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh made from 217
Three Different Fabrics
Figure 142. Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh made from Three Different 219
Types of Cotton
Figure 143. Illustration of Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh made from 220
Three Different Types of Cotton
Figure 144. Baju Kurung from Light Weight Materials 222
Figure 145. Unstitched Sarong Piece 224
Figure 146. Pattern Layout of Baju Kurung 225
Figure 147. Correct Method of Pattern Layout of Baju Kurung 226
Figure 148. Lay out on Batik Fabric with Borders 228
Figure 149. Pattern Lay out on One Way Fabric 229
Figure 150. Position of Bulan-Bulan 240
Figure 151. Pesak and Kekek for Baju Kurung Riau 241
Figure 152. Kekek 243
Figure 153. Kain or Sarong and Long Skirt for Baju Kurung 245
Figure 154. Development of Men Styling, From Sarong to Trousers 246
Figure 155. Mini Kurung as School Uniform 254
Figure 156. Method of Taking Body Measurement 256
Figure 157. Drafting the Baju Kurung from Bodice Block 258
Figure 158. Tracing the Bulan-Bulan Shape Using the Bodice Block 259
Figure 159. Making the Bulan-Bulan Using the Traditional Method 259
Figure 160. Bulan-Bulan Construction Using Shoulder Measurement 260
Figure 161. Development of Women’s Baju Kurung from Traditional 263

to Modern (1950s -2010).
xviii
19
Figure 162. Development of Women’s Baju Kurung Sleeves from 264
Traditional to Modern (1950s -2010).
Figure 163. Development of Men’s Baju Kurung from Traditional to 266

Modern (1950s -2010).
Figure 164. ‘V’ Stitching Turn 268
Figure 165. Over locked Seam Allowance 269
Figure 166 Baju Kurung, Considered as Tertib in Malay Perception 272
Figure 167. Baju Kurung, Considered as Not Tertib in Malay 272

Perception
Figure 168. Baju Kurung, Considered as Not Tertib in Malay 273

Perception
Figure 169. Ikan Kekek (Leiognathidae, Family of Slipmouths) 277
Figure 170. A Wrapped Jackfruit 278
Figure 171. Merah Kesumba (Red Begonia) 279
Figure 172. Biji Kundang (Purple of Mango Plum Seed) 279
Figure 173. Categorization of Malay Garments Expanded from Abbas 283

and Norwani (2003)
xviii
20
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter explains the topic of the research as a whole and guides the
researcher in the process of the study. This research looks at the evolution of Baju
Kurung in the Peninsular of Malaysia from 1900 to 2010. The research lays out the
differences that had affected the garment throughout that period. It involves the
history of the Baju Kurung, which originated from the era of the Malaccan Sultanate,
in the 15th. Century and continued to develop until to date. The differences observed
include its form, shape, style, workmanship, fabrication and influences. The
observations resulted in the research is able to define clearly the Baju Kurung and
categorized the garments into two distinct groups that are the traditional Baju Kurung
and the Malay modern garment. This study also evaluates the aesthetics of Baju
Kurung from the perspective of Malay Aesthetic Principles (Zakaria Ali, 1982 and
1989) to ascertain its traditional aesthetics, character and qualities. This is because the
social significance of the Baju Kurung is considered as a reflection of Malay culture.
1.2 BACKGROUND OF RESEARCH

Clothing, as commonly understood started in the primitive days, as human
instinct to cover the naked body for modesty and as protection from the weather. In
prehistoric days, human used animal skins, bark of trees and leaves as cover.
However, many primitive people did not see clothing as part of real necessity to
protect their bodies from weather and scratches but rather as special wear for specific
functions.
Wearing the kemban (for women) and sarong (for men and women) are
believed to be the earliest form of clothing for the Malay people in the Peninsular of
Malaysia (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). A Chinese envoy, Wang Ta-Yuan (1349) as cited
in Wheatley (1966) noted that the native of the Malay Land in P’eng-K’eng (Pahang)
wore a piece of ‘long cotton robe girded round with a cotton cord’. The people of Chi-
lan-tan (Kelantan) wore tunics with black cotton sarong (Wheatley, 1966, p.79). These
explained that the natives of the Malay Peninsula had used some form of clothing to
cover their bodies as early as 14th century. Wang Ta-Yuan also stated that the natives
used beads and gold to decorate themselves.
1
It is unknown when exactly Malay people started to wear the Baju Kurung.
However, Malay classical literatures such as Sejarah Melayu, Hikayat Hang Tuah,
Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa and Tuhfat al Nafis showed that the tradition of Malay
dressing had existed during the 15thcentury. In clothing theory, there are four main
functions of dress that are utility, modesty, immodesty and adornment as outlined by
cultural theorist, George Sproles, the author of Consumer Behavior Towards Dress
(1979). Over the time, clothing reflects more uses than mere practical functions.
Sproles further suggested four more functions known assymbolic differentiation,
social affiliation, psychological self-enhancement and modernism (Jones, 2002).
It is believed that Malay people clothed themselves to obey Islamic tenets,
which require them to cover their aurat1 (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994).Thus, Malay
community probably started to wear tailored garments with the arrival of Islam in the
1200s (Wan Hussein Azmi, 1980). Islam believes that wearing clothes will protect
people from immodesty, immoral behaviour and negative perceptions from the
community (Abdul Aziz Ismail, 2005). It was also said that the Sultan Muhammad Shah
of Malacca initiated the Malay costumes during his reign in 1414 to 1424 (Siti Zainon
Ismail, 2006). The Sultan determined the styling of costumes, especially for the
Sultan, the royal family and ministers.
From the 15th century onwards, Malay traditional costumes developed and
produced many forms and styles of Malay garments worn by men and women. The
styles were derived from previous costumes as well as influences from costumes of other
countries such as India, China, Yemen, Arab and Persia (Siti Zainon Ismail,
2006). The influences of other culture were shown in the coordination of the garment
such as accessories, cutting style and fabrication. In some parts of the Malay
Archipelago, Malay dress styling reflects symbolic meaning to the wearer (Tenas
Effendy 2005). In Malay culture, the meanings were usually interpreted through art
forms such as architecture, carving, dressing and musical instruments. Generally, the
meaning would portray the status of the person and his or her beliefs. Symbolism in
Malay arts and crafts has long been identified and recognized as a unique heritage passed
on by their ancestors orally through idioms, pantun and poems (Wan Hashim
Wan Teh, 1996). In Malay arts and crafts, the meaning of the created art object is
2
1
aurat in Islam is the area of body which need to be veiled from public. The aurat of a woman is the
whole body except face and the palms of the hands. The aurat of a man is from the navel to the knees.
3
usually kept secret by the artisans from others unless asked and learned by family
members (Abu Bakar Md. Amin, 2007).
In Malay arts and crafts, the discussion on symbolisms and aesthetic
principles often concentrated on motifs of Malay carvings found on boats, houses and
mosques, motifs on textiles and Malay traditional embroideries, motifs on ceramics
and motifs on weapons such as keris (Syed Ahmad Jamal, 1992, Wan Hashim Wan Teh,
1996 and Abu Bakar Md. Amin, 2007). Colours were used as symbols to signify power
and strength, such as in royal status, ministers and military ranks and in traditional
medicinal medium (Syed Ahmad Jamal, 1992). The descriptions of Malay traditional
costumes discussed coordination and styles were authored by Azah Aziz (1973, 1987,
1989, 1990a, 1990b and 2006) and Zubaidah Shawal (1994), instructions on making the
Malay traditional garments by Salikin Sidek (2010), explanations to dress ethics for
formal functions and types of Malay costumes written by Mohd. Said Sulaiman (1931),
Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi (2003), Tenas Effendy (2005) and Siti
Zainon Ismail (2006).
Some explanations on the customs and principles of wearing the Baju
Kurung were found in Malay classical literatures such as Hikayat Abdullah, Hikayat
Hang Tuah, Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa, Misa Melayu and Sejarah Melayu or Sulalat
al-Salatin. Siti Zainon Ismail (2006, p.19) stated that due to the lack of exposure
on the rules of Malay dressing, the development of the Malay traditional costumes in
fashion often goes awry caused by negligence and the failure to understand the
concept of Malay traditional garments. The lack of understanding of Malay culture and
customs were also the factors that contributed to the development of Malay modern
garments that showed the absence of Malay identity (Azah Aziz,
1973 and Mohammad Najib Md. Nor (Universiti Malaysia Kelantan, 15 October
2010).
1.3 DEFINITION OF THE TRADITIONAL BAJU KURUNG

Baju Kurung is one of the most important garments in the Malay community.
It is believed by Malays and noted in Malay classical literatures that Baju Kurung has
existed for more than 600 years (Ramlah Latif, Muzium Terengganu, 18 August
4
2008). The term Baju Kurung is derived from two Malay words baju and kurung. Baju
is a noun that refers to blouse, shirt or top garment. Kurung (transitive verb) means to
confine in English (Longman Dictionary, 2009). In this context, kurung confines or
5
cover and clothe the body for modesty. ‘Traditional’ suggests that an object that
relates closely to tradition and customs of the society (Longman Dictionary, 2009).
Thus, traditional Baju Kurung strictly obeys the original form and style of the garment
and goes through the process of traditional garment making (Azah Aziz, 1989).
Salikin Sidek (Songket Salikin Sidek SACC, 16 January 2011) and Kalsom Muda
(Universiti Teknologi MARA, 3 November 2010) agreed that traditional Baju Kurung
should maintain its form and style but accept innovative processes such as use of
closures (zip, buttons and hooks) and skirt with side pleats to replace the sarong.
However, Azah Aziz (1990a) and Mohammad Najib Md. Nor (Universiti Malaysia
Kelantan, 15 October 2010) thought any innovations and modifications to techniques
and cuts would change the form of the traditional Baju Kurung from its original look.
Mohammad Najib Md. Nor even emphasised on the use of appropriate accessories,
hairstyle and make-up to fit the traditional look.
There are two main versions of the Baju Kurung. These are the Baju Kurung
Teluk Belanga (Figure 1 for women and Figure 2 for men) and the Baju Kurung
Cekak Musang (Figure 3 for women and Figure 4 for men). Both Baju Kurung for
women are divided into two other shapes, which are Potong Riau or Pesak Gantung and
Pesak Buluh (Figure 5 and Figure 6).The difference is Potong Riau or Pesak Gantung
has elongated shape for its kekek and wide pesak. Baju Kurung for men uses only Pesak
Buluh design. Pesak Buluh is attached to a square cut kekek folded diagonally under the
arm (further explained in Chapter 4). The main characteristic of the garment is its round
neckline with approximately four and a quarter inches slit, pesak (side panels), kekek
(underarm gussets) and straight long sleeves. Azah Aziz (2004) once again stressed that
a Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga must have its traditional cut of pesak, kekek, bulan-bulan
neckline with tulang belut stitching and sarong. The sarong should be styled in ombak
mengalun on one side of the body. Azah Aziz commented that any other replicate
designs that did not have these qualities do not qualify as Baju Kurung.
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang or Baju Wan (for men and women) has a stand-
up collar and placket that runs down in the centre of the front body to the chest line. It
is closed with five studded buttons. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang also has pesak (side
panels), kekek (underarm gussets) and slightly tapered sleeves. It is matched with sarong
that is also styled in ombak mengalun on one side of the body. Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang have gone through a slow
6
transformation in fashion. For many years before the 1960s both garments remained
the same with few changes that did not alter its form and style. After that,
modifications were made to the blouse length and sarong style. The changes made to
Baju Kurung did not initiate new names but continued to use the term Baju Kurung such
as Baju Kurung Alaf Baru (Baju Kurung of New Era), Mini Kurung and Modern Baju
Kurung to describe changes to the garments. Somehow, fashion designers, garment
makers and fashion writers over used the term Baju Kurung and created discomfort
among traditionalists. Based on the history and development of the Baju Kurung, this
study focuses on the original form of the garment, its style, proportion, cut, processes
and coordination to categorize the Baju Kurung into traditional and modern forms.
FIGURE 1
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga from Songket fabric.
Private collection from 1970s. Courtesy of Cantik Creative Creation, Rias (2000).
7
FIGURE 2
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (1950s).
Courtesy of UKM 2006, Rupa& Gaya BusanaMelayu.
8
FIGURE 3
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang
Courtesy of UKM 2006, Rupa& Gaya Busana Melayu
Note: The blouse was made of velvet decorated with gold and silver fringes. The sarong was made of songket
fabric; also decorated with gold and silver fringes.
9
FIGURE 4.
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men.
Source: URTV (2007).
Note: Malay men wore Baju Kurung Cekak Musang or best known as Baju Melayu Cekak Musang during Islamic
festivities such as Hari Raya Aidilfitri and Hari Raya Aidil Adha.
10
FIGURE 5
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Pesak Buluh.
Note: The pesak (side panels) are attached to kekek (gusset). Both parts are attached to underarm sleeves.
FIGURE 6
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Pesak Gantung.
Note:The pesak (side panels) are attached below the kekek (gusset) then attached to underarm sleeves. These
shapes are only applied to women’s blouse.
11
1.4 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Although there have been many research conducted on Baju Kurung, very little
has been discussed on the evolution of the garment, its rules and discipline. Evolution
involves the history of Baju Kurung, the development and present situation of the
garment. The process of evolution involves factors that contribute changes to the look
of the garment. Contributing factors could also mean changes of behavioural patterns in
the society, influences received by the society, environmental issues and changes in
economic status, political beliefs and religion (Jones 2002). The changes of Baju Kurung
happened with or without rules and disciplines in the study of Malay costumes.
Sometimes, the changes abused the name of the Baju Kurung that leads to discomfort
among many traditionalists. Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) stated the problems occurred due
to the lack of understanding of Malay culture and the absence of written guidelines for
designing new Baju Kurung.
Keghairahan mengenengahkan pakaian tradisional Melayu …kerapkali
dianggap menyeleweng daripada makna dan konsep pakaian asal. Penampilan
pakaian Melayu tradisional mencerminkan tanpa diimbangi dengan nilai dan
makna simbolik dan estetika yang wajar. Namun masalah ini tidak dapat dielakkan
kerana tiada panduan khusus tentang ‘peraturan’ atau disiplin yang menjelaskan
makna atau konsep tersebut.Oleh sebab itu, pakaian sebagai sebahagian daripada
budaya benda wajar dianalisis tanpa memisahkannya daripada nilai
kemasyarakatan… (p.19)
The passion to promote traditional Malay garments is often beset by
diversions from its original meaning and concept. The so-called Malay
traditional garments were presented without a balance on its appropriate
symbolic meaning and aesthetics. However, this problem is unavoidable due to
the lack of specific guidelines on the rules and discipline that clarified the
intended meaning and concept. Therefore, clothing as a part of the material culture
should be analyzed without alienating it from society’s values...
Haziyah Hussin (2006) had focused on the study of traditional textiles motifs.
Meanwhile studies on the categories and styles of Malay costumes were conducted by
Zubaidah Shawal (1994), Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi (2003) and Azah Aziz
(2006). Authors like Mohd. Said Sulaiman (1931), Tenas Effendy (2005) and Siti
Zainon Ismail (2006) wrote on general ethics and principles of Baju Kurung. Among the
seminars and exhibitions held regarding the traditional use of the costume and fabric
were Malaysian Textile Heritage (15 December 2003 – 31 January 2004) by National
Art Gallery, Kuala Lumpur, Batik Malaysia: A Living Heritage (30
12
November – 2 December 2007) by Galeri Petronas and the National Art Gallery,
Kuala Lumpur.
This research finds that this study is significant in terms of better understanding
of Malay traditional costumes especially Baju Kurung. This research will contribute to
the knowledge of Malay tradition and principles of Baju Kurung as the garment evolves.
It is also an ideal guide for wide range of disciplines in Malay traditional costumes and
fashion.
1.5 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The study of the development of Baju Kurung involves past and present
situations to show how the garment has changed from 1900 to 2010. The lengthy
period studied (1900-2010) showed the importance of Baju Kurung and its survival in
the Malay community. The documentation of the development of Baju Kurung is to
achieve the following objectives:
a) To identify design characteristic and traditional features of Baju Kurung
with the purpose of strengthening the definition of Baju Kurung. This enables
the research to differentiate between the traditional Baju Kurung and the Malay
modern garment. A clear definition of Baju Kurung will avoid confusion
between the two categories and the exploitation of Baju Kurung name on
modern garments.
b) To categorize the Baju Kurung from the study of various samples of Baju
Kurung plus other visuals in order to document the evolution of Baju Kurung
from 1900 to 2010 in the Peninsular of Malaysia.
c) To investigate the existence of Malay aesthetic principles in Baju Kurung
with the aim of identifying the aesthetics of the traditional Baju Kurung through
analysis of making process of the garment.
The changes are documented to identify similarities and differences in its form, shape,
cut and style. The similarities will strengthen the definition of Baju Kurung, preserve
the traditional characteristics and values of Baju Kurung for the sake of Malay
heritage and national pride. On the other hand, the differences will contribute towards
classification of the Baju Kurung. The Malay aesthetic principles in Baju Kurung will
ensure that the image of Malay modern garment reflects grace, elegance and modesty.
13
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This research focuses on the development and changes of Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang in the Peninsular of Malaysia. These
include the designs of Pesak Buluh and Potong Riau for women’s Baju Kurung. The
states of the Peninsular of Malaysia are Johor and Malacca (in the south), Negeri
Sembilan, Selangor and Perak (in the west), Kedah, Penang and Perlis (in the north) and
Kelantan and Terengganu (in the east).
The study encompasses the history, culture and development of Baju Kurung
from 1900 to 2010. This involves the making process, its shape, form and style for
traditional and current Baju Kurung. These factors are analyzed to determine the
categorization of Baju Kurung and its degree of originality. The coordination and style
of the traditional Baju Kurung reflect Malay customs, which indirectly portrays the
image of the community. The Malay dress custom itself is originated from the palaces
as practiced by the royals and aristocrats (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). Thus, the research
should look into the aspects of Malay dress principles that infused into the Malay
aesthetic principles in Baju Kurung.
1.7 LIMITATION
Generally, Baju Kurung is widely used in the Malay community in the Malay
Archipelago. This research concentrates the use of Baju Kurung in the region of
Peninsular Malaysia; namely Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak
Musang. Although Baju Kurung are worn by men and women and carry the same
names; the styles and coordination for men and women are different. This research
involves the making process and design study of Baju Kurung from the perspective of
custom and culture. The difficulties and obstacles in achieving information for the
research are:
a) Environmental and climate factors: original garments of the past are
difficult to obtain and decayed due to Malaysian weather. Thus, this research
relies heavily on photographic images from the National Archive, libraries and
museums taken as early as 1900 to study the proportion and shape of the
garment. Actual samples observed are from personal collections, boutiques
and museums dating from 1930s to 2010.
14
b) In some states such as Perlis and Penang, Baju Kurung for women is less
popular compared to Kebaya2 and Baju Kedah3. Therefore, the samples are
very limited.
c) There are very few experts in traditional Baju Kurung making who still
practice the art today. Many garment makers choose modern methods and
technology to produceBaju Kurung. Many of them have little knowledge of
traditional making and techniques of Baju Kurung.
d) Many old Baju Kurung in personal collections are undated. The research
faces difficulties to identify the exact year the Baju Kurung was made. Thus,
this research used triangulation method to help identify its approximate period,
which is reflected by patterns, types of fabrics and age of the owner of the
garment.
1.8 DELIMITATION
The style and coordination of Baju Kurung often relate to accessories and
hairstyle. However, in this research, it only focuses the aesthetics of Baju Kurung
from the perspective of making process, use of textiles, form, shape, design line and
items for garment coordination such as blouse, skirt, headgear, trousers and
waistcloth.
1.9 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The research is a qualitative research that embraces ethnographic and
material studies in Malay culture. The research is based on content analysis, historical
evidence, visits to museums and National Archive to support the data. The literature
review offers understanding of the history and background Baju Kurung in the early
period of Malay Land mainly from 1900 to 1957 (Before Independence) and 1958 to
1979 (Early Independence) where pictorial evidence was the main source of
information. Fashion magazines are the main reference for photographic
documentation of the development of Baju Kurung especially from 1980 to 1999
(Modern Malaysia) and 2000 to 2010 (Millennium Years). This research also gained
2
Kebaya is a long blouse with centre front opening worn by Malay women. The blouse is worn with a
matching skirt with deep fold on one side of the body.
3
Baju Kedah is a short tunic at hip length and three quarter length sleeves. The blouse is also worn with
a matching skirt with deep fold on one side of the body.
15
information through unstructured interview with practitioners, professionals and antique
collectors, which were conducted during the visits to museums and craft organizations.
1.9.1 Literature Review

In this research, historical and classical literatures are the main references to
understand the concepts of the Malay culture and society. The literatures also
contribute to form, style and coordination of the Malay traditional costumes specifically
Baju Kurung in the early history of the Malay Land. The preliminary study of the
Baju Kurung is extracted from Malay classical literatures, historical and cultural
literatures and photographic studies to build an understanding of the traditional
Baju Kurung. Grace (2004) states that study through anthropology, cultural studies,
semiotics and history will discuss material culture and give existing interpretation or
information of symbolic meanings in a culture (visual, customs and mannerism). Roland
Barthes (1967) cited by Jones (2002) believed that clothing conveyed messages
and meaning, which are known as semiotics. Thus, the researcher believed that Baju
Kurung also carry the same principle and should be given guidelines to maintain
its identity.
Existing texts and pictorial records are inadequate. Texts and photographs
mostly obtained from museums and the National Archive have been quoted and
reproduced repeatedly by previous research. However, these factors would not affect
the result since the research focuses on the proportion of the garments, making
process, form, style and coordination.
1.9.2 Object-Based Research

Object-based research is conducted when the object is the major source of
information (Kawamura, 2011, p.92). The research obtained and collected information
through gathering various samples of Baju Kurung found in museums, boutiques and
wardrobe of personal collectors. These samples were collected from every state in the
Peninsular of Malaysia without restricting its quantity for each state. However, places
in the north of the Peninsular such as Perlis and Penang had limited quantity of Baju
Kurung for women in the early 1900s. This is because the states were known of other
types of Malay traditional costumes such as Kebaya and Baju Kedah. Object-based
research allows the research to investigate and evaluate the formalistic study and
16
process involved in making the Baju Kurung. The obstacles would be to determine the
exact date of the garment since many of the garments were undated. Baju Kurung
from the early period were also limited. The data compiled and documented from the
samples are for comparison of proportion, making process and design elements. The
data also determines the existence of Malay aesthetics principles in Baju Kurung.
Unstructured interviews were conducted with museum and cultural officers,
garment makers, academicians and professional experts in Malay costumes
specifically Baju Kurung. The interviews were conducted in casual environment that
facilitated direct and indirect questions to the interviewees. The interviewees were
prominent individuals who have experiences and knowledge in the area of Baju Kurung.
Unstructured interviews and samples provided the research with undocumented data of
Baju Kurung. Apart from interview and samples from personal collections, samples
were also obtained from recorded photographs and artefacts from museums and
archives.
The requirement to accumulate new knowledge (Cauvery et. al, 2009),
encourages a systematic approach of collecting data, analysis and explanation of the
problems faced by the Baju Kurung to survive and prosper as Malay identity and
national heritage in the Millennium Years in the Peninsular of Malaysia. Figure 7
suggests the process of study, data collection and analyzing data. Information gained
from unstructured interview is relevant. The information is usually passed on through
word of mouth amongst artisans and makers from generation to generation. Among
the professionals, academicians and influential individuals, although not restricted to
those mentioned, are such as:
a) Siti Zainon Ismail (Professor Dr., Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia)
b) Mohamad Najib Md. Nor (Associate Professor, Universiti Malaysia
Kelantan)
c) Kalsom Muda (Associate Professor Hajah, Senior lecturer at the
Department of Fashion Design, Universiti Teknologi MARA)
d) Zubaidah Sual (Istana Budaya)
e) Ramlah Latif (Conservator, Muzium Terengganu, Terengganu)
f) Tengku Ismail Tengku Su (Patron of Terengganu Songket, Pura Tanjong
Sabtu, Terengganu)
g) Shafie Ahmad (Cultural Officer of Badan Kesenian Warisan Johor)
17
h) Salikin Sidek (Fashion Designer)
18
i) Hajah Seleha Haji Hamzah (Baju Kurung maker for high ranked
government officers in district of Hulu Langat, 1950 to 1980s)
FIGURE 7
Research Design: Process of Study, Analysis of Data and Data Interpretation.
Source: AslizaAris, 2010.
Baju Kurung
Theories, Malay texts,

Samples & Unstructured
historical literatures &
observations interview
photographic evidence
Collect data, analyze and categorize
(2-D) Processes, (3-D) Style, design Adat Adab Status

motifs, colour, fabric details (function) & (Custom) (Manner)
& style. coordination of garment.
Traditional Identify characters and factors of Modern

traditional Baju Kurung.
Confirms the definition

Suggest role of Aesthetic
of Baju Kurung Break into sub
Principles of Baju Kurung
categories according
to form, style and
coordination.
Suggest Aesthetic Principles of
Baju Kurung to other modern
Malay garments.
19
1.9.3 Related Theories
The relationship of form, function and content encouraged the researcher to
investigate the existence of Malay aesthetic principles in Baju Kurung. In order to
achieve this objective, the research refers to the Malay Aesthetic Principles in arts and
crafts by Zakaria Ali (1982 and 1989) and other related theories projected in Malay
traditional costumes. The Baju Kurung is regarded as an art object or art product and
is assessed based on form, function and content. Ocvirk et. al (2006) wrote that in
producing art, the unconscious or conscious mind of the maker (designer) will cooperate
with three basic components:
a) subject - thing, person or idea
b) form - appearance in result of the use of elements of design and
c) content - emotional and intellectual message.
As such, in the discipline of Malay arts all three basic components existed. These
components will be used to assess aesthetic values in Baju Kurung. The aesthetic
principles in Malay arts and crafts as suggested by Zakaria Ali are:
a) Prinsip Berhalus (Finesse)
b)Prinsip Berguna (Functionality)
c) Prinsip Bersatu (Unity)
d)Prinsip Berlawan (Contrasting)
e) Prinsip Berlambang (Symbolism)
f) Prinsip Bermakna (Meaningful)
Zakaria Ali (1989) also points out that Malay arts and crafts reflect the
behaviour of the Malay community using kiasan (idioms) to reflect halus (finesse) and
adab (good manners). Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) outlines that the aesthetic values in
Malay traditional costumes represents three factors as projected by Argan in Costume
as Art (1973). The three factors are quality of material, ornamental accessories and style
and design, form, coordination and beauty. Due to the factor that Baju Kurung is a
functional object, the researcher also refers to Islamic dress criteria; to clothe the body.
The Islamic dress criteria reflect faith and ibadah (obligation) as required by Islam in
the Al Quran and hadiths. Finally, in this research, the role of Malay aesthetic principles
in Baju Kurung will become a guideline for designing future Malay garments
inspired by Baju Kurung.
20
1.10 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The research will be the first to document the evolution of Baju Kurung from
the perspective of history, arts, design process and principles. By preserving the
traditional Baju Kurung and developing Malay modern garments using the Malay
aesthetic principles, the heritage will become a national pride and preserve the Malay
cultural identity.
To the best of knowledge, there has been little study made in the area of rules
and principles explaining the form, style and coordination of the Malay traditional
costumes particularly Baju Kurung (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006, p.19). The lack of
guideline allowed unsuitable modifications made to the Malay traditional costumes
and modern garments for Malay community to fit current fashion and trend.
Therefore, this research segregates the traditional and modern Baju Kurung by
strengthening its definition and recommends Malay aesthetic principles particularly
for Baju Kurung to act as guide for future creative work in modern Malay garments.
This will contribute to modest fashion for the Malay community as well as
fashion education and industry in Malaysia. The knowledge of rules and principles to
Malay costumes will also encourage the appreciation of Malay traditional costumes
among the younger generation as well as in creative work, performing arts, fashion
and textiles.
1.11 SUMMARY
This chapter highlights the background of Baju Kurung and its importance to
the Malay community. The objectives outline the importance of implementation the
research. This study is believed significant to the development of Baju Kurung for
preserving Baju Kurung as national pride and Malay cultural identity. This research
continues with an overview of the history of Peninsular of Malaysia, its people,
custom and arts, presented in Chapter 2. Chapter 2 also explicates in detail the form
and content on Baju Kurung worn by men and women in the Peninsular of Malaysia.
Chapter 3 outlines aesthetics and dress principles in relation to Malay costumes in
general. Theories applied are extracted from Malay customs gathered by traditionalists
such as Zakaria Ali, Tenas Effendy and Siti Zainon Ismail. In this chapter, the
research also shows that these theories are built upon the Islamic dress criteria.
21
In Chapter 4, the development of Baju Kurung is presented according to four
stages: 1900 to 1957 (Before Independence), 1958 to 1979 (Early Independence),
22
1980 to 1999 (Modern Malaysia) and 2000 to 2010 (Millennium Years). The stages
displayed the development of form of Baju Kurung gathered from samples and
observation made to Baju Kurung. Further, the development of Baju Kurung is
detailed in terms of the making process in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 discusses the effects
of the development of Baju Kurung in Chapter 4 and 5. Finally, Chapter 7 concludes the
findings in Chapter 6 in regards of the objectives presented earlier and recommends
for further research in this area.
23
CHAPTER TWO
THE MALAY PENINSULA (PENINSULAR OF MALAYSIA)
2.1 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, this research outlines a brief history of Malay Peninsula from
pre historic period to Malay Kingdoms, its economy, culture and social context of
Malay people in the Peninsula. The review continues with beliefs and religion of the
Malay people, influences of foreign culture in their life styles, which eventually
becomes part of Malay arts and culture. This chapter also discusses Malay arts, focusing
on textiles used for traditional Baju Kurung, the design and coordination of the Baju
Kurung for men and women as well as method used to construct the garment.
2.2 HISTORY OF THE MALAY PENINSULA

Around 3000 years before the arrival of Hindus, circa 7 AD, the Malays were
known as Proto-Malay and Deutro-Malay (Winstedt, 1972). The natives discovered
and explored the lands of the Malay Archipelago or the Malay World from south of
China down to the islands until Madagascar. In Malay language, Proto Malay is orang
asli. They are for examples; Jakun, Iban, Batak, Toraja, Tiruray and Ifugao whom could
be found on the land of the Malay Peninsula (Tanah Melayu), Indonesia, Borneo
and Philippines (Mohd. Taib Osman, 2000). The Deutro-Malays lived along the river
and not as primitive as the Proto-Malays. Although they practiced animism, they were
open to new beliefs. These people were said to be responsible for early civilization of
the Malay World (Samri Sainuddin, 2003).
Through the study of language, great similarities were shown within the
nations of Indonesian, Polynesian, Melanesian and Micronesian in the areas of the
Pacific Ocean. These four groups evolved from the Austronesian language speaking
family. Relatively, Malay, Javanese, Iban and Bugisnese developed from the Indonesian
language (Mohd Taib Osman, 2000). Focusing to the practiced language
of the lingua franca in the 16th century, the core of the Malay Realm was concentrated
in the area of the Malay Peninsula, Borneo and Indonesia including its islands (Figure
8).
The map shows the specific area to which the Malay races spread around
Asia. The orange area marked the minority Malay (Malay Diaspora), red area is the
Malay-Polynesian and the green area is the core of the Malay World, which is known
24
as the Nusantara or the Malay Archipelago (Mohd. Taib Osman, 2002). The area of
Nusantara consists of countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore,
Phillipines and Southern Thailand. However, the Nusantara as described by
Indonesian is the national territory of Indonesia excluding those other countries
(Muzium Jakarta, 2011).
FIGURE 8
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the area of Malay Archipelago
Source: Muzium Alam Melayu, Muzium Negara Kuala Lumpur (2007).
The Malay people from the Polynesian group did not exactly have its specific
ethnic name. According to the National Act 1971, Malay refers to a nation; a person
who practiced the Malay culture, life-style and speaks Malay. Names that exist in
reference to Malay Minangkabau, Bugese, Aceh, Riau, Perak, Johor, Palembang and
Brunei (naming a few examples) are actually Malay of place origin, not the names of
Malay sub-ethnics (Ismail Hussein, 1990). In general, Malay is also synonymous to
Jawi, an Arabic script adapted to suit Malay language for writing.
Therefore, the Malay boundary does not end within political boundaries.
Malay exists as a culture practiced by the people originated from the Austronesian
language family that stretches in Southeast Asia from Sumatera in the west to the
Spice Islands in the east, and from Java islands in the south to Kampuchea in the Indo-
Chinese Peninsula in the north (Mohd Taib Osman, 2002). In Figure 9 shows, that
Austronesian language was spoken in the area of South East Asia. It shows strong
25
relationship between Malaysia (Malaya), Singapore, Philippines and Indonesia, which
often refered to as the Malay realm (Alam Melayu).
Mohd. Koharuddin Mohd. Balwi (2005) stated that Malay-Polinesia was the
largest group spread all over the world. This group was divided into two; one being
Islam (Muslim) and the other was non-Muslim. The non-Muslim group are such as
people of North Phillipines, Balinese and aborigines.
FIGURE 9
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the area of Major Language Families
Source: Southeast Asia Textile Museum, Singapore (2007).
Note: The map marked in red is the area in the Malay Archipelago where Austronesian was the strongest language
family in the area of Southeast Asia.
2.3 THE MALAY KINGDOMS

The Southeast Asia had a fair variety of strong kingdoms since early of the
century until late 16th century. Due to the position of the Malay Land, she received
almost all diplomatic relations and administrative help from neighbouring countries,
readily or by force. In the mid of 8th century the north of Malay Land was part of
Langkasuka and the rest of the Malay Land was part of Srivijaya (Figure 10). According
to Chinese chronicles, Langkasuka was built in the late first century AD, believed as the
Old Kedah, which was later known as Pattani. The Chinese name for Langkasuka was
Lang-ya-shiu (Nik Hassan Shuhaimi, 2005). In the 3rd AD, Funan, which was a
collection of states along the Mekong River, became a strong Hindu
26
empire ruled by a leader named Fan Man. He was responsible to the colonization of
the north of Malay Peninsula.
FIGURE 10
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the area of Southeast Asia Kingdoms Mid
8th Century.
The disintegration of power in Funan or the Khmer Empire during 6 AD

initiated Malay rulers to send their representatives to the Emperor of China to seek
independence. In return, Chinese officers visited the Malay Land in early 7th AD and
found that rich Malay Kingdoms ruled the land. Approximately, in 530 AD during the
Chung Ta Tung (Liang Dynasty) the king of Tan Tan had given His Majesty gifts
such as ivory sculptures and fans. In Chinese journals written in 609 AD, it was noted
that the Chinese envoy already discovered the Malay kingdom. They visited the land,
believed to be Tanah Merah (Kelantan), which was described to have three domes
upon entering. Each dome was 100 steps away from one another. Another Malay state
marked on the Chinese map was Fo-lo-an, calculated as a four-day travel by sea
(Norwani Md. Nawawi, 2006, p.4).
The power of Srivijaya over the Malay land stretched out to the north in the
late of 12th. Century; taking over Langkasuka (Figure 11). Thus, the Malay Land
received many influences before finally the Malacca Empire came in power in the
15th. Century.
27
FIGURE 11
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the Area of Southeast Asia Kingdoms Late 12 th
Century. Source: Southeast Asia Textile Museum, Singapore (2007).
FIGURE 12
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the area of Southeast Asia Kingdoms
Late 15th Century.
Note: The red area in Figure 12 shows the Malacca Sultanate Kingdom during the late 15th century. It covers part
of Indonesia: Siak, Kampar and Inderagiri in Sumatra. Next to it was the Empire of Majapahit and north was the
Kingdom of Ayutthaya.
28
2.4 THE PENINSULAR OF MALAYSIA
The Malay Peninsula or Malay Land, now known as the Peninsular of Malaysia
is located strategically between Thailand at the north border and Singapore to the
south. Along the west coast of the Peninsular is the Straits of Malacca. Across the land
lies the Sumatra Island. East Malaysia or better known to western countries as the
Borneo sits across the South China Sea facing the east coast of the Malay
Peninsula (Figure 13).
FIGURE 13
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the Location of Malaysia in the South East Asia.
Source: http://mapsget.com/world/miscellaneous/map-of-south-east-asia/,retrieved 3 March 2009.
MYANMAR
PHILLIPINES
VIETNAM
HINDI CAMBODIA
OCEAN
SOUTH
THAILAND CHINA SEA
MALAYSIA
SINGAPORE
INDONESIA
The Peninsular of Malaysia contains the majority of the population of

Malaysia, which comprises of various races. The three major races are Malay, Indian
and Chinese. The west of the Peninsular of Malaysia consists of four states that are
Perlis, Kedah, Perak and Pulau Pinang (Penang). The central region states are
Selangor and the Federal Territories; Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya. Placed south of the
Peninsular are Negeri Sembilan, Melaka (Malacca) and Johor. The states in the east of
the Peninsular of Malaysia are Kelantan, Terengganu and Pahang. Whereas, the East
of Malaysia holds another two states that are Sabah and Sarawak.
29
In earlier texts, it was discovered that the location of the Malay Peninsula had
attracted seafarers on the north of it to Kedah and Terengganu in the east. Chinese and
Portuguese writings mentioned stops of the Malay Peninsula such as Lang-Ya-Hsu, Tan-
Tan, Chih-Tu and Chieh-Ch’a (Figure 14, Wheatley 1966, Zakaria Ali 1994). Further,
down the Malay Peninsula, they passed Malacca along the straits to Indonesia and
Philippines. Due to the geographical factor of the Malay Peninsula, which was halfway
between India and China, it had benefitted both political and cultural contacts with the
two countries (Ryan, 1971).
FIGURE 14
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the area of the Malay Peninsula
(The Golden Chersonese).
Source: Wheatley, 1966.
Note: This map is as illustrated in the T’ang texts (Wheatley, 1966). It shows the location of the Malay Peninsula
and Sumatera. Stopping places on the peninsular are places named Lang-Ya-Hsu, Chih-Tu, Chieh-Ch’a, Lo-Yueh
and Tan-Tan. They were marked to indicate their early existence and importance to travelers and traders. This proves
the importance of the Malay Peninsular as indicative points to voyagers and traders that at sea.
30
Gold and tin were largely found on the Malay Land. This factor had compelled the
Europeans to explore the land. Ptolemy, named the Malay Peninsula ‘Aurea
Chersonesus’ (The Land of Gold) and Milton termed it the ‘Golden Chersonese’
(Bird, 1982). In that respect, the Malay Peninsula was able to attract foreign powers and
receive a mixture of influence from other cultures, traditions and beliefs brought in by
the passer-bys and through colonization by European and western countries.
Research showed that the prehistoric culture of the Malay Land was
characterized by the Neolithic and Dong Son arts. The evidence of material culture such
as ceramic and metal tools, pots and knives carries the continuity and influence of
design, application of tools and development of technology (Muzium Arkeologi,
Lembah Bujang, 2007). Artifacts such as stone bracelets, rings and seed-beads chain
proved that the people had started to adorn themselves with accessories even before they
started to wear clothes (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). The development of body covering
continues to expand under the Hindu-Buddhism influence and Islam. The influence of
Hindu-Buddhism together with animism was said to be so influencing to the local people
that when Islam came, some customs from the previous tradition were practiced as part
of the Malay culture.
Although there was no apparent trace that the Malays were once Hindus, the
influence of Indian custom continued where they were thought amenable to Islamic
teachings. The traditions involved wedding ceremonies, traditional healing activities
and celebration of newborns. The mixture of myths and magic together with Islamic
teachings was strong in remote areas where Islamic educational centres hardly exist.
The pious focused on religious preachings and activities in the palaces. The royals and
aristocrats were served with education, under the auspices of the Sultan and his
administration. Mohd Taib Osman (2000), explained Redfield’s model (1950)
encapsulates the civilization at the urban side by providing and developing one end with
learning centres, teachers, scholarly traditions and religious education. Early influences
from the ulamas encouraged the rulers to practice their administration according
to Islamic law. The Malay people readily accepted the teachings of Islam because the
Sultan had first accepted the religion. Thus, the subjects followed to show loyalty and
submission to the King and country.
31
2.5 EARLY RESIDENTS OF THE MALAY PENINSULA
The early residents of the Malay Peninsula were the Proto-Malay and Deutro
Malay or coastal-Malay (Orang Benua) whom were believed to migrate from the
south of Asian Continent to north of the Malay Land. Peter Bellwood (1985, p.108)
grouped them as the west Malay-Polynesia. This group settled down in countries such
as the Philippines, Vietnam, Madagascar, Malaya, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Sulawesi,
Bali, Lombok and West Sumbawa. The spread of this group resulted in similarity of
prehistoric culture and crafts that produced the Neolithic and Dong Son arts. This was
supported by material evidence such as metals, knives, ceramic pots, beads and
hunting tools found in archaeological sites of the Malay Peninsula.
There were four or five racial types traced as the ancestors of the Australian
and Melanesian who survived in Malaya. The races were divided into three large
groups: the Negrito, the Senoi (or Sakai, also classed as Veddoid or Indonesian) and
Jakun (Proto-Malay or Mongoloid Indonesian) (Windstedt, 1972, p.7). In general,
according to Windstedt (1972), all Malays were considered Indonesians since they
were believed to migrate from Sumatra and Minangkabau to the Peninsula. Today
however, Indonesia has a nation that consists of many races which live in Indonesia
and practice one culture while Malaysia allows every race in the country to practice
each and every one’s own culture, which merge together to become Malaysian. In this
research, the Malay is defined as the Malay society of the Malaysia under the National
Act 1971.
Previous findings proved that the Malaccan Sultanate had existed as early as
1262 (Kerajaan Melaka serah bukti sejarah, 2010, June 2, Utusan Malaysia). In
reference to the establishment of the Malay Sultanate, the structure of traditional
Malay society is determined as follows. The traditional Malay in the Malay world is
divided into four groups. The highest in the hierarchy is the King and his royal family.
The level descends to ministers, aristocrats and ulama at par, and finally, the commoners
at lowest level. The system, as quoted by Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Hassan (1980) known as
a ‘closed society’. All in the Malay traditional community practiced this system
(Maclver and Page, 1965, p.355). The practice shows that the lineage of a person
determines his or her status.
32
The natives of the Malay Peninsula believed in animism. They worshipped
the spirits and believed in magical spells. They believed in the existence of ghosts,
evil and good spirits that guard their surroundings, homes and belongings. The arrival
33
of Hindu-Buddhism did not change their beliefs in animism. Instead, they adopted the
new customs into their rituals. Apart from spirits they would also seek help from the
Dewa (deity).
The Indian influences that affected the Malay Peninsula were indirectly
received from the Empire of Srivijaya (7th -12th Centuries). Historians believed that
Indians were responsible for bringing early civilization, Hinduism and Islam to the
Malay Peninsula (Ryan, 1971, p.2). The evidence of Hindu temples in Lembah Bujang
(the Bujang Valley) in Kedah showed that the Hindus found the Malay Peninsula in
the 11th century that is earlier than the grand Malaccan Kingdom (Zakiah Hanum,
1988). Thus, it is not surprising that both Hindu and Islam have deeply affected the
cultural life and beliefs of the natives in the Malay Land.
It is not known who introduced the tunic into Malay dress culture. In the old
days, cotton was very common. Weaving cloth existed as the locals’ activities were
patronised by the royal courts. It was believed that the weaving technique and motifs
were influences from China, Cambodia, India and Arab since the Malay Land had had
economic relationships with those countries. In the Malay Peninsula, Terengganu,
Kelantan and Pahang produced high quality woven textiles. Perhaps they were the
results of trades with those countries (Norwani Md. Nawawi, 2002, p.10). In palaces and
courts, a person was expected to master the skill and teach palace women the knowledge.
These women wove and made textiles for royal use and collection. Swettenham (1984)
also mentioned in his journey to the east coast of the Malay Peninsula that the east coast
people were the best imitators. He said, one could not recognize a kris bought in
Terengganu was made of by the locals or by Sumatran or Javanese until it is rotted with
time.
2.6 ECONOMY
Early inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula were mainly nomadic hunters,
farmers and anglers. At the time the Malay kingdoms was said to have flourished, which
was around the 2nd or 3rd century AD, Indian traders, priests and Buddhist missionaries
began their travel to the region. Trading was the main activity that drove the voyagers
to come ashore on the Malay Peninsula while seeking shelter from the monsoon wind.
The Chinese came from the northeast every six months and the other
six months, people from Arabia and India came from the south-west. The local people
34
survived on tropical fruits and products that were made from forests trees such as
rattans, canes and gutta (Malay horsewhips and knife-handles).
The foreigners discovered the land rich in gold, tin and timber. Bartered
products include pepper, spices, rice, gambir, sugar-cane, coffee, yams, sweet
potatoes, cocoa, sago, cotton, tea, India rubber and indigo (Bird, 1982). Traders and
seafarers came, bartered their goods and left. A few people stayed, preached and married
the Jakuns and Sakais. The new village expanded and became a new community with
slightly different culture. The Orang Laut by the sea continued to live through fishing
and sea activities. Other people survived from planting paddy, tropical fruits and other
types of plants.
Arts and crafts developed from the influence of foreign people. Skill and
technology received from the traders such as weaving, metal smithing and boat
making were developed and mastered. Cotton and silk became very important for the
rich and became the source of economy to the villagers. Apart from cotton and silk,
traders brought in various types of textiles such as satins, brocade, velvets and gold
textiles. The activities of arts and crafts were known to have existed through pantun and
syair. Pantun and syair are forms of entertainment used for jokes, cynicism or advice.
The first two lines in the pantun are called foreshadow while the third and fourth lines
convey the meaning. In the pantun below, the fore shadow suggested the process of
producing textile from yarn. It showed that weaving was one of the activities of
kampong people. Language studies found that most Malay classical writings and
storytelling involved the people and events around them. A well-known
pantun is as below:
Asal kapas menjadi benang,
Asal benang menjadi kain.
Yang lepas jangan di-kenang,
Sudah menjadi orang lain.
Tranlated by Windstedt (1972)
From cotton coarse our thread we fashion,
From the thread our fabric’s wove.
No remorse! When sped our fashion,
Count me dead and not your love, (p.159).
Jones (2002) stated that fashion is often inspired by the past. This also
happened to other form of arts. In economy, fashion and garment industries are
contributors while conversely the economy also affects fashion. Good economy
30
depends on politics, social culture and environment (Muhammad Muhd. Taib, 1996).
Derived from Jones (2002) and Lehnert (2000) a table is drawn to line up the social
event in specific years that affected fashion trend (Appendix A). The reference for the
development of Malay wear was extracted from Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi
(2003), Azah Aziz (2006), Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) and Zubaidah Shawal (1994).
Logically, the same phenomenon could happen here in Malaysia without us noticing it
as much. Although the movement of fashion for Malay garments was slow in the
beginning, it had changed drastically with exposure of film and technology. Movies,
televisions and magazines changed the local perception towards western elements and
culture. Other arts such as painting and literature had slowly received
western influence in earlier period during the British colonialization in 19 th century
(Al-Faruqi, 1990, pp. 31-48). The strength of economy too had helped the society to
trust the administration and practiced western lifestyle.
2.7 BELIEFS AND RELIGIONS

The people of Malay Peninsula tolerate each other’s beliefs and religion right
from the beginning of early administration of the country. The Malays and orang asli
(aborigines) practiced animism. In 1414, Parameswara, the Malay Sultan accepted Islam
and administered Malacca according to Islamic teaching and regulation. He changed his
name to Megat Iskandar Syah (Mohd Jamil Mukmin, 2004, p.76). The immigrants such
as the Indians were free to practice Hinduism and the Chinese were Buddhists. However,
in today’s society, many Indians and Chinese are also Christians.
2.7.1 Animism
The natives of the Malay world had strong beliefs in spirits and the
supernatural. These beliefs lingered for a very long time in the community until the
arrival of Hindu-Buddhism and Islam in the early centuries. Animism stayed on and
blended together with Hinduism and Islamic teachings, especially in remote areas where
education was difficult to obtain. The supernatural was an easy explanation for difficult
circumstances such as illness, bad luck or diseases. To avoid from bad vibes, many
rituals were held to cast away bad spirits and spells. These events generate a harmonious
relationship among villagers. With the arrival of the Indians, the locals slowly adapt to
Hindu-Buddhism but never leave animism completely.
31
2.7.2 Indian Culture and Its Influence to Malay People
The Indian people came from India through the trade routes from the north east
of the Malay Land. They came to seek shelter from the monsoon season before
continuing their journey to other places. The traders from India brought in spices,
aloes wood, gold and textiles to Kedah or ‘Chieh-ch’a as known by the Chinese and
Kilah by the Arabs. The Tamil quoted Kedah as Kadaram and sometimes Kalagam
(Muzium Arkeologi Lembah Bujang, 2007 and Zakiah Hanum, 1988). Kadaram
means a big wok or Kalagam, which means black. The Malay Peninsula was believed
to have received the Hindu-Buddhism first before the arrival of Islam in the middle of
8th century. The scholars at that time nicknamed the Malay Peninsula as ‘Greater
India’ (Mohd Taib Osman, 2000).
The influence of the Indian culture and language, which still existed in the
Malay culture and language, strengthens the argument, besides material evidence such
as tombstones found at archaeological sites, north of Malaysia. In addition, there is
also the use of words such as bhumi = bumi (world), bhasa = bahasa (language), raja
(king), deva = dewa (deity), pura = kota (town) and maha (great). In Malay epics,
such as the Hikayat Seri Rama (influence of Ramayana), Hikayat Pendawa Lima (based
on Mahabratta) and Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa proved that Hindu- Buddhism was
an influence to the Malay Archipelago (Tamadun Islam dan Tamadun Melayu, 2006,
p.25). However, Mohamed Anwar (2003) opposes the term
‘indianization’, which he regarded as ‘colonial influenced to scholars’. Mohamed
Anwar, through his ethnographic research strongly believes that the Malays never
received Hindu as religion or practice its custom. He stated that there is a difference
between kepercayaan (believing) and anutan (reception).
In further discussions, Mohamed Anwar also opposed the four phases of
development of Malay civilization in the Malay Archipelago. He argued that the
influence of animism, Hindu, Buddhism and then Islam is only relevant to ancient
Java but not the Malay Peninsula. His views opposed many other scholars in the
country, which he regarded as ‘overshadowed by colonial knowledge and orientalist
believers’.
32
2.7.3 Chinese Culture and Its Influence to Malay People
The interaction between the Malays and China had started since the Funan
Empire in the 3rd century. Recorded documents showed a history of
acknowledgement to the existence of the Malay Peninsula since the Chin Dynasty
201-206 AD, Han Dynasty 206 - 220 AD and Wu Dynasty 222 – 280 AD. The
relationship blossomed during the Tang Dynasty 618 - 907 AD and Ming Dynasty
1368 – 1644 AD (Abd Wahid Jais et. al, 2006). The interaction between the two was
in the form of migrations, trades and diplomatic relations. During the Malaccan
Sultanate in 1403, Yin Ching, a Chinese admiral came to propose protection for
Malacca. The marriage between the Sultan of Malacca; Sultan Mansur Syah to
Princess Hang Li Po (1456-1477) brought these two empires even closer. Diplomatic
relations between Malacca and China ended with the fall of Malacca Empire to the
Portuguese in 1511 (Mohd Jamil Mukmin, 2004).
The effect from the migration was a new community who had gone through
assimilation called the Baba-Nyonya or Straits Chinese (Ryan, 1971, p.19). Apart
from Malacca, the community also existed in other town areas such as Penang and
Singapore. Baba-Nyonya consisted of Cina Peranakan, Jawi-Peranakan and India
Peranakan (Museum of Baba Nyonya, Singapore, 2009). Tan (1993) says that local born
Chinese who speaks Malay and live their life-style like the Malay people, wear sarong
and kebaya, eat and cook food combined both Chinese and indigenous cuisine are
regarded as Cina Peranakan. Within the new community, the Malay arts, food and
culture also developed its richness in creativity and technology.
The local community began to use silk, porcelain and kitchen tools. The
Chinese also introduced musical instruments and the technique of producing sugar
from sugar canes, textiles, rum, explosives and wax (Zakaria Ali, 1994, p.90). The
Malay attire, kebaya becomes the most significant trademark of the Baba-Nyonya
community. From plain simple kebaya, the blouse was decorated with intricate
embroidery and fine lace works. Chinese trousers also became part of Malay attire as
mentioned in Pakai Patut Melayu, which was seluar gunting Cina or simply translated
as Chinese-cut trousers (Mohd. Said Sulaiman, 1931).
2.7.4. Islam and Malay People
33
Islamic civilization developed in the Malay World through the development
of the religion itself. Islamic traders already knew the Malay Archipelago since the 1 st
34
Hijrah that was approximately between 7th and 8th century AD (Mohd. Jamil
Mukmin, 2004, p.28). Many of the Arab traders that came to the Malay Archipelago
were from Yemen. Undoubtedly, the Yemen traders also discovered the Malay
Peninsula. This could be confirmed by the existence of a long coat used by the Malay
rajas called Baju Muskat (Muzium Kedah, 2007).
The definite date of the arrival of Islam in the Malay Peninsula has not been
determined. However, it was believed that Islam reached the Malay Peninsula
between 13th and 14th centuries. A strong evidence that proved this was the discovery
of an inscribed stone in Terengganu; Batu Bersurat Terengganu dated year 1302 (14th
century / 702 Hijrah), written in Jawi, the Arabic script. The stone was scripted in
Melayu Kuno (ancient Malay) and listed the state’s law. However, a recent discovery
found an old tombstone dated 419 Hijrah (12th century) at a burial ground in Kampung
Permatang Pasir Pulau Tambun, Pekan, Pahang. The Pahang Islamic Department and
Pahang State Museum confirmed this in 1980 (Mohd. Mokhtar Shafii, 1980).
The Chinese journals recorded, San-Fu-Chi (Palembang), an Islamic-ruled
government in the area of north Sumatera (Syed Naguib Al-Attas, 1969 in Mohd.
Moktar Shafii, 1980). This said government, ruled by an Arab leader had made
diplomatic contacts with China during 674 AD (Mohd. Mokhtar Shafii, 1980, p.26).
Another opinion mentioned that Ta-shih, also an Islamic country in the north
Sumatera was discovered in 650 AD (Abd Wahid et. al., 2006, p.24). The most
popular theory made by scholars was that Islam came to the Malay world through the
trade route made by the Indians and Chinese. It is supported by the existence of the
same Islamic sect as in those countries, which is the Mazhab Syafii.
In the case of the Malay Peninsula, Wheatley (1966) identified that Islam
reached and first developed on the east coast of the Peninsula brought by the traders
from China to Terengganu and Pattani. Among other theory was one by Syed Naquib
Al-Attas. He stated that the Arabs brought Islamization in the Malay Archipelago.
This was based on written evidence referred by the locals (during the 10th to 16th and
11th to 17th centuries) that were scripted in Jawi and had no Chinese or Indian
influences. The influences showed that the missionaries were probably Turkish,
Persian or Maghribis based on their names and title (Mohd Jamil Mukmin, 2004,
p.34). Van Leur (1967) in Mohd. Mokhtar Shafii (1980, p.14) agreed that the
35
influence of Islam came through the trade route, the same as the Hindu-Buddhism; but
delivered by the Arab and Persian traders.
36
At the peak of Malacca Empire, in the 1400’s Islam was already accepted as
the religion to the empire. The first Sultan of Malacca (1394-1414), Parameswara
(Megat Iskandar Shah) opened and developed Malacca to become the most well
known trading stops in the Southeast Asia (Zakiah Hanum, 1988). The influence of both
Hindu and Islam were clear in ceremonies and religious activities. However, special
customs were practiced only by the royals and according to status and this somewhat
divided the community between the courts, noble men and wealthy group, and the
commoners.
In Sulalat al Salatin, a Malay classical literature, it is told that the Sultan
would put on the headgear (syarban or serban) and long coat (jubah) when going to
the mosque. These two items were restricted to Sultans and only to the ones granted or
awarded by the Sultan. For weddings and Hari Raya prayers people were allowed to
wear similar to the Indian’s ceremonial dresses. That is so because the bride and grooms
were regarded as Raja Sehari (King and Queen of the day) on their wedding day (Tun
Seri Lanang, 1997).
The impact of Islam on the Malay society is that by being a Muslim they
must follow the five pillars of Islam and practice the five daily prayers. They first, put
their faith in Allah as the one and only God and leave the practice of animism.
Perhaps, the Malays readily accepted Islam because of the suitability of its pattern in
administrative rules to the existing Malay government. The title ‘Raja’ is replaced by
the term ‘Sultan’. Jawi or Arabic scripts were adapted for Malay written language,
learned and taught in courts, mosques and traditional religious centres. This had made
easy for Islam to develop in the Malay Peninsula. Today, Islam is the official religion
of Malaysia, where the majority of the society is Islam. The ruler of each state in
Malaysia is Muslim and from the royal lineage and for states that do not have Sultans
a leader by the title Yang DiPertua Negeri is elected.
37
FIGURE 15
Map Redrawn by Asliza Aris showing the Islamic States in the Malay Archipelago in
the 15th to 18th Century.
Source: Dewan Budaya (Awang Sariyan, 2010)
Islamic countries
2.7.5 The Influence of Western Culture

In the 16th century, the Europeans, first the Portuguese, then the Dutch and
lastly, the English came to the Malay Archipelago with technology and military power
(Nasir Tamara, 2000, pp.3-4). The advance of European power was unstoppable. The
Dutch captured Indonesia while the Malay Peninsula fell to the British government. In
the hands of the British government, administrations of the Peninsula were
reorganized. The states were divided and grouped into Negeri-Negeri Selat (The
Straits Settlements). The British officers taught English language to Malay scholars
and officers and they in turn, taught them Malay language. Only the princes and children
of rich community attended schools. Through education, the upper class slowly adapted
the culture of English people.
However, when the European came to invade the Malay Peninsula, Islam was
already a strong influence in the courts and administrations. Thus, it was difficult for
the Europeans to deliver Christianity to the people. According to Mohd. Said
Sulaiman (1931), in Malay community, one must obey and follow the Sultan orders
38
without fail. Those who followed the lifestyle and dress like the English people were
seen as ‘kafir’ or infidel.
Civilization in any society is an opening to new views and perspective. It
gives a freedom to interact with other culture and suggests development of mind and
material culture to the society. However, at times it will leave negative influences, which
if not controlled could bring damage and conflict to the community instead. The
process of interaction plays an important role and act as guide to build positive mind for
new and coming generations.
2.8 MALAY ORIGIN

According to Ryan (1971, p.2) the Proto-Malays originate from Yunnan,
spreading south and entered north of the Malay Peninsula in a long-drawn series of
migrations. They forced and drove away the Negritos back into the hills and jungles.
The Negrito, known as the oldest inhabitant of the Malay Peninsula, also was termed
as Semang in Perak and Pangan in Kelantan (Windstedt, 1972, p.8). The Proto-
Malays brought along the Neolithic arts and the knowledge of agriculture for survival.
It was believed around 300 BC another set of migrants from east of China
migrated to the Malay Land. This group was named Deutro-Malay. Then, they had
forced the Proto-Malay into the jungles as it was before. The Jakun was believed to be
the generations of the Proto-Malay. The Deutro-Malay was not as primitive in their
tools compared to the Proto-Malays. They were civilized and known to have burial
grounds. They brought along the Dong-son art. Despite of a clear recognition of the
divided groups, early scientists prefer to regard the inhabitants as predominantly
Negrito and others as predominantly Indonesian (R.O.Windstedt, 1972, p.8).
On the other hand, local scholars debated over the Theory of Migration.
Previous findings showed that Malay people originated from prehistoric inhabitant of
the Malay Land whom had arrived in the Nusantara earlier than the Mongoloids (Wan
Hashim Wan Teh, http://news.usim.edu.my/ms/berita-kampus/item/29-usim-anjur-
syarahan-umum-ungkai-asal-usul-rumpun-melayu, retrieved on 2 June 2014). Nik
Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman (1999) insisted that the similarity of hunting
tools found in Kedah, Perak, Selangor, south of Thailand and Sumatra varied in size and
material as compared to ones brought in through the Theory of Migration. A similar
39
tool found at Jenderam Hilir (Selangor) showed that there was an invention of hunting
tool before Neolithic. Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman (1999) also
40
pointed that the Malay Language has been the lingua franca as early as 7th century. He
also stated that the local inhabitant changed and developed due to trade activities
along the Straits of Malacca. The Theory of Nusantara also indicated that archaeology,
anthropology and science proved that the DNA of Malay people were similar to the
people from the Middle East countries rather than the people from the north
specifically Yunan (Wan Hashim Wan Teh, 1997). He also added that there was no
relation of culture and language between Yunnanese and Malay in Indo-China.
2.9 PHYSICAL CHARACTER OF MALAY PEOPLE

The physical character of the Malay people today does not reflect what was
described in the journals of the western people in the past. Whether the Malays are from
Malaysia or Indonesia, the features have changed so much due to diet, intermarriage and
other socio factors. Many Malay people of today have fair skin, reasonably sharp nose
and some are tall and have large built. The common feature of Malay people was their
‘coloured skin’ often described as brown or sawo matang. They also have large round
eyes, which is often described in Malay words as mata bundar. In Malay literature the
features of a beautiful Malay woman is generally described as muka bujur sireh or
face shaped like a betel leaf, bibir delima merkah (lips as red as opened progmenate),
hidung mancung bak seludang (a sharp nose) leher jinjang (slender neck) and rambut
mayang mengurai (long and wavy hair). Then the men were often described as berbadan
sasa or perkasa (well built).
Frank Sweettenham (1984, p.2) described the feature of Malay people as
“short, thick-set, well built man, with straight black hair, a dark brown complexion, thick
nose and lips, and bright intelligent eyes”. On the other hand, Bird (1984, p.18)
acknowledged the Malay people as “lightish, olive-tinted, reddish brown, invariably
black, straight and coarse hair, hairless bodies and faces”. Bird (1984) also mentioned
that the Malays had:
“broad and slightly flat faces, with high cheek bones, wide mouths, with broad and
shapely lips, well formed chins, low foreheads, black eyes,oblique… smallish
noses, with broad and very open nostrils,” (p.18)
Bird also commented that the Malays “were small built” compared to an
average European although their frames were “lithe and robust”. Bird also thought
they had broad shoulders, small hands and refined, thick feet and short. Bird
concluded that the Malay men were “not handsome and the women were simply
41
ugly”. Bird also stated, “...both sexes looked old very early”. However, the description
of the Malays from both Bird and Swettenham varied as they traveled during their stay
in the Peninsula. In another description, Swettenham (1984, pp.5-6) described a young
Malay boy as ‘beautiful face with wonderful eyes, eyelashes and eyebrows’.
2.10 VALUES OF THE MALAY PEOPLE

In Malay culture, the Malay people are known to be polite, modest and
respectful to others, understanding, caring and loyal. Also, in Malay society ethical
language and behaviour is the priority that reflects Malay social culture (Asmah Haji
Omar, 2000). Alternatively, in the 19th Century, western writers often depicted
negative values of Malay people. Swettenham (1984) described the Malay men as
lazy, likes to gamble and careless with time. There was little description of the
women’s character. Perhaps it was because the women were often shielded behind
curtains and veils. Malay women only joined the men in the presence of family
members. This was clearly an Islamic teaching, which prohibits men who are not family
members to look at women out in the open.
Swettenham (1984) also indicates Malay men as a Muhammadan (follower of
the Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h.) and a fatalist but very superstitious. He also stated that
the Muslim he knew, does not drink liquor but probably smokes opium casually. The
men gambled and indulged in cockfights, skilled in catching and taming elephants.
They were also skilful anglers and stayed in boats. He further stated that the Malay men
were conservative, feared his Rajas, fond of his people and respect their ancient customs
and traditions (Swettenham, 1984). Many of the characters that he mentioned were
obviously conflicting to the character of a Muslim man. Swettenham also described a
Malay man’s character as playful and comical. Swettenham (1984) also wrote a teenage
Malay man could change from his good behavior to become bad. Ironically, Swettenham
admitted this wild behavior were similar to the western people whom he often referred
to as ‘civilized people’.
The positive side of a Malay man character that Swettenham described were
studious and duly learned Qur’an even though the Malay man did not understand
Arabic. Swettenham’s positive views continued saying that at the age of forty and
above, a Malay man could develop and groomed to become an intelligent man. Then,
this Malay man could seek and obtained a position of credit and become useful to his
42
society under the advice of older men. From what was observed, the character of the
Malay men was very unstable but predictable from young to older man.
This definitely clashes with Malay behaviour and qualities portrayed in many
Malay proverbs. In Malay proverbs and customs, traditions and human values are
often mentioned as advice to becoming quality society. Swettenham’s views of Malay
people could be regarded as a foreigner’s perception from a different culture, beliefs and
background. Bird (1982, p.138) commented that the Malay community was civilized in
their own way and their legal system derived from the Qur’an. Swettenham (1984,
pp.2-5) added that the positive behaviour of Malay men was their kindness, politeness,
easygoing, courage and trustworthiness in undertakings. He also thought that Malay
men were extravagant. When they talked, they spoke in parables, quote proverbs, had a
strong sense of humour, a gossiper, suspicious to innovations, lazy, considered time as
of no importance, lived in dirty environment but fond of smart clothes and
adornments. Swettenham (1984) noted that the Malay man was intolerant of insult and
would draw blood to clear his name and dignity and revenge (amuk). Otherwise, Malay
people were courteous, expect courtesy in return, clannish, and follow orders of his
hereditary chief. Courteous Malay respects the custom of giving gifts whether by Raja
to subject or vice versa. The Malay feels that hospitality is a sacred duty, which should
be fulfilled by all regardless of status and economic background.
The ‘New Malay’, introduced by Tun Mahathir Mohamad in 1982 was a
concept of change and transformation of the ‘traditional’ Malay as often seen by western
people to become modern Malay society. Again, the New Malay also had more
traits that are negative over the positive aspects in behavioral values. The New Malay,
as stated by Rustam (1994, pp.83-104) is often regarded as egocentric, rude, crude,
insolent to others, materialistic, secular, and has lost their humanitarian and spiritual
values. The New Malay was seen as a new society that fought to diminish the monarchy
institution as well as the traditionalists. The New Malay no longer discussed the
physique of Malay people and who should become Malay. It was about being
competitive Malay at its present time. The ‘competitive issues’ had been raised and
criticized earlier by Munsyi Abdullah in Hikayat Abdullah in1800s (ed. Hamzah
Hamdani, 2007) to later thinkers such as Zainal Abidin Ahmad (Za’aba), A. Rahim
Kajai, Ibrahim Yaakob, Ishak Haji Muhammad and ex Prime Minister, Tun Mahathir
Mohammad.
40
Za’aba in his writings criticized the Malay attitude towards self-pity (Qalam,
1952, Bil. 19). He described that the Malay people liked to ask for help without
making any effort to achieve his needs. Self-helplessness and waiting for help to come
made the Malays incompetent. He also remarked that the Malays were fond of pop
culture that contributed to moral problems, lacked soul and destructive to their
emotion and weakening the Malay nation (Milinea, Mei 2010, p.27). Creating New
Malay as mentioned by Muhammad Muhd. Taib (1996) was ‘to make what is good
today be made even better tomorrow’. Muhammad thought negative traits that had
been in the Malay society should be identified and eliminated. The aim of the New
Malay is to become excellent in all aspects of profession. The New Malay will be sought
after for advice and guidance, clearly knows his identity, a man of vision, highly
adaptable; a leader who dares to bring changes in the technology or thinking of his
people and places Islam as the foundation in all aspects (Muhammad Muhd. Taib,
1996, p.13).
Tun Mahathir was quoted in Norraesah Mohamad (2005, p.57) saying that
the Malays based on his hereditary and environmental influence was very weak and
retreat to any challenges in entrepreneurships.
“The Malays in the towns…become sophisticated, educated and open-
minded through contact with foreign races,…intermarriage took place between
town Malays and immigrant Indian Muslims and Arabs….The Malays of the
rural areas remained purebred. Socially they mixed hardly at all with non-Malays
and were exclusively farmers with no interest in trade or craftsmanship…The town
Malays...mixed-Indian or Malay Arab descent. They moved freely among non-
Muslims” (p.57)
Norraesah Mohamad (2005) summarized the Malay values in a positive-

negative table as illustrated in Appendix B. Among the positive attitudes known are
kindness, politeness, courage, trustworthiness, a good sense of humour, talker, loyalty
and the respect for authority. Perhaps the view of ‘poor interest in trade and
craftsmanship’ was not quite accurate. Malay people are amongst the ethnic that has
the finest artisans in the world. Bird (1982), Swettenham (1984) and Windstedt (1972)
too, agreed with the opinion. Perhaps, the spirit of entrepreneurship was there but the
Malays did not master the trading techniques and tricks. Thus, the Malay people could
not grow and develop entrepeneurship successfully in Malay culture. Norraesah
41
further commented that because the negative values outweighed the positive
characteristics the overall image of the Malay is therefore negative and uninspiring for
42
the development of entrepreneurship and mentality. Whether the perception of Malay
people is right or wrongly interpreted, the Malay society of today is still struggling to
break the old perceptions.
Asrul Zamani (2002) commented that the Malay values did not happen just
because they were Malays but because of all the external factors of their surroundings.
He speaks of their simple nature, inability to meet challenges, colonial factors, tolerance,
conflict avoidance, continuous indolence, loyalists, wealth accumulation, rejection,
superiority, safeguarding traditions, unquestioning, use Islam as reasons, protectiveness,
rivalry, grace, respect others more than themselves, illiteracy, and emotional. Asrul
also described that the simplistic Malay attitude was due to lack of training to cope
with the competitive and industrious immigrants that came to the
Malay Land in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Asrul Zamani (2002) then agreed to Tun Mahathir’s opinion in The Malay
Dilemma (Mahathir Mohammad, 1970) that the ‘take-it-easy’ attitude and simple life
inherited from being Polynesians may have been the affect of marriages between
blood relatives that produce lower traits personality including IQ. Secondly, being
authoritative people of the country, the Malays took for granted of nature’s wealth to
support their living while the immigrants came with the ambition to improve their
lives and were prepared to strive. Therefore, because of the simplicity in life, it
continuously affected the values of Malay to become uncompetitive and did not
challenge them for better life.
2.11 MALAY ARTS

The Malay arts are narrated in Malay classical literatures such as the Hikayat
Merong Mahawangsa, Hikayat Hang Tuah and Sejarah Melayu (approximately in the
17th Century). Malay arts and crafts were also mentioned in written journals of British
writers such as the Golden Chersonese (Bird 1982), Malay Sketches (Swettenham
1984) and Glimpses into Life in Malayan Land (Thomson 1984). The first book
written in such detail on the Malay arts was Taman Indera, A Royal Pleasure Ground
(Sheppard, 1972). Malay arts included crafts or handwork (weaving, ceramics, mat
plaiting, woodcarving and metalwork), dance performances such as joget and
makyong and storytelling such as wayang kulit. Many stories were passed down from
generation to generation by words of mouth.
43
In general, the arts and culture of the people in the Peninsular of Malaysia
today is the result of the various races in the country. The arts and culture of each
community is practiced duly according to their custom and tradition within their own
group. Tolerance, respect and understanding to each other’s customs, beliefs and life-
style have made Malaysians live together in peace (Ryan, 1971).
Some cultural festivals are celebrated together by all races but religious
ceremonies are spared as private events. Even so, the tradition passed down from the
ancestors is constantly changing and subjected to new influences. Influences from
China, India and western countries have greatly increased and been adapted into local
customs. The influences injected through mix marriages have produced new
communities such as the Baba-Nyonya, India Peranakan and Eurasians. The culture
from these roots was well accepted but not the cultures from western countries. In
modern Malaysia, western influences has most upset the Malay society and thought to
be the negative influence to younger generations. It was feared that by accepting western
ideas and education would convert a Muslim to become Christian (ZA’BA,
1980, pp.103-112).
2.12 TRADITIONAL TEXTILES FOR MALAY DRESS

The existence of Malay traditional textiles in the Malay Peninsula was a
contribution from foreign people that came to the Peninsula through trade. They came
not only with ready-made textiles but they also brought raw materials with them. They
brought yarns, dyes, gold threads, raw silk and cotton and all materials to use for
weaving cloth including tools. After sometime, the local people became interested to
learn weaving technique and it became part of their economic source. It was also
possible that the Malay kings in the 15th to 17th centuries ordered the palace servants
to weave so that the royals had exclusive fabrics woven for the king and families
(Rose Ismail, 1992, pp.134-135).
It was said in the Malay Annals (Brown, 1970) that Sultan Mahmud had
shipped his officer (Hang Nadim) to India to make and buy some fine fabrics. Hang
Nadim went off to India to choose fabric for the Sultan. He was to choose 40 different
types of cloth with 40 types of motifs on every piece. When Hang Nadim ordered the
Indian artisans according to the Sultan’s wish, none of the designs satisfied him. Then,
43
Hang Nadim asked for ink and paper and drew the motifs that the Sultan had wanted.
The story told us how the skill was learnt and passed down to commoners. The royals
44
demanded special crafted products and the subject had to learn to serve the kings. If
otherwise, the subject might face penalty from the Sultan.
A more realistic story of people of Kelantan was that weaving skill was
mastered by the kampong village during the reign of Che’ Siti Wan Kembang in 1610
- 1677. Che’ Siti Wan Kembang, famed for her dazzling beauty and wisdom, was
Kelantan’s legendary warrior queen. She had her 17th century court employed teams
of royal weavers to create songket of incredible magnificence. Che’ Siti Wan
Kembang wore her costume complete with kris, a Malay weapon. Her attire was
regarded as one of the most distinguished costume. Then, when the kingdom changed
to Kota Kubang Labu, under the administration of Long Pandak (1794-1800), the
weavers moved to Tumpat. Later, they moved to Kampung Laut and Kampung Atas
Banggol. During the kingdom of Sultan Mansur (1890-1900), the weavers gathered at
Kampung Penambang, four miles from the town (Serian Songket, undated,
Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia).
Textiles used for royal garments were often imported and mentioned in
Malay hikayats as ‘pakaian yang indah-indah’ (beautiful garments). Their classical
names are such as baldu dewangga (velvet), serasah (embellished cotton, some believed
it was batik), kain cita (cotton), sakhlat, kemar (zebra skin), geramsut and rambuti or
wool (Siti Zainon, 2006, p.83). These textiles were imported fabrics from India and Arab
countries. Other textiles produced and found in the Malay Peninsula were such as
songket (gold cloth), limar (weft ikat silk textile), cindai (a fabric made by the Indians
for Malay people and often used for selendang or scarf), patola (double ikat textile,
similar to cindai, also produced by the Indians to make saree), kain tenun Pahang, kain
Bugis, kain Aceh Rusak, kain corak Muar, pelikat, batik, antelas (satin), silk and
antesukma.
2.12.1 Songket
Songket technique is an extra weft weave cloth, which means to inlay gold
threads in between the warp. This technique digs under the warp thread for the weft gold
thread weave (Norwani Mohd. Nawawi, 2002, pp.12-16). It is an act of inserting
supplementary thread (gold or silver) between the woven silk or cotton weft. Songket
is one of the traditional textiles known and made in the east coast of the Malay Peninsula.
45
Songket weaving flourished during the Malacca Sultanate with Malacca being the
centre of trades among India, China and Arab traders. With all the raw
46
materials brought into the Peninsula as well as beautiful textiles made in foreign
countries, the local people were encouraged to produce their own textiles.
The popularity of its exclusiveness in design and making were known all
over the Peninsula and as far as Riau in Indonesia. A Baju Riau owned by Engku
Hamidah (Raja Alfirafindra, in Seminar Pemandiran Melayu, 2008) identified to be
hundreds of years ago, was made of songket from Terengganu. Raja Alfirafindra also
confirms until today, songket from Terengganu are still used for ceremonial dresses
and regalia in Riau. In Kisah Pelayaran Abdullah (Kassim Ahmad, 1964), Abdullah
Abdul Kadir Munsyi (1796-1854) wrote about his journey to the east coast of the
Peninsular and described the activities he found.
“…adalah dagangan yang keluar dari negeri Terengganu itu emas dan timah dan
kahwa…Dan lagi ada keluar kain sutera dan sarung halus, dan kain sutera
bercampur benang dan seluar sutera dan buatan baju dan ikat pinggang; dan
saputangan sutera…” (pp.25-26)
He elaborated that apart from gold, tin and coffee traded items in Terengganu
also include products from silk such as silk cloths, fine-made sarong, silk and other
(gold) thread woven fabric, silk trousers, blouse, waist cloth and silk handkerchiefs.
According to Windstedt (1972) the Malays were involved in weaving
activities influenced by ‘Indian fashion’. It was because India had introduced silky
fabrics to the Sultans and supplied raw materials for weaving. The development of
Terengganu as a trading stop for traders and travelers from China, Siam (Thailand),
Cambodia, Tongkin, Sambas and Bugis had birthed a mixture of culture. Siti Zainon
Ismail (1990) outlined that woven cloth of different style and influence gave different
names such as kain campa (motif made of cotton thread), kain bugis (fine silk), kain
samarinda (or bercorak cerah, Kalimantan), ikat sutera (tenggarun or aceh rusak).
The ikat technique was inspired by the Indian textile, patola or cindai (Figure 16) and
later developed and produced as the kain limar. The production of songket
concentrated in the east of the Malay Peninsula, which are Kelantan, Terengganu and
Pahang (Figure 17).
47
FIGURE 16
Kain Cindai / Patola
Source: Courtesy of Muzium Seni Islam Melaka (2008).
FIGURE 17
Songket Terengganu, with Yatch Motifs in the Background.
Source: Courtesy of Museum Tekstil, Jogjakarta (2009).
48
In recent years, the Malaysian government has elevated songket as a heritage
art. This has made songket to experience an amazing revival with new designs based
on traditional images as well as modern designs. Songket remained the luxurious,
elaborate and richly hued handwoven cloth. It is until today, the traditional material of
the Malay royalty and nobility. Songket has become the identification with the Malays
as songket is closely linked with the traditional ceremonies and customary and
ceremonial festivals of the Malays. However, the old tradition that only allows
songket for royals has diminished. Today, apart from the Malay royals, the
commoners of all races are allowed to wear songket (Wan Hashim Wan Teh, 1996).
2.12.2 Limar
Ikat Limar is a Malay weft ikat fabric (Figure 18). The term ikat comes from
the Malay expression mengikat or to bind, knot or wind around. In principle, ikat or
resist and dye involve the sequence of tying and dyeing sections of bundled yarns to a
predetermined colour scheme prior to weaving. Technologically, this weaving refers
to thread-resist textile (Norwani Md. Nawawi, www.thespace between.org, retrieved
on 7/7/2008). Weavers in Kelantan believe that the limar introduced by the Khmer of
present day Cambodia indirectly through trade with the Siamese and directly by
association of the kingdom of Langkasuka of northern Malaysia. However, the
weavers of Terengganu disagree and state the tradition originated from India through
trade with Sumatran kingdoms (Zulkifli Haji Mohamad, textilesociety. org / abstracts
_ 2002, retrieved on 7/8/2008). The effect could still be seen today, which India has been
the manufacturer for Malaysian ‘cheap’ songket (Lambakan Songket India ancam
tenunan Terengganu, 2013 July 11, http://www.utusan.com.my/, retrieved on July 15,
2013).
49
FIGURE 18
Two Types of Kain Limar Bersurat, Punca Merah.
Source: Collection of Museum of Terengganu (2008).
2.12.3 Kain Tenun Pahang

Kain tenun or woven material was believed had been brought in by Bugesenese
from Makasar in 1669. A Bugese nobleman, Keraing Aji (Tok Tuan), introduced
handloom woven fabric to the palace and people of Pekan, Pahang. Sultan Mahmud
Almarhum Sultan Ahmad Al Muadzam Shah and his consort, Tengku Ampuan Mariam
were responsible in the development of kain tenun in Pahang, hence it gets the name
Kain Tenun Pahang DiRaja. Sultan of Johor, Sultan Ibrahim, brother to Tengku Ampuan
Mariam, used kain tenun as gifts to his diplomatic friends. This extended the popularity
of kain tenun outside of Pahang. In 1964, a workout area for producing kain tenun was
opened, Pusat Tenun Sutera Pulau Keladi (Ainal Marhaton,
2008). In 2006, Kain Tenun Pahang DiRaja was reintroduced, made exclusively to the
public in Malaysia (Figure 19).
50
FIGURE 19
Kain Tenun.
Source: Courtesy of Kraftangan Malaysia (2006).
Note: Left: A woman wearing kebaya made of Kain Tenun Pahang. Right:A woman wearing Baju Belah pendek
also made of Kain Tenun Pahang.
2.12.4 Kain Bergerus

To preserve the material so that it is long lasting, the surface of the fabric is
often treated with bees wax or starch. The process is called bergerus (calendaring).
The affect of this process would compress the motifs on the fabric and produce a
shiny surface on the kain tenun and songket. There are three types of calendering:
gerus mentah, gerus masak and gerus layang (Muzium Terengganu, 2008).
Gerus mentah is unstarched calendering. This does not require the cloth to be
starched. Instead, the surface of the fabric is brushed with bees wax. Then, the surface
of the fabric is brushed with a snail’s shell (siput gerus or Cowry shell-Cypria Tigers)
to make it shine (Figure 20). The method is suitable for songket, kain tenun Pahang,
kain telepuk and kain Bugis. The fabric that undergoes such treatment is then called
songket bergerus, kain tenun bergerus and kain Bugis bergerus. Usually this
51
technique is applied to fabric made for sarong, samping (waist cloth) and kelubung
(headdress).
52
FIGURE 20
A Man Demonstrated The Calendaring Technique Beside His House.
Source: National Archive Malaysia (2007).
Gerus masak is starched processed calendering. This technique requires

starching and usually used for material to make tengkolok (headdress). This is to
ensure that the shape of the tengkolok stays upright when fold and worn on the head.
A finishing technique for calendaring cloth is called gerus layang. It is the final
process in the embellishment. For kain telepuk, the calendered fabric is treated with
perada emas (gold dust) on its surface. The affect would make the fabric surface smooth
and shiny. The product of this process is called kain telepuk bergerus. After the
calendaring process, the fabric is smoked to protect it from insects or termites.
2.12.5 Resist Fabrics

Resist dyeing is a technique that employs the process of blocking colours or
dyes from penetrating onto selected areas of fabric or threads for patterning (Solyom
and Solyom, 1985, p.58). Examples of resist fabrics found in Malay traditional textiles
are batik and kain pelangi.
53
a) Batik
Batik means ‘to draw in wax’. It has two methods of production, the batik
tulis or canting (handrawn) and batik cap (block). As widely defined by scholars, the
word batik originates from Javanese language ‘ambatik’. Ambatik means to draw or
write, and tik means a dot made of wax (Stokoe, 2000). Although the Malays of the
Malay Peninsula received the knowledge of batik from the Javanese, scholars believe
that the Indians, Chinese or Egyptians might have inspired batik by the dyeing of yarn
since 2500 BC (Serian Batik, undated, Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia).
Kafka (1959), Belfer (1972), Fraser-Lu (1988) and Siti Zainon Ismail (1997) also
reported the same technique regarding batik. Batik tulis or canting involves outlining
the design using a metal pen tool, called canting, filled with hot wax. Coloured dyes
are then painted on the cloth. Batik cap involves the application of wax directly onto
the cloth using soldered tin or copper strip block impressed with the flowery motifs.
Today, to meet the mass-market needs, the silkscreen process is widely used
according to the colours and patterns desired (Pauziah Abdullah, 1983). The uniqueness
of batik lies in the crackling lines created by wax. Since the wax can never completely
resist all colours, a series of hairlines appear throughout the pattern, enhancing the total
effect. The slight colour variation adds to its quality of exclusivity, which does not show
in silkscreen technique. Special batik in the 19th century was treated with perada emas
or gold dust. This type of batik is called Kain Air Emas, Kain Perada or Kain Batik
Telepuk (Figure 21). In Malay classical literatures telepuk
means flowers made of gold (Muzium Terengganu, 2008). Sometimes silver dust is used
to replace the gold dust. It is believed that the technique was taught by Bugese traders
and first manufactured in the 17th century. This explains why only the royal household
and aristocrats used the material. Apart from its difficulty to produce, it was
manufactured in small quantity. It is also difficult to maintain. Therefore, only few
people could afford the fabric.
54
FIGURE 21
Batik Telepuk
Source: Collection of Museum Terengganu (2008).
Batik Pagi Sore is a type of batik that originated from Java (Figure 22). It is
very popular among the Malays in the Peninsular of Malaysia during the 1940s -
1960s. The idea of producing batik pagi sore is for both day and night use. It started
after the Second World War. Fabric was difficult to obtain. Thus, Indonesian batik
makers designed this batik fabric so that it could be worn day and night by exchanging
its face and folds. The design is distinguished by a slanting line almost half of the
width of the fabric. In both Indonesia and Malaysia, batik becomes a national identity
to both countries. In Malaysia, although batik is a national heritage and tradition of the
Malay community, Malaysians of all races wear batik garments as traditional and
modern attire. In fact, modern batik today, no longer becomes the identification of Malay
people exclusively (Raja Fuziah Raja Tun Uda, 2007).
55
FIGURE 22
Batik Jawa, Pagi Sore, 1950’s.
Source: Collection of Hajah Ainan Haji Jantan, Bandar Baru Bangi.
Photo: Asliza, 2009.
Note: This type of batik originates from Java. The idea of producing batik pagi sore for both day and night garment started after the Second World War. Fabric
was difficult to obtain. Thus, batik makers designed this batik fabric so that it could be worn day and night by exchanging its face and folds.
53
b) Kain Pelangi
Kain pelangi is a Malay textile achieved from tie and dye technique (Figure
23 and Figure 24). The technique of layering the coloured dyes created colourful
effect on the fabric, which was thought to signify the pelangi (rainbow). In India, a
similar technique is used to produce this cloth, called bandhana (Siti Zainon Ismail,
2006). The Javanese named it jemputan or resist. Fabric is tied tightly using ropes or
cording in little ball shapes. Then the fabric is dipped into dye to produce the shaky
line effect. This material is commonly used as the base material for headcloth and also
found as sarong. Due to its intricate process, kain pelangi was specialized for the Royals.
FIGURE 23
Kain Pelangi. Sarong.
Source: Collection of Muzium Kota Kayang, Perlis (2008)
FIGURE 24
Kain Pelangi. Sarong.
Courtesy: Museum of Terengganu (2008)
54
2.12.6 Embroidered Cloth
In Malay textiles, embroidery and needlework are old art and practiced by the
local women for well over four hundred years. It is one of the most important styles to
enhance fabric. If a fabric was not embroidered, often gold dust was used onto drawn
motifs as outline. Sometimes the gold dust was printed as motifs using block patterns.
Kelingkan, tekat and machine embroidery were three major decorative techniques for
Malay textile. Kelingkan embroidery is a type of embroidery technique that uses gold
or silver metal ribbon. It was first recorded in 1840 in Sarawak culture (Kuching Talk,
2008, Vol.8, p.16).The fine stitch-weaving technique tekat is the art of embroidering
gold thread onto a base material such as velvet. It is a Malay traditional art practiced
and passed down from generation to generation in the Peninsular of Malaysia. Tekat
art also carries a few techniques with different names.
a) Kelingkan
Kelingkan is a type of embroidery produced in the 19th century. It uses a flat
type needle and gold or silver ribbon (Figure 25 and Figure 26). The word kelingkan
comes from French, clinquant (http://geocities.com/malayculture /art_ embroi. htm,
retrieved on 17/07/08). Another name used is keringkam. It is believed that Turkish
travelers that came to the Malay Peninsula through Aceh and Perak introduced the
embroidery technique. Kelingkan on headscarf was also known as kain mantul (Raja
Alfindra, Seminar Pemandiran Budaya, 2008). The scarf hangs on one shoulder to
complement the Baju Kurung Berdagang Luar.
Like many rich elitists, such as the Cina Peranakan women, the royals and rich
Malay women also spent much of their time with intricate handwork. Fine and beautiful
handwork would show a woman’s exclusivity, elegance and fineries in character and
behaviour (Muzium Terengganu, 2008). It was said a young woman who did not
know how to weave, wear sarong or patch clothes was not fit to marry. It shows that at
any level of society, taking care of good clothes was amongst the priority in
choosing a woman as wife.
The art of kelingkan was a royal art. The palace women played a very
important role in supporting and expanding this craft. It is recorded that the Royal
Consort of Selangor, Tengku Ampuan Jemaah (1911-1973) made this needlework art
55
as her hobby and produced selendang (shawls) and clothes that are still kept until
today (Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia, 2008). In the past, kelingkan
56
found its place as one of the many precious items for gifts. In a letter from the
representative of the Sultan of Johor to Pahang Bendahara, he included gifts such as
minyak gelida, tenun Pahang and kelingkan as a symbol of trust (Tenun Pahang,
2006, p.70). It is amazing how in the past, people valued textiles to be made as important
as a symbol of friendship, trust, appreciation and sometimes protection.
FIGURE 25
Kain Bersulam Kelingkan. Scarf.
Source: Collection of Muzium Alam Melayu, Kuala Lumpur (2007).
FIGURE 26
A Woman Demonstrating Kelingkan Embroidery on Her Embroidery Stretcher at
Kraftangan, Kuala Lumpur.
Photo by Asliza Aris (2008).
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b) Tekat
Tekat is the art of embroidering golden thread onto a base material, generally
velvet. It is a tradition long practiced amongst Malay communities in Peninsular of
Malaysia. Tekat is also known as sulaman benang emas or gold thread embroidery
(Figure 27 and 28). Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) mentions in her book Pakaian Cara
Melayu, that the existence of tekat is seen in the early 15th century in the Malay
Kingdom. It was part of court practice, which includes the preparation of royal costumes
as well as ceremonial equipment and must haves. It is most likely that tekat
came to the Malay Land from China. It is because during the Malacca Empire, the
Emperor of China used tekat in his decorated gifts to the Sultan of Malacca. It is thought
India and Arabia also played their roles in promoting the art to the Malay community.
The gold thread was imported from India, while the Chinese helped enhance the
skills (Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia, 2008).
Tekat motifs use traditional motifs inspired from flora and fauna. Some
motifs are repeated from motifs used in other Malay textiles and handicraft work.
Common motifs are like bunga cengkih (clove blossom) or bunga pecah empat (four-
pointed star), bunga lawang (star anise or Illicium verum), bunga asam batu
(Begonia), bunga tongkeng (telosma cordata), bunga cempaka (Allamanda family
Araceaae) and bunga atau buah delima (pomegranate fruit). Other motifs are daun
pucuk paku (fern leaves), daun keladi (yam leaves), buah padi (rice grain), susun
pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot motifs). Modern motifs used are such as
chrysanthemum, hibiscus, orchid and sunflower. Unlike the Malay tekat, tekat made
by the Chinese and Cina Peranakan focus on motifs that brings luck and prosperity
such as dragon, snakes, lions and birds (Wan Hashim Wan Teh, 1996).
To make tekat, it is important to construct the design backing of the motifs first.
The motifs constructed are from shaped rattan, bamboo, cord and thick cardboard.
This is called the mempulur. Then the motifs are covered with golden thread. The
mempulur will give a raised effect for the motifs. Dark velvet used as base will give a
shiny reflection of the gold thread. Because of this, in Perak, tekat is known as
tekat bersuji or hiasan suji timbul (raised or embossed embroidery). Besides gold thread,
tekat suji timbul can also be made using coloured metal thread and gold and silver colour
floss (Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia, 2008).
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FIGURE 27
A Tekat Work on The Face of Velvet Slipper (1980s)
Source: Puan Mastura Haji Mohd. Jarit, Sg. Siput, Perak (2009).
FIGURE 28
A Woman Demonstrating Tekat Embroidery, Kraftangan Kuala Lumpur.
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A second technique of tekat is tekat gubah (decorative embroidery). Tekat
suji timbul used a thick board as design backing but tekat gubah uses thin paper to
transfer the design onto the base fabric. Then the paper is removed and gold or silver
thread is arranged over the motif lines. Coloured silk thread holds the gold or silver
thread together while beads and sequins are used to complement the decoration.
Another form of tekat is tekat kertas perada bertebuk (void-cut prada paper embroidery).
Prada paper is a thick piece of paper that is covered with gold on its surface. The paper
is cut out to shape awan larat (trailing clouds) or kerawang motifs before fixing it onto
the cloth. The sides of the motif paper are arranged with four lines of gold thread
that are held with red silk thread (similar technique as tekat gubah). Sometimes the
cutout prada paper lay onto other coloured cloths or pieces of mirror-like paper to
enhance its beauty (Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia,
2008).
Classical Malay literary texts such as the Salasilah Melayu dan Bugis and
Hikayat Anggun Cik Tunggal describes the use of tekat in adornments and clothings (Siti
Zainon Ismail, 1987). In classical Malay texts, the embroidered pieces are referred
to as dewangga baldu beremas (velvet patterned or embroidered with gold). This type
of fabric is associated with garments of royalty and other rich and sumptuous
stitchery court costumes. The costumes were often studded with glittering and ornate
embellishments such as glass beads or sequins.
2.13 MOTIFS
Many textile makers centred in villages and surrounded by local plants and
trees. On the east coast of the Malay Land, textile makers lived near the sea. These
surroundings had become the source to producing motifs and ideas to art products
such as songket, batik, woodcarving and metalwork.
Today, motif designs are still inspired from nature and its surroundings.
Flowers and insects are two most common subjects in motif design. Linear lines and
shapes represent watermarks, waves, fish scales and landscapes. Arrangement of motifs
in Malay traditional textiles repeats many other motifs in Malay crafts such as
architecture and mat weaving. In fact, they carry similar motif names and style
depending on composition and use. Motif is a decorative design or pattern. In arts and
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design, motif is a theme or dominant recurring visual element, form, or subject (http://
www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/motif). Other definition of motif includes as a
61
basis of a drawing or pattern, such in carvings or other art forms (Kamus Dewan Bahasa,
2000). Synonym to motif is design or pattern. Motifs function as decorative item and
applied creatively whether as a single image or repeated form. Many times motifs carry
its own meaning as ways to convey messages from the designer or symbolic meaning
created by the designer.
The Malay people are sensitive towards nature. Their arts work around their
natural environment. The landscapes, plants, insects, and animals became sources of
inspiration for the weavers to recreate them in the form of design or motif on their
mats and other products produced (Othman Yatim, 1989, p.xiv). However, because
Islam forbade the use of animals as images in art, the artisans had stylized the images
until it became a representational of the actual animal and named it after the animal.
Popular animal motifs in Malay crafts are peacock, butterflies, birds and fishes. Motifs
or corak in Malay designs repeat in names and style in work such as architectural
woodcarving, textiles, mat plaiting and ceramics.
For example, in plaiting mats and textiles, there are corak tapak catur
(chequered pattern), corak berdiri (vertical pattern), corak melintang (horizontal
pattern), corak Muar (Muar pattern) and corak Bugis (Bugese pattern). Inspirations
for motifs are derived from animals, insects, fruits, plants and flowers grown in the
surrounding area. Some of the motifs are siku keluang (flying fox-arm), tapak
harimau (tiger’s paw), kepala lalat (flies’ head), bunga cengkih (clove blossom),
bunga cina (gardenia flower), bunga pecah lapan (eight-pointed star), pucuk rebung
(bamboo shoot), bunga raya (hibiscus), bunga melur (jasmine) and awan larat
(meandering cloud). Popular motifs derived from fruits are for examples tampuk
manggis (calyx of mangosteen) and tampuk kesemak (calyx of persimmon). Some
other traditional motifs from plants are chosen because of their medicinal values; for
example motif bunga cengkih (motif of clove blossom). Bunga cengkih (clove) is
often used in Malay cooking to spice up the dish. It is also used as traditional
medicine for stomachache, treatment for bad breath, toothache and head ache (Figure
29). Therefore, they are remembered to have great importance as well.
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FIGURE 29
The Clove and Its Motifs.
Source: Norwani Mohd. Nawawi (2002)
Note: Top: Bunga cengkih (clove). Bottom: Motifs of clove used in Songket
Sometimes the makers would produce motifs from the artist’s own imagination
and not from real life. According to the late Wan Su, in woodcarving this is called
bunga khayalan and bunga mabuk (Wan Hashim Wan Teh, 1996). Traditional
motifs on songket are such as awan berarak, mega melayang, teluk berantai, bintang
beralih dan air mulih (trailing clouds, stars and swirling water respectively). The
motifs consist of high aesthetic values, beauty and magic created by Allah Almighty
(Azah Aziz, 2006, pp.51-61). The interpretation of Allah’s creation is portrayed by
exploiting the shape, form, texture, pattern and colour onto the textiles. In some cases
there when the textiles were used for religious purpose, the motifs were made from
Quranic verses. These kind of textiles were usually named as ‘kain berayat’ or
‘kain bersurat’. Uniquely, some of the songket motifs also carry names inspired by local
dishes and sweet cakes such as seri kaya, wajik and tepung talam. These sweet cakes
were said to be favourites of the Sultans. The influence of Hinduism is also shown
in Malay textiles with motifs inspired from peacocks, bunga semangat and gigi bota
(Norwani Mohd Nawawi, 2002, p.68). One of the most well known motifs in Malay
textiles is pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot). This motif is often used in batik fabric and
songket (Figure 30).
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FIGURE 30
Bamboo Shoot and Its Motif on Songket.
Photo and drawing by Asliza Aris (2010).
Note: Top: Pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot). Bottom: Motif of pucuk rebung on used on songket.
The formation of Perbadanan Kemajuan Kraftangan Malaysia (PKKM) or

also known as Malaysian Handicraft Development Corporation (MHDC) in 1970’s
had slowly diminished the invisible line created by the upper class society. MHDC aims
to preserve the industry of traditional crafts (especially batik and songket) from dying
and develop the cottage industries. That is why in the 1970s to 1980s many western
styled garments in Malaysian fashion were made from batik. It is to initiate the use
of traditional textiles in modern fashion and supposedly create a ‘Malaysian look’. The
fashion designers also experiment using batik on other ethnic garment such as
Cheongsam, which is a Chinese traditional garment.
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2.14 STRUCTURE OF MALAY TRADITIONAL TEXTILES
The compositional structure of the sarong in Figure 31 comprises of the
badan kain (body) or tanah (field or ground of the fabric), kepala kain (head, face or
back of fabric also known as central panel), tepi (edge) or gigi kain (teeth) and two
pengapit or apit kain, kendik or papan (vertical bands that separate the ground and
central panel). This structure is based on Javanese batik. Meanwhile, batik sarongs made
in Kelantan and Terengganu include tali air, which is a narrow vertical band (Norwani
Mohd Nawawi, 2002, p.69).
Harmen Veldhuisen (1993) as cited Rafeah Legino (2004) pointed that the
structure was said to be a symbolic representation of the landscape of padi fields. The
sarong, which consisted of the tanah (field or ground) is said to represent the padi
field. The edge is stream of water, papan or the vertical bands are beds for plant saplings.
The symbolism of padi or rice grain as a subject is because the Malays hold the rice as
a great importance in life. Being the staple food for them, it symbolizes life, dignity and
glory. The saying ‘seperti padi, makin berisi makin tunduk’ shows its humbleness, the
padi stem is strength; the leaves represent obedience and loyalty. The symbolic
representation of nature confirms ‘art imitates nature’ and nature serves as inspiration
to human (Rafeah Legino, 2004). In another observation made by Mohd. Najib Ahmad
Dawa (2009), he pointed that the main part of a sarong is the kepala kain (head of
cloth), the pengapit kepala (accompaniment), followed by taliair (waterway). He also
summarised that the composition reflects the full life cycle of a woman from child to
womanhood.
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FIGURE 31
Structure of Malay Sarong with Kepala Kain (Centre Panel or Head of Cloth)
Drawing by Asliza Aris ( 2010).
A B
C
Legend
A: Tanah / badan
(Ground/Body)
B: Apit kepala
D
C: Kepala kain (Head)
D:Tepi kain (edge)
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The sarong in Malay culture could also be used as kelubung (head cover).
The kelubung is usually made using batik sarong or songket where both had the same
structure as the sarong used to match Baju Kurung. Selendang, which is a long shawl,
is also used as head cover. The habitual of wearing a long shawl was believed due to
Islamic teaching. It was also thought that the Indonesians brought selendang in 1579
when the prince of Perak, Sultan Mansur Shah married a princess from Acheh. The
Sultan of Acheh who was pious had encouraged religious preachers to practice and
spread Islam to the Malay Land (Norwani Md. Nawawi, 2003, p.126). Figure 32
shows the structure of a selendang, which may also consist of contrasting design such
as pucuk rebung. Whilst, the pucuk rebung on a piece of sarong is always somewhere
in the middle of the sarong, the pucuk rebung on songket or batik shawl is at both ends
of the shawl.
There are also shawls made from other decorative textiles such as kelingkan.
Kelingkan shawls often had motifs in the front corners. The two corners would hang
near the chest level of the wearer thus showing the beauty of the embroidery work.
65
FIGURE 32
Structure of Selendang from Songket
Source: Norwani Md. Nawawi (2002), Drawing by Asliza Aris (2012).
1.06 m / 1.12 yards

0.68 m / 0.75 yard
A
A B B C
C
Legend
D D
A: Punca kain / fabric end
B: Pengapit badan kain
C: Kaki punca
D:Kendik
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2.15 COLOURS
Colour (n.) is the effect on something’s appearance of the way it reflects
light; pigment or paint (Oxford Dictionary, 1999). Physics explains scientific results
of the refracted light merging into a spectrum of colours that differ in wavelengths or
frequencies. In nature, sunlight is refracted and dispersed by raindrops producing
rainbow of red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo and violet. The Malay word for
colour, warna is derived from the word, varna (Sanskrit), while rainbow is pelangi. The
terms, warna and pelangi are both used ubiquitously in Malay arts and crafts. Warna
describes the colour of the object in its appearance and pelangi often describes the
colourful appearance of an object. Gage (1999) citing (Burnham et.al, 1963) said that
the definition of colour “is the attribute of visual experience that can be described as
having quantitatively specifiable dimensions of hue, saturation and brightness”.
The term visual experience explains how the eyes pick up an object in the light,
reflect the light and translate the whole object and its colour to the brain. Colour being
one of the elements in art, enhances a piece of work. In product design especially,
colour plays an important role to catch attention. Psychologists believe colour has the
ability to influence moods, actions and sometimes health (Preble et. al,
2002). A modern development in the late 19th century psychology believes that
coloured lights exposed to human resulted in variable effects on body functions.
Certain colours such as orange or red may create nervousness and increase
blood pressure. A test carried out by a French psychologist, Charles Féré in 1880s
confirmed that red light had the most stimulating effect and violet the most calming.
In design product, colour language is practiced for building self-esteem, appearance and
comfort for the user. Many users buy product because they like the colours and feel
comfortable with them. Usually, colour is the first impression and attraction that a user
would react to in deciding a product.
Colour may also express a person’s personality through clothing. Image
consultant relies on colour language that gives meaning in psychology. In fashion,
colour creates future trends for positive attitude in the market. They are stylistically
named and grouped according to season and style. For example, the Pantone colour
forecast for 2007/2008 used the title Metamorphosis. Then the colours were
categorized according to family colours and named as Normalism (neutral colours),
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Innocence (cool and warm shades) and Natural Poetry (colours from nature). The
same colour may differ in name if presented for different themes such as industrial
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and technology to acknowledge the activities in the industry (Topcuoglu,
http:/www.dexinger.com/news/7672, retrieved on 20 June 2009).
An international product design company (http://www.color-wheel-pro.com/color-
meaning.html, retrieved on 5 April 2009), suggests that red is the colour of fire and
blood. Red is also associated with energy, war, danger, strength and power. However,
different values of red suggested different meanings. Pink, for instance, signifies love,
romance, friendship and feminine qualities where as dark red stands for will power,
leadership, vigor and malice. Psychologists agree that red is an emotionally intense
colour and enhances human metabolism, increases respiration rate, and raises blood
pressure. In advertising, red is associated with courage and is often used to evoke
erotic feelings.
2.15.1 Colours in Malay Traditional Textiles and Costumes

Birren (1961) stated that traditional cultures often use colour as symbols to
establish customs “white is the representative of light,…yellow for earth; green for
water; blue for air; red for fire; and black for total darkness” (p.20).
In Malay traditional custom, colours represent symbolic beliefs and social
status. Tenas Effendy (2005), in his collection of old sayings (Malay-Riau), defined
certain colours such as white as representing bones, red for blood, yellow for flesh, green
and blue for veins and black for skin. As indication to social status in a society, the same
colour carries different meaning; white is for religious rulers (ulama), yellow for king
and royal family and to show daulat (luck, dignity, highest rank and status, power),
green and blue for nobleman, aristocrats, black is custom and tradition, warrior
(keperkasaan) and heroic, and red for the subject or commoner. In both Malaysia and
Indonesia, the colours produced are very similar due to the tropical plants found on
both lands. The dyes obtained from natural sources were quite limited and their colours
fade rapidly. For delicate fabric such as songket, limar and kain tenun the fabric are
aired after wearing it. Only plain and casual sarongs are washed and hang dried
regularly.
In Malay textiles, plants, roots and fruits were used widely as sources for
producing dyes. Kamariah Elli (1990) stated that the colours were also often named after
each source and its surrounding such as warna bunga mawar (colour of rose), warna
68
69
bunga jambu (colour of guava flowers), kuning lemak ketam (colour of the fat of a
crab) and merah darah ikan (deep red like fish blood). Naturally, the textiles
68
70
produced were made into Malay traditional garments. Common colours found were
yellow, green, red, blue, black, purple and brown. These were produced from tumeric,
betel leaves, cekur manis (Sauropus androgynus), kulit jering (the skin of Archidendron
Jiringa), mengkudu (morinda citrofolio), kulit kayu pohon samak (bark of indogofera
tinctoria) and rotan jernang (daemonorhops hygrophilus). The fixer was made from
biji kemiri (seeds of Aleurites moluccana) and buah kelumpang (Rusty Sterculia) soaked
in air asam or tamarind water (Kamariah Elli, 1990). Eventually, in
1970s, Naphtol colours are combined in the dyeing process.
Textiles that are made with a mixture of colours are often referred as warna
pelangi (rainbow colours). Whereas fabric that has fine treatment in its making is
called as berwarna embun (Azah Aziz, 2006). Embun is Malay word for dewdrop. It
shows the sensitivity of the Malay people towards their surrounding and makes
something as trivial as the morning dew as a comparison to fine work in textiles. In
Art of Indonesia, Wagner (1988) indicated that the earliest batik fabrics used only one
colour; they have a colourless drawing on a dark blue ground. To achieve blue ground
indigo was used – a light-resisting colouring matter obtained from the leaves of
various plants of the genus indigofera (Wagner, 1988). After more dyeing colours
were produced, batik became more colourful.
However, in the 15th century, colourful fabric only meant for certain people
and special functions, especially those who belong to the palace. The most frequently
used being indigo and saga brown. Even after chemical dyes were adopted, the
traditional motifs were most frequently executed in similar colours (Kamariah Elli,
1990). In many Malay classical literatures, the word kain or memakai kain was widely
used to refer wearing sarong or to describe the material made for the garments. In
Sejarah Melayu, when referring to the laws made by the Rajas that forbade ‘yellow’
for the commoners it refers to kain warna kuning, which is understood as all items made
from yellow material (Shellabear, 1984). Green limar is often reserved for religious
functions. Sultan Muhammad Syah (1424-1444) was the first Sultan of Malacca who
had embedded the dos and don’ts to segregate the royals, ministers and commoners (Tun
Seri Lanang, 1997, pp.60-61).
Sultan Muhammad Syah forbade commoners from using the colour yellow
for handkerchiefs, pillowcases and bedspreads, and home accessories (probably curtains
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71
and blinds). Yellow kain, baju and destar (sarong, blouse and headscarf respectively)
were not allowed in the presence of royals as well as pakaian sedondon
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71
(a matching blouse and sarong of the same colour). White umbrellas were reserved for
the ministers and yellow for royal children. Gold and silver in any form were not
allowed. A kris holder made from gold was reserved for noble men. Only when a person
was awarded by the Sultan could wear gold. If a person is found guilty of wearing a
forbidden item, the person could be sentenced to death (Tun Seri Lanang,
1997, p.61).
Kamariah Elli (1990) also mentioned that in Terengganu state office, black kain
telepuk is used for warriors, green for the Raja Muda Terengganu and purple for Orang
Besar Lapan Terengganu. Today, some palaces in the Peninsular of Malaysia still follow
the rules for customary functions and regalia and ordinary people are permitted to use
all colours as they wish. For instance, the Royal office state of Pahang use yellow
for Sultan, black for Tengku Arif Bendahara, blue for Tengku Arif Temenggung, red for
Panglima Perang and Tengku Panglima Besar Pahang. Commoners are encouraged to
wear black for palace functions (http://www.pahang- delights.com, retrieved on 20 June
2009). This generally explains that colour applied onto art object not only explains the
appearance or colour of the source in reality, it is also used to suit the art object and
purpose of the object or for whom the product was designed.
2.16 SYMBOLISM AND MEANING IN MALAY TRADITIONAL TEXTILES

AND COSTUMES
Siti Zainon Ismail (2006, pp.203-207) has discussed that the symbolism in
Malay traditional costumes is subjected to three categories. The categories are the
primary or natural, the secondary or conventional and the third is intrinsic or content.
Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) said that primary symbols are referred to facts and expressions
of the actual material used such as line, colour and object from nature such as fabric,
animal skin or leaves. Conventional symbols are viewed from its composition,
arrangement or function of the object whilst intrinsic is referred to the relationship
between conventional meaning and what it represents. Thus, symbol is often related to
shape, motif, image and allegory (Panofsky, 1955, p.39). Siti Zainon (2006) insisted that
the coordination of Malay traditional costumes (how to dress the costume) gives the
meaning of form while the material makes the primary or natural meaning. The pattern
and style gives the conventional meaning. Lastly, the whole look of the costume
gives an intrinsic meaning.
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Symbolism in Malay arts and crafts had been identified and recognized as a
unique heritage passed on by their ancestors orally through idioms, proverbs and
poems as indicated in Malay literatures. In Malay traditional textiles, symbolism and
meaning is concentrated on hierachial use in palaces and amongst the ministers (Liaw,
2003). Generally, colours were used to indicate the positions of Sultan, his families,
ministers and administrative officers. These rules were made to signify power and
strength of the Sultan.
The length of the baju should not be too long and should not have wide sleeves.
A high collar style of blouse (baju bernia or Cekak Musang) was not allowed. Floral
printed satin was accepted but not during bathing ceremony. During this event only
black was allowed. In Sulalat Al-Salatin (Tun Seri Lanang, 1997) it is also mentioned
that the use of headscarf was permitted at the entrance of the palace but held towards
the chest when inside the building. Some fabrics such as silk, batik, kain pelangi, floral
voile scarf or gold thread embroidery were allowed. However kelingkan scarf and
gold dust were not permitted to wear. Gold accessories or jewelery was not allowed
except for copper bracelet and belt. In Pakai Patut Melayu, Mohd Said Sulaiman (1931)
stated that according to court rules and for official ceremonies Malay women were
prohibited from wearing baju takwa; a long dress with an open front like kebaya. The
centre of the coat was closed with a row of loops for button at the front and at the end
of the long sleeves (Tun Seri Lanang, 1997, pp.60-61).
It was said that the regulations implemented was inherited from Sultan Iskandar
Zulkarnain (Alexander the Great, 4 BC). On the other hand, it was also believed that
Sultan Iskandar Zulkarnain was probably Sultan Mahmud Syah, the first Sultan of
Malacca who adopted Islam (Liaw, 2003). In the first item of Undang- Undang Melaka
(Tun Seri Lanang, 1997, p.108 and Liaw, 2003), the law mentioned of customary
functions attended by the rajas and the custom of wearing Malay costumes. The law
also stressed that yellow was only for the royals. If a person wore anything of yellow
colour, he or she would be punished with death sentence. Thin fabric such as voile was
not allowed in the palace ground; otherwise the garment would be stripped from the
wearer. Gold handle on kris was not allowed otherwise it would be confiscated from the
owner.
In the third item of the law, the subject was again reminded by the restriction
of using yellow as household items. Things such as bedspreads, bolsters and
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handkerchiefs were not allowed in yellow. If the authority found out, the fabric would
be destroyed. The law mentioned that the rules applied to all Malays and Sakais
(native people) and reminded them to follow the Raja’s order (Tun Seri Lanang, 1997,
p.109 and Liaw, 2003).
Similarly, men put on tengkolok, setanjak or destar as headgear. There are
ethics involved when wearing the headgear to signify the office or social standing of
the person. The tie, folds, fabric and how it is worn determine the status of a person
wearing the headgear (Wan Yahaya Abdullah, 2004). The wearer who would
otherwise break traditional connotations and values must understand these ethical
aspects. For instance, for Pahang office the colours used are such: yellow for the Sultan,
black for Tengku Arif Bendahara, blue for Tengku Arif Temenggung, red for Panglima
Perang and Tengku Panglima Besar Pahang (http://www.pahang- delights.com,
retrieved 20 June 2009). The commoners are advised to wear black.
To distinguish the ranking and position in society, the peak of destar could
immediately tell other people the wearer’s identity. The royal family wears destar by
positioning its peak directly above the right ear. This is opposite to ordinary men, where
the peak is positioned on the left ear. The Sultan wears destar with 5 to 7 folds, ministers
– 4 folds while the subject wears 1 to 3 folds (Wan Yahaya Abdullah, 2004, p.57). The
method of wearing destar were observed, complied and inherited for centuries without
any specific written laws. The administrative system in the Malay society became
influential, practiced and accepted by all and became legitimate laws under the Malay
rulers. The Undang-Undang Melaka and Undang-Undang Laut were two laws for the
Malacca government to use during the Malacca Sultanate. There was no exception for
the women either. Samad Ahmad (1966, p.97) mentioned that there was dress custom
of Johor-Riau-Selangor in formal functions at palaces. There were rules that when
walking into the palace for formal functions, they should wear a matching baju kurung
made of tenun or silk.
To show strong beliefs in Islam, the Malay artisans in the Malay Peninsula
avoid the influence of motifs from human and animal figures in their products (Jahani
Ali, 2005). Almost all types of arts and crafts reject non-Islamic characters and
behaviour as well as those against the Malay customs and tradition. Unlike the
Indonesian textile that has different meaning and cloth function to each motif, the textile
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in the Malay Peninsular focuses on symbol of status from its composition and method
of tying the cloth onto body. Although some rules of the Riau Malays are not
73
common to the Malays of the Malay Peninsula today, it is possible that they were
once, applied. In addition, the society in Malay community within the Archipelago
shared similar language, culture, features and physical character. Thus it is possible to
share the same thinking, concept and philosophy (Tenas Effendy, 2005).
Tenas Effendy (2004) stressed that it is important to retain the principle and
concept of wearing traditional garment. In Riau, the rules of wearing proper traditional
garment will define the status and position of the wearer. Similarly, the amount of
accessories used to complete the costume and material used for their garments will
differentiate the status of the women. In the Peninsular of Malaysia, the symbol, rules
and principles in the garment are not strictly practiced. Upper class women wore
expensive materials like silk, brocade and velvet sandals, commoners wore plain
cotton, pelikat and wooden sandals. Most of the times, they were barefooted. In the
19th century, a commoner might own only one or two pairs of garment for special
occasion (Zainab Mamad, 2007).
Batik sarong was an influence from Java. Very few women could own batik.
The motifs on the batik too could also show the status of the wearer. Less intricate motifs
were less expensive and suited ordinary women. The custom of good dressing starts
from palaces (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). The status of the royals was at the highest
hierarchy in a community as rulers to the society and considered as honorable, courteous
and dignified. The royals demanded to differ from their subjects and set rules to
distinguish their differences. Azah Aziz (2006) spoke of a Malay pantun (verse)
regarding royal dress:
Seluar Aceh, kebaya kelingkan,
Limar dan songket tenunan lama;
Baju sikap kancingnya sembilan,
Itu tanda persalinan raja.
The verse explains the items such as Seluar Aceh (Aceh trousers), Kebaya
kelingkan (Kebaya embellished with gold tinsels embroidery), Baju Sikap (short jacket),
limar and songket were the garments and fabric for the royals. Symbolically, it was
distinguished by the button count on the Baju Sikap. Nine buttons represent the royals.
Symbolic meaning in motifs existed in tradition textiles such as songket and batik. The
Malay-Riau tradition relates symbolic meaning and motifs to Islam and culture of the
society (Tenas Effendy, 1989). Old sayings in the Riau custom had said,
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a) apabila membuat bunga bersulam, ingat kepada ajaran Islam;
b) dikatakan kalau baju memakai bunga, tengok-tengok pada maknanya;
c) dikatakan, bila memakai hiasan tekat, jangan bertelikai adat.
The paragraph is loosely translated as, ‘while working on the embroidery
motifs, be aware of what is taught in Islam; or when wearing a top with motifs, watch
its meaning or symbols; or when using decorative tekat, do not go against the custom.’
All three sayings reminded the maker to be aware of Islamic teachings. Makers were
adviced that motifs used in their crafts should not deliberately contradict Islamic
teachings. It was to avoid any misperception of other people towards the wearer. For
example in Indonesia, if someone wears sarong with motifs of head of the dewa
(deity), an observer would have thought that the wearer was a Hindu-Buddhist or non-
Muslim.
The styles of Malay motifs in arts and crafts, generally repeat themselves in
slightly different presentation to suit its function. Motifs used in Malay crafts inherited
and repeated to almost all type of crafts in different or similar presentation such as
woodcarving, batik, songket and ceramics. Usually, in mat plaiting and songket,
geometric designs were used while in other forms of crafts the motifs were soft and used
organic lines. The composition of the motifs is similar in each presentation. For
example, the use of triangular compositions, often create the motifs for pucuk rebung
(bamboo shoot). This popular motif is found in batik, woodcarving, ceramics (all three
are organic) and songket (in geometric designs). Based on the similarities of other
arrangements of the motifs, it is possible that the idea stretches from one expert to
another and implemented in different area of crafts. The composition of the motifs
follows principles related to the cultural values of the Malays and taught by the
masters to the students on the job. For example, according to Wan Hashim Wan Teh
(1996), the Malay woodcarving has four basic principles.
First, new emerging branch of a plant must appear from behind or below the
original branch. It is to symbolize the norm in Malay culture and values which
respects the elders. A young person should address the elder accordingly and give
priority in regards of their life’s experience. The proverb ‘lebih dulu makan garam’
(older people tasted salted earlier that the young ones) signifies that whatever in life is
experienced by the elderly first and thus younger people should take advice from
them. A popular motif used in textiles and woodcarving is ‘trailing ducks’ or in Malay
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‘itik pulang petang’. The teaching impart here is young ones should not over rule the
head, ruler, wiser or older person.
Secondly, when two leaves or motifs meet or are in close contact with one
another, the sharp end of the leaf must avoid from touching the other. The symbolic
meaning of this is that in one’s life, one must not hate, despise, or cause hardship to
others. The community should live in harmony and maintain good relations to one
another. It generates good values in society as compared to differences and
aggression. This is related to the proverb that all Muslims are brothers and sisters.
Thirdly, a piece of design should not be too complex and bountiful in terms
of shapes. There should not be a combination of several motifs to form a sophisticated
formation. This type of design is regarded as mabuk (drunk) and being drunk is
forbidden in Islam. When using too many shapes or motifs, we too cannot appreciate
the aesthetics of the formation and composition. It would also appear unpleasant to the
eyes and confuse the mind.
Fourthly, the design should not be stiff. It must have the expression of
softness of the carver. A design is regarded as the soul of the designer or maker. It should
show his or her passion, concentration, patience and highest discipline. This is shown in
many traditional arts and crafts which are not found in modern arts.
Finally, a small branch should end in a fold. The meaning is that the whole of
life in this world is full of mystery and that our life does not end in this world alone.
This is parallel to Islamic teaching. Islam believes in the judgment after death and
hereafter. One must be prepared for it by being good in life. One must also seek
knowledge to uncover all the mystery in this world by learning and believing the
Qur’an.
Repetition of motifs in Malay traditional textiles is said as a representational
of Islamic art. This relates to the act of uttering the name of Allah repeatedly or zikir,
which is a practice of remembering Allah (Kamus Dwibahasa, Longman, 2009). The
purpose of repetition of motifs in pattern is to attract one’s attention and decorative to
the composition (Othman Yatim, 1989, pp.79-80). As a symbol, animal motif stands
for friendship, masculinity and togetherness. In the Malay Peninsula, the choices of
animal motifs are such as birds and butterflies. They are animals that are usually not
used in rituals or for temple figurines. In Othman’s opinion, Islam came to the
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Peninsular and Islamized the existing Malay craft rather than the foundation of Malay
design built upon the influence of Islamic art (Othman Yatim, 1989). Tenas Effendy
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(1989) too, stressed that symbolism in motifs define specific meaning created to fit the
purpose of Islamic values and culture of a society. Living creatures are best avoided as
motifs since they are forbidden in Islam. In Malay culture, flora (wild and tropical
flowers) and fauna (insects and birds) motifs are widely used including the cosmic
(moon, stars, clouds and sun), geometric motifs and calligraphy. Cosmic and fauna
motifs are remnants of the pre-Islamic cultural tradition.
2.17 THE MALAY TRADITIONAL COSTUMES

The costumes of ordinary Malays in the old Malay Kingdom were simple
sarongs. As time progressed, the attire evolved and became more sophisticated, while
the wearers became more sensitive in their needs and fashion taste. For instance, the
Chinese chronicles described the attire of the Malays in the 13th century for both male
and female as covering only the bottom part of the body, with no cloth to cover the
upper body. With the arrival of Islam between 13th and14th Century (based on the
inscription stone found in Terengganu), the women began covering their bodies using
two or three pieces of long cloth to cover the top part of the body. A sheath was used
to cover the shoulders and chest on top of the kemban (Abbas Alias and Norwani Md.
Nawawi, 2003). The kemban is a sarong wrapped across the breast and tucked under the
arms to hold the cloth (Figure 33 and Figure 34). The sarong can also be worn as skirt
when tied around the waist. The length of the sarong dropped a little above the ankle or
one or two inches of the ground depending on its use either as a kemban or skirt. Some
women covered their heads but many arranged their hair in sanggul (coiffure) and
adorned with gold or copper hair accessories (Cameron, 1965). The kemban cloth was
multipurpose and can be used as bathers, blanket and kelubung (head cover).
However, in the presence of non-family members and men another sarong was used to
cover the head, shoulder and part of their faces.
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FIGURE 33
Woman in Kemban and Sarong.
Source: National Archive Malaysia, 2007.
FIGURE 34
Two Malay Women.
Source: Courtesy of Muzium Terengganu, 2008.
Note: Woman standing: in Kemban. Woman sitting: Wearing Baju Belah and sarong pelikat (cotton from India).
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It was also believed with the conversion of Parameswara (the first Sultan of
Malacca) to Islam in the 15th century, Malay women started to wear clothes such as
Baju Belah (a long and loose blouse with front opening) with sarong (Figure 35), and
Baju Kurung (tunic like garment) with a matching sarong pleated at the sides called
ombak mengalun. Men would normally wear sarong, hanging from waist to knee or calf.
For men, a piece of cloth was used as shoulder cloth and another piece as
headgear. Eventually, men also wore a small Baju Kurung to match the sarong or
short pants. The dress development grew as Malacca itself became the centre of trade
in the Malay Archipelago (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) noted
in her interview with the late Nik Abdul Rahman (ex-Bomoh Diraja Kelantan), the
women of Kelantan started to wear Baju Kurung in the early 20th century. In 1910,
Sultan Muhammad IV ordered the women to cover their body to conform to
obligations in Islamic teachings. Women who disobeyed his rules would be sprinkled
with black paint.
FIGURE 35
Baju Belah, Early Form of Malay Traditional Costume.
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Along with the growth of trade during the Great Malacca Empire, traders
crossed the Malay Archipelago from the Middle East and India to China by ships to
sell their products. These ships stopped at the ports and villages along the coasts of the
Malay Archipelago, that later bloomed into trading posts in South-East Asia. Goods
from China, India, Middle East (Arab) and European countries landed and bartered here.
The foreign traders not only brought with them goods to trade but also their unique
dressing and fashion styles. The Malays were therefore influenced and exposed to
various fashions and costumes from foreign countries and began to wear clothes
somewhat similar to the traders (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). These foreigners have indeed
greatly influenced the evolution of the traditional Malay costumes as well as their
habitus on the Malay Land.
The main reference to the traditional Malay dress today was written by Major
Dato’ Haji Mohd. Said b. Haji Sulaiman, (1931), titled Pakai Patut Melayu. It was
almost a complete writing of the Malay attire worn by the Malay community during
the Johorean Sultanate in the mid 1800s to early 1900s. Mohd. Said Sulaiman (1931)
described the style and coordination of baju Melayu worn by the people of Tanjung
Puteri (Johor Bahru) during his lifetime (1876 – 1955) and based on earlier experience
in the Johorean Sultanate. Many authors and researchers refer to his writing as the
core content and rule of Malay dress to compare and support classical writings. In the
late 1950s, a cultural activist, a wife to a Johorean royal aristocrat and a writer Azah
Aziz stood out, wrote on the traditional styles and coordination of Malay dressing to
support, and prolong the heritage (PERTIWI, 2004). With respect and pride of the Malay
traditional costumes, in 1947, the Sultan had continued their traditions of
exchanging gifts by including the costumes to other rulers outside the Malay world.
This is proven by a thank you letter to the Rulers of the Malay State received from the
Buckingham Palace in 1947 (Figure 36).
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FIGURE 36
Thank You Letter from Queen Elizabeth.
2.17.1 Basic Design and Silhouette of Baju Kurung

In basic clothing design, the foundation to creating a successful piece of
garment is the way a designer manipulate elements of design on the body. Like other
art product, elements of designs in garment making are line, texture, colour, shape, form
and space (Figure 37). In garment making, line can be represented by seamlines or
design lines, illusionary lines made by colour blocking and striped fabric. Line can
emphasize a body proportion as well as enhance or distort the figure. Texture is often
associated with the surface of the fabric such as prints, motifs, type of fabric, fabric
treatment, embellishment and embroidery. Fabric texture gives silky, smooth, soft,
coarse, woolly, hairy, wash effect and shiny effect. Texture could influence the effect
on colours. Colour is very important to the wearer. In garment design, colour may
enhance physical appearance and psychologically boost the wearer’s esteem and
confidence.
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FIGURE 37
Redrawn by Asliza Aris (2009) showing the Design Principles and Elements
in Garment Making
Source: Marshall (2004).
DESIGN PRINCIPLES
DESIGN ELEMENTS
UNITY
RHYTHM LINE
SPACE
TEXTURE GARMENT SHAPE
DESIGN FORM
PROPERTIES
COLOUR EMPHASIS
BALANCE
Shape is formed after measurement of the body is achieved. Garment would

be constructed according to the measurement on drafting papers using drafting tools.
The shapes constructed on the paper are traced out individually to form what are
called pattern pieces. These patterns are guide for cutting fabric of the garment. To form
the garment, the cut fabric is joined by stitching them together systematically. Curved
lines, dart shapes, pleats and gathers help to form and create volume on the garment. A
successful garment is proportionate to the body, balance, emphasize the wearer,
rhythmic and unite with the body. These factors synchronize to the Principle of Design
in visual art (Ocvirk et.al, 2006).
Thus, one must look at the design principles and elements applied in the design
process of Baju Kurung. Although in making the traditional baju kurung, the maker
might not be aware of formalistic reasons involved in making the garment; the maker
had personal reasons for deciding on shapes, fabric and colour of each garment. Baju
Kurung used geometric shapes to create form. For example, a long rectangle shape
serves the body from front to back in one pattern.
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In the theory and practice of art, the three basic component of an art product is
subject, form and content. Subject deals with thing, person or idea. Form gives various
meanings in art depending of the subject. It is a result of the use of design elements
and their relationship to the design principles such as rhythm, repetition, harmony and
variety (Ocvirk, et al, 2006). In this research, baju kurung is the subject. The form is
the structure achieved from design elements involving line, texture, space, shape and
colour. The design elements create an understanding that makes the Baju Kurung in
balance and harmonious to its design.
In fashion design, the form of a garment can be identified from seven basic
silhouettes (Figure 38). Silhouette is the shape that creates form. The silhouettes are
A-line or tent, pencil or tube, hourglass, bell, empire, bouffant and bustle. Baju
Kurung, on the other hand was designed as a loose garment to enclose the body from
being seen by other people especially non-muhrims (non-family members). Therefore,
the most suitable silhouette for this purpose is tube or tent. Tubular, like its name has a
straight cut body. Tent or A-shaped dresses are such as tunic and slipped-dress. The
dress usually flares out from below chest line to its hem. In the history of fashion, the
tent shape was popular in 1910s whilst the tube was found in 1920s (Lehnert, 2000).
The waistline determines an important role to create a certain silhouette.
Empire, is a high waistline that emphasis the bosoms and create a soft- flown and
romantic look in a garment. The normal waistline would create hourglass look and a
waistline placed below the natural waist is bouffant shaped. This style creates a long
and slim figure. A bustle silhouette creates a puff or fullness at the back from waist to
hip or waist to hemline. It is a popular style in western fashion in 1870 -1890. The
protruding form at the back of the body has made this style unpopular in today’s fashion
as compared to other silhouettes.
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FIGURE 38
The Bold Outline Signifies Types of Basic Silhouette.
Drawing by Asliza Aris (2011).
a. Tubular and pencil b. Hourglass c. A-line or tent d. Empire e. Bouffant f. Bell shape g. Bustle
shape
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2.17.2 Categories of Malay Traditional Costumes
The Malay traditional costumes are divided into two major groups, men and
women. Generally, both groups have the same silhouette, which is tubular and A-
shaped. Children’s garments replicate the adults’ garments. For men, they wear a set
of full attire consisting of a loose shirt and a pair of long trousers or sarong. A piece of
short sarong called samping (waistcloth) is worn on top of the trousers. Originally the
Malay men wore destar or setanjak on their heads. Today, many men wore songkok or
kopiah as headgear. Songkok and kopiah are two different types of skullcaps said to be
brought in by foreign influence (Azah Aziz, 1990a and Figure 39). The women wear a
long blouse either baju kurung or baju belah together with a sarong (a tubular shaped
cloth). Over the head, a woman put on another piece of sarong to cover their hair. Today,
a scarf is used as headgear or a long shawl draped on one shoulder (Figure 40). Over
the years, the Malay traditional costumes developed and changed. Some costumes
are still worn as its original cut with modern fabric but some were only used for special
occasions and art performances (Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi,
2003).
Figure 39
Johorean Men in Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga, c.1950s.
Source: Rupa & Gaya Busana Melayu, 2006.
Note: The sampin (waist cloth) were worn outside the garment. This is known as ‘dagang luar’. Dagang luar was a
style for royals and courts people.
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FIGURE 40
Women in Baju Belah.
Source: http://www.asiafinest.com/forum/lofiversion/index.php/t138871.html, retrieved on
28 January 2011.
Note: Left: Baju Belah and selendang (long scarf). Right: Baju Belah and kain dagang luar, kelubung. In both photos
the Baju Belah were paired with sarong batik. Photos taken in early 1900s.
Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi (2003) categorized the Malay costumes
into two major societal groups; the royals and commoners. In both groups, the Malay
costumes consisted of collection that focuses formal wear, everyday attire and wedding
attire. Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi also defined that Malay classical
costumes are costumes that portray the exquisiteness, elegance, and achieved its highest
standard of creativity, beauty and perfection at the peak of a certain kingdom. Further,
according to Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi (2003), the Malay classical
costumes are no longer suitable today but well accepted for special functions. Generally,
the most notable garments in Malay costumes are Baju Kurung (Teluk Belanga and
Cekak Musang) for both men and women. The men’s Baju Kurung (Teluk Belanga
and Cekak Musang) is simply known as Baju Melayu (Figure
41 and Figure 42). Another well-known garment for women is Kebaya Labuh and
Kebaya Pendek (Figure 43). There are other different Malay women’s costumes
throughout the Peninsular of Malaysia such as Baju Kedah, Baju Minangkabau and Baju
Kota Bharu. Although some may have similar look and shapes but they carry different
85
names. They are rich in fabric, style, influence and of different origin to create a
variety of design from state to state. For this purpose of research, the
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researcher focuses on Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang
only.
FIGURE 41
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Man and Woman)
Source: Collection of Arina Sunflower.
FIGURE 42
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (Man and Woman)
Source: http://malaysia.images.search.yahoo.com, retrieved on 25 March 2011.
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FIGURE 43
Kebaya
Source: Galeri Tunku Nur Zahirah Universiti Teknologi MARA. Photos by Asliza Aris (2008)
Kebaya Labuh. Kebaya Pendek
2.17.3 Influences in the Malay Traditional Costumes

The early influence known to the Malay traditional costumes is vague.
However, it was believed that the women’s costume received influences from
neighbouring countries such as Pattani, Sumatra and Java as well as other foreign
influences such as Arab, Indian and Chinese styles (Siti Zainon, 2006). Two of the
primary dresses worn by the Malay women are Baju Panjang or Baju Belah and Baju
Kurung. These two dresses are similar to those worn by the Malay people of Indonesia
in Sumatera and Java. However, traditionalists and academicians such as Azah Aziz,
Zubaidah Sual, Mohammad Najib Md. Nor and Siti Zainon Ismail agreed that the
Arabs (or perhaps other Islamic countries) might have great influence on the Malay
costumes. Their opinions are supported by the use of terms rooted from Arab words.
The term djallabiyah (Arabic) meant the loose body shirt (Zuabaidah Shawal, 1994,
p.29). This described the character of Baju Kurung, which was also loose and wide.
Zubaidah Shawal (199, p.13) also pointed that the women’s blouse, Kebaya
might have had influence from Turkey due to its similarity to Al Akibiya Al Turkiyya
or Baju Turki (Turkish dress) and djubba (jubah) or long coat worn by the Arabs.
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Other researchers such as Azah Aziz, Norwani Md. Nawawi and Siti Zainon Ismail
also shared similar opinion through their writings. Another example is Baju belah.
The Arabs came in the 15th century in their jubah, which is a long coat, opens in front
and worn over a blouse. Baju belah is also similar to costumes worn by the Muslims
in South Asia and Middle East (Achjadi, 1986). The women from royal families and
aristocrats often wore Baju Belah Labuh. It used a lot of material because of its length
that almost touched the ground and the front opening was catched with gold or silver
brooches studded with diamonds.
The sarong matched to the top was batik Jawa, tenun Pahang or pelekat
(checked cotton) from India (Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi, 2003). During the
colonisation of the Portuguese in Malacca, the blouse for Baju Belah was made from
velvet and kerongsang (pins) were used as closure. Gold pins and closures were said to
have the influence of Chinese styles. Baju Belah came in two lengths. The length of a
short Baju Belah was sufficient to cover the lower end of the back body. The garment
came about circa 1800’s, simplified to fit the wearer to wear as daywear and while doing
house chores (Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi, 2003). Due to that, the cut of
the body was loose and straight. The body used kekek (gusset) and pesak (panel) as
in kebaya labuh. In some parts of Peninsular Malaysia like Kelantan, a short Baju Belah
has a pocket in front of the left side body. The sleeves are loose and wide. Chained
pins or simple kerongsang are used as closure. For common people, the materials
made for kebaya were voile, kain jelabat and thin velvet. Songket (gold cloth),
kain tenun sutera (woven silk) and kain Bugis (Bugese cloth) was only for royals and
aristocrats (Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi, 2003).
2.18 BAJU KURUNG

Baju Kurung is a long loose tunic worn with sarong. The Malay women and
men in most parts of the Peninsular of Malaysia wear Baju Kurung. In late 1800s, the
Sultan of Johore specifically named the Baju Kurung worn by Johor people ‘Baju
Kurung Teluk Belanga’. It is to differentiate it from Baju Kurung in other states and
other Malay garments such as Baju Pesak and Baju Belah. Further changes of the length
of Baju Kurung in Johor state was also made by the Chief Minister of Johor, Dato’
Jaafar Muhammad (Mohd Said Sulaiman, 1931). It was also mentioned in Sejarah
Melayu that the original Baju Kurung was worn just below the waist and
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small. However the Sultan’s man, Tun Temenggung Hassan had instructed the men to
wear the garment longer and loose (Siti Zainon, 2006, p.181)
2.18.1 Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Women)

Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga is also refered to as Baju Kurung Johor or Baju
Kurung for short (Figure 44). Both Malay men and women wear it. To differentiate
between the two, the men’s baju is often called Baju Melayu. Suitable with the
position of Malay women, who carry the image of refinement, soft and timid, the baju
is worn long and loose (Tenas Effendi, 2004). The name of the baju itself is loosely
translated as, ‘enclosed dresses’ or ‘the tunic which confines the wearer’s bare
physique within, hence keeping it out of sight’ (http://www.pahang_delights.com,
retrieved on 20 June 2009). The women’s Baju Kurung is low below the knee, on the
mid-calf. The baju is paired with batik, pelekat or plain cotton sarong for commoners
while the royals and aristocrats used expensive fabric such as Javanese batik, songket,
kain tenun, brocade and velvet.
FIGURE 44
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Women), undated.
Source: National Archive Malaysia (2007)
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The sarong that is held around the waist with a piece of calico and is arranged
with pleats on one side of the body is called ombak mengalun. When wearing batik or
songket, the position of the kepala kain is at the back of the body. Another piece of
sarong goes over the head and covers the shoulders to act as kelubung (veil). The sarong
is termed as kain dagang luar. The sarong is dropped to the waist by holding it tight
against the left side of the body when in the house or tied around the waist when doing
house chores (Figure 45).
The elegance of Baju Kurung (for women) as Azah Aziz (1987) stated is the
traditional practice of wearing Baju Kurung. It started from the court and later spread
to the public. The costume represents femininity (kewanitaan), softness (lemah-
lembut), grace (sopan) and finesse (halus) in woman. Originally, the whole garment was
hand stitched. Formality in Johor requires some parts of the garment to be hand sewn
until today (Zaliha Ariffin, 2009).
FIGURE 45
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Women), 1910s.
Note: Baju kurung, kain dagang luar tied around the waist to allow movement while doing house chores (Pahang,
1910s).
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The slit of the neckline is held together with a piece of shanked button from
gold or silver (Figure 46). It is usually rounded and studded with precious stone. If the
button consists of a piece of stone it is called garam sebuku and if it consists of a few
stones it is called kunang-kunang sekebun (Abbas Alias and Norwani Md. Nawawi,
2003). Hair was adorned with sanggul lintang (hair couiffured in horizontal
arrangement) or sanggul siput (hair couiffured in a style of the snail’s shell). Earrings,
twisted style chains and bracelets, anklets and slippers complete the royal and
aristocrat look.
FIGURE 46
Neckline of Baju Kurung with Shanked Button. Batik. (late 1980s).
Source: Hajah Ainan Haji Jantan.
In the past, the blouse had a small pocket on the left side of the body just above
the waist. It was believed that the pocket was added to the blouse during Sultan
Ibrahim’s reign in 1886 to 1919 (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006, p.183). In modern times,
approximately in 1960s, the pocket was made hidden in the side panel of the body
between the pesak. The pocket was added as a necessity for keeping small items and
handkerchief (Figures 47). After the Second World War, a new wave had changed
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga to new dimension. The baju was shortened and the skirt
made tight, similar to western skirt (Azah Aziz, 1987). The style repeated Baju
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Kurung Kecil, which was known in 1800s, worn by women and men as casual
garment. The new garment was called Baju Kurung Moden. Then, when western
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fashion was popular with the ‘mini look’, the Baju Kurung was shortened and named
Mini Kurung (Figure 48). The cut was made according to western pattern, without kekek
(gussets) and pesak (side panels).
FIGURE 47
Baju Kurung with Front Patch Pocket. Cotton voile. (circa 1960s).
Source: Shafeeqa Johari
FIGURE 48
Modern Baju Kurung.
Note: On the left is called Mini Kurung, 1970s and on its right the blouse (1980s) is slightly longer (knee level).
Both tops are paired with side pleat skirts.
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As mentioned before, in the past, a small Baju Kurung or Baju Kurung Kecil
was also used by the Malay women (Figure 49). Perhaps Mini Kurung was initiated
and inspired from this style and modified to suit modern patterns. Darts were used to
shape the body, zippers were used as closure at the back of the body and the round
shape of the neckline retained. According to Azah (1987, p.10) the modifications of
the new Baju Kurung are considered as destruction to the costume and spoiled its
originality, concept and tradition.
FIGURE 49
Baju Kurung Kecil, Early 1900s.
Private collection (Rias, March 2003).
2.18.2 Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (Women)

Baju Kurung Cekak Musang was introduced in 1895 during the reign of
Sultan Ibrahim ibni Sultan Abu Bakar in 1895 to 1959 (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). The
name Cekak Musang is derived from the collar of the blouse, which stands around the
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neckline similar to Mandarin collar of the Chinese’s blouse. Baju Cekak Musang was
also known as Baju Wan or Baju Leher Benia (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). The width
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size of the collar is measured approximately one or two fingers width. The neckline
measurement is taken around the neck from the tip of thumb to the tip of any finger
that goes around half neck (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006, p.201). Similar to the men’s Baju
Kurung (Melayu) Cekak Musang, this dress also uses five pieces of gold studded buttons
on the collar and plackette (Figure 50). However, the woman’s blouse could also use
seven buttons (Azah Aziz, 1990b, p.82 and Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006, p.201). The length
of the blouse is below the hips near to the knees.
FIGURE 50
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Women (1970s).
Courtesy of Puan Hasma Ahmad
Unlike the men’s baju, the woman’s baju uses two types of gussets. One is a
square folded to look like a triangle (Figure51). The other is kekek gantung, a long
rectangular shape (almost) and curved one side (Figure 52). The blouse has a loose body
and a wide bottom. According to Raja Alfirafindra M. Hum (2008), in the old Malay
Kingdom Baju Kurung Cekak Musang was made of velvet and worn with songket tied
in the style of ombak mengalun. Sometimes the blouse was made from brocade and
matched with songket sarong that had intricate goldwork. The tie of ombak
mengalun could be at the right or left body according to the comfort of the wearer. If
the sarong has a head panel, it should be placed at the back. The width of the sleeves
opening measured about the width of a knuckle.
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Siti Zainon (2006, p.183) mentioned that Baju Kurung Cekak Musang was
strictly used by the royal families and court women. The pesak gantung too was used
especially for court women to differentiate them from common people.
FIGURE 51
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Woman).
1. Bulan-bulan neckline 2. Rectangle shaped sleeves
5. Pesak buluh. Trapezium

(almost). Side panels for the 3. Kekek. A square piece of
body to give breadth. material, folded diagonally
to form a triangular gusset
for underarm ease.
4. Body. A rectangle, folded into two on the shoulder

to create front and back.
FIGURE 52
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, Pesak Gantung.
1. High collar (stand collar) two fingers width, named

Cekak Musang or leher bernea.
3. Kekek
2. Pesak gantung
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2.18.3 Other Malay Traditional Costumes for Women
A cross-design between Baju Belah and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, the
Baju Riau-Pahang (Figure 53) was created as the first royal costume in Pahang. It
originated from Riau, inspired by Tengku Ampuan Mariam, the eldest princess to Sultan
Sir Abu Bakar of Johor. She was married to Sultan Mahmud Shah (Pahang) in
1897. The Pahang descendants were also married to the Terengganu royal family whose
members were spread until Johor. Hence, the baju travels together with the expansion
of the royal family. It was said that the style was exclusive to the royal family. That
explained why the style was not popular and not commonly found in the Malay
community.
FIGURE 53
.Baju Riau-Pahang.
Source: Kraftangan Malaysia (2006).
Fashion magazines showed that during the 1980s the garment re-emerged and
was copied by modern designers. In Terengganu, the same attire is called Baju Turki
or Baju Belah (Muzium Terengganu, 2007). Baju Riau, for short, also has a standup
collar called cekak musang. The pesak (side panels) are wide and cut differently from
other styles of pesak in Baju Kurung. Baju Kurung Pahang, on the other hand is Baju
Kurung with kekek and pesak gantung. The Baju Belah was probably developed and
shaped to become the Kebaya. This type of garment found its way to the hearts of
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women of all races in the Peninsular Malaysia. It is worn in unlimited styles, and shapes
until today. There are many versions of this Kebaya styles such as Kebaya Labuh, Baju
Bandung, Baju Kota Bharu, Kebaya Nyonya, Kebaya Sulam (kebaya biku) and
Kebaya Pendek (Figures 54, 55 and 56). The similarity is that all of the kebayas are
tight and shaped very close to the body. The hemline of the Kebaya Pendek usually
slants towards the centre front. A cross between Baju Kurung and Kebaya had
developed into a modern Malay garment named Kebarung, which became popular in
late 1980s to 1990s (Figure 57).
FIGURE 54
Kebaya Labuh
Source: Jelita (2007).
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FIGURE 55
Baju Kota Bharu
Source: Private collection & Balai Seni Lukis Negara, 2002.
98
FIGURE 56
Kebaya Sulam (Nyonya) from Penang.
Source: Kompleks Kraftangan 2007.
99
FIGURE 57
Kebarung.
Source: Asliza Aris (2009).
Note: Kebarung (early 1990’s) made from batik. The centre front opening used snap buttons as closures. It has
both gusset and side panel on each side of the body. The lapel runs down from neck along the length of the baju. It
is worn over an overlapped skirt with slit.
A distinct difference between the Kebaya Pendek and Baju Bandung and
Baju Kota Bharu is the front opening. Kebaya pendek uses pins as closure but both Baju
Bandung and Baju Kota Bharu use another piece of material (lidah baju) as insertion or
centre panel to close the front part of the body. This particular piece is then fastened
by using snap buttons. The baju is paired with batik sarong or batik lepas. A similar
look to the women’s Baju Kurung is Baju Kedah, a known dress to the royal consort
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of Kedah in the old days. It has shorter body and sleeves. Baju Kedah is often
paired with a batik sarong or kain pelekat (pulicat) from India (Figure
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58). Sometimes, the blouse is made from thin material such as kain cita (cotton) with
little florals or kain kasa gelas (voile). The sarong is held with a silver crafted belt that
is discernible through the thin material (Zakiah Hanum, 1988). The public were not
allowed to wear Baju Kedah when the Queen visited the kampongs (Muzium Kedah,
2007). However, Baju Kedah was well known as a house dress in the north of Peninsular
Malaysia and became widely accepted in other parts of the Peninsular. Today, using
more expensive and decorative fabric Baju Kedah is accepted as semi formal garment.
FIGURE 58
Baju Kedah
Private Collection. Courtesy of Edisi, 1997.
Note: Baju Kedah, a simpler cut tunic, commonly worn in the north of Peninsular Malaysia. This blouse was paired
with songket.
2.18.4 Reconstruction of the Malay Women’s Traditional Costumes

Most Malay women costumes in the 20th century still follow the form, cut
and shapes of the traditional costumes although differing in fabric and trimmings.
New and western fabrics as well as trimmings are used to enhance the garment. Some
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styles are modified using western patterns to create new fits such as adding shoulder
pads to Baju Kurung, use of closures like zipper, buttons, waistbands, hook and eye
and shoulder lines on the patterns that were slanted to fit the wearer’s shoulders.
The development of the Malay traditional costumes in creative fashion
sometimes has caused the Malay costumes to lose its identity and neglected the
principles of traditional coordination such as pairing a Kebaya Sulam with trousers,
jeans or miniskirts (Figure 59). Amazingly, the new generations readily accept the
style as new fashion. Cultural activists and academicians such as Azah Aziz, Siti Zainon
Ismail, Mohammad Najib Md. Nor and Kalsom Muda strongly opposed these
coordination and urged designers to use new names for the styles rather than
manipulating them as ‘urban Kebaya’, ‘modern Kurung’ or ‘pakaian tradisi Melayu
wajah baru’ (new look of the traditional Malay garment). This is because Malay
costume is considered a part of the Malaysian cultural heritage that supposedly portrayed
Malay values in society.
FIGURE 59
Kebaya Sulam with Balloon Skirt
Source: Rias (2003).
2.18.5 Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Men

Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for men is also called Baju Melayu Teluk Belanga
or Baju Melayu Johor (Figure 60). The suit had the same origin as the Baju Kurung
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Teluk Belanga for women. For men, Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga was developed from
Baju Kurung Kecil (short length tunic). Baju Kurung Kecil or Baju Pandak or Baju
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Sarung is short (measuring to hip level) and slim. The top is worn by slipping one’s
head through the neckline. It was then lengthen by Tun Hassan Temenggung, the son
of Bendahara Seri Maharaja Tun Mutahir. He also lengthened and widened the sleeves
(Shellabear, 1984, p.166). Named after the capital state of Johor, Teluk Belanga in
Singapore, the garment had been worn since the Malacca Empire in the 15 th century
(Zakiah Hanum, 1988). Today known as Baju Melayu for short, the loose top consists
of a pair of long sleeves and rounded neckline with a slit, similar to the Baju Kurung
Teluk Belanga for women. The top is matched with a pair of long trousers, a
waistcloth called samping and a Malay cap called songkok.
FIGURE 60
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Men (1930s)
Parit Pecah, Muar, Johor. Courtesy of Muzium Negara Malaysia.
The description of men’s attire in the Malay Annals (Shellabear, 1984) as

described by Tun Hassan Temenggung matched the full set of Malay costume. It
consisted of baju Melayu, seluar Aceh, baju sikap, kain sarung, samping and setanjak
(the tunic, trousers, short jacket, sarong, a waistcloth and a headgear, respectively). Adat
Temenggung is a custom practiced by the Malay people during the Malaccan
Sultanate in the 15th Century. In this custom, it was noted that during meals, Tun
Hassan would wear kain memancung, a style of tying the sarong, which is slanted at
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one end and bersebai, a shoulder cloth for men and a headgear adorned with fringes in
addition to the Baju Kurung.
The round shaped neckline with a slit at the centre front is finished with a
shaped piece of fabric acting as facings to stabilize the shape of the neckline. In Johor,
the finishing of the neckline was made by hand stitching called mata kia or decorative
stitching called tulang peranggi and tulang belut (eel’s spines or bones) (Mohd Said
Sulaiman, 1931). These stitches when repeated create a bone-like texture on the edges
of the neckline. The small facings in the inside were finished with blind stitches called
tikam leher (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994).
At first, the top had no pockets and its length was made below the knees. Then,
two pockets were added, placed a few inches below waistline. It is worn with long pants
and a waist cloth called kain samping. The samping is wrapped around the body from
the waist down to the knees or sometimes lower. It is usually ¾ length or full sarong
cloth made of songket, tenun Pahang Diraja or other woven materials with traditional
patterns. Samping worn with Baju Melayu Johor tied underneath the top is called kain
berdagang dalam. This style is popular in the state of Johor. Meanwhile, wearing the
samping over the shirt is called kain berdagang luar (Siti Zainon Ismail,
2006, pp.138-139). During Sultan Ibrahim’s reign (1873-1959), the Menteri Besar of
Johor, Dato’ Jaafar bin Muhammad shortened the length of the shirt to hip length and
add a breast pocket to make three pockets altogether (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). The style
stayed until today. Modifications made for today’s fashion involved adding trimmings
to the neckline and pockets and replacing the stud button with decorative pin. For
casualwear, the top is worn with sarong kain tenun, kain Bugis, kain corak Muar and
pelikat. This style is suitable for elderly people and indoors or for going to the mosques.
The influence of this costume is believed to have come from Arabia.
2.18.6 Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men

Malay men possibly started to wear Baju Kurung Cekak Musang in the 1930s
or 1940s (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). The difference from Baju Melayu Johor is its collar.
This baju has a standup collar that includes two buttons on the stand collar and a placket
opening in front (Figure 61). The placket is completed with three stud buttons. It has
three pockets, two at the bottom and one upper left breast. The collar is like the ones of
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the Arab’s long tunic (kamis) or the Chinese men’s shirt; the Javanese coat or even the
Indian’s jackets or kurta (http://pahang-delight.com, retrieved on 20
105
June 2009). In Pakai Patut Melayu, the collar style is also called Baju Teluk Belanga
Leher Benea (Mohd Said Sulaiman, 1931). It is difficult to distinguish which of the
natives that first invent such collar. However, it clearly showed that different races of
different places adopted and adapted the style most willingly as part of their costume.
Today, Malay men still wear this garment to the mosques for Friday prayers,
weddings and special occasions such as the celebration of Aidilfitri and AidilAdha.
FIGURE 61
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men. Celeberation of Hari Raya Aidilfitri.
A Haji, named Tuan Busu invented Baju Kurung Cekak Musang. Thus, this
costume took after his name and was called Baju Wan, a short for the name Tuan.
Tuan Busu created this suit to simplify the Arab’s long coat and to wear at home. He
cut it short to hip length and wore it with sarong tied as kain bergombang (Zubaidah
Shawal, 1994, p.89). For tying purposes, the sarong is pulled tightly to the body and
rolled down to waist line. Seeing a new style, the Sultan of Johor at that time liked the
suit and made it as the official dress for the princes and the the ministers.
The trousers used for Baju Kurung Cekak Musang had Chinese pants’
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influences. The name bearing potong Cina (Chinese cut) already showed where the
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influence came from. In the 1960s, the top also took after the Chinese mandarin collar
style and excluded the use of stud buttons on the collar leaving only three buttons on
the placket. Today, most men prefer Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for festive wear and
special occasions. A costume specially made for His Royal Highness of similar form
is called sut lima or a five-piece suit (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). It is worn as the
official suit and cut using western pattern. The coordination consists of baju, seluar,
samping, bengkung and tengkolok (top, trousers, waistcloth, cummerbund and
headdress).
2.18.7 Other Malay Traditional Costumes for Men

Other Malay men’s traditional costumes were for the royals and aristocrats.
The costumes were worn for official purposes within palace grounds. The royal family
of Kedah introduced Baju Sikap (Figure 62). This costume, which was believed to
originate from Java or Aceh, is worn over the Baju Melayu. It is a short jacket, with front
opening, without fastening or buttons, and a standup collar. A similar costume worn in
Kelantan was called Baju Mengan or Baju Putera Raja. In Kelantan, the
aristocrats wore the jacket over Baju Melayu in the early 20th century (Figure 63). In
Pahang and Johor the jacket was called Baju Cina or baju pesak sebelah (Figure
64).While the purpose of the jacket remains the same, the cut and shape of the jacket
slightly differed from state to state.
FIGURE 62
Baju Sikap Worn by the Royals of Kedah.
Source: Muzium Negara, Kuala Lumpur (2008).
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FIGURE 63
Baju Mengan
Source: Muzium Terengganu (2008).
Note: Baju Sikap (also known as Baju Mengan) paired with Seluar Aceh. In Kelantan, Baju Sikap was longer in
length, wider collar stand and used one button. In Selangor and Kedah the length was shorter; only to waistline and
used 7 to 9 buttons. Used in 19th century, Baju Sikap was a Royal dress for Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, Perlis
and Patani.
FIGURE 64
Baju Cina or Baju Pesak Sebelah
Source: Muzium Negara Kuala Lumpur (2008).
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Another baju similar to Baju Sikap and Baju Takwa is Baju Muskat (Figure
65). Also found in Kedah, it was a costume made for aristocrats. They wore the costume
for formal functions, special celebrations and when meeting His Royal Highness in the
palaces. It is similar to a short jacket or jubah and paired with trousers called Seluar
Aceh made of songket bergerus and a songkok for headgear. Cameron (1965, p.133), in
his description of the Malay attire, mentioned the use of baju or jacket, trousers with a
short petticoat – samping or the waist cloth, short pants and ikat kepala or destar, a piece
of rectangular cloth tied round the head. The jacket described was perhaps the Baju
Sikap.
Baju Muskat is believed to originate from Yemen (Muzium Kedah, 2007). Baju
Takwa could be one of the oldest styles in the Malay costumes. The Malay men started
to wear this garment since 1800s. Based on Malay classical literatures, the costume was
for a prince who was appointed to be the palace chief and for a bridegroom to wear on
his wedding day (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). This would differentiate the status of
an ordinary man to a prince. An ordinary man who was appointed as a palace chief
would have to wear a baju pandak or baju kurung kecil.
FIGURE 65
Baju Muskat (Kedah), 1910.
Source: Muzium Negara, Kuala Lumpur (2008).
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Baju Takwa is worn with kain gombang, a sarung tied with large pleats in front.
It is day wear attire, also worn by the Indian Muslim in the Peninsular. In the
1890s the garment went through a development with foreign influences and was seen
worn with trousers and waistcloth (samping).
Unlike Baju Melayu Cekak Musang, Baju Takwa’s collar is similar to the
Chinese mandarin collar or the Indian’s collar. It does not overlap at both ends and do
not need any buttons. With the influence of western jackets, two breast pockets were
added. Takwa is an Arabic word meaning one who obeys, and the jacket is perhaps came
from the influence of the Arab jubah (long coat). Suitable materials for the garment are
cotton (thick and fine), checkered, kain Bugis or kain pelikat (from India). The head
cloth is made of Javanese batik of fine cotton.
Baju Kehormatan Barat is a costume that became popular amongst the royals
and aristocrats in early 1900s (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). The suit was modern, smart
and gentlemanly. It is a combination of the English suits and Malay styling (Figure
66). It was the beginning of modern clothing for Malay people. Major Dato’ Haji
Mohd Said (1931) in Pakai Patut Melayu noted that the coordination of this costume
is as follows: songkok (Malay cap) made of velvet, long sleeves jacket and 1 to 4 buttons
at sleeves end (according to administrative status), pantaloon pants, kain Bugis (black)
for samping (waistcloth) at knee length, socks and laced black shoes from shiny
leather and a white shirt with stand collar. Some Malay men would wear it without the
waistcloth and songkok. They would put on the tie instead.
The Sejarah Melayu also mentioned a good luck shirt worn by men when in
danger or stressful situations. The shirt named baju hayat or baju ayat was a type of
shirt with front buttons adorned with verses from the Qur’an. It was said the garment
would protect the wearer and brings good luck (Shellabear, 1984, p.218). In Hai Goa
Kuan Chi it was stated that the Malay rajas who were Muslims, were clothed in local
cloth, white and thin material with floral prints in green (jubah), wound up his head with
cloth (destar or serban). The women knotted their hair at the back, wore short blouse
and sarong. They also carry colourful handkerchiefs. This showed that the Malays had
styled the Malay traditional costume since the early kingdoms. It was also a mixture of
foreign elements. The garment was inspired from jubah and the headgear, serban from
Arab, textile and yarn from India and China, woven by the local people to produce
local textiles and presented as Malay flavours (Wheatley, 1966).
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FIGURE 66
Baju Kehormatan Barat.
2.19 TROUSERS
There were a few types of trousers worn by the Malay people before the 20 th
century. Trousers were introduced by the Persians, Chinese and Indians, based on the
names given to the trousers (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006 and Zubaidah Shawal, 1994).
Trousers are seluar in Malay. The word seluar was derived from salwar in Hindi,
shalawar in Persian and sirwal in Arab (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). In Malay classical
literature, Hikayat Hang Tuah, seluar or trousers was written as serual. Initially, the
royals and his army wore trousers. Trousers were one of the special clothing used for
coronation, wedding and award. During colonization of the British (between mid
1800s to mid 1900s), Malay people began to adapt western-cut trousers to wear with
Baju Kurung (Melayu). The coordination remains until today.
2.19.1 Seluar Acheh, Seluar Cina and Seluar Pantaloon

Akin to its name, seluar Aceh or seluar gunting Aceh (Figure 67) originated
from Aceh, Sumatra. The prince of Pahang who became a Sultan in Aceh (1637)
introduced the pants to the Malay Peninsula. In the east coast states, the pants are
called seluar pak sekerap a short for ‘empat sekerat’ (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994).
However, the confusion over Kelantanese dialect may have given a wrong word or
112
pronounciation to be used. The term ‘empat sekerat’ is actually ‘tenunan empat
karap,’ which means ‘four shaft woven fabric’ (Norwani Mohd. Nawawi, 2002). The
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reason for using this weaving technique is to produce a medium-heavy weight fabric
suitable for pants. This would produce a thick quality of silk fabric. The trousers are
knee length and the crotch is wide. The purpose is for easy movement, especially
when performing the silat. Seluar ‘pak karap’ in Terengganu was made of songket
bunga tabur (songket with scattered motifs) and the border of the trousers was
specially designed with the motifs of pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot motifs).
Seluar Acheh is a ¾ length trousers made of woven material called kain Aceh.
It is a well known woven fabric from Sumatra. The wide trousers were folded towards
the centre front and secured on the waistline with a band. The style was also called seluar
gombang (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006).
FIGURE 67
Seluar Acheh
tongkah
Songket or
bordered fabric
Decorative
embroidery
pesak
Other types of trousers that existed in the early 1800’s were seluar potong Cina
(Figures 68 and 69) introduced by the Chinese. A long and slim cut trousers (Figure 70
and Figure 71) named seluar Pakistan is also known as seluar Kabul or seluar
pantaloon (Mohd Said Sulaiman, 1931). Seluar pantaloon was derived from the
western trousers worn by the British officers. At first, only the royals were allowed to
wear these trousers but as time passed, the commoners began to wear them as well. A
baju, or jacket generally white; of seluar, or short pair of pants, with a sarong, a
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short petticoat, as wide at the top as at the bottom, gathered round the waist, and reaching
as low as the knees, and coloured handkerchief, a saputangan, tied round the head,
(Cameron,1965, p.133). During the British colonisation in Malay Land, the short
jacket was popular amongst royal families and Malay officers who worked for the
British. Trousers became common and copied by many men. Soon trousers replaced the
usual sarong, seluar Aceh and seluar potong Cina.
FIGURE 68
Seluar Cina, Seluar Gunting Cina.
Source: Collection Museum of Southeast Asia, Singapore (2007).
The style made was popular amongst Chinese community who are miners, farmers, cobblers and tailors. The style
influenced Malay community and they too began to wear Seluar Cina. However the width of the trousers was made
tapered and named as Seluar Kabul.
FIGURE 69
Seluar Cina.
tongkah
pesak
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FIGURE70
Seluar Pantaloon.
tongkah
Joining without
pesak
FIGURE 71
Seluar Kabul.
Drawing by Asliza Aris, 2010.
tongkah
pesak
Usually fabric
with border motifs
2.20 SARONG AND SAMPIN

Sarong (Malay, sarung) existed since hundreds of years ago in the Malay world.
It continued to play an important role in the Malay community. Its multiple functions
in the Malay community made sarong a must for everyone from birth to death. Sarong
was used to wrap the babies (bedung) during birth, as hammock,
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blanket, bathers, and men’s and women’s casualwear. Good quality sarongs were used
as wedding gifts and to cover the dead. Sarong was also used as measurement to a
girl’s readiness for marriage. The old saying, ‘tidak pandai memakai sarung’ (do not
know how to wear the sarong) worked as reason to politely decline marriage proposals
(Azah Aziz, 1989).
The act of ‘menyarung kain’ to wear it (slipping into the kain) generated the
word kain sarung. Kain sarung or sarung for short, normally measures from waist to
ankle length. Innes (1974) described sarong and how to wear it as;
…a long narrow petticoat of dingy red, not gathered into any band, put on by being
pulled as tight and scanty as possible at the back, while it is twisted by the hand into
an ungainly fullness in front (p.108)
The top part of the sarong is enough for binding the material, rolling it tightly
as to hold it against the waist. The women wear sarong as kemban and later, with a
Malay blouse such as the Baju Belah, Baju Kurung, Kebaya Labuh and Kebaya
Pendek. The sarong is tied differently according to the style coordination of each
costume. A short sarong worn over the pants is called sampin (also known as
samping). Sampin can be made of songket, kain tenun, kain Bugis or even pelikat. In the
past, it is common to find cotton sampin among the villagers. Sampin and sarong designs
are plain, checkered, scattered motifs with contrast panel motifs (Figure 72). Tenas
Effendy (2005) showed different ways of wearing sarong and sampin for both sexes to
avoid negative social implications to the wearer. The rich, aristocrats and the royals wear
sarong and sampin from batik Jawa, songket, kain tenun and kain Bugis.
For the women, sarong is worn over the head as head cover or sheath when
they leave the house or in the presence of non-muhrims (Figure 73 and Figure 74). In
general a non-murim is people outside the immediate family (Kamus Dwibahasa,
2009). There are many ways of wearing the sarong for women, once it is paired with
different styles of blouse. When wearing sarong with centre panel design, one should
know where to place the panel in order to wear it correctly. For Terengganu women
the centre panel usually sits at the back of the body while women in the west of Malay
Peninsula wear it differently according to their likes.
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FIGURE 72
Samping, Songket with Kepala Kain, circa 1940s.
Source: Collection of Puan Mastura Haji Mohd. Jarit
FIGURE 73
Sarong Worn Over the Head as Kelubung. Undated, approximately 1900s.
Source: National Archive Malaysia.
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FIGURE 74
Another Way of Using Sarong as Kelubung. Undated, approximately 1900s.
The sarong worn by the women is known as kain dagang luar. This piece of
sarong was draped around the waist and held close to one side of the body (Figure 75).
It is worn outside the Baju Belah or Baju Kurung. The sarong is tied and knotted around
the waist when the person wanted to do any activities such as housework (Azah
Aziz, 1990a).
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FIGURE 75
Sarong Worn as Kain Dagang Luar, Worn Over Baju Belah.
Undated, approximately 1900s.
The method of tying the sarong for both men and women is very important. It
needs to hold onto the waist safe and tight so that the sarong does not drop when the
wearer moves and walks. For women, usually the sarong is folded from right to left
securing it with a long cloth that act as a belt. Some women wore metal belt (Figure
76). When wearing the baju kurung the sarong is pleated in ombak mengalun style on
the left body. On the other hand, while wearing kebaya the pleats are arranged in the
centre front of the body. This style is named alun terkumpul (Azah Aziz, 2006).
Men would also wear the men’s version of Baju Kurung with a sarong (Figure
77). They usually wore them when going to the mosques and while performing
prayers. Many men also preferred to wear sarong at home. As much as the trousers
had influenced Malay men’s dressing, the sarong had also caught the attention of the
English men to experience wearing the sarong. In Figure 78, a British officer was
photographed wearing a shirt tucked in his sarong; kain pelikat, whilst Figure 79 showed
two Malay men photographed in sarong pelikat and wearing shirt and jacket on top.
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FIGURE 76
Metal Belt, c.1970s.
FIGURE 77
Malay Man in Sarong and Baju Kurung, c.1920s
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FIGURE 78
Sir Raymond Firth in Malaya, c.1939.
FIGURE 79
Two Malay Men in Jacket and Sarong, c.1940s.
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2.21 MEASUREMENT
The local women of the Malay Land probably started to sew modern clothes in
early 1950s. Evidence of fashion magazines, such as Majalah Muda-Mudi that was
printed in Singapore in 1960s were brought in to the Malay Land. There was a
segment of ‘cut and sew’ in the magazine, which introduced fashion garments.
Perhaps, due to modern garments, modern sewing tools such as tape measurement and
dressmaker’s ruler were introduced to local tailors. In traditional garment making,
body parts were used as tools to measure fabric and length. For large measurement
such as length and width of the body, domestic tailors used string or cord. Sometimes,
the actual fabric is measured directly onto the body. For measuring length of fabric,
depa and hasta is often referred to. The term hasta is often found in many Malay
classical works whenever kain (cloth) is mentioned (Appendix C). Today; tape
measurement marked in imperial and metric calculations is often used to take body
measurement. New technology also has introduced body scanner machines to take
accurate body measurement (Winifred, 2000).
The measurement tiga hasta is roughly measured as one meter in metric
system while sedepa is roughly 0.9 meter. For small measurement, finger width, palm
size and arm length were used as measuring tools. To make a Baju Kurung Kecil or baju
sarung or a basic Baju Melayu used empat hasta of fabric (Salatus Salatin); one hasta
is equivalent to tiga jengkal or approximately 0.5 meter. The baju sarung cut is very
basic consisting three quarter length sleeves and a front to back body (Siti Zainon Ismail,
2006). Generally Baju Kurung needs four metres of fabric for a woman’s garment and
five metres for a man’s. The measurement varies about a quarter to half meter less for
someone ‘small’ and a quarter to half meter more if the person is ‘big or tall’ (Mariam
Abu Bakar, 2000).
2.22 SUMMARY
This chapter connects the history of the Malay Land, its economy and social
culture to the development of Malay arts in the Malay Peninsula. The significance of
the arrival of Islam is that the Malays tried to perfect their lifestyle to suit Islamic
teachings in combination to their customary practice and behaviour. Malay custom is
also found interrelated with other culture as long as it is agreeable to tauhid, approved
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by the ulamas and parallels to Islamic tenets. There are many influences from other
races that contributed to the development of Malay traditional costumes. Although the
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changes continue, the original forms and styles seemed to hold on to the original look.
The Malay people faithfully practice their culture and custom although a small
percentage of them decided to lead modern styles in some parts of their lives. In many
important occasions such as birth, wedding and religious festivals, the Malay people
continue to celebrate according to Malay custom; including wearing the traditional
dress. The costume is indeed a development of human civilization and servicing their
needs in the first place, but with proper style and coordination it has become a symbol
of status in a society.
The literature review shows Baju Kurung can be divided into two different
categories; Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for men and
women. Baju Kurung for children naturally follows the adult’s garment in simpler
coordination and fewer accessories. For women’s wear, each Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang has two different cuts for its pattern. The
cut is known as Pesak Buluh and Potong Riau. The early development of the Baju
Kurung in the Peninsular of Malaysia involves sewing technology, tools and
development of Malay traditional textiles. This has created reconstruction of Baju
Kurung by marrying the garment with another Malay garment such as Kebaya. It also
affected western patterns that created jacket look for men’s Baju Kurung.
Modern Malay is more open towards accepting new ideas and technology
compared to their behaviour in the 19th century (Swettenham, 1984). Technology has
improved and made the garment making process easier and faster. New sewing tools,
sewing classes and sewing guides in magazines had introduced new cuttings for
Malay women, which became part of the reasons that changed the style of Baju
Kurung and emergence of new fashion. Today, in the Peninsular of Malaysia, the Malays
no longer practiced the rules of traditional Malay dressing strictly. Baju Kurung
has become the inspiration to new Malay garments and at the same time is able to
preserve its original design and cut for traditional purpose.
The traditional aesthetics of Baju Kurung relies on the proportion of the
garment such as its loose and lengthy form that confines the body. According to the
traditionalists, the traditional character build upon Malay customs and philosophies
made the garment modest, grace and elegant.
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CHAPTER THREE
MALAY AESTHETICS AND DRESS PRINCIPLES
3.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter looks at the philosophies in Malay aesthetics and dress principles.
It begins with the appreciation of Baju Kurung and explains how the aesthetics of the
garment is judged by the maker and wearer. As to complete the evaluation of the
aesthetics in formalistic relation, the research incorporated related theories used for
aesthetics in Malay arts and crafts (Zakaria Ali, 1989) as well as other dress principles
in Malay dresses such as Malay dress ethics (Tenas Effendy, 1989 and Siti Zainon
Ismail, 2006) and Islamic dress criteria. The aesthetic principle of Malay arts and
crafts (Zakaria Ali, 1989) is proved applicable to Malay arts and crafts regarding textiles
and wood carving. On the other hand, Malay dress principles look at the rules and
regulations of wearing Malay dress to create the modest, grace and elegant
appearance. The Islamic view on dress custom is believed to lead and guide the structure
of existing Baju Kurung.
3.2 APPRECIATION OF BAJU KURUNG

The activity of art critic may lead to positive and negative views of the art
object. Critic is meant to analyze the art object to make art closer to its audience, to
appreciate art, to learn art in formalistic approach, to help artist educate new generations
on art and to produce better art (Mohd Johari Ab Hamid, 2007, p.180). Thus, in this
research, the analysis of Baju Kurung is made to make the consumers aware of its origin,
educate fashion and textile students, to avoid confusion of old and new designs and to
make consumers appreciative towards traditional Baju Kurung. Appreciation towards
art object, which in this case is the Baju Kurung, involved the viewer and worn by the
consumer or wearer.
There are three ways of analyzing the Baju Kurung. First, the theory; the theory
part of Baju Kurung is where the research has looked into the history and development
of Baju Kurung from the Malaccan Empire to the year 2000s (Chapter
2). The second part, the Baju Kurung is viewed from the making of the garment,
which involved technical aspects of garment making. Mohd Johari Ab. Hamid (2007)
cited Robinson (1990), “Making and appraising are both … of equal and fundamental
importance in art education: each is important in itself” (p.220). Hence, to learn and
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appreciate Baju Kurung, it must be viewed from its technical approach as well. The third
part is application, which is the most important part of the garment’s appreciation.
Once the theory, technical and making is understood and implemented, the garment is
put onto the body of the wearer. By wearing the garment, it shows the person’s
appreciation towards the garment and valuing its aesthetics. Aesthetics evaluation of
the garment by the maker and consumer would apply and perhaps suggest new
ideas for the improvement of Baju Kurung, which is often viewed from its textiles,
colours and making of the garment. The changes should be taken positively and
regarded as development of Baju Kurung. Thus, this research suggests that to
superimpose the development of Baju Kurung parallel to Malay culture, the research
should apply the views of Malay and Islamic aesthetics, dress principles and
ethics.
Ocvirk et.al (2006) stated that to understand arts, they should be viewed
through form and content. Thus, the research suggests that the Baju Kurung should be
valued as art product. Then, to maintain its standard, Baju Kurung is evaluated
through art aesthetics and formed within certain principles. Panofsky (1955) outlined
that there are three phases to symbolism: primary or natural, secondary and intrinsic.
With reference to Panofsky (1955), Siti Zainon Ismail (2006) coined that Baju Kurung
carried symbolic meanings through its natural material (primary), taboo or rules and
regulations of the textiles used in the Malay community (secondary) and the
coordination and style of Baju Kurung that showed power, wealth, religion and
cultural philosophy (intrinsic). Zakaria Ali (2012, pp. 49-50) remarked that to explain
art aesthetic, an art object must be able to ‘speak’ for itself. An art object that speaks,
is an idea born from the mind and thoughts of the maker, which determines the
idealism of the art object. Therefore, the form (product) and content are both
important in the evaluation of aesthetic value to form an ideal art object.
Table 1 summarizes the significance of each principles identified in visual
arts and Malay crafts as well as Islamic dress criteria to construct a relationship between
Baju Kurung and Malay aesthetic principles in arts and crafts as outlined by Zakaria Ali
(1989). On the other hand, Table 2 shows the factors of Baju Kurung in comparison
with women dress criteria in Islam and western fashion. In both tables, the Baju Kurung
shows close relation to Islamic needs of dressing, which is a sign of acceptance to
Islamic teachings in Malay customs and culture.
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TABLE 1
Principles of Visual Arts, Malay Crafts and Islamic Dress Criteria
Item Principles Author Application

Islamic dress Al-Qur’an Allah (swt) - Covering aurat
- Loose and not
showing the shape or
shadow of the body.
- Not imitating the non
Muslim’s attire
-Not imitating men’s
attire (for women).
-Not imitating women’s
attire (for men).
-Not showing off
accessories or body
decorations to non
Muhrims.
Malay arts and crafts Malay Aesthetic Zakaria Ali (1989) -Berhalus (Finesse)
Principles
-Berguna (Function)
-Bersatu (Unity)
-Berlawan
(Contrasting)
-Berlambang
(Symbolic)
-Bermakna
(Meaningful)
Malay traditional Malay dress ethics Tenas Effendy (1989) -pantang membuka
costumes aurat (never wear
garment that reveals the
aurat or body).
-pantang terlalu nipis
(never wear garment
from thin fabric).
-pantang terlalu ketat
(never wear garment
that is too tight).
-pantang mengada-ada
(do not overdressed).
Malay traditional Malay dress ethics Tenas Effendy (1989) -pantang memandai-
costumes mandai (do not wear
against the customs and
traditions).
Malay traditional Malay dress aesthetics: Siti Zainon Ismail - Use
costumes Konsep sepersalinan (2006)
-Symbolic
lengkap (A full set
Malay attire) -Aesthetic
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TABLE 2
Dress Criteria According to Malay Custom, Islam and Western Fashion
Factors BK Teluk Belanga / BK Dress Criteria According Dress According to
Cekak Musang / BK Potong to Islam Western Fashion
Riau
Values - Covering the body. - Syariah: according to Al - Self expression and

Fit for Malay culture and Qur’an, modesty and satisfaction.
custom. dignity. - Fashionable and up-
- To fit the teachings in - Good behaviour, respect to-date.
Islam (Al-Quran, hadiths & to women and - ‘Dress-to-kill’
sunnah). appreciation. according to function.
- Graceful, soft and - Submission to Allah - Hi-tech
customary and portray (tawaduk) and humble
Malay ideal character. - Obey and protect the
- Obey and protect the relationship of man and
relationship of man and God, man and man, man
God, man and man, man and and nature.
nature. - Ibadah
Silhouette Straight, A-line. Straight, tubular, A-line. Free
Style - Conservative, long (usually - Conservative, long, loose - Freedom, body

below knees), loose and and straight, layers, soft. conscious, sexy,
straight, layers, soft. - Not from thin fabric rugged, enjoy
- Not from thin fabric
Accessories - Depends on social status. - Moderate - Brand conscious,

- Moderate and optional. depends on social
status.
Principle - Covers aurat and protects - Covers body and skin. - Body conscious.
intimacy from public eye, - Not from thin fabric. - Various of shapes and
modest. - Loose, long and not fitted forms.
- Certain colours for the to the body. - Variety types of
Royals - Does not portray garment fabric, natural, hi-tech
- Dim and dull colours for wore by kafir and man made.
commoners. - Does not imitate opposite - Does not concern to
- Respects the Ruler (Sultan) sex. cover body.
- Does not show off or - Attractive, alluring
heavily accessorized. and self confidence.
- Not alluring to public.
- Grace and finesse.
- Discipline.
- Does not use striking
colours.
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Factors BK Teluk Belanga / BK Dress Criteria According Dress According to
Cekak Musang / BK Potong to Islam Western Fashion
Riau
Coordination Women: Baju, kain, Women: Top, long skirt, Free style
selendang long coat / overcoat
Men: Baju, seluar or kain (jubah) and head cover
and songkok length drops below the
Baju Kurung : Top, sarong chest.
(tied in ombak mengalun Men: Top below hip,
style, Baju Belah : Top, trousers or sarong below
sarong (tied in ikatan tindih knees, most appropriate is
kasih). Both have kain to the ankle length.
kelubung as head cover.
Fabric Various. Avoid thin fabric. Any fabric that is not thin All types of fabric.
Cotton, satin, velvet, silk, or shows the shadow of the Man made: polyester,
songket and woven material, body or skin. nylon, plastic and
swiss cotton and voile vorn natural fibres: cotton,
with undergarment. linen, silk.
3.3 MALAY AESTHETICS

Aesthetic originates from a Greek word, aisthetikos. Aesthetic is something
that is concerned with beauty or the appreciation of beauty (Oxford English
Dictionary, 2006). Often when aesthetic is discussed, the questions asked involve issues
of the object appearance; whether the object is nice and pleasant to look at or whether
the ugly side of the object could become its aesthetic (Zakaria Ali, 1989). In Malay
dress concept, Siti Zainon Ismail (2006, p.243) pointed that the aesthetics of Malay
dress depended on styling. On the other hand, style relied on quality of material,
ornamental accessories and how they are used on the body. Expression of aesthetics
comes together with ideology. It interprets the value of an (art) object according to time.
What was once considered worthless and had no aesthetic value in its time is now highly
valuable and has its own aesthetics and vice versa (Jakob Sumardjo, 2006).
In Rupa dan Jiwa, Syed Ahmad Jamal (2010) stated that the aesthetics of
Japanese rock gardens were built by nature itself. The feeling and evaluation of the
aesthetics are stimulated when a person evaluating the rock garden had had experience
and knowledge of the subject. More importantly, the value of aesthetics relies on
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visual contact with the object, how a person sees visually and translates in his mind.
Zakaria Ali (1989, pp.12-23) added that to explain aesthetic as appreciation of art
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involves language. Language is often delivered orally or in writing. Zakaria Ali (1989,
p.12) suggested that if an art object is the medium of visual language thus the art
object is capable to handle the message instilled by the maker or artist. Zakaria Ali
(1989) also agreed that certain criteria are involved as outlines to assess the aesthetic
of an art object.
Originally, the concept of Malay arts and crafts were based on benefits to
society and at the same time dedicated to ownership. Most crafted products were
produced for specific persons (usually for royals and aristocrats) according to their
requirements. Thus, each craft produced gave individuality and quality in its work
(Zakaria Ali, 1982). Ryan (1971) stated that arts and literature did not flourish within
the Malay community possibly because of lack of understanding and fear of going
against the Islamic teachings. However, Othman Yatim (1989) opposed this view and
thought restrictions made against animal motifs in artwork had actually made Muslim
artisans more creative in producing arts using geometric shapes and organic lines in their
crafts. Islam opposed to the copying of human and animal forms in the production
of paintings and sculptures. Thus, the prominent arts and crafts in the Malay culture
reflect the symbolic representations of nature such as the flora and
fauna.
The Malay Peninsula is rich with varieties of plants and forest based fibres.
These include rattan, bamboo, ribu-ribu (a type of fern), bemban (Donax grandis or
common donax), mengkuang (screwpine leaves) and pandanus. In the old days, the
skill of mat weaving from screw pine leaves and pandanus was part of criteria for a
young woman to be judged ready for marriage. Sometimes, the criteria would also
refer to weaving textiles and wearing the sarong as well (Ramlah Latif, Muzium
Terengganu, 18 August 2008).
Meantime, silverware was fashioned for personal adornment and became a
possession associated with social status. During the Malaccan Sultanate in the 1400’s
silver craft was a symbol of wealth and power of the Malay aristocracy (Mohd.
Kassim Ali and Mohainee Khalid, 1997). Until today, silver craft accessories are often
associated with the personal collections of the rich and elitists.
Motifs from the flora and fauna become the trademark to Malaysian textiles,
woodcarving, silverware and other crafts. The decorative patterns distinguished the
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designs produced from other countries. This is not surprising as the Malays were very
sensitive to their surroundings. Nature is the closest inspiration to man. It continues to
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contribute as reference and subject matter to design activity and creative work (Muliyadi
Mahamood, 1995, p.142). It is easy to accept the concept since the subject used is
familiar to the eye and almost immediately recognized by the end user. The
simplification of the subject often leads to development of new motifs. From the past,
we learn that the royals were particular with ownership and wanted to be distinguished
from the rest. Personal adornments and garments to carvings on the palaces showed
intricate designs and specialty according to their status (Raja Chulan ibni Raja Hamid
and Fawzi Mohd. Basri, 1992).
According toWan Hashim Wan Teh (1996), the late Wan Su Osman, at the
Bengkel Seni Ukir in Terengganu (1981), refers awan larat (trailing clouds) to
decorations that trails and repeats its pattern or motifs. The composition of the motifs
is often inspired by nature such as plants – beginning with its roots, shoot, branches,
pods and flowers. The concept is practiced in almost all disciplines of Malay craft
such as carving, batik, weaving or embroidery with regards of their own style,
material and techniques. The arrangement of the elements relies on the movement of the
branch. The branches are carved in coiling and twisting motions. The motifs are
composed in such a way that when they are viewed by the viewers they present
smoothness and softness to the design. In art and design elements, coiling, curved and
twisted lines also suggests softness and movement.
The crafts of the Malay community do not only involve the process of
making beautiful products but also include the function and relationship of the maker,
the community and nature. The beliefs practiced in the community play an important
role in the translation of nature to arts and crafts (Siti Zainon Ismail, 1996, p.9).
Earlier, in the history of arts, making crafts involved rituals and images of deities or
guardians to cast away bad spells or as protection from danger besides fulfilling
human needs (Siti Zainon Ismail, 1989, p.201). With the arrival of Islam, Malay crafts
began to depart from animism and ritual beliefs. Evidences of the old crafts are
difficult to obtain in order to show that there was ever the existence of artistic
activities in the past. This is because of the tropical climate that has deterred preservation
of wood, paper and cloth (Ramlah Latif, Muzium Terengganu, 18 August
2008).
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Textiles in the Malay Peninsula played an important role to the high-class
society. The textiles were made with creative decoration and embellishment fit for
royals and aristocrats. For commoners, the work of the fabric is less intricate or
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sometimes plain. Materials and colours also vary to differentiate the social status. Silk
and satin were brought in from China while gold cloth and cindai or patola came from
India (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). This explains how the Malay Peninsula received a
variety of rich textiles for use. Textiles were among the expensive items on trade, which
not many can afford. It was written in the Malay Annals (Sejarah Melayu), the palaces
were draped with expensive and richly colored textiles given by diplomatic
representatives and traders from other countries. However, things changed during the
World War II (1942-1945), many people owned only one or two sarong for changing,
bathing, blanket, hammock, baby carrier and for shade when nature calls, especially
for the ordinary folks (Ramlah Latif, Muzium Terengganu, 18 August 2008). During
the Japanese occupation in Malaya (1942-1945) it was common to see the villagers
covering themselves in gunny sack due to the shortage of fabric (Rising Sun over
Malaya, History Channel, 16 February 2012).
The influence of religion was noticeable in the aesthetics of Malay arts, crafts
and culture. The influence of Islam also affects their communications and physical
activities. Citing Bismillahirrahmanirrahiim (In the Name of Allah, Most Gracious,
Most Merciful) at the start of work or action and Alhamdulillah ( Praise be to Allah)
after a task is duly performed is a normal practice among Muslims. The right part of
the body is encouraged to start any physical movement such as walking, receiving goods
with the right hand, slipping into garment with the right hand or foot first as well as
writing and eating (Abdul Aziz Ismail, 2005). Salutation amongst Muslims such as
Assalamualaikum (Peace be upon you) replaces the usual greetings such as Selamat pagi
(good morning) or Selamat petang (good evening) and so forth. The greetings should be
said from a young person to an elder, from men to women or upon entering someone’s
house.
Nevertheless, other influences were also found in other types of Malay arts.
Animism, Hindu, Siamese and Javanese elements intermingled with the Malay-Islam
culture to create variety and uniqueness in Malay arts such as wayang kulit (shadow-
puppet play) and traditional dances. In the old days, approximately before 1970s, the
authority allowed ceremonial and ritual performances acted before certain dances or
plays. Later in 1980s, when Islam experienced a revival and the community was more
concerned and sensitive towards Islamic tenets, the government forbade mantras or
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any form of prayers from influences other than Islam in the performances. This was
because the masters usually mixed verses from the Qur’an with mantras that praised
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guardian angels, genie or spirits for the success of the performance (Syed Othman
Syed Omar, 1998, pp.81-114). Until today, traditional performances are not allowed to
perform the mantras.
In Malay society today, although modern ideas are beginning to show great
influence, religious observance and government bodies still have control over the
community. One must study the religion of Islam to understand the Malay society as
it affects totally their whole way of life. To almost every race in Malaysia, religion is
still an important part of the society and many people choose to retain the influence of
religion in their life-style. Thus, it is important to include Islamic views and perspectives
together with traditional Malay views in order to assess the aesthetics of Malay arts.
3.4 MALAY AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES (ZAKARIA ALI, 1989)

The Malay Aesthetic Principles by Zakaria Ali (1989) is a set of principles
used to evaluate Malay arts and crafts. In his writings, Zakaria Ali (1982 and 1989)
studied and applied the principles based on motifs on woodcarvings, textiles and
architecture. According to Zakaria Ali (1989), aesthetics is the study of beauty that
involves language and art object. The existence of an art object would initiate discussion
on its aesthetics. Zakaria Ali (1989) also pointed that although there was no
written philosophies or principles of the traditional arts produced before the 20 th
century, it was impossible for the maker to produce an object without having the
objective to create something that functions. Aesthetic assessment is critique made on
the art object whether the person viewing the object is in favour or not. The person
who evaluates the object must also know his or her priority whether to assess the
object based on response or the object itself. Under Zakaria’s observations (Table 3),
he initiated six principles to be used as measurement for Malay aesthetics, which are
berhalus, berguna, bersatu, berlawan, berlambang and bermakna (finesse, functional,
unity, contrasting, symbolic and meaningful, respectively).
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TABLE 3
Malay Aesthetic Principles Applied To Baju Kurung
Malay Aesthetic Principles Appreciation of Baju Kurung

Application on arts & crafts
Berhalus (Finesse) Skill of the maker or designer

Berguna (Function) Use of the object
Bersatu (Unity) Material / combination of material and item or accessories
Berlawan (Contrast) Color / Material
Berlambang (Symbolic) Simbolic of object used from nature
Bermakna (Meaningful) Symbolic meaning
3.4.1 Prinsip Berhalus (Finesse)

The Malays regard the character halus (fine, antonym: kasar or harsh, rough,
crude) as noble to portray a person’s character. Halus in Malay language also refers to
benda-benda seni (art objects). On the other hand, seni can also refer to art in English
(Longman, 2009). Thus, berhalus could also mean berseni (fine and artistic). Zakaria
Ali (1982) stated that the character refers to a person’s behaviour in Malay society. To
know what is ‘fine’, one must know how to identify what is ‘coarse’ or ‘harsh’. The
meaning is extended spiritually and physically to art objects. An art object is considered
rough and unfinished if it is done carelessly in the process. The effects of unfinished
work reflect the maker’s feeling and attitude towards working the object. Negative traits
associated with this are such as careless, aimless, unthinking, lack of concentration,
unconcerned and ignorance. Simultaneously, these traits displayed the performance of
the maker as unskilful, untalented and contribution to failure. Thus, to produce a ‘fine’
piece of object, a skilful maker or master produces the product.
To achieve a fine piece of work it would also require the maker to be
knowledgeable in choosing the right material for its purpose. Jakob Sumardjo (2006,
p.18) stated in Estetika Paradoks that there is no knowledge without action and thus
every action has knowledge. To produce an art object, the maker must know the
suitability of material to technique applied. For example, carving should be used on
wood, steel and iron for forging and moulding and the texture of the wood should be left
as it is instead of destroying the surface to make it look as something else. The maker
should be able to ‘read’ the design, its function and purpose before applying suitable
material and technique. Careful decision made by the maker shows respect to the nature
of material without destroying its character. The whole decision made to produce this
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object will determine whether the object produced is done berhalus that is the product
is produced with care, skill, finesse and knowledge.
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3.4.2 Prinsip Berguna (Functional)
In Malay arts and crafts, an art object is usually made to function (berguna =
avail, functions) rather than purely for decoration. The art that comes with the object
is only a part of the whole object; such as ceramic pots, coconut grater, food cover and
weapon. The carvings on the handle of a weapon such as kris must be able to suit the
holder’s grasp. If the carving does not suit the holder’s hand grip, then the kris would
not serve the user properly when used in fights. The same principle applies to the tudung
saji (food cover). The screw pine weaving for the tudung saji must be closely done so
that it is able to obstruct flies or other insects from reaching the food covered underneath.
If the weaving allowed insects through it, then the tudung saji is considered
useless.
The functionality of the object should also be able to serve other people. For
example, ceramic pots and household tools were not only used for individual purpose
but were also shared among other people in the community, especially during the
kenduri (festive activities). According to Zakaria Ali (1982), sharing in Malay society
is the concept of egalitarianism or social equality (Malay: kerjasama, gotong-royong).
In Malay community, gotong-royong is a concept practiced and started by kampong
people to lighten a burden of work that needed to be done. This concept benefits the
Malay society to share public responsibility in many situations such as in wedding
ceremonies, deaths and burials, and religious celebrations.
3.4.3 Prinsip Bersatu (Unity)

Zakaria Ali (1989, p.218) also stated that unity in Malay arts and craft
(motifs) shows relationship and integration. It has a start and an end. He noted that the
rectangle shape of a window panel stabilized the floral motifs inside its area. Thus, our
eyes are directed to appreciate the lingering motifs composed inside the rectangular
panel. He also gave examples of integration of the motifs that develops from a flower
to a bouquet, from a leaf to a tree and from motifs on a window panel, to the door and
the whole palace. Zakaria Ali pointed that in Malay architecture; carved panels that were
arranged together on the wall not only complement each other but can also be stand-
alone. The panel did not depend to one another as complete set. In other words, if one
panel is taken out from its group, the panel is able to function on its own and carries its
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own quality of art. He described the relationship and development of the motifs inside
each panel as kesatuan, unity or to unite.
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3.4.4 Prinsip Berlawan (Contrasting)
The concept for berlawan or contrast works to complement each other within
two opposite characters; licin – kesat (smooth – coarse), lurus – lekuk (straight – curve).
In Malay arts, we often see opposite characters used side by side in one composition.
The purpose is to visualize tension and at the same time softens it (Zakaria Ali, 1989,
p.207). For example, in Malay wood carving the concept applies to the movement of
motifs in particular compositions such as angles. There are motifs that moved and
lingered into corners. Organic motifs within geometric shapes ‘soften’ the angles
creating harmony and unity in contrasting shapes. It is also regarded to compliment the
opposite shapes, organic and geometric.
In some arrangements, opposites are represented by direction of motifs. The
motifs are repeated and moved in opposite direction to create new arrangement of
motifs. In many woodcarvings, the focal point is a mirrored image motif that is placed
in the centre of the composition.
3.4.5 Prinsip Berlambang (Symbolic)

Symbolism is divided to three phases (Panofsky 1955 and Siti Zainon Ismail
2006). The phases are primary or natural, secondary or conventional and intrinsic.
Zakaria Ali (1989, p.221) stated that apart from being decorative, wood carving also
often carries perlambangan or symbol. Symbol is a factor that determines the
relationship of form and content. Content interprets form. This interpretation may
vary from one person to another. However, artisans create an art object with or
without his knowledge of certain meaning behind the represented form. Logically, it
was more satisfying and happier to see a blooming flower on wood panel than to see a
drooping flower or leaf. Thus, according to Zakaria Ali (1989, p.222), it depends on
the philosopher to interpret the meaning of blooming flowers on the wood panel. By
doing so, the creative work symbolized the beauty of nature and appreciation to God’s
creation. Zakaria Ali also noted that today, we inherited many Malay crafts without
knowing the actual symbol represented by the composition of the motifs. It is a pity to
inherit beautiful forms without content. He suggested that it would be better for
researchers and thinkers to make new interpretation for the object.
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3.4.6 Prinsip Bermakna (Meaningful)
An art object can contain intrinsic and extrinsic meanings. Intrinsic explains an
art object that carries known representational motifs in its execution such as
flowers used as motif or calligraphic letters arranged as word of prayers. Extrinsic
meaning need other objects or materials related to the art object to explain its
meaning; this is known as iconology and iconography (Zakaria Ali, 1989, p.225). The
Panofsky’s theory of iconology and iconography in art history (Panofsky, 1955)
studied firstly, the identification through similarity. Secondly, linking the artistic
motifs with themes, concepts or conventional meaning and finally, describing the
intrinsic meaning or content of the work portrayed by the images in the paintings.
In English language, iconology carries similar meaning to iconography. Both
are commonly used to describe the study of art images. In simple explanation,
iconography is the meaning of object content. Today, the term iconography is
accepted as referring to the description and classification of images (Panofsky, 1955).
In the context of Malay arts, ‘meaning’ was applied to the use of traditional form with
modern material. It questioned the concept of finesse in which, one should respect
material as it is. For example, in architecture; a building based on a Malay house was
built using imported marble tiles. To traditionalists, this had neglected the beauty of
wood in Malay architecture and appreciation to its traditional meaning.
3.5 MALAY DRESS PRINCIPLES

Malay aesthetic principles are used to evaluate Malay arts through its form
and making. However, Malay dress principles are built upon Malay custom and
culture that reflect human values of the society. The values of Malay dressing reflect
mannerism and good behaviour of the Malay people and the person that wears the
attire (Tenas Effendy, 1989). This upholds his or her status and importance as well as
retaining the authenticity of the garment. Since the culture of the Malays in the Malay
Peninsula is built based on the culture of other Malays in the Archipelago, it is wise to
look upon the custom and beliefs of the Malays in Riau-Lingga too. The Malay
Sultanate is closely knitted with the Riau Kingdom because of intermarriages and
relationship during the glorious Malay Kingdom in the 1400s to 1500s.
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In Malay-Riau community there are many old sayings used to advise
youngsters in the Malay community (Tenas Effendy, 1989). A few samples of the
sayings are such as stated below:
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a) ‘bila duduk berelok-elok, bila tegak bertunak-tunak, bila berjalan bersopan-
sopan, bila bercakap dengan beradap’,
b) ‘apabila memakai pakaian Melayu jaga pelihara aib dan malu’.
c) ‘… duduk jangan membuat malu, tegak jangan mencari seteru berjalan
jangan mengharu-biru, bercakap jangan lidah berbulu’.
These sayings reminded the person who wears a Malay costume to sit nicely and stand
grand. Walk politely and converse with courteousness. Whereas the second saying
advised when wearing the Malay costume, one should behave and avoid shame. The
third saying strengthens this opinion and reminds the wearer to sit and stand in proper
manner, walk with grace and speak of only the truth. Traditional connotations in
Malay traditional costumes also act as guideline for social behaviour. It is to avoid
misunderstanding of social position of a person in a society (Tenas Effendy, 1989).
According to Malay-Riau custom, the style of samping (waist cloth) worn by
a man would identify his social position. In Johore, similar custom were also practiced
a long time ago (Shafie Ahmad, Yayasan Warisan Johor, 28 December 2008). Young
and unmarried men wear their samping short, two fingers or a palm width above the
knee. Married men wear the samping on their knees. Elder men or officers of high
rank wear the samping a palm width below the knee while religious officers, two
palms size below the knee. In the Malay Peninsula, although there were no written
regulations of wearing samping, the method and style applied were practiced through
inheritance. Ramlah Latif (Muzium Terengganu, 18 August 2008) remarked that the
Terengganu men also wore samping similar to the Malay-Riau community. However,
there was no specific measurement on its length, only to be identified as short (above
knee), on the knee and long (below the knee and sometimes reaching the ankle). The
long samping was usually worn by pious men.
The Malay-Riau connotations also mentioned the method of positioning the
kepala kain (centre panel) of sarong on the body. Again, the idea was to suggest a
guideline to good behaviour in public. An old poem of the Malay-Riau tradition
(Tenas Effendy, 1989) stated;
Berkain sampin janganlah cuai,
Adat lembaga sama dipakai,
Atur letaknya haruslah sesuai,
Supaya tak malu di depan ramai.
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The above verse advised the men to be careful when putting on samping. He should
wear it according to the custom so that it suits his position in public. The affect of wrong
dressing would shame the person. For married men, the kepala kain should be
positioned at the back of the body, high rank officers on the right body and widower
on the left body. As for women, the centre panel is positioned in front for unmarried
woman while married woman should place the centre panel at the back. The wife of a
high ranking officer wore the centre panel on the right of the body while widows wore
it on the left. Another pantun in Malay-Riau custom that reminded the Malay people
on this matter was as such (Tenas Effendy, 1989);
Memakai kain berhemat cermat,
Muka belakang harus diingat,
Kedudukan diri hendaklah tepat,
Supaya tidak membawa mudarat.
In this verse, muka belakang refers to kepala kain, head panel or the centre
panel. It reminded that the centre panel should be placed correctly so that nothing
‘harmful’ would happen to the wearer. The placement of the centre panel of the
sarong acted as silent language to tell people the status of the wearer. However, this is
not practiced in the Malay society of the Malay Peninsula. The Malay women in the
Malay Peninsula wear the kepala kain at the back body, same as men. The reason for
this is because the weavers had design the proportion of the fabric structure according
to the average body and meant that the centre panel is for the back side of lower torso
(Ramlah Latif, Muzium Terengganu,18 August 2008). However, the Nyonya (Cina
Peranakan women) wear the kepala kain (centre panel) in front, on top of the fold of
the sarong. This had influenced other women on the west of the Malay Peninsula,
especially in the late 1950s. Malay women adapted the same style when they put on
ikat kain kuncup (front deep fold style) when wearing kebaya pendek (Ramlah Latif,
Muzium Terengganu, 18 August 2008).
3.6 MALAY DRESS ETHICS (TENAS EFFENDY, 1989)

The proximity to the Malay-Riau community, allowed the Malay in the
Malay Peninsula to borrow the symbolic meaning of Malay dress style. This is
because of the similar spoken language, lifestyle and belief in Islam. Mohamed Anwar
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Omar Din (2003, pp.107-108) mentioned the concept of ‘all Muslim are brothers and
sisters,’ ‘all Malay is Islam’ and the ‘conversion to Malay’ rather than ‘to become a
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Muslim’. Therefore, since the concept of brothers and sisters in Islam and Malay society
unites, the philosophy of life and tradition complements each other although practiced
in different states, districts or by different ethnic groups within the Malay Archipelago.
Johor and Riau had close relations in the old Malay Sultanate era, where Riau had been
Johor’s centre of administration in the 17th -18th centuries. Johor was
also known as the centre of Islamic studies in 17th century. After the fall of Johor
Sultanate, the tradition continued in Riau (Ahmad Fawzi et.al, 2002). Thus, the Malay
dress ethics forwarded by Riau cultural expert, Tenas Effendy (1989) must be viewed
and considered in this research.
The Malays create symbolic meaning and philosophy in their dress style as a
complimentary to good life, good taste and status. Tenas Effendy (1989) summarised
that the beauty of the Malay philosophy reflects Islamic values and is subsequently
introduced to others in the community. It is noted that in Riau the amount of buttons,
folds or steps used odd numbers, which is derived from the use of odd numbers in Islam.
Agreeing to this, Siti Zainon Ismail (art talk, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia,
18 September 2007) denoted that since Islam is the religion of Malay people, it was
appropriate to refer to Islam for interpreting reasons. She concluded that odd counts
were also practiced in Malay arts and craft such as metalwork and architecture. In
addition to the symbolic counts, the Malay arts and craft demand high self-discipline,
care, patience and diligence. The art of making the traditional garments using hand
stitching on the blouse clearly shows self-discipline in producing the garment (YM Raja
Fuziah Tun Uda, Ulu Klang, 31 December 2009 and Salikin Sidek, Songket Salikin
Sidek SACC, 16 January 2011). High self-discipline also shows in the art of producing
textiles and embroidered fabric such as songket, limar, kain tenun and kelingkan.
Appreciation of nature as God’s creation makes the maker close to Allah the Creator.
In Malay Land communities, palace people and aristocrats practiced the art of
placing the kepala kain (contrast panel of a sarong) on the body. Most of the time
ordinary women would wear the head at the back of the body. According to Tenas
Effendy in Malay-Riau tradition, the head panel of sarong or kain panjang should be
placed according to the status of the wearer (Nazmi Yaakub, 2008). For married woman,
the head should be placed at the back, for single ladies, the head should be in front and
wives of high ranking officers the head panel is put on the right body while divorcees
and widows on the left side. Indirectly, the styles convey messages to others
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of their positions in the society and hence avoid unwanted approach from the opposite
sex. The contrast panel symbolizes as a ‘protector’ to prevent men’s intrusion on the
women’s modesty. It also symbolizes the responsibility of the wearer to her family
and generation (Zubaidah Sual, Cashmere Gallery, 17 June 2011).
The Malay-Riau community symbolizes Malay garments in their customs as
representation of prevention to misbehaviour and reflection of tauhid. Tauhid or believe
is the pillar to being a Muslim. It shows how being a Muslim one must believe to Allah,
prophets, malaikat (angels), kitab-kitab Allah (holy scriptures), qada’ dan qadar (fate)
and qiamat (doomsday). A person who believes will obey the rules of Allah.
Consequently, a person who obeys the rules will reflect good behaviour in his or her
attitude and appearance. To relate this to everyday life, in Malay-Riau custom, rules
were made for dressing the Malay costume as guidance for the Malay society.
The rules included the method of wearing kain and sarong, the placement of
head panel on the body, the way of hair coiffures is done and the abstentions of Malay
garments as stated by Tenas Effendy such as:
a) pantang membuka aurat (never wear garment that shows aurat or body)
b) pantang terlalu nipis (never wear garment from thin fabric)
c) pantang terlalu ketat (never wear garment that is too tight)
d) pantang mengada-ada (do not overdressed)
e) pantang memandai-mandai (do not wear garment against the customs and
tradition)
These restrictions are similar to good behavioural values found in the Malay
community in Malaysia. However, the Malay-Malaysia community do not often
practice these restrictions and the result is the Malay modern garments as we see today
(Salikin Sidek, Songket Salikin Sidek SACC, 16 January 2011). In an old saying
Tenas Effendy (2005) mentioned a woman should wear her garment loose, “…berkibar-
kibar ditiup angin; tidak sempit menyampul nangka”. The term berkibar- kibar explains
a loose dress which will sway when the fabric is blown by the wind on the woman’s
body and “tidak sempit menyampul nangka” describes an example of a tight and an ill
fitting dress on the body. Swettenham (1984, p.181) also agreed in his writing that the
image of a Malay woman in her loose dresses and veils (kelubung) was to conceal
her face from public eyes and to make the woman ‘unattractive’. This is because
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according to Swettenham (1984), the image of a beautiful woman according to
western standards, was usually in her curved and tight gowns.
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The reflection of tauhid as proposed by Tenas is represented in physical
element of the garment such as:
a) butang baju (button)
b) jahitan tulang belut (eel’s spine stitching)
Tenas indicated in Riau old sayings, the five buttons on Baju Melayu Cekak Musang
represent the Rukun Islam (Five Pillars of Islam). One button of Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga denotes the Creator, Allah (s.w.t). The round button is a symbolic
representation of the earth.
3.7 MALAY DRESS AESTHETICS (SITI ZAINON ISMAIL, 2006).

Siti Zainon Ismail (2006, p.243) suggested that the Malay dress aesthetics are
presented by the quality of material, accessories and how they coordinate on the body.
To explain this, Siti Zainon Ismail (2006, p.156) figured from her research that a
combination of five items and accessories constructed the Malay dress and is regarded
as full attire. The factor combination of the items represented use, symbol and aesthetics.
The concept of style and coordination as mentioned is referred to sepersalinan lengkap
(Appendix D, complete set of clothes). Siti Zainon Ismail mentioned that a complete set
should have five or more items for style and fulfill the Malay dress aesthetics. The full
set was specific for court costume and to be worn during special and formal functions
at the palaces. As for basic needs of the Malay ordinary people the attire contained three
items, which were kain, baju and tengkolok for men and kain, baju and kelubung
(generally, sarong, top and headcloth) for women (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006, p.155).
Siti Zainon’s model is based on Malay classic literatures that reflect the court
tradition and rules set by the Sultan of Malacca in the 15 th Century. In today’s Malay
traditional costumes some items are eliminated as part of the attire due to unsuitability
of the style today. In men’s costume for example, ikat kepala, setanjak, destar
(headgear) and sebai (shoulder cloth) are no longer worn as part of the costume. Many
men (especially children and teenagers) also choose to wear Baju Melayu without
samping as casual wear especially when going to the mosques. However, for functions
and festivals the garment is worn together with the samping (waistcloth) and songkok
(Malay cap) as a set. As for women’s garment, kelubung is replaced with other types
of headgear such as selendang (long scarf) and other fashionable scarves (Salikin Sidek,
Songket Salikin Sidek SACC, 16 January 2011). The necessity of wearing a
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scarf is a personal choice to Muslim women in Malaysia. This has become a
continuous issue in the country among religious practitioners regarding aurat of Muslim
women.
Siti Zainon Ismail (email, 11 March 2009) suggested that the Islamic concept
of ‘counting in odd numbers’ perhaps could explain the decision to use odd number
quantities for buttons (such as one, three, five and seven). She made her assumptions
based on number calculation on craft objects and architecture in Malay house (such as
flower petals and steps). Although it is unsure whether the Malaysian-Malays believe
the same symbolic representation as the Riau-Malays; good human values and Islamic
dress criteria are consistent within the Malaysian-Malay community, traditionalists
and academicians. Further, according to Molim Ghazali (lecture series, 28 January
2008) insisted that in Islam, numbers were actually counted from 1 to 9. Islam
encourages the right move first followed by left, for example, when putting on shirt,
one should slip into the right hand sleeve first then left. Siti Zainon Ismail also thought
that if we started to count, on every right footstep, it falls on the odd number and the
act of ‘right moves first’ is encouraged or sunnah (Abdul Aziz Ismail, 2005). Other
odd number symbols are for example: five – the Five Pillars in Islam (Rukun Islam),
five times a day prayers, one – the Oneness of Allah, round shape – represent the world,
circular motion to remind a person the cycle of life.
Tenas Effendy (1989), Zubaidah Shawal (1994) and Azah Aziz (2006)
agreed that the Malay society also believes and trusts that the function of the garment
will:
a) protect them from bad (physical harm and misbehaviour)
b) make them careful, conscious and aware of the surrounding and other
people
c) make them polite
d) preserves the Malay ideal behaviour; menjaga adab and beradat that is in
accordance to Malay custom.
To many people, a garment may not exactly interpret the wearer’s true personality but
it would actually confine a person’s mischievous actions if the person respects the
garment as ibadah (need to cover), culture and heritage.
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3.8 DRESSING IN ISLAM
The ultimate purpose to dress in Islam is to cover the aurat. It is for modesty
and protection against harmful behaviours. Islam suggests the garment should enclose
the body, which is from belly button to knee for men and most part of the body featuring
only the back of the palm and face for women. The garment should be loose and conceal
the shape of the body. The fabric should not be thin to avoid from showing the
skin and the shadow of the body (Al Quran, An Nur: 24).
Islamic values in Malay dressing shows modesty of the wearer where the
garment is mostly loose, long and covered most part of the body. The Malay
traditional costumes too encourage proper dressing according to the custom to avoid
improper behaviour or unaccepted social conduct in public. Pious point of view argues
that the Malay women today are ‘dressed but unclothed’. The style is, according to
Zaharuddin Abdul Rahman (Metro, 29 April 2007) improper to Muslim teachings. Most
Malay women today wear scarves to cover their hair but do not exactly fulfill the
Islamic requirements. From Al Qur’an, Surah Al-Nur (24:31) as translated, ‘that they
should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display their beauty and
ornaments except to their husbands, their fathers…’ This section is the basic guide to
how a head cover should be worn.
Zaharuddin Abdul Rahman outlined eight mistakes that showed
misunderstanding towards the concepts of aurat. The mistakes are:
a) The perception of covering the aurat is good enough just by wearing scarves
to cover the hair (Menutup aurat dengan hanya bertudung).
b) By wearing scarves while simultaneously wearing short sleeved blouses,
exposing the arms or elbow to wrist (Bertudung tetapi berbaju lengan pendek).
c) Wearing scarf but the skirts’ slits showed the wearers’ legs (Bertudung tetapi
berkain terbelah sehingga menampakkan kaki).
d) Wearing scarves but at the same time the person wears close fitting blouses,
which sometimes are also made from thin fabric that show the skin and body
(Bertudung tetapi berbaju sendat dan nipis sehingga menampakkan bentuk
anggota badan).
e) Wearing the scarves at work but not to other places or outside the house or
when receiving non muhrim guests at home (Bertudung tetapi hanya
memakainya di pejabat. Tidak di sekitar rumah, pasaraya dan sebagainya).
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f) Wearing the scarves but the fabric was tied or thrown to the back of the body
‘exposing’ the chest (Bertudung tetapi ekor tudung dilempar ke belakang
leher, lalu terdedah dadanya).
g) Wearing scarves from thin material showing the shadow of the hair, neck and
chest (Bertudung tetapi dengan tudung yang nipis sehingga boleh dilihat
sanggul, leher, tengkuk dan dadanya).
The dress principle in Islam requires covering the aurat of men and women. However,
the definition of aurat is different for men, women and children. In the case of
teenagers, those who have reached puberty are grouped as adults. Generally, men should
cover from navel to knee while the women, all parts of her body except the face and
palms. The shape of the garment as suggested is loose, modest and not made of thin
fabric. Understanding the concept of dressing in Islam and basic view of art through the
perspective of the pious allow us to understand Malay dress principles and belief held
by the Malay community in Baju Kurung throughout the centuries. On the other hand,
Rizalman Ibrahim (fashion designer, 2009) believed fashion and religion are two
different things. However, he agreed that the Baju Kurung style is modest and fit for
Muslim women.
In Islamic teaching, it is encouraged to perform the doa (prayer) at a start of
doing something. If a person performs the doa (prayers), the doer will benefit pahala.
For example, there is a doa before putting on a garment. The doa prays for the person
to look good in his or her clothes and protection from Allah from bad and wrong doings.
When wearing a shirt one should put on the right arm first into the sleeve followed by
the left arm. When putting on the trousers while sitting down, slip in the right leg first
followed by the left leg. Headdress (serban) should be worn while standing and a person
should sit while putting on shoes (from hadis Imam At-Tarmizi from Abu Hurairah r.a.).
3.9 SUMMARY
This chapter links the important aspects of appreciation of Baju Kurung to
the Malay aesthetic principles, which normally used in textile and woodcarving designs.
Aesthetical value of an art object is assessed through visual evaluation and knowledge
of the art object. An art object, as in this research is the Baju Kurung, could be
assessed by the maker, wearer as well as viewer. Implementation of Malay aesthetic
principles to Malay arts and crafts is relevant to evaluate the degree of Malay
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arts according to visual studies. Whereby, Malay dress principles carry the same
importance to Malay dressing. The connection between the two is that both the Malay
aesthetic principles and Malay dress principles looked at discipline in producing art
from the aspect of human behavior and function. In Islam, the dressing priority is to
cover the aurat. It is not for fashion purposes nor is it for fun. It is a requirement for
everyone and considered ibadah (submission to Allah).
Islam does not oppose against art. In fact ‘Islam is beautiful and loves
beauty’, ‘Allah itu Maha Indah dan suka akan keindahan’ (Hadith Muslim, ibn Majah
and Ahmad ibn Hanbal). However, beauty and art are not the ultimate importance in
Islam. The hierarchy of knowledge in Islam has three levels (Mohamed Anwar Omar
Din, 2003). First is the knowledge of Mukasyarah. It is the knowledge of God
(tauhid), prophecy, malaikat (angel), qada dan qadar and the afterlife. Second, man is
required to learn the general knowledge of a living society. In a part of the living society
lays art that is a tiny percentage of need in Islam. However, gifted people in arts are
required to portray art as a medium to remember Allah’s creation of the universe, to
have faith and believe deeply the truth of Islam. Despite of its hierarchy of importance
in Islam, it is strange that all that relates to living has its aesthetic (and artistic) values.
In an overview, art is a representative of cultural civilization that symbolizes the identity
of a particular society.
Mohamed Anwar Omar Din (2003) interpreted kesenian in Islamic view as
things that have the effect of aesthetic value regardless its finery or beauty. It is also
believed that aesthetic value in Islam is the peak of beauty that revolves around the
truth. Arts produced based on truth and beauty shall bring man nearer to his Creator,
Allah Subhanawata’ala. The function of art is to teach man to be closer to God, to
behave in finesse, to remember and remind others of Allah as creator of the universe,
which also appears in Malay aesthetic and Malay dress principles.
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CHAPTER FOUR
THE EVOLUTION OF BAJU KURUNG
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter explains the development of Baju Kurung physically, which
involves its appearance and proportion at four intervals of time. Baju Kurung samples
from museums were examined to observe the development of the Baju Kurung. There
were also samples gathered from antique collectors, boutiques and individuals.
Photographic images supported the visual information of Baju Kurung for the early
period in 1900s. This chapter also discusses influencing factors that contribute to the
development of Baju Kurung. The periods are divided as the history of Baju Kurung,
which is 1900 to 1957 (before Independence), early development of Baju Kurung,
from 1958 to 1979 (early Independence), advanced development of Baju Kurung,
from 1980 to 1999 (modern Malaysia) and its evolution in 2000 to 2010 (Millennium
Years). Although it seemed a long period from 1900 to 1957, there was hardly any
changes made to men and women’s Baju Kurung until the early 1950s.
4.2 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAJU KURUNG

The research on the development of Baju Kurung in the Peninsular of Malaysia
encapsulates the years 1900 to 2010; and is supported by historical studies from its
background in the 15th century. The early history of Baju Kurung and other Malay
costumes are still vague and only relied on a few written documents such as the Malay
Annals (Sejarah Melayu, Tun Seri Lanang (17th Century) and hikayats, such as Hikayat
Terung Pipit, Hikayat Malim Deman and Hikayat Hang Tuah (18th Century). Therefore,
the historical research relied heavily on photographs and artifacts gathered from
museums and the National Archive of Malaysia to support the visual data of
Baju Kurung in the early 1900 to 1920s. The research has successfully recorded other
samples of Baju Kurung from 1930s to 2010 also from museums, antique collectors and
personal collections as well as boutiques (see Appendix E and Appendix F).
100 samples were collected, 43 of them were a combination of women’s Baju
Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden; 51 were men’s Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu
Moden (Appendix G to Appendix N). The Baju Kurung were Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga, Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, Baju Kurung Potong Riau and fashionable
Baju Kurung. The research had viewed six samples of children’s Baju Kurung at the
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early research and decided not to use them in the research data. This is due to size and
proportion difference compared to adults’ Baju Kurung. The data from these samples
were also used for the analyzing the process of making Baju Kurung in Chapter 5. At
the point of the data collection, Baju Melayu Moden was taken into consideration as it
was important to see the differences of the character as compared to Baju Kurung. By
stating firmly the definition of Baju Kurung as a tunic that has a neck hole with a slit
and characteristics such as pesak and kekek, it is suggested that the development of Baju
Kurung should be viewed by separating the traditional Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu
Moden (modern Malay garment) from the research point of view.
The research was unable to collect Baju Kurung for each year in the years
before the Independence; the data obtained from samples were compiled and
compared to archive photos within that period to identify similarities and differences.
4.2.1 Foreign Influences of Baju Kurung

The earliest influence on the Malay traditional dress such as Baju Kurung and
Baju Belah was believed as an adaptation of the Arab’s costume, the jubah. This is
due to its loose and lengthy form. These two characters were also requirements in the
Islamic dress criteria (Chapter 3). Both Arabic and Indian costumes such as jubah and
kurta also have geometric shapes used to construct the garment. Similarly, these
shapes were used for the body, sleeves and underarm gussets. Whilst the jubah had an
opening in the centre front of the garment, the Indian kurta was worn over and
through the head as a tunic. The collar of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang also perhaps
was adapted from the Indian ‘Nehru collar’ or the Chinese ‘Mandarin collar’. The
difference is the Cekak Musang collar overlaps in the centre front for buttoning and
stands around the lower neck, whilst ‘Mandarin collar’ does not overlap and meets in
the centre front. On the other hand, ‘Nehru collar’ lies at the base of the neck. Due to
these early influences, it is natural for Baju Kurung to continue developing under the
influence of modern fashion.
Before the late 1950s, the Baju Kurung for women underwent changes to its
top where the length became slightly shorter than usual and the sarong too was worn
differently. The silhouette of Baju Kurung remained the same. At one side of the sarong,
a few pleats were made and pressed with machine stitch. From 1960s onwards,
145
when western influence was stronger there were changes in cuts and shapes, which had
changed the name of the garment to Mini Kurung and Baju Kurung Moden
146
(Appendix E and Appendix F). Other modern garments influenced by western cuts were
also created giving new Malay garments such as Baju Saloma (Saloma Style) or casually
known as Fesyen 50an and 60an (Fashion of the 1950s and the 1960s). These styles had
nothing in common with the Baju Kurung’s cut and shape. However, the style remained
‘Malay-like’ with the coordination of blouse with long sleeves and long skirt (Figures
80 and 81). The style and fashion were widely accepted by modern Malay women
during its time. On the other hand, men’s Baju Kurung remained very much the same.
FIGURE 80
Baju Saloma (Saloma Style), 1950s.
Source: Syuhada Fithal.
Note: Western styled blouse, wide neckline and three quarter sleeves. Bodice length – upper hips. The blouse is
paired with A-line skirt.
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FIGURE 81
Fashion of the 50s.
Source: Jelita, Julai 1979.
Note: Regarded as Baju Kurung Moden; these styles were popular in the 50s and 60s. The blouse was fitted and
flared around the hips or below waistline. Sleeves were normally three-quarter length and tight. The blouse was
paired with tight skirt, slit skirt or knife-pleat skirt.
In the 80s, the women’s Baju Kurung experienced some changes that involved
a mixture of other ethnic costumes such as Cheongsam (Chinese costume), in the
Peninsular of Malaysia as well as western blouse detailing. Slowly, both men’s and
women’s Baju Kurung adapted modern styles to suit the traditional look such as new
closures, zips, trimmings and various types of fashion fabrics. Until today, Baju Kurung
continues to gain popularity as a Malay garment that survives in modern fashion due to
efforts made by traditionalists, the government and fashion designers to keep its
existence in the mass market.
4.3 MEASUREMENT AND PROPORTION

The measurement of Baju Kurung was taken specifically for each individual
person. From one hundred samples measured from 1930s to 2010, they showed that
these measurements varied according to the wearer’s height and size of the body
(Appendix G to Appendix N). The proportion of the Baju Kurung was also identified
from photographs taken in the early 1900s to 1930s obtained from National Museum,
state museums and National Archive of Malaysia.
From 1900s to 1950s, when fabric was very expensive and exclusive the Baju
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Kurung was made by fully utilizing the available fabric, leaving little remnant behind.
148
In cases where the sarong became short, the fabric was joined with cotton. This part of
joining is called tongkah. Any part of the garment that had this joining such as the
sarong will be called kain bertongkah. As for trousers, it would be called seluar
bertongkah (Chapter 2, 2.18 Trousers). This was usually made to the traditional style
trousers such as Seluar Aceh or Seluar Kabul. Body measurement was taken directly
by using finger measurements such as sejengkal and sedepa onto the person’s body
(Appendix C). Long measurements such as the length of blouse and sarong or trousers
depended on the amount of fabric used and is usually measured to the height above
the ground (Zubaidah Sual, Cashmere Gallery, 17 June 2011).
Just before the 1960s where Baju Kurung was usually home-made, the
measurements were taken by measuring the person’s main built such as shoulder
width, blouse or shirt length. The rest of the measurements were estimated from the
shoulder measurement and the remainder material (Figure 82). The measurement was
measured using simple tools such rope or finger widths. Then, sewing tools such as tape
measurement and tailor’s ruler were used to measure and construct patterns. Generally,
for women the length of sarong was almost the same length of the top. As for men’s
Baju Kurung, the sarong was usually from a different piece of fabric such as pelikat.
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FIGURE 82
Measurement of Baju Kurung According to Body Proportion and Traditional Measuring Method.
Shoulder width = sleeve length + *sejengkal
Length of sarong =
length of body
Note: sejengkal is a measurement from tip of thumb to tip of index finger, which measures
approximately eight inches (Appendix D).
The 1960s and 1970s decades were considered the era of early Independence
to the people of Malay Land. It was also an introduction to modern lifestyle. The
Malay Land had gained independence from Britain. Its community began to receive
proper education in schools and many adults went out to work in government offices
and schools. Television, radio and reading materials were in abundance and accessible
to the public. These advances had changed the local’s attitude and to seek for new life
styles (Mohammad Najib Md. Nor, Universiti Malaysia Kelantan, 3 June 2011). Many
men and women began to send out their Baju Kurung to tailors. The measurement taken
was systematic and much more accurate. Due to this method, the form and shape
of Baju Kurung was made closer to the body according to the wearer’s desire and
became the start of new designs and cuts for Malay garments. However, men’s
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cutting remained the same until 1990s (Appendix H, Appendix I, Appendix M and
Appendix N).
From 1990 onwards, the proportions of women’s Baju Kurung changed rapidly
according to fashion in shapes, cuts and lengths (Appendix M and Appendix N). In the
early 1900s when Malay women did not know fashion, the length of the blouse was
long and measured two inches above ground. Due to the women’s small built and height,
Innes (1974) described the Malay garment as ‘baggy and sloppy’. As time passes, the
Malays received influences from neighboring countries as well as western fashion
brought by the British officers. From time to time the blouse changed its length from
upper hip to calf length. Today, as conventional as it may seem; the long-length Baju
Kurung is still popular as a classic fashion among Malay women. The differences
and similarities can be seen in Table 4, Table 5, Table 6 and Table 7. Technically, the
blouse length of Baju Kurung varies between one to five inches. For Baju Melayu Moden
the blouse length was near hip length measurement, which was around twenty five to
thirty two inches from the shoulder. The Mini Kurung was made higher above knee
level, which was around thirty five to thirty six inches (Table 5,
1970s and Table 6, 1980s).
The length of the blouse of Baju Kurung was also longer in l998 (Table 6),
which showed that there was interest in classical look in Baju Kurung fashion. So
does the blouse length of Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden in 2010 (Table 7).
TABLE 4
Blouse Length of Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden for Women from 1900-1957
(Before Independence)
ITEM BK BK BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB
YEAR c.1900s c.1910s c.1920s c.1930s c.1940s c.1940s c.1950s c.1950s c.1950s
Blouse N.A N.A 40 42 39 42 41 42 35

length
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TABLE 5
(Early Independence)
ITEM BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BMM BKTB BKTB BKCM BMM
Blouse 35.5 36 38 37 35.5 36 36 37 32

length
TABLE 6
(Modern Malaysia)
ITEM BMM BK BKTB BK BK BK BK BK BK BMM
YEAR c.1980s c.1990s 1993 1994 1995 1995 1998 1999 1999 1999
Blouse 35.5 39 38 38 37 36 40.5 39 38 35

length
TABLE 7
(Millennium Years)
ITEM BKCM BK BK BK BK BMM BKTB BKTB BMM
YEAR 2001 2006 2007 2008 2009 2009 2010 2010 2010
Blouse 38 40 39 37 37 36 40 40 36
length
As mentioned before, the length of Baju Kurung for men hardly shows any
difference in its length. The measurement remained within the hip level, measuring
slightly below hip line (Table 8, Table 9, Table 10 and Table 11). The measurement of
men’s Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden were not worn very long due to its style,
which often matched with sampin (waist cloth).
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TABLE 8
Blouse Length of Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden for Men from 1900-1957
(Before Independence)
ITEM BK BK BKCM BKCM BKTB BKCM BKCM BKTB BKTB
Blouse N.A N.A N.A 28 29 26 26 30 29

length
TABLE 9
(Early Independence)
ITEM BKTB BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM
Blouse 25 26 29 29 27 27 30 29 30
length
TABLE 10
(Modern Malaysia)
ITEM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BKCM BMM BKTB BMM
YEAR c.1980s c.1990s 1993 1993 1994 1995 1995 1998 1999
Blouse 27 29 29 27 30 30 28 31 27
length
TABLE 11
(Millennium Years)
ITEM BKCM BK BMM BMM BKCM BKCM BK BKCM BK BKCM
YEAR 2000 2001 2006 2007 2007 2008 2008 2008 2009 2009
Blouse 30 31.5 30 30 31 31 30 30 29.5 31
length
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ITEM BKCM BKCM BK BKCM BKCM BKCM BK BKCM BK BKCM
YEAR 2009 2009 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010
Blouse 32 31.5 30 30 31 31 30 30 29.5 29
length
4.4 BAJU KURUNG 1900 - 1957 (BEFORE INDEPENDENCE)

The early development of Baju Kurung started in the 15th Century when
Temenggung Hassan lengthened the baju kurung kecil from the upper hips to below
the hips. He also widened and lengthened the sleeves to reach the wrist (Brown,
1970). Then in the 19th Century, The Sultan of Johor, Sultan Abu Bakar detailed the
character of Baju Kurung and named it Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga to differentiate it
from the rest of Malay wear and to make it special for the Malays in Johor (Mohd.
Said Sulaiman,1931). The Baju Kurung which came in two forms; Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang differed in lengths according to states as
well as to the wearer’s desire. The length of the women’s blouse was measured as
sejengkal (forefinger tip to the tip of thumb) from the ground. The length slowly rose
to mid-calf length and stayed just below knee until 1940s (Figure 83 and Figure 84).
As for the men’s top the length varied from upper hip length to hip length depending on
the wearer’s need. Sarong was common to both sexes. However, women wore the sarong
as ombak mengalun while the men wore the sarong as kain bergombang. Men also wore
the Baju Kurung with trousers such as Seluar Aceh, Seluar Kabul, Seluar Cina and
Seluar Pantaloon (Figure 85 and Chapter 2, 2.18). Mohd Said Sulaiman (1931) also
mentioned that in formal functions kain tudung or kain kelubung was still relevant and
a part of the costume in 1930s.
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FIGURE 83
The Proportion of Women’s Baju Kurung Before 1930s, Top Paired with Sarong.
Shoulder
Chest line
Waistline
Hip line
Knee line
Note: Red dotted line indicated the new length of women’s Baju Kurung in 1940s and rose to green line in the 50s and 60s. Finally in the 70s and 80s the
length of Baju Kurung was near hip line (blue dotted line). Today, most women’s Baju Kurung has dropped to knee length again.
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FIGURE 84
The Proportion of Men’s Baju Kurung Before 1930s, Top Paired with Sarong.
Shoulder
Chest line
Waistline
Hip line
Knee line
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FIGURE 85
The Proportion of Men’s Baju Kurung Before 1930s, Top Paired with Seluar Aceh.
Shoulder
Chest line
Waistline
Hip line
Knee line
Note: The proportion of men’s Baju Kurung remained the same for a very long time. However the trousers style had changed from the traditional cut to
western trousers, widely used approximately in the 50s.
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From 1940s to 1950s, the length of Baju Kurung remained between the knees
and calf length. After the Second World War in 1945, the British re-administered the
Malay Land. British administration brought changes in ruling and education systems.
Wide exposure on films and media introduced the public to screen icons and freedom of
society. Due to these changes, women began to simplify the Malay dress to suit their
new surroundings and lifestyle. Influences from seeing western women and TV icons in
gowns and modern blouses especially in fashion magazines in the 1950s such as Muda-
Mudi and Fashion might have triggered the interest among Malay women to change
their style and Baju Kurung. The Baju Kurung was shortened to just below the knee
and later rose to an inch above the knee. In the late 1950s, women began to wear long
scarves with the Baju Kurung instead of kelubung or kain dagang luar (Chapter 2).
Women also started to go out more often and worked in offices and schools. Wearing a
headgear became optional for the Malay women. Perhaps the influence was due to the
need of simpler garments and the ubiquitous use of selendang (long scarf) as head cover
amongst the Javanese people in Malaya.
In 1950s onwards, influenced by western garments, many men opted to wear
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang with trousers cut in
western style. More often, men began to wear shirt and trousers to work. They only
wore the Baju Kurung at home, in kampongs and when going to the mosques. To keep
their Malay identity, men often wore songkok (Malay cap) when wearing shirt and
trousers (Mohd Said Sulaiman, 1931). Younger men wore Baju Kurung with trousers
while older ones wore Baju Kurung with sarong ikat bergombang. Towards 1960s, the
samping (waistcloth) was rarely used and sometimes was draped casually across the
body from one shoulder.
4.5 BAJU KURUNG 1958 – 1979 (EARLY INDEPENDENCE)

In the 1960s, fashionable fabrics were used such as lace, voile, cotton, silk and
synthetic fabrics. Polyester and georgette were favourites. Many baju kurungs
collected from the 1960s used satin polyesters from Japan and China. ‘Shamuse satin’
was also known as kain berlian or loosely translated as ‘diamond fabric’ (Hajah
Saleha Haji Hamzah, Hulu Langat, 5 March 2010) due to its glistening surface. The
cottons were imported from European countries and India. Printed cotton and Swiss
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voile were very popular. This showed that some of the Malay people were exposed to
imported quality products. Most of the samples from the 1960s showed that the pocket
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below the chest on the left body of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga had been removed and
inserted at the pesak (side panel). The placing of the pocket could be on either side of
the body according to the wearer’s choice (Figure 86). Modern inventions such as
sewing machines brought miracles to sewing techniques. It cuts down the time taken
and simplifies sarong tying in Malay garment with the use of zipper and waistband.
Women’s sarongs became skirts. Many women chose to wear the sarong ikat ombak
mengalun with Baju Kurung but they also used front deep-pleat skirt. When zipper
was inserted as closure, the ombak mengalun became a side-pleated skirt with zip
opening on one side of the body (Figure 87).
FIGURE 86
Pocket on Women’s Baju Kurung (From Chest Moved To Pesak Or Side Panel).
FIGURE 87
Skirt With Waistband, Zip, Hook And Bar (1970s).
Note: The zip was inserted inside the pleat fold and thus did not show from outside of the skirt.
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Azah Aziz (Pakaian Melayu, n.d), was against the idea of zipper and waistband,
saying that sarong was strictly for both Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung
Cekak Musang. She added that it would not be complete to wear the set without tying
the sarong in ombak mengalun style. However, many others felt that we should not
reject technology and the use of innovative tools such as sewing machines, waistbands
and zippers as long as the form and shape of the garment are maintained. Mohammad
Najib Md. Nor, in a conversation at the Universiti Malaysia Kelantan, (3
June 2010) defended Azah Aziz’s persistent views of Baju Kurung. Mohammad Najib
said that the zipper and waistband would give different effect to ‘ombak mengalun’ style
(surging wave’s effect). He said the zipper and waistband ‘killed’ the soft pleats of
ombak mengalun once they were ironed.
As more men worked in professional fields and offices, they no longer wore
Baju Kurung in daytime. Soon men’s Baju Kurung became attire worn when going to
the mosques and night time at home. As for men’s Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, the part
of using studded shank buttons as closure, plastic buttons and snap buttons were also
used on the plackets. From the samples collected and labels used, it showed that Chinese
tailors already started to sew Malay garments in 1960s (Figure 88). Perhaps, this could
also be one of the factors that brought changes to Baju Kurung. The tailor would cut and
sew according to his knowledge and sometimes inaccurately to the consumer’s
explanation. Sometimes the men’s collar of Cekak Musang was wider than two-
finger width (Mohd Said Sulaiman, 1931).
Practically, there were many factors that had brought changes to the shapes
of Baju Kurung in the 1970s. Due to variation in lengths, the shape of Baju Kurung then
had taken on a semi-fitted style blouse. The length of the baju could rise up midway
between the knees to hips and slightly near the upper hips in 1980s. According
to Azah Aziz (Pakaian Melayu, n.d), changes in Baju Kurung and other traditional art
disciplines such as music, songs and customs happened due to ‘instant culture’. She
claimed that the changes were made to please foreign visitors. The research found that
the lifestyle of modern Malaysia too might have contributed to these changes. The
changes in the 1970s showed the involvement of Pop-Culture, which was popular in the
west.
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FIGURE 88
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (Man’s) Sewn by a Chinese Tailor Based on Its Label.
Source: Jabatan Seni Reka Fesyen, UiTM.
Note: The sewing style was also different. Note the topstitching around the base neck which showed that another
piece of fabric was inserted as facing and loop at the centre back neck (Simpang Ampat, Melaka 1960s).
4.6 BAJU KURUNG 1980 – 1999 (MODERN MALAYSIA)

Between the 1970s and 1980s, consumers witnessed some changes in Malay
garments. The structure of Baju Kurung was made on western block patterns. The
body of the garment no longer used kekek and pesak (gusset and side panel). The shapes
and form were slightly different from the traditional garment. The length of garment
was shortened and the bodice was shaped according to the body’s curvature (Figure 89).
Likewise, it invited positive and negative responses from the consumers. Many other
variations from western garments such as collar designs and skirts were used in the
variation of new Malay garments. On the other hand, the original pattern and shapes of
Baju Kurung was still practiced by many people; only that the women’s Baju Kurung
were as short as hip length. In the 1980s, the changes in Malay-like garment or often
referred as Baju Kurung Moden, followed the western fashion and detailing.
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FIGURE 89
Mini Kurung, Late 1970s.
Source: Rias, March 2003.
Note: Western cut blouse, named the Mini Kurung. It was named ‘mini’ due to its short length blouse. It was also
curved and fit to the body. The blouse was usually paired with tight skirt, deep pleat skirt or knife pleat skirt. The
style was popular in the 80s.
Lady Diana blouses were adapted into many Malay styled blouses. The styles
were coordinated with wide shoulder construction, padded shoulders, boat-neck
neckline shapes, sweetheart-shaped necklines and high ruffled collars (Figure 90). The
wide shoulder construction was padded with thick and wide shoulder pads to give
extra width to the shoulders (Figure 91). Although it was the trend in the 80s but many
Malay women continue to have shoulder pads in their Baju Kurung and other Malay
costumes until today. This is because the body of Baju Kurung is cut as one piece and
has no shoulder seam lines. Therefore the shoulders carry extra material around the
chest and underarm areas. Some women today, are uncomfortable with this and use
shoulder pads to overcome the excess fabric.
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FIGURE 90
High Necked Collar Also Nicknamed as Lady Diana’s Collar, 1980s.
Source: Azlina Aris (1980s) Source: bestsoylatte.blogspot.com
FIGURE 91
Padded Shoulder 1980s.
162
Baju Kurung was less popular in 1970s to 1980s. During these years the
concentration was to retrieve the batik industries. The Malaysia Handicraft and
Development Corporation promoted fashionable garments such as modern blouses
and tight kebayas using batik fabrics to tackle a wider range of consumers.
Approximately, around 1970s too, songket was introduced to the mass market (Raja
Fuziah Raja Tun Uda, Ulu Klang, 31 December 2009). In 1980s, the length of Baju
Kurung became very short that it was called the ‘Mini Kurung’. This particular
garment was cut and made using western pattern and shaped slightly close to fit the
body. In 1980s too, batik fabrics were commonly used for Baju Kurung. Printed
fabrics that replicate batik were also used widely to promote batik for mass production
(Figure 92).
FIGURE 92
Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, Late 1980s.
Note: The pink Baju Kurung Cekak Musang used frog buttons for its closure, which were usually used for
Cheongsam (Chinese garment).
163
Around the 1980s, men’s Baju Kurung especially Baju Kurung Cekak
Musang gradually changed to vibrant colours. This change was due to the changes
made by a Malaysian superstar, the late Sudirman Haji Arshad and his personal tailor
Den Wahab. Den Wahab then, also became a dramatist and fashioned the Baju
Kurung for other artistes. Sudirman Haji Arshad and Den Wahab wore the garment
made from the same fabric for baju (top), trousers, sampin (waist cloth) and songkok
(headgear). Until today, after the death of Sudirman Haji Arshad, Den Wahab continues
fashioning Malaysian artistes in Baju Melayu (Figure 93, Hazidi Abd. Hamid, Star,
March 30, 1995).
FIGURE 93
Sudirman in Den Wahab’s Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, with a Matching Songkok.
In 1990s, the length of Baju Kurung dropped back to knee length. The
fashion theme was ‘classic’. This time, silk batik fabrics became popular and were
considered exclusive. Cheaper batik fabrics were made of polyester satins from China
and better quality batik fabrics were made of crepe, satin or jacquard silks. In 1990s,
the Malaysian fashion showed a mixture of styles. While the Baju Kurung found its own
fans, some designers reconstructed traditional garments from new and traditional
fabrics, some created new garments using traditional textiles, and some reintroduced
traditional garment with western combination and some simply produce Malay look
164
garments with western elements. According to Mohammad Najib Md. Nor (Universiti
Malaysia Kelantan, 3 June 2011) the cross culture (east meets west) in the late 1990s,
165
evoked anger to traditionalists especially when the media and designers used
traditional names to the fashion (Figure 94).
FIGURE 94
Magazine Caption That Used Traditional Name for Crossed Fashion, 1990s.
Source: Rias, 2004.
Note: The caption from a local fashion magazine:

Baju kurung tradisional yang diberi nafas baru dengan gaya moden dan komersil…Menggunakan elemen-elemen
tradisional yang digabungkan unsur baju kemodenan…
Translation: Traditional Baju Kurung takes on modern and commercial style…. traditional elements manipulated
for modern look. Designer: Michael Ong (Rias, 2004, p.23)
A combination style of traditional garments such as the Baju Kedah, Baju

Kurung and Kebaya tops matched with trousers and short skirts were among the
manipulated style in the 90s (Figure 95). The research decided that these styles could
not be included in the category of Baju Melayu since the coordination of the garment
did not fit the basic requirement and characteristics of the Malay traditional garments
in the first place.
166
FIGURE 95
A Modern Blouse Styled As Mini Kurung Matched With Trousers, 1990s.
A Crossed Style of East Meets West Trend.
In the middle of 1990s, many variations of Baju Kurung were produced.

Some items used for garment coordination such as the selendang (long scarf) for women
and samping (waistcloth) for men were no longer used. Men only used the samping for
formal functions and during religious and traditional activities. Towards the year 1999,
more changes were made to Baju Kurung. Baju Kurung was made with heavy
decorative embellishment and other modern fabrics such as jersey and lycra. Baju
Kurung Teluk Belanga was not exploited as much as compared to other Malay dresses
such as the Kebaya and Baju Kedah. Perhaps the image of ‘long and loose tunic’ style
limited the designers from being too daring in experimenting with new cuts and
shapes. In the late 1990s the Baju Kurung Riau or also commonly known as Baju
Kurung Pahang, which was exclusive to royal women in the early 1930s began to
attract the mass consumers. It was introduced as an attempt to preserve the garment
from complete extinction. Small modifications were made to the design to suit current
fashion.
There was also rising interest for traditional textiles. Both Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (for women) portrayed the classic image
167
using woven cloths, Tenun DiRaja Pahang and songket. Modern fabrics were also
used for special functions such as wedding ceremonies, office and formal evening. Wide
ranges of fabric to choose from included lace, various types of silks, high quality
cotton, organza and chiffon. The men’s Baju Kurung Cekak Musang also used modern
fabrics such as organza, various types of Indian textiles and imported silks. The fashion
in 2010 showed that the Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with pesak gantung or Baju Kurung
Riau is in style. This particular Baju Kurung, had an elongated shaped kekek (gusset)
that makes the wearer appear slimmer.
4.7 BAJU KURUNG 2000 – 2010 (MILLENNIUM YEARS)

Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga in the year 2000 to 2010 showed that some
designers returned to traditional cut and shape with lavish beadwork embroidery and
machine embroidery work. Changes in modern Baju Melayu imitated the character of
Baju Kurung especially the neckline shape. The garments were enhanced with sleeves
variations, heavy embroidery work around the neckline and hems, and matched with
A-line skirts. Sometimes the long blouse is matched with a slightly flared skirt. These
skirts replaced the use of sarongs. The result was Malay-like attires with western pattern
constructions. The blouse length still goes up and down from hip length to knee
length. In fact, there were more manipulations made on the modern Malay garments
rather than the original Baju Kurung. The manipulation of Baju Kurung became more
obvious in 2005 when designers reinvented the image of Baju Kurung with a
‘glamorous’ look. Sequins and beads were used to decorate the necklines, end of
sleeves and hems so lavishly that sometimes they out-do the whole garment. Some Baju
Kurung was embellished with zigzag hems, corals and lettuce hems or scallops with
machine embroideries. In the past, in the 50s and 60s when some Baju Kurung were
made of voile, the wearer would wear the baju with cotton camisole called anak baju
or baju kutang. Today, the coordination had changed from baju kutang to tubes, tank
tops and corset (Figure 96).
168
FIGURE 96
Modern Garment Inspired From Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga.
Note: The garment was styled with corset underneath the thin material, styled with a long stole draped on one
shoulder.
Perhaps, not wanting to be seen as outdated, Malay men’s garment too went
through changes to meet fashion equality with women’s Malay costumes. This also
had generated interest for fashionable men (especially urban areas) to wear Baju Melayu
especially during Friday prayers and Malay festivals. While the women’s Baju
Kurung transformed dramatically, men’s Baju Kurung took on small changes especially
around the collar and pockets. Decorative trimmings and embroidery techniques were
used to decorate collar stands (Figure 97). Many designers used slit instead of placket
for men’s Baju Kurung Cekak Musang. The stud buttons were replaced with frog
buttons, which were normally used for Chinese garment and also other types of plastic
buttons. Men also wore decorative brooches. Some designs replaced the patch pockets
on Baju Melayu with concealed pockets. Samping from songket and kain tenun
continued to be part of the costume to complement the whole
169
look for glamour. Although Baju Kurung and Kebaya, which are normally worn by
Malay women won the hearts of women from other races in Malaysia, Baju Kurung
(Melayu) Teluk Belanga and Cekak Musang still has yet to find their fans amongst the
men population. Very rarely men from other races in Malaysia would put on Baju
Melayu for either casual or special function unless they are Muslim.
FIGURE 97
Men Wearing New Baju Melayu Inspired By Baju Melayu Cekak Musang.
Source: URTV, 2007.
Note: The collar was constructed as Mandarin collar and the placket was replaced with a long slit. Purple baju
Melayu used loop buttonholes and stud buttons as closure, arranged as in Chinese costumes. The other Baju
Melayu used one loop buttonhole and a round stud button.
Between 2005 and 2010 there were more modern garments inspired from
Baju Kurung cuts in the market than the traditional cut Baju Kurung. The new designs
showed variations of sleeves such as puffed sleeves with cuffs, flared sleeves,
gathered sleeves and bishop sleeves (Figure 98 to 99). The bodice was cut using
western bodice patterns and slightly shaped according to the body. The neckline
copied the usual Baju Kurung neckline with lavish embroidery work around the neck
and slit. With the embroidery trailing down towards the waistline it appear as if the
slit was cut longer than it was. Although the variations created fresh looks to Malay
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fashion garments, the pattern and cut of traditional garment had changed. Therefore,
ideally they should not be named as Baju Kurung but more appropriately referred as
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Baju Melayu Moden. However, the development of these styles is encouraging to
Malaysian fashion market and continues to develop especially for Syawal festival.
FIGURE 98
Modern Garment Inspired From Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga
Source: Nona, 2010.
Note: Sitting woman: Gathered sleeves with wide cuffs to create puffs at the end of sleeves.
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FIGURE 99
Source: Nona, 2010.
Note: Sitting woman: Gathered sleeves with wide cuffs and note her A-line skirt. It was zig-zag finished with
machine embroidery and layered with contrast fabric. Right: Note the extra flare sleeves. The sleeve is layered
with contrast material and outer fabric slits open from the elbow. Both designs had slit necklines elaborated with
embroidery work.
Fabric wise, many modern designs used synthetic fabrics, crepe, chiffon, silk
and other lightweight materials for women’s Baju Melayu. These fabrics are suitable
to make gathers and layers for the sleeves and bodices. Many modern Malay women
would allow themselves to wear the garments without lining. Skirts for Baju Melayu
Moden were from western styled skirts, which also form many variations of modern
skirts. A-line skirts and bias-cut skirts were the two most popular skirts for Baju Melayu
Moden. They were simple and suited the long blouse. The cut was also
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suitable to many women regardless of their size and height. Some women would settle
for fancy styles as in Figure 100 to 102. Layered skirts, with or without zigzag
machines, bias flared skirt and embellished hems are some of the popular designs in
today’s market.
FIGURE 100
Source: Nona, 2010.
Note: The woman on the left: Zig-zag hems with embroidery work at the end of sleeves. Both sleeves and body
hems were layered. The sequin and machine embroidery were elaborated from neckline towards the centre of the
body
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FIGURE 101
Source: Nona, 2010.
Note: The garment on the left insisted on the baju kurung neckline but cut on western pattern bodice block. The
matching skirt was an A-line skirt. Right: The sleeve design had been changed from a loose and straight one piece
sleeve to a two-parts gathered sleeve with cuff.
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FIGURE 102
Source: Nona, 2010.
Note:
Left: The sleeves are joined at three-quarter length and flare out at the end. The bodice has long side slits like a
Vietnamese costume. It is paired with an A-line skirt. Right: The blouse has long side slits and layered with
contrast fabric. Slightly flared skirt from thin fabric (chiffon) is used to match the blouse. Both blouses retained the
neckline shape of baju kurung and decorated with embroidery work around it.
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4.8 SUMMARY
In this chapter, it is discovered that Baju Kurung had gone through a slow
process of changes over the years but changed dramatically from the beginning of
1990 to 2010. The changes were seen in form, shape and style of Baju Kurung based on
the study of samples. There were things that remained the same. For example, till date,
the men’s Baju Kurung often has two pockets on the Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga
and three on Baju Kurung Cekak Musang. As for women’s Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga many women choose not to have the pocket since they are equipped with
modern handbags. The women’s Baju Kurung has changed and is simplified for easy
wear. Indirectly, it encourages women to go out to work and move around to many
places while wearing the Baju Kurung. The innovations of the sarong from tube to skirts
helped women saved time in dressing and securing the sarong on their waistlines. Men
became more comfortable and confident wearing trousers cut in western style rather
than the traditional ones.
Baju Kurung focused on a three-piece coordination; namely the top (baju),
bottom (kain or seluar) and headgear for women and waistcloth for men. However,
some items were eliminated from the coordination due to unsuitability of the style for
today’s environment and fashion trends. For men’s costume for example, ikat kepala,
setanjak, destar (headgear) and sebai (shoulder cloth) are no longer used as part of
men’s casual Baju Kurung. Many men (especially children and teenagers) also choose
to wear Baju Melayu without samping for casual purposes. As for women’s garment,
headgear such as selendang (long scarf) and other fashionable scarves replaced the
kelubung. The necessity of wearing a scarf is a personal choice to Muslim women in
Malaysia although it is highly obliged by the religion. This has become a continuous
issue in the country among religious practitioners regarding Muslim women’s aurat.
The changes are also presented in Appendix O and Appendix P. They
showed the changes involved in regards of silhouette, shapes and style of Baju
Kurung before late 1950s and after 1960s. The Baju Kurung (for women) could be
grouped into three different styles. These styles changed after 1950s according to length
of blouse and skirt (Appendix L and Appendix M). The blouse was shaped closer to the
body to show curves. In cases where the pattern used western bodice block the style
had been named by designers and media as Baju Kurung Moden. As for men’s Baju
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Kurung the changes focused on decorative elements rather than its form and shape.
Generally, it can be concluded that in terms of coordination, both
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men and women’s Baju Kurung maintained its number of item; baju, kain or seluar and
samping and/or songkok for men. As for women, kelubung was replaced by selendang
to simplify the style. A new form of Baju Kurung was developed with the knowledge
of fashion, pattern making and new sewing techniques, which was different from
the traditional cut and shape. However, due to its popularity amongst the Malay
consumers, the new form carried on Baju Kurung name. The name confusion has been
going on and debated until today.
Changes also happened along with the change of materials. Since the beginning
and in the early history of Baju Kurung, the fabrication relied on imported fabrics until
the Malays learned how to weave their own textiles. New designs of Baju Kurung often
considered including other ethnic’s costume as to harmonize or show integration
amongst Malaysian community. It is an attempt to develop the spirit of patriotism and
‘Malaysianize’ the minds of our young generation. Baju Kurung was already accepted
as school uniforms as early as 1950s (Makalah Guru, 1950). Photos of young girls in
Baju Kurung uniforms showed that Baju Kurung has multiple functions to suit each
event and category depending on how it is made. Today, to make Baju Kurung many
technical aspects regarding fabrication would have to be considered. The effects of these
changes without the support of Malay dress principles and aesthetics has altered the
traditional perception of the garment as modest, grace and elegant attire.
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CHAPTER FIVE
DESIGN DEVELOPMENT OF BAJU KURUNG
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this chapter is to present the analysis of Baju Kurung through
observations and studies made from personal experiences of traditional garment makers,
academicians and samples viewed and measured by the researcher. The aim is to link
information gained from the literature review and development of Baju Kurung as
observed in Chapter 4. The analysis covered various aspects of visual elements such
as form, shape, line and texture as well as the process of making the Baju Kurung.
This chapter also looks at fabrics, which commonly used for Baju Kurung, character of
fabrics and patterns, styling and sizing. Style and size create consistent proportion of the
Baju Kurung on the wearer.
5.2 DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSES

Data was collected from samples consisting of traditional and modern Baju
Kurung that are 43 samples of women’s traditional Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu
Moden and 51 samples of men’s traditional Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden
(Appendix G to Appendix N). The categories of traditional Baju Kurung consisted of
Baju Kurung in general form; Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (men and women), Baju
Kurung Cekak Musang (men and women) and Baju Kurung Potong Riau or Pesak
Gantung (women). The modern Malay garments are the ones which although were
originally inspired by Baju Kurung for both men and women but had undergone
modifications and changes to its form, shape and appearance.
Data collected for the research focused on two major factors. The factors
were aesthetics and process of making. Factor number one; the aesthetics of Baju
Kurung were identified as collective by the use of textiles, form, shape and quality of
the garment making process. The garment making process encompassed technical
aspects of Baju Kurung, which included choice of fabric used to make the Baju Kurung,
pattern construction, cutting and sewing. Other data collected involved three-
dimensional aspects of the garment such as style, form and coordination. All data
collected was systematically outlined, identified and divided according to their
categories as suggested in Figure 103.
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FIGURE 103
Analysis of Baju Kurung.
Source: Asliza Aris, 2010.
Preliminary: Literature Baju Kurung

Review
Samples, Photographic evidence &

Unstructured Interviews
Collect data, analyze and categorize
Women’s Fabric, pattern & cut, making up Men’s

style, design & coordination
Baju Kurung in Baju Kurung Teluk Baju Kurung Baju Kurung Baju Kurung
general form Belanga Cekak Musang Potong Riau Moden
(women’s only)
Traditional Line, Texture, Fabric, Modern

Form and Shape
Confirms definition and

characteristics of Style and Coordination
traditional Baju Kurung
Break into sub

Malay Aesthetic Principles in
categories according
Baju Kurung
to form, style and
coordination.
5.3 ANALYSIS OF BAJU KURUNG

The analysis of Baju Kurung involves the assessment of its aesthetic value
through design processes. Marshall (2004) and Ocvirk et.al, (2006) suggested the
elements and principles of design are used to measure the value of aesthetics. Thus,
the researcher chose to evaluate the Baju Kurung using the study of line, texture, colour,
shape and form in the process of making the Baju Kurung. The analysis involved
looking at the changes that happened through the years Baju Kurung was
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made; from the traditional methods before the late 1950s to modern techniques after
1960s.
5.3.1 Line
The study of lines in Baju Kurung involved the stitching and joining lines.
Joining lines in Baju Kurung created the form of the garment to its perfection on the
body. Joinings such as pesak gantung makes the wearer appear slimmer and good for
the pear-shaped body whereas pesak buluh suits almost everyone. Hand stitching
perfected the finish of the garment such as hemming, kelim betawi (similar to French
seam) and tindih kasih (similar to top stitching).
The ideal stitching lines were identified by comparing the workmanship of
one hundred samples produced from early 1930s to 2010. It was found that most of
the samples produced from 1930s to 1960s had fine hand stitching at the hemline, body,
sarong and end of sleeves. The stitching measured about twelve to sixteen stitches per
inch. From 1970s to 2010, the stitches became wider apart and measured half to one
inch for every stitch (Table 12 and Figure 104, also refer to Appendix G to Appendix
N). However, there was some Baju Kurung in the 1970s and 1980s that had fine
workmanship. In 1990s onwards, some makers used hemming machines for finishing
ready-made Baju Kurung. There were also producers that used straight stitch top
stitching to finish the hem. These methods fulfil mass production needs to sew fast in
large quantities. When using industrial hem machines, clear nylon thread was used for
hemming the garment. However, when the garment was stitched by hand, cotton or silk
thread was used for hemming.
TABLE 12
Stitch Count of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (1930 to
2010)
Year 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000

Stitch count
per inch 12 14 13 13 11 13 13 12
(picked at
random)
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Hajah Saleha Haji Hamzah (Hulu Langat, 5 March 2010) remarked that the
hand-stitch width was considered perfect if the stitches were fine and stitched close to
one another (Figure 104). It was also demanded that the thread did not show much on
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the upper side of the fabric. The colour of the thread used must be the same as the ground
colour of the fabric. The hem fold, stitch length and width should run evenly and parallel
to the hem fold. Commenting on how the hem was sewn nowadays, Hajah Saleha Haji
Hamzah (Hulu Langat, 5 March 2010) also said the hemming stitches on Baju Kurung
today is wide apart from each other. The one-inch gap between stitches allowed things
getting hooked into it; especially at the end sleeves. This would make the hem tear
easily.
Figure 104
The Differences of Number of Stitching Made to the Hem of Baju Kurung.
12 stitches per inch
a) Hand stitching on hemline before 1980s.
1 stitch per inch
b) Hand stitching on hemline after 1980s.
10-12 stitches per inch
c) Straight machine top stitching on hemline of a readymade

Baju Kurung.
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Contrasting colour threads can be used for neckline finish. However, many
traditional Baju Kurung made before 1970s used same colour thread as the fabric for
necklines. This was because the purpose of the stitches around the neckline was to
give strength to neckline shape and a ‘clean’ finish. According to Zubaidah Sual
(Cashmere Gallery, 17 June 2011) in the early of 20th century and before, the Baju
Kurung maker would pull out the weft thread on the fabric to use for sewing the garment.
The trend of using contrasting colour threads for neckline finish appeared after the
1970s.
The stitches around the neckline, tulang belut or bentuk kerang stitches made
in the early years were fine and thick. The act of stitching the neckline with these stitches
was also known as jahit tikam leher or jahit karap (Hajah Ainan Jantan, Kajang, 8 July
2008). Towards 1980s, the stitches became thinner and less fine. A good perfect
stitch had approximately 22 to 30 legs. A moderate stitch had approximately twenty to
twenty one legs (Figure 105). In the 1990s, the hand stitches were replaced by
decorative trimmings such as rick-racks and piping. In 1990s too, embroidery work such
as machine embroidery and beadwork were also used to decorate the neckline.
FIGURE 105
Stitches of Tulang Belut.
‘Leg’ of stitch, 20-21 legs per inch

is considered fine and perfect.
Right side of fabric
Needle stitching that had less than twenty legs and had wide gaps from one to
another was considered ‘rough work’. This was because the fabric could be seen
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through the stitches. According to dressmaker, Rusni Hashim (Bandar Baru Bangi, 2
October 2009), the thickness of needle and cotton thread could make the stitches less
fine. To achieve perfect finish around the neckline, fine needle and mercerized cotton
or silk thread were used for the stitches. The edge of the neck line facing was folded
neatly underneath the facing and stitched with sembat susup (slip stitch). The fold
should finish at less than three-eighth inch width to achieve fine workmanship. However
today, the facing varied from three-eighth to as wide as quarter inch. Sometimes, a large
facing fused with interfacing was also used (Figure 106).
FIGURE 106
Different Size of Fold Made to the Neck Facing.
a) Fold size: 1/8”

c) Fold size: 1
b) Fold size: 3/8” to
1/2” to 2” with
1/4”
overlocked edge.
Wrong side of
fabric Wrong side of Wrong side of

fabric fabric
Note: Neckline a and b were usually used with application of tulang belut and mata lalat; whereas, neckline c was
used when topstitching or piping were applied around the edge of the neckline.
As for men’s baju kurung, originally the neck line facing was slightly wider
than the women’s garment. The facings measured approximately half inch. The edge
was turned in and finished with slip stitch (Zubaidah Sual, Cashmere Gallery, 17 June
2011). However, from the samples collected from 1980s to 2010 showed that Baju
Kurung Teluk Belanga for men also had tulang belut (eel’s spine) stitching around the
neckline. Men’s Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga from Pahang dated approximately in
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1940s to1950s (Tengku Ismail Tengku Su, Pura Tg. Sabtu, 17 August 2008, and Muzium
Negeri Pahang, 2010) also showed tulang belut (eel’s spine) stitches used on the
necklines.
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For the body, the stitches used were kelim betawi and tindih kasih, which
were similar to ‘hand’ French seam and ‘hand’ topstitching as shown in Figure 107a,
Figure 107b, Figure 107c and Figure 108. Both stitches were made to give a ‘clean’
finish to the inside of the garment. Similar to other types of hand stitching, fine
stitches of tindih kasih was sewn approximately twenty to twenty four stitches every
inch. The average count that was usually found on the garments was approximately
sixteen to eighteen stitches.
FIGURE 107a
Systematic Method of Kelim Betawi (French Seam).
Seam line / stitching

line
Right side
of garment
/ fabric
Seam allowance; open seams
Step 1: Join two pieces of fabric right side to right side.
FIGURE 107b
Seam line / stitching line
Right side of
garment / fabric
Seam allowance; put together
and trim.
Step 2: Trim the seam allowances to one-eighth or quarter inch depending on fabric. Face right side fabric together
and sew a second stitching line. Turn to the wrong side of the garment.
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FIGURE 107c
Second stitching
line
Seamline / stitching line
Seam allowance sandwiched inside the seams.
Step 3: Seam allowance sandwiched inside second stitching line.
FIGURE 108
The Method of Tindih Kasih (Hand Top Stitching).
Wrong side of
garment / fabric
Visible stitching dots as seen on the right side

of garment.
Step 1: Join fabric; right sides facing each other as in Step 1 of French seam.
Step 2: Trim seam allowance to a quarter inch size depending on thickness of fabric.
Step 3: Push in seam allowance with needle and stitch right through the fabric.
Jahit kia was rarely used on the bodice but often used for sarong. The stitches
were wider apart from each other. Stitches of jahit kia were the same as back stitch
(Figure 109). Mohd. Said Sulaiman (1931) remarked that western-styled garments made
by the local tailors in the 1930s was beautiful outside but ‘berbulu berbala tidak
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berkelim’ (unfinished and threads came out from the seam allowance) unlike Baju
Kurung.
185
FIGURE 109
Jahit Kia.
Kekek is a square piece under the arm, which was folded diagonally and formed a
triangle. This piece is joined to the pesak and sleeve. The pesak and kekek is quite
difficult to join; especially to someone new in garment making. The joining process is
as shown in Figure 110.
FIGURE 110
Attaching Pesak to Kekek.
i w.s.
w.s. r.s.
w.s.
r.s.
r.s r.s.
.
ii iii iv
i. Fold diagonally
ii. Attach kekek to pesak. Machine on the red line and stop in the corner.
iii. Attach kekek to another pesak. Machine on the red line and stop in the corner.
Continue machine on the blue line; pesak piece together.
iv. Pesak and kekek joined. This piece becomes the side of the body.
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When joining the kekek to pesak, machining at the corner must be kept well. If it is not
done properly, the corner would bulge in a funny twist. Although it is in the underarm
area, careful fabric handling while machining would give quality stitching. Some
dressmakers did not cut the pesak to two. A piece of fabric slit at the top part of the
panel, joined to kekek (Figure 111) creating the same effect. This saved on the over
locking the seam allowance.
FIGURE 111
Kekek and Pesak Joining Without Side Seams.
Insert kekek into the slit. Machine V; follow the red line.
Slit here to insert w.s

kekek
w.s
Stitching line
Fold line; Fold pesak

to get front and back
piece.
w.s
Again, the corner of the kekek must be machined properly to avoid bulging material in
the corner. Two things could go wrong if the kekek was not sewn properly:
a) pesak panels became shorter from one to another
b) under sleeves seams became shorter from one to another.
By attaching the kekek to pesak and sleeve, it allowed movement for lifting the arm.
When the sleeve was tapered too much (Figure 112, blue line), it will pull up the
kekek’s position and appear tight to underarm when lifting the arm. The same effect
could happen if the shoulder has joining line. Traditional Baju Kurung does not have
shoulder joining.
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FIGURE 112
Pesak and Kekek Joined To Sleeve.
However due to fabric design, some Baju Kurung needs to have shoulder
joining. Some dressmakers cut it straight. However, due to the straight cut joining
stitches and seam allowances on the shoulder, the fabric would not fall as natural as it
should be. To solve this problem some dressmakers put shoulder pads underneath
them. This makes the Baju Kurung ‘square’ and masculine (Figure 113).
FIGURE 113
A Straight Shoulder with Shoulder Pad.
Straight shoulder; if joining is made a

shoulder pad is added underneath the
fabric.
Shoulder pad added.
188
To create softer effect, if there was joining on the shoulder, it is made slanting
according to shoulder drop. Although this change makes the garment fit nicely on the
shoulder but it is tight to fit the underarm kekek and pesak (Figure 114).
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FIGURE 114
Slanted Shoulder and Armhole Line.
The slanted shoulder sits nicely on the shoulder

when worn but pulls the sleeve crown slightly Original shoulder line; straight.
tight as well as the kekek.
Stitching on body hem requires patience as much as stitching the neckline. The
wide circumference of the body width that usually measures around 40 to 47 inches
must fold in evenly and tucked at the edge. The stitching width must be neat and even
as shown in Figure 104. If the fold of the hem is uneven, it will create an unbalanced
hemline (Figure 115a and Figure 115b). The factor that created this effect is because
the pesak panels and body were not leveled properly before folding. The sides are
longer and more obvious when lightweight materials are used for the garment.
This is because lightweight material usually has loose weave yarn. Sometimes, uneven
folding would make the hem look wavy (Figure 115b). Figure
115c shows how a balanced hemline would look like when the Baju Kurung is worn
on the body. The hem level is even all around the circumference of the bodice. In
garment making process, both men and women’s Baju Kurung went through the same
process and used the same sewing method.
190
FIGURE 115a Hem Longer
At Sides. Drawing by Asliza
Aris (2011).
Bad hem; pulls the sides longer when worn.
FIGURE 115b
Uneven Folds Creates Uneven Hem.
191
FIGURE 115c
Perfect Hem.
Perfect hemline; the level of the hem is even.
After the completion of pesak, kekek and sleeves the three components are
attached to the body. The shoulder notch on the body must meet the centre sleeve so
that they are balanced. Some makers choose to finish the neckline first before
assembling the whole garment. However, the traditional practice in Johor was to
assemble the whole components of the Baju Kurung and cut out the neckline last
(Zubaidah Sual, Cashmere Gallery, 17 June 2011). This method is quite tricky since if
any mistake is done, it would spoil the whole effort of sewing the garment (Figure
116). Men’s Baju Kurung had little changes over the years due to its already simple
and direct design line and detailing on the garment.
192
FIGURE 116
Zubaidah Sual Demonstrating How the Neckline Was Cut Out From a Finished Baju Kurung.
a) Line in Skirt and Sarong

In the early 1900s, the sarong was styled as ombak mengalun, which was
pleated at the side of the body. To make the sarong easy to handle and to wear, few
pleats were arranged and stitched firmly on one side of the sarong (Figure 117). In the
late 1950s, the skirt had a waistband attached to its waist with a zipped opening on
one side of the body. The sarong became a long skirt with side pleats. The pleats were
pressed and stitched neatly near the waistline to keep them in place. This method
enabled the wearer to put on the skirt without having to tie and arrange the pleats on
sarong. However, because the pleats were sewn intact at the sides, the pleats lost its
‘wave’ (alun) and looked stiff. Some dressmakers topstitched the edge of each pleats,
especially on silky material to keep the pleats in shape (Figure 118 and Figure 119).
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FIGURE 117
Changes Made to the Kain of Baju Kurung.
tongkah
Waistline
Knee line
Ankle line
Sarong A Sarong B Sarong C
Note: Originally, before 1960s sarong A and B are worn with the baju kurung. Sarong B has an extension to its waist called tongkah. This piece is usually from
white cotton fabric. The purpose of tongkah is as addition to the length of the fabric. For easy wear some women fold the side pleats in advance and stitch the
pleats together at the waist (Sarong C). Today, very few women would tie their sarong to wear with Baju Kurung.
192
FIGURE 118
Waistbands and Zip on Skirt.
Waistline
Front skirt Back skirt Front skirt Back skirt
Knee line
Ankle line
Skirt A: elastic waist band without zip Skirt B: buckram waist band with zip opening and
opening. No darts. hook and eye. Darts are used for both front and back
skirt.
Knowledge of sewing techniques showed that the development of sarong used elastic around the waistline. The pattern made easy for women to wear the
garment by adding waistband and zip opening to secure the waistline. Darts are also included to shape the skirt. The waistband could also use elastic
waistband for easy adjustment (1950s to date).
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FIGURE 119
Variations of Waistband.
Waistline
Knee line
Ankle line
Skirt A: side elastic and buckram waist band with Skirt B: buckram waist band in front and elastic band at
zip opening. the back of skirt with side zip opening.
Development of sewing techniques gave variations to waistband attachment. Skirt A used elastic bands on both sides of the waist band making less gathered
fabric at the centre. The skirt had zip opening on one side. Skirt B used buckram band in front and elastic band at the back (1960s to date).
194
The sarong styled in front folds (tindih kasih) was also simplified with the
use of waistband and zipper (Figure 120, Skirt A). This style was popular in 1950s
and mainly worn with Baju Kurung and modern blouses. A long skirt with centre back
pleats was also popular in the 1950s and 1960s. Many A-line skirts were used to
match short Baju Kurung and modern blouses that were inspired on the Baju Kurung
(Figure 121, Skirt A). It was a very simple A-shaped or tent-shaped skirt that had a
zipper either on its centre back seam or side seam of the skirt. The frontal overlapped
skirt was then made slightly tighter in the late 1960s to make it more hugging to the
hips (Figure 121, Skirt B). The skirt had two pieces of fabric in front that overlapped
on one side of the body. The skirt was matched with other Malay garments such as the
Kebaya as well as other modern blouses influenced by pop culture.
In Figure 122, Skirt A, the mermaid style was popular in the mid-1980s. The
knife pleated skirt in Figure 122, Skirt B came in many variations. Some knife pleats
were arranged as part of the back and some had knife pleats arranged in opposite
directions starting from the centre back. This would create an inverted pleat at the centre
back of the skirt. To create a classical look, the pleats were arranged in front to create a
similar style to kain memancung. Today, the A-line and mermaid skirts are among the
popular styles worn with Baju Kurung. However, the styles produce
different looks due to different textiles used (Chapter 4, Figures 98, 99 and 102).
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FIGURE 120
Other Types Of Skirts Used To Match Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang.
Waistline
Knee line
Ankle line
Skirt A: Deep front fold skirt with darts and side zip Skirt B: Centre back inverted skirt with darts and centre back
opening. zip opening.
Note: These long skirts were also used to match modern blouses worn by Malay women (1950s to date).
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FIGURE 121
Variation Of Skirt Worn With Mini Kurung And Baju Kurung Moden (1960s-1980s).
Waistline
Knee line
Ankle line
Skirt A: A-line skirt with darts and side zip opening. Sometimes the zip Skirt B: Tapered front slit skirt with darts and centre
was also placed at the centre back. back zip opening.
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FIGURE 122
Skirt Variation Used With Modern Blouse And Baju Kurung Moden In 1980s.
Waistline
Knee line
Ankle line
Skirt A: Mermaid skirt, popular in middle of 80s. Skirt B: Knife pleat skirt (1980s ).
In 1990s the style was a cross of east and west influence before it quickly changed to classic. In 2000 onwards, repeated silhouettes were seen in the market with
approach of different fabric. Baju Kurung was made from jersey, lycra and transparent fabrics.
198
b) Line in Trousers
Meanwhile, the men’s sarong worn with Baju Kurung was usually made of
Indian cotton fabric such as pelikat and local woven textiles such as kain tenun and kain
Bugis. The men’s sarong did not use tongkah for extension. Perhaps the sarong length
was appropriate and sufficient to cover men’s aurat after tying, which was below the
knees, thus not requiring extra length. The normal length of men’s sarong usually
measure approximately 2 meters long (before joining) and 1.26 meters in width
(Figure 123). Men’s trousers changed from front folded Seluar Aceh or Seluar Cina to
seluar jerut (Figure 124). The tongkah on Seluar Cina was replaced by a narrow
waistband which had fabric cord inside it. This cord was pulled to fit the waist line of
the wearer (Figure 124A). The same concept was applied to Seluar Jerut (Figure
124B). The act of pulling the cord together to fit the waist line was called jerut in Malay.
Likewise, Seluar Getah was named due to the use of the elastic band around the waist
line. The elastic band in Malay is called getah.
Mohammad Najib Md. Nor (Univeristi Malaysia Kelantan, 15 October 2010)
commented that the old patterns of Seluar Aceh and Seluar Cina were more comfortable
to wear especially when performing prayers. This was because the trousers were
loose around the hips and crotch. This cutting allowed some space for the body when
bending and moving up and down while performing prayers. However, due to fashion
changes it is difficult to find a tailor who could cut such patterns nowadays. Mohammad
Najib also remarked that because the cutting is no longer practiced in Malay men’s attire
it may looked awkward for a man to wear Seluar Aceh or Seluar Cina. Instead, the
style has become one of women’s garments in today’s
fashion.
199
FIGURE 123
.Sarong And Seluar Aceh And Seluar Cina For Men (Before 1950s).
Waistline
Knee line
Heel / Floor
A: Sarong size 2m. (before joining) x B: Seluar Aceh, usually measured at C: Seluar Cina, usually measured at calf
1.26 m. calf length. Front and back has the length and below. Front and back has
same cutting. the same cutting.
200
FIGURE 124
Seluar Cina, Seluar Jerut and Seluar Getah For Men (1950s T0 1960s).
Waistline
Knee line
Heel / Floor
A: Seluar Cina with narrow waistband B: Seluar jerut. Front and back C: Seluar getah. Front and back
and cord made of fabric. Front and back trousers are the same. Developed trousers are the same. Developed
of trousers are the same. from Seluar Cina. from seluar jerut.
201
Many modern men found that wearing the western style trousers were easier
and the waistband secured the trousers to hang around the waist (Figure 125 and
Figure 126). Like the women’s Baju Kurung a zipper was inserted as closure besides
the waistband. The zipper was closed with a zipper fly. To give allowance for body
movement, trousers used for men’s Baju Kurung often had two pleats on each side of
the front leg. Sometimes, the trousers had one pleat each instead of two. There were also
trousers that had no pleats at all. The trousers were fashioned as ‘straight cut’ that is the
leg width had the same measurement from knee to end. Some men preferred slightly
tapered trousers leg but most of them wore the trousers cut straight and loose (Figure
125 and Figure 126). Although the western trousers had side pockets, there were Baju
Kurung trousers that did not have pockets. It was because the men’s Baju Kurung (top)
already had three pockets and the trousers were usually underneath the waistcloth
(samping). The change of silhouette for men’s Baju Kurung was minor and
almost unnoticeable.
202
FIGURE125
Western Styled Trousers (1960s To 1980s).
Front trousers Back trousers Front trousers Back trousers
Waistline
Knee line
Heel / Floor
A: Two pleats in front trousers and two back darts. B: Two pleats in front trousers and two darts at the back.
Adjustable straps with buttonholes attached on the left
and right sides of the waistband.
Trousers used western pattern that had waistband, fly and zip opening, side pockets, pleats and darts. Many Baju Kurung’s trousers do not have pockets. Unlike
the traditional trousers such as seluar Aceh, these trousers were long and reaching the heels.
203
FIGURE 126
Western Styled Trousers (1990s To Date)
Front trousers Back trousers Front trousers Back trousers
Waistline
Knee line
Heel / Floor
A: Two pleats in front and no darts at the back. B: Two pleats in front trousers and two
Front waist band was flat and elastic band used darts at the back. Elastic band attached on
at the back. the left and right sides of the waistband.
204
5.3.2 TEXTURE
The texture of Baju Kurung is created in repetition of lines such as the hand
stitching around the neckline - tulang belut, mata lalat and bentuk kerang (eel’s spine,
eye of fly and shell like). These stitches are sewn repeatedly around the neckline creating
a decorative texture that strengthens and stabilize the shape of the neckline. Figure 127
to Figure 129 illustrated the tulang belut, mata lalat and bentuk kerang stitches. Mata
lalat and bentuk kerang has the same technique of sewing except that the finished side
is reversed.
The quality of the stitches relies on the thickness of needle and type of thread
used. A very fine needle and silk thread produced a set of fine stitches, with smooth
texture. Some dressmaker use long stitches to weave the tulang belut stitches. This
makes the texture fine and long. If the weave is short, the tulang belut texture appears
short and tight. It also depended on how much fabric was pinched from the neckline.
If the needle went through 1mm away from the edge of the neckline, the texture would
appear to be on top of the edge. However, if the stitching was slightly away from the
neck line edge the stitching would appear thick. The quality of stitching also depended
on how experienced the maker was. Someone who had been consistently sewing
tulang belut for many years would produce finer handwork compared to a person who
had done less. It took a whole day to finish the stitching around the neck for an expert
and obviously, a longer time for an amateur.
205
FIGURE 127
Tulang Belut (Eel’s Spine) Stitches Around the Neckline. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (1982).
Collection of Hajah Ainan Jantan, Kajang.
Button loops. This part is also called

‘taliair’.
tulang belut stitches
A criss-cross of stitches created texture of eel’s spine on the joining of the neck line and its facing. Next to it; tali
air is similar to buttonhole technique made using 2 to 3 strands of thread to create the loops. (Hajah Saleha, 2009).
FIGURE 128
Bentuk Kerang or Karipap Stitches around the Neckline of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (1990).
206
FIGURE 129
Mata Lalat Stitches around the Neckline of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (1999).
Today, due to the lack of expertise in traditional dressmaking, Baju Kurung with a
tulang belut neckline is very expensive. Mata lalat and bentuk kerang stitches are easier
to master compared to tulang belut. Nowadays, because of the availability of factory-
made baju kurung, the stitches are replaced with decorative piping, rickrack and facings
(Figure 130). The phenomenon is also affecting men’s Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga
(Figure 131). Large facings were used to finish the neckline seam allowance. The
neckline is topstitched around it with machine stitching.
FIGURE 130
A Neckline Finish Using Piping or Bias Binding on Baju Kurung
Collection of Asliza Aris (2002).
207
FIGURE131
Men’s Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (2006).
Source: Aden Tailor, Shah Alam.
Note the neckline is machine stitched, use of large facings, button loop and clear plastic button.
The research also found two other types of hand stitching around the
women’s neckline of Baju Kurung. These were commonly used in the past but no longer
popular for today’s Baju Kurung. The stitches were called jahitan pucuk rebung
and tulang peringgi (Zaliha Ariffin, 2009). Jahitan pucuk rebung resembled the
knitting technique. The shape of the finished stitches looked like repeated triangles
arranged around the neckline (Figure 132). Usually, thick threads such as wool and
cotton were used to produce this type of handwork.
208
FIGURE 132
Jahitan Pucuk Rebung on Baju Kurung Neckline.
Source:Zaliha Ariffin, 2009.
Tulang peringgi was an old type of hand stitch technique, which was often used
on men’s Baju Kurung (Figure 133). Today, the stitching has becoming very rare and
very few dressmakers would have heard of its name or recognized its form. Zaliha
Ariffin (2010), a well known practitioner of Malay traditional dress remarked that due
to the unpopularity of the hand work, the technique and form has been forgotten by
many people. Although the technique seemed difficult to make, it was less complex
than tulang belut.
FIGURE 133
Tulang Peringgi Hand Stitching
Source:Zaliha Ariffin, 2009.
209
In the middle of the 1990s both men’s and women’s Baju Kurung Teluk
Belanga and Cekak Musang have had decorative neck lines. Extravagant use of
embroidery techniques were seen on women’s Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga while
changes on men’s garment were more obvious on Baju Kurung Cekak Musang. These
applications on Baju Kurung are considered as modern and changed the traditional
elements of the garment (Azah Aziz, 2004).
Other parts that used hand stitches were buttonholes on the men’s Baju
Kurung Cekak Musang. The stitches made around the button hole are called
buttonhole stitches (Figure 134). In 1960s onwards, many Baju Kurung Cekak
Musang had buttonholes made using machine stitching. According to Zubaidah Sual
(Cashmere Gallery, 17 June 2011) Baju Kurung Cekak Musang was strictly used by
the royal families and court women. The pesak gantung too was used especially for
court women to differentiate them from common people. Zubaidah Sual added that
because of its speciality, it was difficult to see the design at large and only worn by the
masses approximately in late 1940s to 1950s. A Selangor royal family and President
of Malaysian Craft Council, Raja Fuziah Raja Tun Uda also confirmed this view
adding that the Malaysian Handicraft Development Corporation (MHDC) was
responsible in making the Malay costumes popular in order to minimise the influences
of modern garments among the Malay society (Ulu Klang, 31 December 2009).
FIGURE 134
Hand Buttonhole Stitches.
210
The collar shape of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for women did not change
much. The width of the collar stand measured approximately half or one inch (one or
two fingers width). Today, some collar stands of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang
measured up to two inches. As for men’s Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, many opted for
a decorative finishing a glamorous look. Trimmings such as piping, rick racks and
embroidery are used to enhance the placket and collar stand. Sometimes, decorative
buttons and frog buttons are also used to replace the use of shank buttons (Figure 135
to Figure 137)
FIGURE 135
The Usual Collar of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang For Men And Women.
Note: Overlapping the placket from right to left body showed that the garment was for women.
211
FIGURE 136
Collar of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang With Piping.
FIGURE 137
Stand Collar with Slit. Frog Buttons were used as Closure. The Placket was omitted.
212
On the other hand, the fabric texture described the arrangement of motifs on
the fabric such as motif bunga bertabur on songket (scattered motifs on songket), stripes
and checks of kain tenun, floral prints, brocade, one-way fabric such as velvet, one way
prints, sarong with centre panel and batik. For traditional fabrics, sometimes satin
stitches, sequins, machine embroidery, kelingkan, ikat, telepuk and gerus enhanced the
Malay textiles making them unique and exclusive. Today, the embroidery work
is more creative, sometimes heavily and widely used on Baju Kurung for men and
women. Sequins, beads, lace appliqué and machine works are among the most popular
techniques used for Baju Kurung. The embroidery usually decorates the neck and chest
areas, sleeves end, body hem and skirt hem (Figure 138 and Figure 139). The
embroideries are fringes, flat embroidery work and mixed media techniques.
Sometimes, the decorative element was raised in three-dimensional form from the fabric
surface.
FIGURE 138
Machine Embroidery on Placket and Stand Collar.
213
FIGURE 139
Baju Kurung with Decorative Embroidery.
5.4 FABRIC
Fabric comfort is identified by the touch or direct contact to skin. Its
suitability is identified by its softness of surface to the wearer. Songket, kain tenun,
cotton, silk, satin, voile and velvet were used for many traditional Baju Kurung before
1900s. However, because the fabrics were expensive and there was lack of garment
making knowledge at that time, the women did not notice the discomfort of certain
fabrics. In the 60s, as more fabrics were available in the local market at affordable price,
silky and glistening fabrics were often used (Hajah Saleha Haji Hamzah, Hulu Langat,
5 March 2010). Today, fabric handling is one of the main factors for choosing fabric.
Many women choose cotton, rayon, silk and polyester because of their smooth feel to
the skin (Nazlina Shaari, 2003). If the Baju Kurung was made from songket or other
interwoven texture on cloth, linings will be used with the self-fabric. The same goes for
light materials like chiffon, saree or organza due to its transparency.
5.4.1 Character of Fabric
214
Fabric characteristics such as wrinkle, absorbent capabilities, breathability,
weight and drape are other factors that influence consumers for choosing fabric. For
today’s market, many women choose wrinkle-free, light to medium weight, durable to
215
machine washes and easily dried fabrics for everyday wear. The weight of the fabric
would determine its fall. As for Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh, if the fabric was light and
soft, the form of the garment would fall straight down with soft drapes. If on the other
hand, the fabric was stiff, it would still create the tubular look but without drapes. Figure
140 showed three different drapes from three different fabrics. The drapes of each fabric
are translated in Figure 141, which showed the line drawings traced from the actual
photographs. Polyester had soft drapes around the sarong that is tied in ombak mengalun.
The top fell straight down as well as the sleeves. The top had folds on both sides of the
body. The second fabric was organza. Underneath the organza was Habutae lining.
The stiffness of the organza created a slightly ‘wide’ look to the body. The skirt was
straight without any drapes and the ombak mengalun was not visible since the pleats
were pressed flat. The sleeves were also stiff. The third Baju Kurung was from cotton.
It looked softer than the second Baju Kurung. The body had some folds at the sides and
the sleeves looked stable. The skirt showed fewer drapes than the polyester but not as
stiff as the organza.
216
FIGURE 140
Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh Made From Three Different Fabrics
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga Baju Kurung Mata Lalat Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh
Fabric: Polyester (1960s). Fabric: Organza with lining (1998) Fabric: Cotton (2007)
216
FIGURE 141
Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh Made From Three Different Fabrics.
Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga Baju Kurung Mata Lalat Baju Kurung Pesak Buluh
Fabric: Polyester (1960s). Fabric: Organza with lining (1998) Fabric: Cotton (2007)
217
Nazlina Shaari (2003) had confirmed that Baju Kurung made from soft
fabrics were the most favoured by consumers. However, there had been suggestions
made to explore Baju Kurung in other materials that can be used for cooler climates
(Mohammad Najib Md.Nor, Universiti Malaysia Kelantan, 15 October 2010). For this
purpose, the researcher had attempted Baju Kurung Riau cut on three different types
of cotton namely jersey, denim and Japanese cotton (Figure 142). These were
presented at the 8th Asia Fiber Arts Conference 2011 (Appendix Q). The purpose was
to examine the different effects made on Baju Kurung Riau in regards of weight of the
cotton fabrics used for the design.
The cut of Baju Kurung Pesak Gantung or Baju Kurung Riau had made the
garment looked as if it was fitted below the empire line. In Figure 142 and illustrated
Figure 143 showed the drapes resulted from three different types of cotton fabric
tested to make this pattern (Appendix Q). The garments showed that the bottom width
of the Baju Kurung produced different effects according to the weight of the fabric. The
first fabric was Cotton Jersey. The fabric was soft and stretchable. Hence, the drape fell
soft and drooping as compared to Cotton Denim and Japanese Cotton. Cotton
Denim had fewer flares. The weight of the denim pulled the flare apart creating
stiffness to the drape. The Japanese cotton had a softer effect and flared more than the
two fabrics because of its lighter weight. The flare opened more and created a tent shape.
Heavy weight fabrics are unsuitable for Baju Kurung skirts. The skirt would
be too heavy because of the side pleats arranged at the side of the skirt. It was also
difficult to attach the waistband because of the bulkiness of the fabric when pleated.
Hence, considering the idea of creating Baju Kurung for cooler room temperatures
would require further improvisation on garment-making techniques (Appendix Q).
218
FIGURE 142
Baju Kurung Riau Made From Three Different Types of Cotton (2010).
a. Fabric: Cotton Jersey b. Fabric: Cotton Denim c. Fabric: Japanese Cotton
219
FIGURE 143
Baju Kurung Riau Made From Three Different Types Of Cotton (2010).
a. Fabric: Cotton Jersey b. Fabric: Cotton Denim c. Fabric: Japanese Cotton
220
Since the beginning, light fabric is often used for Baju Kurung. In early
1900s, cotton camisoles were worn underneath women’s garments made from thin
fabrics. Since 1994 onwards, women wore tubes and corsets underneath thin
garments. In Figure 144 we could see that all three photos portrayed women wearing
Baju Kurung made of thin fabrics. In Figure 144a, the woman wore embroidered
organza with a contrasting coloured camisole underneath. The second photo, Figure
144b, showed a long modern tunic matched with trousers. However, the caption of the
photo described the garment as ‘Unik potongan kurung…’ (Unique cut of kurung…).
Finally, in Figure 144c, showed a Baju Kurung Moden made from printed chiffon and
a tube was worn underneath the garment. Baju Kurung from light fabrics should use
lining material so that the principle of Baju Kurung as a modest garment is
maintained. If a woman wears a Baju Kurung made from thin fabric, she has indirectly
invited public stares. This could be regarded as indecency in Malay customs and against
the criteria of Malay dress principles as well as Islamic teachings (Chapter 3).
221
FIGURE 144
‘Baju Kurung’ In Light Weight Materials
a. Fabric: Embroidered Chiffon, b. Fabric: Embroidered c. Fabric: Printed Chiffon

(URTV, 2000). Organza, (Rias, 1990). (Nona, 2009)
222
5.4.2 Fabric Motifs and Layout
There is always the floral printed Baju Kurung to suit every occasion. For years
and years, the Malays are known for using bright colours in their textiles.
Traditional garments were also coordinated in bright and contrast colours. Motifs from
nature such as flowers and plants are often used in Malay textiles. Motifs on Malay
textiles such as songket and batik are arranged according to fabric warp (Figure 145).
This part of the fabric is usually used for sarong or the skirt; whereas the body of the
garment is cut according to the grain line. The sleeves, however is laid across the
grain (Figure 146). In proper garment making, to get a soft fall of the fabric, the patterns
should be cut according to the fabric grain or grain line (Figure 147). To lay out Baju
Kurung patterns according to grain line would require a few inches more of fabric than
the ones in Figure 146. Traditionally, garment makers did not lay paper patterns on the
fabric to cut. According to Zubaidah Sual (Cashmere Gallery, 17 June
2011) many Malay garment makers before 1950s were self taught. They cut fabric by
using patterns from old clothes. The clothes were disassembled and the detached parts
used as new patterns.
223
FIGURE 145
Unstitched Sarong Piece: Motifs Are Arranged Across The Grain Line.
Weft / cross grain or fabric width.

Usually measures at 36” / 45” (92 / 115 cm)
Warp / fabric grain line

Sarong, unstitched piece.
Usually measures at
approximately 90” / 230cm.
Weft / fabric grain
224
FIGURE 146
Body Parts Arranged On A Piece Of Fabric According To Grain Line Except For The Sleeves.
Weft / Fabric width (45” / 115 cm)
Sleeve
Sleeve
Warp / fabric grain line:

85” /200cm
Bodice (front to
back)
Pesak 4 pieces
Kekek
Neck facing
225
FIGURE 147
The Correct Method Of Pattern Lay Out According To Grain Line.
Weft / Fabric width 45” / 115cm
Sleeve Sleeve
Warp/ fabric grain line

90” 215cm
Pesak 4 pieces
Bodice (front to
back)
Kekek
As for batik fabric, textile makers usually draw their motifs both ways; for
the body, the motifs are arranged according to grain line while for the sarong or skirt,
the motifs are arranged cross grain (Figure 148). When garment makers received this
type of fabric, they had no choice but to lay according to the motifs. Fabric motifs
can also be arranged as ‘one-way’ motifs or prints (Figure 149). There are also
226
fabrics that have certain texture on it that capture light and give one-way shines or
effect. Due to their weights, these fabrics such as velvet, corduroy and combed
cotton were rarely used in Baju Kurung. Nevertheless, in the past, approximately
before 1940s, women from royal families and aristocrats used velvet for the blouse
of Baju Kurung. In some states such as Johor and Negeri Sembilan, velvet Baju Kurung
could be seen for special occasions. Today, Baju Kurung made of velvet is used for
wedding, dance and costume in performing arts. These types of fabric are known as
one-way fabric. However, in current market one-way printed fabric on cotton, silk,
crepe and georgette is easily purchased and favoured by many consumers. Laying
out patterns on these types of fabric would need more material than it usually does on
a plain material.
In contrast, men’s Baju Kurung seldom take on prints or textured fabric. Most
Malay men prefer plain, stripes or jacquard fabric that has minimum texture and
contrast. This was because Baju Kurung had been menswear since the start of Malay
dress. Men had been wearing the garment to mosques and at home for many hundred
years. Perhaps, for that reason men liked to keep their presentation simple and modest.
This has made it easy to produce men’s Baju Kurung for mass market. However, men
would put on decorative Baju Kurung for more glamorous look and entertainment
industries such as performing artistes.
227
FIGURE 148
Lay Out On Batik Fabric with Borders.
Weft / width of fabric
SLEEVE KEKEK
SLEEVE
NECK
FACING
FRONT BACK
BODY BODY
Body part
PESAK PESAK
Warp / Grain line / fabric length
Sarong / skirt
228
FIGURE 149
Pattern Lay Out On One Way Fabric.
Weft / width
FRONT BACK
BODY BODY
KEKEK SLEEVE & grain line

SLEEVE
KEKEK
NECK PESAK
FACING
5.5 COLOUR AND PRINTS

In Malay custom, there was a time when some colours were restricted to
royals and aristocrats only. Today, colours belong to everyone. Only a few colours
were restricted in the presence of the King and Queen during court and official
ceremonies. Many women choose flowery prints that have many colours when
choosing fabric for Baju Kurung. Today, there are a variety of colours and prints to
229
choose from; be it as readymade Baju Kurung or buying fabric off the rack. The
Malaysian trend shows that fabric made for Baju Kurung does not have specific
230
fashion direction (Salikin Sidek, Songket Salikin Sidek SACC Mall, 16 January
2011). The colours are there all year round but certain fabric will become popular
according to seasonal occasion.
Prints also played important role to attract consumers for choosing the
fabric. Before 1950s, there were many small floral prints for fabric. Many of them were
traditional textiles. The motifs were either created on plain fabrics using embroidery
techniques such as kelingkan, sulam tangan (satin stitch or hand embroidery stitches)
or woven such as kain pelangi or songket. Motif used was based on traditions inherited
from the past. They were not new inventions. The motifs were developed from what
had been used on textiles in the past. In songket weaving, traditional designs and motifs
are regarded as something highly valuable and therefore, they are preserved and
reproduced (Tengku Ismail, Pura Tg. Sabtu, 18
August 2008).
Colours were usually from natural dyes thus, creating dull shades with few
bright colours. Imported textiles were fabrics from gold threads, satin, velvet and fur.
In general, men’s Baju Kurung would use stripes, checks and plain fabrics from
songket, kain tenun and kain Bugis. Weaving activities ceased temporarily due to the
Japanese occupation during World War II. For a while there was shortage of fabric in
the country. At one time it was said people would dig out new burial grounds to steal
cotton from the dead (Rising Sun over Malaya, History Channel, 16 February 2012).
According to Azah Aziz in an interview with The New York Times (March 2,
2000), in the 1950s, Malay women preferred soft colours and subtle floral designs
(Fuller, 2000, http://www.nytimes.com/2000/03/02news/02iht-rbaju.t.html?page
wanted=1, retrieved on 5 September 2010). After late 1950s until 1970s, colourful
geometric prints beside floral prints on polyester became available. The prints were
influenced by pop art designs and art nouveau, which suited the Malays’ attraction
towards colourful fabrics. More fabrics were imported especially from India and
China. There was also the revival of cottage industries that brought back batik to the
market. Men’s Baju Kurung continued to use plain cotton, polyester, silk and minimum
prints. Stripes, checks and plain jacquard were accepted. In the 1980s, women began
to adore modern designs and as such, plain fabric was popular once more. Modern
cuts and shapes of ‘Baju Kurung’ were popular. Many trimmings
231
were used to decorate design lines. In 1990s to 2000s, there were a mixture of style,
colours and prints in the market. Trimmings and embroidery techniques were used to
enhance the fabrics. In late 2010, the ubiquitous prints in the market were stripes.
However, batik made from canting (hand-drawn) had been women’s favourite for many
years since the 1980s. Batik used in the 1980s had bright colours. Today, the colours
had changed to darker shades and pastels to suit consumers’ taste and fashion changes
(Table 13).
Kain pelangi was used for women’s sarong while kelingkan could be used
for both men’s and women’s Baju Kurung. Printed voile with flower prints were
usually for women’s garments and men’s garment used plain cotton. All plain fabrics
would be paired with batik, songket, pelekat and kain tenun. Fabrics used for Baju
Kurung in 1950s to 1970s went through a revolution of sorts. After the World War II,
there were patriotism issues. This had inspired weavers to weave motifs such as stars,
moon and crescent to portray Islamic spirits and keris motifs. Then in 1960s, small
floral prints for women’s Baju Kurung re-emerged before paisley designs and
geometric prints in 1970s. Fabrics made for Baju Kurung from 1980s to 2010 were
varied. In 1980s, printed batik style from cotton, rayon and polyester were the rage.
Jacquard silk and polyester were also popular. In the 1990s, new fabrics such as
Saree and Shantung Silk were used for Baju Kurung. In 2000 to 2010, many types of
new fabric were used to make Baju Kurung.
232
TABLE 13
Examples of Fabrics Used For Men’s Women’s Baju Kurung from 1900s to 2010.
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010

(before (early (Modern (Millennium
Fabric Samples Independence) Independence) Malaysia) Years)
Geramsut, antelas, serasah

(samples not available) Not available Not available Not available Not available
Cindai
Shawl or wraps Not available Not available Not available
Source: Muzium Islam Melaka
Limar
- Malay
traditional
textile, vibrant
and contrast Not available Not available Not available
colours from
natural dyes
with Malay
patterns.
Source: Muzium Terengganu
Beledu / Baldu (Velvet)

- Available in - Sometimes - Sometimes - Rarely used
dark colours used for used for for Baju
such as maroon, wedding Baju wedding Baju Kurung, often
black, dark Kurung and Kurung and used as
green and dark other special other special costume.
blue. functions. functions.
- Used for
women.
233
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010
Kain pelangi
- Used for Baju - Rarely found
Kurung and as Baju Kurung
sarong and sarong Not available Not available
exclusive for possibly
the Royal inherited by
women. older
generation.
Source: Mastura Haji Mohd Jarit

Batik blok
- believed was - Used widely - Sometimes - Still used to
known as to pair with used to pair pair with Baju
serasah based Baju Kurung. with Baju Kurung and
on the Malay Started to Kurung. other Malay
Annals. produce by garments.
local people. - Began to
- Used widely used silk - Batik tulis
to pair with - Used widely screen becomes
Baju Kurung. by women at technique to exclusive.
Batik tulis (tjanting technique) Many were home. produce batik
imported from style textiles. - Available in
Java. - Available at wide range of
affordable price - Batik tulis fabric choice
- Batik blok is for mass used. (tjanting such as
exclusive for technique) chiffon, silk,
rich women. -Used many began to hit cotton and
motifs from the crepe.
flora and fauna. Malaysian
industries and - Available in
market. various
pattern
-Available at designs.
affordable
price for
mass used.
-Used many
flora and
fauna motifs.
In the middle
of 90s
geometric
shapes, lines
and abstract
were
introduced.
234
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010
Kelingkan
Small and
scattered motifs Not available Not available Not available
Satin
embroidered
with kelingkan.
- Used by men
Source: Muzium Terengganu and women.
Kain benang sulam
Embroidered
fabric using
satin threads Not available Not available Not available
and hand
embroidery
stitches
Source: Muzium Kedah
Songket bunga bertabur - Scattered - Scattered

- Scattered motifs in gold motifs in - Available in
motifs in gold and silver gold and various
and silver threads as well silver threads patterns and
threads as well as bunga penuh as well as designs in
as bunga penuh. bunga penuh gold and
- traditional silver threads.
- traditional motifs were still - Available in
motifs such as used. traditional - Used by
awan larat, and modern men and
corak catur and - Used by men patterns. women for
Source: Hj. Aris Hj. Abd. Majid
bunga tanjung. and women for the court
the Royals and - Used by (palace)
Songket bunga penuh
- Used by men wedding men and formal
and women for ceremonies. women for functions,
the Royals and the court weddings and
wedding - Used as (palace) costumes.
ceremonies. sampin, sarong formal
and blouse. functions,
- Used as weddings and
sampin, costumes.
kelubung, - Used as
sarong and sampin,
blouse. sarong and
blouse.
235
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010
Cotton
- Small floral - Small floral - Batik style - Various
prints and prints and plain. prints. prints such as
plain. -Mixed floral,
cotton geometric,
- Small floral abstract, batik
prints and songket
influenced by style and
English stripes.
gardens. - Mixed
cotton.
Jacquard Silk
- Available as - Satin and - Jacquard - Various

satin and raw jacquard silk for types of silk
silk batik using - Saree available.
tjanting
technique. - Shantung
Silk
http://www.malaysia.images.search Thai silk

.yahoo.com
Printed in
Saree various types
of print.
Shantung silk
http://www.malaysia.images.search
.yahoo.com
236
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010
Kain tenun
- Stripes and - Stripes and - Stripes and - Stripes and

checks, some checks, some checks, some checks, some
with gold with gold with gold with gold
threads. threads. threads. threads.
- Use natural - Available in - Available in - Available in

dyes and soft colouirs soft colouirs pastels and
limited colours. and dark and dark other tones of
shades. shades. colours.
Source:Mastura Haji Mohd Jarit
Voile
- Plain - Small floral - Small floral - Small floral

- Embroidered prints prints prints.
voile - Embroidered influenced by
voile. English -Embroidered
- Printed cotton gardens. voile.
voile with
ethnic motifs -Embroidered - Printed
such as paisley voile. cotton voile
Source:Mastura Haji Mohd Jarit designs
(influence from - Printed
India). cotton voile
Source:Hasma Ahmad
Satin polyester
(Kain berlian).
Satin, plain and Satin, plain, Various prints

Unknown. small floral small and such as floral,
prints. large floral geometric,
prints abstract, batik
and songket
style and
stripes.
Source: Hajah Saleha Haji Hamzah
237
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010
Polyester
Plain. - Printed Various prints

polyester with such as floral,
stylized images. geometric,
abstract, batik
and songket
style and
stripes.
Source: Hajah Ainan Jantan
Georgette
Unknown. Small floral Printed Various types

patterns Georgette of prints.
with stripes,
small floral
patterns
Source: Hajah Saleha Haji Hamzah
238
Year 1900 - 1957 1958 – 1979 1980 - 1999 2000 - 2010
Lace
- Often used for - Often used for - Often used - Used widely
scarves other Malay for wedding as Baju
- Imported garments, such Baju Kurung Kurung not
fabric. as Kebaya and - Imported specifically
Saloma Style fabric. for special
blouse. . function.
- Imported - Imported
fabric. fabric.
Chiffon - Used
widely as - Used widely
Baju Kurung as Baju
Not Available Not Available not Kurung not
specifically specifically
for special for special
function. function.
- Imported - Imported
fabric fabric
- Often used Often used
beadwork beadwork
technique to technique to
embellish the embellish the
fabric. fabric.
-Batik, -Batik,
tjanting tjanting
technique. technique.
Organza
- Used - Used widely
widely as as Baju
Baju Kurung Kurung not
Not Available Not Available not specifically
specifically for special
for special function.
function. - Imported
- Imported fabric.
fabric. - Often used
- Often used beadwork and
beadwork machine
and machine embroidery
embroidery techniques to
techniques to embellish the
embellish the fabric.
fabric.
239
5.6 FORM AND SHAPE
Like many other costumes in the world, such as Kurta and Salwar Kamis
(India), Baju Bodo (Indonesia), Samfoo (China), Kimono (Japan) and Arab coats, the
Baju Kurung rely heavily on geometric shapes. Common shapes like rectangle,
square, circle and triangle are used and joined to form the garment. The similarity of
patterns amongst the costumes showed that there could be a continuity of knowledge
passed along trade stops or journeys around the world. Perhaps, exchanged culture
and sharing of knowledge existed informally through each other’s costumes via
observation and copying. Moreover, geometric shapes are the most thinkable and
logical shapes to use without much difficulty to measure on the body. The geometric
shapes also minimized wastage of the fabric used (Zubaidah Sual, Cashmere Gallery,
17 June 2011).
The simplest outfit in the Malay traditional costume is sarong, which is
made from a piece of rectangle cloth that joins at both ends (punca). The sarong, shaped
like a tube, worn by all ages is a multipurpose garment. It is simple, available at large
in many different fabrics and known to have existed in the Malay community since the
1800s until today. Wide use of western pattern in garment making in 1950s had
changed the Malay traditional dress to an hourglass form. The hourglass form was
the influence from fashion magazines that were printed and distributed in Singapore at
that time (Muda-Mudi and Fashion Weekly Magazine). There were also sewing classes
for women. Fabric pinching or darts were used to create a slight fit on the body. A
new version of Malay garments became popular amongst modern women.
Although inspired by the traditional cuts and shapes, the loose Baju Kurung was
slightly shaped at the waist and sleeves were tapered. These modifications were widely
accepted and dubbed as Baju Kurung Moden and Mini Kurung.
However, traditionalists were strongly against the modifications and
regarded them as destructions to traditional garment and its identity. Siti Zainon Ismail,
(art talk, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 18 September 2007), suggested that
fashion garments inspired by traditional garments should carry their own names from
current trend instead of exploiting the traditional names. By using the Baju Kurung
term, Siti Zainon Ismail felt that it brought further damage to the garment in the future
as well as to the culture. She added that her fear was that new generation
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would think that baju moden inspired from Baju Kurung is the identity of traditional
Baju Kurung. Siti Zainon Ismail shared her concern with other traditionalists and
academicians such as Azah Aziz, Shafie Ahmad, Kalsom Muda and Mohammad Najib
Md. Nor.
The basic shapes of Baju Kurung gave allowance for the body to move and
comfort. The shape of neckline, which was almost round, was named ‘bulan-bulan’
or moon-like. Bulan-bulan was cut out from the body fabric using a piece of shaped
paper, as mould. The bulan-bulan is placed on to the bodice, which was folded into
half. If the bulan-bulan is placed deep at the nape, it would pull the body at the back
causing the front drape to lift up (Figure 150, blue line). Conversely, if the bulan- bulan
was high at the nape, it would push the shoulder towards front body (Figure
150, red line). Both would result to an uncomfortable neckline shape to the wearer
(Hajah Ainan Jantan, Kajang, 8 July 2008).
FIGURE 150
Position of Bulan-Bulan.
Half shoulder width
Centre back Fold Centre front Fold

Shoulder line
Note: Blue line – deep, the body will pull back and slightly lifted up. Red – high, the shoulder will push forward
and create bubble at the base of neck. Green – just nice, it will give good hang for the body and no bubble at the
base of neck.
Geometric shapes used in Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (for men and women)
are similar to those applied to Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (for men and women).
Sometimes, Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and Baju Kurung Cekak Musang (for
women only) used a different shape of gusset under the arm as in Baju Kurung
Potong Riau (Pesak Gantung). Baju Kurung Potong Riau (Pesak Gantung) also has
tapered sleeves and wide panel. The piece could be in two pieces and joined at its
241
side or cut as one piece (Figure 151). When the piece opened, it looked like a cone
shape. This part would shape the side of the body. Perhaps that is why pesak gantung
is not practiced for men’s Baju Kurung. The term pesak gantung could mean that the
panel ‘hanging’ from the top piece of the fabric.
FIGURE 151
Pesak and Kekek For Baju Kurung Riau (Pesak Gantung )
C D
A B
Note: The green line (A) shows a one piece pesak while (B) in blue line shows a two-piece cut pesak. The top
shapes (C and D) are kekek. The red lines are variation lines, which could be used to adjust original shapes. The
purple curved lines at the bottom of pesak are used to adjust hang of the garment.
As for pesak buluh, the kekek was cut in square shape and folded from
corner to corner to create a triangle. This triangle is used as joining between pesak
panels and underarm sleeves. It gives allowance to the underarm and side of chest.
There is no need to cut the kekek large unless the person has fleshy arms. Large kekek
will give more fabric under the arms. This sometimes requires a four by four inches
kekek size. The average size for kekek is three by three inches for almost all sizes.
For children, the size is usually two by two inches to three by three inches. However,
Baju Kurung before the 1950s (Table 14 and Table 15) often used less than three inches
kekek for women’s Baju Kurung.
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TABLE 14
Measurement of Kekek for Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga, Baju Kurung Cekak Musang & Baju
Melayu Moden for Men from 1900- 1957 (Before Independence)
ITEM BK BK BKCM BKCM BKTB BKCM BKCM BKTB BKTB
Kekek Y Y Y 3x3 3x3 3x3 3x3 4x4 2.5x2.5
TABLE 15
Measurement of Kekek for Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga, Baju Kurung Cekak Musang & Baju
Melayu Moden for Women from 1900- 1957 (Before Independence)
ITEM BK BK BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB BKTB
Kekek Y Y 2.5x2.5 3x3 2.5x2.5 2x2 3x3 4x4 2.5x2.5
The body of Baju Kurung often used the rectangle shape. However, in some
pesak gantung, the maker would modify its shape smaller at the hem to use with
wide pesak panels. Some sleeves were tapered but most of the time sleeves were
rectangles (Figure 152). For men’s Baju Kurung the body always used rectangle
shape unless it was cut on western bodice block
243
FIGURE 152
Kekek
A: Kekek, measured at 1 ½ x 1 ½ inches, 2 x 2 inches or 3 x 3 inches. Red line is fold line.

A: kekek a square folded from corner to corner and becomes a triangle
Shoulder fold
B: Rectangle bodice.Red lines shaped in the body to use with wide pesak panels of
Baju Kurung Riau for women.
C: Rectangle sleeves. Red line used for tapered sleeves.
5.7 STYLE AND COORDINATION OF BAJU KURUNG

The traditional Baju Kurung was styled as a tunic for both men and women.
For men and women, the tunic was paired with sarongs. As for men, it was already
stated in Hikayat Malim Dewa and Sejarah Melayu that in the 15th century, men had
already wore trousers; especially men who worked in palaces and warriors (Syed
Ahmad Jamal, 2010). Men’s Baju Kurung styled with trousers was complemented
with headgears and sampin (waistcloth). Perhaps for almost 500 years or more,
244
women’s Baju Kurung had maintained its basic original style that is the baju (top)
paired with kain ombak mengalun (sarong or skirt styled with side pleats). The style
and coordination went through innovative making process and made easy to wear
(Figure 153). The innovation and development involved for the kain (skirt) had
changed from using metal belt and tying around the waist with string to readymade
skirt, which is inserted with zip and held with waistband around the waist line.
As for men’s Baju Kurung, trousers remained in style and coordination with
little changes that involved innovative making process. Sarong is often used at home
and when going to the mosque. As had been mentioned, men felt comfortable in
loose bottom while performing prayers because it allows movement and facilitates
bending. Modern inventions such as zips helped men to secure trousers on their
waistline without the necessity of wearing belts or chord around their waists (Figure
154).
245
FIGURE 153
Kain or sarong and long skirt for Baju Kurung
Note: Innovative development involved for making the kain (skirt) for Baju Kurung. From using metal belt and tying, the skirt today is inserted with zip
and held with waistband around the waist line.
245
FIGURE 154
Development of Men Styling, From Sarong to Trousers.
Note: Innovative development to men’s styling. Kain bergombang was used as early technique of tying sarong, then sarong was secured with canvas belt
with metal buckle. Traditional trousers were also used, probably from 15 th century to early 20th century. Trousers with zip fly, zip and waistband were
used in the 20th century until today
246
5.8 SIZING
In the past, even until recently, Baju Kurung is made for individual
measurement. However, from the study, it is believed that in the late 1980s Baju
Kurung began to hit the local market as mass produced garments. The production
started for school uniforms and later developed to women apparels in exclusive
boutiques. In the early 1990s, many boutiques at the centre of Kuala Lumpur began
to produce mass Baju Kurung aggressively in various fabric designs.
Sizing for women’s Baju Kurung was usually made based on the shoulder
measurement, chest, waist, hip size and blouse length (Table 16, Table 17 and Table
18). These tables also show the similarity and difference of measurement used to
make mass produce Baju Kurung. The measurements showed are in inches.
TABLE 16
Measurement of Baju Kurung and Baju Kurung Moden for Women
(Asylla Collections & Design)
Size XS S M L XL XXL
Shoulder 14 15 16 17 17.5 18
Chest 34 36 38 40 44 46
Waist 28-30 30-32 32-34 34-36 38-40 40-42
Hip 36 38 40 42 45 48
Blouse length 38 38 39 39 39 40
Skirt length 38 39 39 39 39 40
TABLE 17
Measurement of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Women (Salikin Sidek)
Size S M L XL (not available)
Shoulder 14 15 16
Sleeves 21 22 23
Blouse length 39 40 41
Waist 25 26 27
Skirt length 39 40 41
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TABLE 18
Measurement of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga for Women (Four H Design)
Size S M L XL
Shoulder 14 15 16 17
Sleeves 21 22 23 24
Blouse length 38 39 42 42
Waist 25 26 27 28
Skirt length 39 40 41 41
In Table 16 to Table 18 of women’s Baju Kurung, the measurements

showed difference of half to one inch for mass produce Baju Kurung. The sizes given
by each maker were according to their own charts, which are unlike the Standard Body
Index practiced by international garment producers for modern apparels (Joseph-
Armstrong, 2000). To obtain Standard Body Index, thousands of body measurements
were taken from respondents before they were averaged and grouped into categories.
The categories were identified as Extra Small (XS), Small (S), Medium (M), Large
(L) and Extra Large (XL) or sometimes numbered as size 6 and
8 (Petite or Extra Small), 10 (Small), 12 (Medium), 14 (Large) and 16 (Extra Large).
The size given to S in Table 16 (Asylla Collections & Design) is different from Table
17 (Salikin Sidek) and Table 18 (Four H Design).
The same can be said to men’s measurements as seen in Table 19, Table 20
and Table 21. The measurements differences also varied from half to one inch for
average man. Aden Tailor and Maroz Tailoring started their businesses as made-to-
measure tailors. Thus, their sizings are limited to few scales as compared to
kedaikainonline.com (Table 21). Kedaikainonline.com (www.kedaikainonline.com)
offers a wide range of sizes from XS to XXXL. This is because the producer encourages
buying in bulk. Kedaikainonline.com also details its size by including neck size (collar)
and hip measurement for the trousers.
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TABLE 19
Measurement of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (Aden Tailor)
Size S M L XL
Sleeves 21 21.5 22 23
Blouse length 29.5 30.5 31 32
Waist 25 26 27 28
Trousers length 38 38 39 40.5
TABLE 20
Measurement of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (Maroz Tailoring)
Size S M L XL
Sleeves 22 22.5 23 23.5
Blouse length 30 31 32 32
Waist 25 26 27 28
Trousers length 38 38 39 40.5
TABLE 21
Measurement of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (kedaikainonline.com)
Size XS S M L XL XXL XXXL
Collar 17.5 18 18.5 19 19.5 20 20
Shoulder 17 17.5 18.5 19 20 21 22
Sleeves 22.5 23 23.5 24 24.5 25 25
Blouse 30 31 32 33 33 34 34
length
Waist 28 29 30 32 34 36 38
Hip 41.5 43.5 45.5 47.5 49.5 52 54
Trousers 39 40 41 42 42 43 43
length
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5.9 SUMMARY
This chapter concludes that the development of Baju Kurung did not only
involve changes in form and shape of the Baju Kurung. Design elements in regards
of line, texture and colour also developed. The changes in making process also affected
the quality and aesthetics of the Baju Kurung. Modern innovations had helped making
process easier to handle and cut short the time taken to finish a Baju Kurung. However,
machine stitches were unable to replace certain areas of specialty such as hand stitches
(tulang belut or tulang peranggi, mata lalat and jahitan kerang). The hand stitching
techniques have made the traditional Baju Kurung very special. The sarong tie of Baju
Kurung too, was irreplaceable with modern skirt. The machined and pressed pleated
skirt was unable to create ‘body’ to the garment.
Although men’s Baju Kurung had little changes, it had given other alternatives
to the Malay men to try out fashionable styles. Nevertheless, even though many
changes made to the design, the style and coordination are still very similar. For
women, Baju Kurung has remained as long tunic or blouse worn with long skirt.
Modernization has not altered peoples’ sensitivities towards the garment’s
coordination for example, changing its look by pairing the Baju Kurung (top) with
trousers or short skirt or even wearing it without a bottom piece. Although there was
style made by certain individuals to create a new look by combining it with trousers
but it had not stayed in fashion for more than a year.
Similarly, the men’s Baju Kurung coordination had remained as Baju
Kurung (top), trousers and samping (waistcloth) only that the samping was styled
according to function and creativity of the wearer. The changes made from
traditional trousers to modern trousers has also made easy for men to wear the garment.
Although a few men may complain of its uncomfortable fit around the crotch and
hip areas due to the minimum ease given to the body; this was only a minor
disadvantage to modern trousers. The fit is solved by adding more allowance to hip
area.
This chapter finds that throughout the design development of Baju Kurung
and in the process of making the garment, the Malay dress principles of Baju Kurung
were not referred to. This research strongly feels that by implementing the Malay
250
aesthetic principles to Baju Kurung many will see the importance of producing the
garment according to Malay dress ethics and Islamic dress criteria.
Fabric wise, according to Raja Fuziah Raja Tun Uda (Ulu Klang, 31
December 2009), in the early 1900s, Malay costumes and textiles were very
exclusive for the royals and aristocrats. Later, in 1940s, traditional textiles such as
songket were introduced to the public to popularize its use amongst local society and
to help traditional textiles survived in modern fashion. The motifs used were based
on traditions inherited from the past. Rarely, if any, new motifs were created. The
motifs were developed from what had been used on traditional textiles for
generations to keep the tradition alive. In songket weaving, the traditional designs
and motifs are regarded as something highly valuable and therefore preserved and
reproduced (Tengku Ismail, Pura Tg. Sabtu, 17 August 2008). Imported textiles in
today local market are one of the most influencing factors that create Baju Kurung
fashion.
On the other hand, mass produce Baju Kurung makes Baju Kurung fast and
easy to purchase at affordable price. Although the sizes are given accordingly, they
are often different from one maker to another. One often has to make slight adjustment
to the garment, especially to the blouse length and trousers length to wear the Baju
Kurung nicely. For special occasions, made to measure Baju Kurung are still
preferred for best drape on the body.
251
CHAPTER SIX
MALAY AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES IN BAJU KURUNG
6.1 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, the researcher discusses results found in Chapter 5 and the
effects of the development of Baju Kurung in Chapter 4. Chapter 6 begins by
considering the foreign influences affecting the development of the Baju Kurung, the
development and changes of measurement and proportion made to Baju Kurung and the
effects of these changes. The researcher recollects the use of Malay aesthetic principles
laid out in Chapter 3 and implemented the principle in Baju Kurung. The aesthetic
factors were considered from design elements and making process of the Baju
Kurung from 1900 to 2010. By applying the Malay aesthetic principles to Baju Kurung
it states and strengthens the definition of traditional Baju Kurung and establishes its
traditional aesthetics. A discussion over the development of Baju Kurung in the
market today in respect of the traditional Baju Kurung will finally categorize the Baju
Kurung into suggested groups that separate Baju Kurung from Baju Melayu Moden
according to design, character and principles.
6.2 FOREIGN INFLUENCES OF BAJU KURUNG

It is obvious that the Malay traditional dress, specifically Baju Kurung started
with the influence of Islam. The process of Islamization of the Malay people had spurred
the culture of Malay people towards civilization and a better quality of life style. Malay
language was used for teaching Islam and as a language of communication
amongst traders in the Malay Archipelago. This had made Malay language became
lingua franca (Asmah Haji Omar, 2005). Through the process, the Malay people found
a way of modest dressing to fulfill Islamic tenets. The Baju Kurung, which was formed
loose, covered the shape of the body or aurat. Baju Kurung for both man and
woman were made to make it easy for the wearer to perform their prayers.
Based on Islamic principles, the Baju Kurung also adapted fundamental
principles of garment making from the Arabic and Indian costumes such as the jubah
and kurta. Apparently, the geometric shapes were similarly used in all three costumes
where a large rectangle was used for the body. Two smaller rectangles were used for
sleeves, a round shape for neck line, square gussets and gore panels (Chapter 5, 5.5).
252
The collar of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang or leher bernia resembled the collar of the
Chinese samfoo and cheongsam. Although Baju Kurung Cekak Musang was said a
simplification of the Arabian coat (Chapter 2) it was also possible that it was inspired
by the Chinese ‘Mandarin collar’.
Restrictions made by traditionalists to preserve the Baju Kurung had made
the development of Baju Kurung progressing quite slowly before 1980s. Perhaps the
clash of ideologies between conventional and modern community had caused abrupt
changes to the Malay lifestyle. This was seen as a transgression that could harm
Malay culture and its people. When the Malays decided they wanted a change in dress
style they had willingly accepted the western style as part of their wardrobe. This
could be seen through the mixed of style, especially in menswear such as wearing kain
sarong pelikat with shirt and jacket or baju kurung top with western style trousers.
As for women’s Baju Kurung, the changes were more apparent in the use of
modern fashion textiles rather than the Malay traditional textiles. This is due to
popular demand and trend of fashion textiles such as chiffon, silk, velour, cotton and
stretched fabrics such as Jersey and Lycra. These fabrics also offer great comfort in
respect of the Malaysian climate. However, many women seemed unaware that thin
fabrics used for Baju Kurung and by shaping the garment tight to the body may
tarnish the image of Baju Kurung as a modest garment that reflects Islamic teachings
in Malay culture.
6.3 MEASUREMENT AND PROPORTION

The measurement and proportion of Baju Kurung had always been made for
each individual body. Although Baju Kurung was made as school uniform for Malay
girls, first in Malay schools then in English schools in the 1980s, Baju Kurung was not
produced in bulk until in the 1990s. Students were given guideline for the length of
the sleeves and body, which should not measure longer than the wrist and should not
measure more than two inches above kneecap respectively. Students who wore Baju
Kurung were not allowed to fold up their sleeves more than two folds measuring at
two inches each fold (Convent Secondary School Uniform Regulations, 1983). If the
cut of Baju Kurung was without pesak and kekek, the blouse length should measure
midway from hip line to the knee cap. If it was the traditional cut Baju Kurung, the
253
blouse length should measure one inch above ground while kneeling (Figure 155). It
was difficult to state the perfect length of Baju Kurung in numbers without knowing
254
the height of the person wearing it. Numbers could not determine the proportion since
Baju Kurung was made for individuals. From the women’s samples collected in
1990s, the researcher could only guess that for shoulders measuring between 15 to 16
inches might have the height between five to five feet and three inches considering the
length of the Baju Kurung was between 36 to 38 inches. This is if the top of Baju Kurung
was worn at knee level.
FIGURE 155
A Girl Wearing Mini Kurung As School Uniform, Sekolah Tun Fatimah Johor, 1983.
Source: Azlina Aris (1983).
For mass production, the body measurement was averaged and identified as
Standard Body Measurement (SBM). Body measurement was measured from thousands
of respondents before they were averaged and grouped into categories. The categories
were identified as Extra Small (XS), Small (S), Medium (M), Large (L) and Extra Large
(XL) or sometimes numbered as size 6 and 8 (Petite or Extra Small), 10 (Small), 12
(Medium), 14 (Large) and 16 (Extra Large). In previous chapter, Table 16 to Table 21
shows that shoulder-to-shoulder measurement and blouse length according to
recognized SBM in mass production industries in six different companies. These
companies are Malaysian boutiques that are actively producing Baju Kurung in bulk.
Shoulder to shoulder measurement was taken as comparison because in Baju Kurung
making shoulder-to-shoulder measurement was the key to other measurements and
fitting measurement. The personalized measurement was extracted from the samples
of Baju Kurung taken in 1920s to 2010 (Appendix G to Appendix N). For European,
255
American and Asian sizing, the method of taking body measurement was different from
what is practiced to make Baju Kurung. Figure 156 explained the differences.
For personalized measurement taken, with shoulder measurement at 14
inches, the length of the blouse was 37 inches (Appendix K). If this were compared to
mass-produce Baju Kurung it would be marked as size S or XS according to shoulder
measurement (Chapter 5, Table 16 to Table 18). However, the blouse length is one to
two inches shorter than those for mass-produce Baju Kurung. Another sample from
the 1950s with shoulder measurement 17.5 inches and blouse length was 36 inches. In
mass-produce Baju Kurung chart, this would be marked as XL (Chapter 5, Table 16).
The blouse length for mass-produce Baju Kurung is between 39 to 42 inches (Chapter
5, Table 16 and Table 18). Thus, it was possible that the person who wore the
particular made to measure Baju Kurung wore the garment with dropped shoulder. It
is due to the wide shoulder measurement and sleeve length, which was also
17.5inches. Considering that the length of the garment would fall at knee level, at 36
inches length, the height of the person wearing this Baju Kurung was probably 5’ tall.
Marked as M in Appendix M, were three samples from 1990s with the same shoulder
measurement (15 inches) but three different lengths varying from 36 to 39 inches.
From these samples, it was obvious that the measurement and proportion of Baju
Kurung was determined by the height and comfort of the wearer.
Relatively, the same is concluded for men’s body measurement. The
confusion could also happen for men’s Baju Kurung, which when made as mass product
the wearer often finds that the garment need to be altered for the desired body and sleeve
lengths. To obtain the personalized measurement for traditional Baju Kurung, one would
need the back shoulder-to-shoulder measurement, neck circumference, hip
measurement, sleeve length and shirt length. As for the trousers, a tailor may need waist
circumference, hip measurement and trousers length. Using few measurements a
traditional Baju Kurung pattern is ready to be constructed. However, to construct a
modern Baju Kurung, western pattern construction is suggested. Western pattern
construction will give good fit to the individual. Just like women’s body measurement,
the body measurement for mass-produce men’s Baju Kurung is also different from one
company to another (Chapter 5, Table 19 to Table 21). The size differs from one to
half-inch measurement for each size and determined by the pattern maker.
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FIGURE 156
Red Lines: Method of Taking Body Measurement.
CF CB
CF
C
A –body measurement taken to construct bodice block.

B- body measurement taken to construct Baju Kurung.
In Figure 156-A, the measurement was taken close to the body without ease
or allowance. Shoulder measurement was taken from the base neck to shoulder point
(red line). The blouse length was calculated from waist to shoulder and waist to knee
measurements. Whereas in B, to construct Baju Kurung pattern, the width of shoulder
was taken from shoulder to shoulder points and another inch was added to the
measurement. However, many people today choose to wear the garment at shoulder
point. Today Baju Kurung, the length of the body (at the most) was taken
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approximately the same length as waist to knee (skirt length). Otherwise, the body
length was estimated as two third of the average height of a man or woman.
This research believes unrestrained changes that involved fashion and
individual touch, can be controlled by educating young fashion designers, garment
makers and consumers on the value of Malay aesthetics in Baju Kurung, it would be
able to guide today Baju Kurung in making process, its style and coordination. This
would simultaneously protect the Malay dress principles as modest attire.
6.3.1 Drafting Baju Kurung from the Bodice Block.

To some amateurs who were used to using standard sized bodice block they
might not know how to construct the Baju Kurung. Figure 157 shows how the
construction could be made using bodice block making sure that the shoulder dart is
transferred to the armhole. A line is constructed on the centre front line and measured
across the waist line. Perpendicular to the waist line, construct a vertical line going up
passing the shoulder line and down to blouse length. A horizontal line is drawn from
centre front line across to get shoulder length and half blouse width. This will form a
rectangle shape for the body. If necessary, the shoulder line could be altered slightly
by drawing it downward approximately 1 inch at the shoulder point from the base of
neck (blue line). If this is done, the shoulders should have joining lines to join the
front and back bodices. Pesak is calculated by adding the difference between hip
measurement and shoulder width divided by four sections. This measurement is on the
red line A at Figure 157. The answer to this equation can be added with another inch
for body ease. The top part of pesak is obtained from adding the difference between bust
measurement and shoulder width divided by four sections (red line B, Figure
157). From here it is easy to locate other parts of Baju Kurung according to body
proportion. The whole pattern could be traced out and made into pattern pieces, which
could be used to cut the fabric.
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FIGURE 157
Drafting the Baju Kurung from Bodice Block.
Bodice, cut on shoulder fold and centre

front fold.
Red mark: actual shoulder length. Back neck line
Sleeve, cut on fold
Bulan-bulan shape, obtained
from front and back neckline.
CF
Kekek, cut 2 pieces
Pesak, cut 4 pieces A H
Length of blouse
Rise 1” from horizontal line to level hem line.
Note: Blue lines are modification lines. Green line is the minimum size of pesak width.
Zaliha Ariffin (2009), while demonstrating the women’s Baju Kurung,

calculated the top pesak width using chest (bust) measurement divided by eight and
the bottom width of pesak was calculated as hip measurement divided by six. She also
noted that the wearer could subtract 2cm from the bottom width if preferred.
The research found that the bulan-bulan can be traced out using the bodice
block. This will save time in making the construction. The front bodice and back
bodice of the same side of the body is put together at the base of neck point A
(Figure158). Then the necklines of front and back bodice are traced out (red line). The
straight line will become parallel to the centre of the bodice. Notch A will become the
shoulder notch.
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FIGURE 158
Tracing the Bulan-Bulan Shape Using The Bodice Block Neckline.
Note: the red line is the shape of bulan-bulan.
The bulan-bulan shape was obtained from shaping a piece of square paper
folded into triangle (Figure 159). On the other hand, the traditional method used the
measurement of three or four fingers width to measure the radius of the circle (D, red
line, Figure 159). A square piece of paper is folded diagonally two or three times
before the radius of the circle is measured. Then a curve line is constructed based on the
radius and cut along the curve line. When the paper is open up, the traces of folded lines
are used to mark shoulder line (E, red line, Figure 159). Then, at the back of the red line
the curve is trimmed to shape the back neck line (E, yellow line, Figure 159).
FIGURE 159
Making The Bulan-Bulan Using The Traditional Method.
A B C
E D
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The bulan-bulan also can be obtained from measuring the neckline of the individual
or using shoulder measurement (Zaliha Ariffin, 2009). The measurement of the shoulder
is divided with six to get line A-B (Figure 160). Line A-C is the measurement
of shoulder divided with six and added with 2.5 cm. From line A-B, measure down
2.5cm to mark the shoulder notch. A curve line is created within the rectangle, shaped
almost like a semi circle (red line). This will be the mould of the bulan-bulan.
FIGURE 160
Bulan-Bulan Construction Using Shoulder Measurement.
A B
2cm
As for men’s Baju Kurung the same pattern technique could be used to obtain
Baju Kurung proportion. This method is applicable when mass producing Baju
Kurung to control consistent measurement as used in existing Standard Body
Measurement in global industries and avoids irregularities of sizing measurements as
existed in the local market today. Such drafting technique could also be taught in sewing
schools as an alternative to traditional pattern drafting. The proportion of pesak
could be better and gave more allowance compared to hip measurement when seen on
the bodice block. Women’s Baju Kurung today, often used small pesak (refer to green
line, Figure 157) to lessen the use of fabric and make the baju (top) looked slim (see in
Development of Baju Kurung). Some modifications such as narrowing the pesak and
making the neckline wide could give bad effect to the presentation of the garment when
worn on body. The effects of these modifications are parts of the problem that needed
attention so that the quality of Baju Kurung is preserved.
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6.3.2 Interpretation of Form and Shape of Baju Kurung
The form and shape of traditional Baju Kurung has remained intact despite
the development and transition of the modern Baju Kurung and other new garments
worn by Malay people. The Malay people are so used to see lengthy blouses on both
men and women that they often categorised long blouses as ‘Baju Kurung’ or ‘Baju
Melayu’ (Mohammad Najib Md.Nor, Universiti Malaysia Kelantan, 15 October
2010). Instead, those long blouses that are often named ‘Baju Kurung’ are actually
different garments that were developed and inspired from the traditional Baju Kurung.
These garments should be given new names; such as kesuar, which was a combination
of kebaya and seluar (Siti Zainon Ismail, art talk, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 18
September 2007). The changes in form and shape of the traditional Baju Kurung
developed drastically in the 90s. Before the 1950s, few changes were found on Baju
Kurung such as lengths of blouse and sleeves. As soon as we entered the modern era
and after World War II, the form and shape of Baju Kurung took on western
influences (Appendix A).
First, the woman’s bodice took on darted body form from the normal
rectangle shape. With darted bodice, the blouse needed another opening to wear it. A
zip is inserted at the back bodice in the centre back. However, the round neckline and
slit remained the same (Figure161). Variations of this form were developed and
birthed new forms in Malay garments influenced by western elements such as Baju
Saloma, Fesyen 50an and Fesyen 60an (Chapter 4). The Baju Kurung cut changed and
is curved using western patterns. More modern blouses continued to develop in the
1970s and 1980s. The traditional Baju Kurung became less favourable by the Malay
women. As for men’s Baju Kurung or Baju Melayu, it was reserved for functions within
Malay society, weddings and religious activities as well as home attire. Men preferred
to wear trousers and shirt for outdoor activities.
In the 1980s onwards, Baju Kurung came back with shorter lengths; a few
inches above the knees. Although Baju Kurung Kecil (before 1900s) was worn short
(near hip line), it was normally used for men’s garment. Women would only wear
Baju Kurung Kecil as home attire. Even so, it was only in certain states such as
Kedah, Perlis and Kelantan (Muzium Kedah, 2008). In the 1980s, women wore both
types of Baju Kurung, traditional and modern patterns but shorter blouse length. In
1990s to 2010 the length of the blouse was worn according to the wearer’s choice and
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comfort. The focus was more towards decorative elements such as scallop and zig-zag
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hems, embroidered surface and layering fabrics. Normally, for Baju Kurung Moden,
bust darts were replaced with princess lines (Figure 161, 1950s-2010). Some garments
had very long neckline slits; down to the navel and decorated with beads and sequins.
Some blouses had neckline slits cut up to the bust line but the embroidery ran down to
the waistline. These changes included variations of sleeves used such as puffed
sleeves, gathered sleeves and layered sleeves (Figure 162 and Chapter 4).
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FIGURE 161
Development of Women’s Baju Kurung From Traditional To Modern (1950s To 2010).
Shoulder line
Waist line
Hip line
Knee line
1960s – 1970s 1980s
Traditional: Before 1950s – 1960s
Shoulder line
Waist line
Hip line
Knee line
1980s
1990s – 2010 (classic, modern and decorative)
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FIGURE 162
Development Of Women’s Baju Kurung Sleeves From Traditional To Modern (1950s to 2010).
1980s onwards , the trend repeats according to consumer needs until 2010
Shoulder line
Waist line
Hip line
Knee line
1950s – 1970s End of sleeves with End of sleeves End of sleeves Layered sleeves
facing and piping. with zig-zag hem with scallop hem with scallop hem
Shoulder line
Waist line
Hip line
Godet was added to flare
the width of end sleeves.
Knee line
Layer and flared

sleeves Flared sleeves with godet. Gathered sleeves
Puffed sleeves .
264
While women’s Baju Kurung changed its form and shape, men’s Baju
Kurung is still experimenting with fabrics. The men’s Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga
undergoes minor changes through the development of the garment. The changes often
involved decorative elements such as replacing the use of shank button to close the
neckline with large crafted metal brooches and frog buttons. In the year 2000
onwards, there had been many designs that marry the Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga and
Mandarin collar. It is not known who had started the style. However, tailor shops that
catered for artistes has had the garment worn and styled for magazine photo shoots in
2007 for Hari Raya campaign (URTV, 1-31 October 2007). The use of Mandarin collar
was normally practiced on Baju Kurung Cekak Musang. It was the wearer’s choice
whether to maintain Cekang Musang style or change it to Mandarin collar According to
Shah (Aden Tailor, 10 April 2012) many men preferred the Mandarin collar because it
did not fully wrap the base of the neck like Cekak Musang.
The cut on men’s bodice changed slightly according to men’s shirt and jacket
of western’s bodice block and style. The shoulder line is cut with shoulder slope and
sometimes joined as yoke shoulder. In 1990s onwards (Figure 163) the jacket style Baju
Melayu is popular as formal wear and wedding garment. Many men choose the style
due to its ‘jacket look’ and smart fitting (Salikin Sidek, SACC Mall, 16 January
2011). In the centre front of the body where the placket is normally placed, the body is
cut and uses a centre front opening with buttons. Quite often concealed button is used
in the opening. Also, when using jacket style cutting, often the garment is lined with
lining material and jetted pockets are used to replace the patch pockets.
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FIGURE 163
Development Of Men’s Baju Kurung From Traditional To Modern (1950s to 2010).
Shoulder line
Waist line
Hip line
Knee line 1960s – 2010 Men’s Baju Kurung Teluk

Traditional: Before Belanga has very few changes. The 2010 onwards – Mandarin collar
1950s – 1960s changes focus on use of textiles and used for ‘Baju Kurung Teluk
decorative button or brooch which was not Belanga’.
used in traditional style.
Shoulder line
Waist line
Hip line
Knee line
1980s 1990s – 2010 (classic, modern and decorative)
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6.4 MALAY AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES APPLIED IN BAJU KURUNG
The discussion on the aesthetics of Baju Kurung could be made from the
view of art, which involves form and function. The design of a Baju Kurung is not
only the design lines on the garment but is also the arrangement (coordination) of the
attire. According to Siti Zainon Ismail (1997), “design is the arrangement of elements
that make up a work of art, a machine or other man-made objects”. The development
of Baju Kurung today showed that changes of form, shapes and process made to the
garment was the effect of technology and fashion influences. The changes of Baju
Kurung had resulted in new interest among many young consumers and non-Malays
to wear Malay garments (Salikin Sidek, SACC Mall, 16 January 2011). However, the
need to retain the traditional form of Baju Kurung is equally important so that it is
preserved and continued for future generations. With that, the aesthetics of Baju
Kurung is evaluated using the Malay aesthetic principles, which subsequently
becomes the constructed guideline for Baju Kurung. This evaluation will preserve its
quality, originality and identity. With proper guideline, the segregation between
traditional, modern and non Baju Kurung is identified to avoid confusion of Malay
identity in the future.
6.4.1 Prinsip Berhalus (Finesse)

In Malay Arts And Crafts, finesse is very important. It is something that
everyone looked for in art and craft products (Zakaria Ali, 1989). In producing Baju
Kurung there are two things that needed attention of finesse. One, is the perfection of
making the garment and secondly the perfection of wearing the garment. It means the
making of Baju Kurung needed high discipline of work and great attention to the cutting
and hand stitches used. Whereby, when wearing the garment, one must wear it with
proper coordination, grace and respect of the Malay custom (Tenas Effendy,
1989). For instance, fine handwork of tulang belut will indicate the maker’s discipline
and patience. The stitches made must conceal the fabric beneath and at the ‘V’ turning
the stitches should keep the ‘V’ shape nicely in place (Figure 164). If this is not done
correctly, the workmanship is considered imperfect. Hemming technique in traditional
Baju Kurung also showed fine handwork. The stitches were close to each other. The
thread used was of the same color and taken from the weft thread of the fabric made
for the Baju Kurung.
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FIGURE 164
‘V’stitching Turn.
a) Process and Making Baju Kurung

The making of Baju Kurung today is simplified to save time. Topstitching,
piping and decorative trimmings replace the neckline finishing. Sewing machines are
used to sew most seam lines on the garment. Over-locked seams (Figure 165) replace
enclosed seam allowance. Although good workmanship requires the seam allowance
over-locked with the same colour thread, many tailors would solve this with white
colour thread for all colour fabrics and sometimes black thread for dark colour fabrics.
Sometimes, by doing so on thin fabric the white line can be seen from the outside. Other
types of hand stitches were also made easy. Instead of finishing the hem and end of
sleeves with slipstitch, many tailors and makers used cross-stitch, also known as
herringbone stitch. For mass produced Baju Kurung, the hem and sleeves end are
topstitched by machine. Sometimes, the edges of hem and sleeves end are turned in
before topstitching but sometimes, they are finished with over-locked machine. There
are also some manufacturers who used nylon thread and hem machine to stitch the
hem and sleeves end. This creates bad effect to the workmanship if the fabric is slippery,
thin and tight weave. It is because the hem machine is often used to hem trousers, which
is from medium weight fabrics. It is unsuitable to use hem machine for light satin,
polyester, chiffon and georgette.
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There are new Baju Kurungs that have fine workmanship. These are very
expensive and could only be afforded by high end users. That is one of the factors that
vary the prices between mass produced Baju Kurung, Baju Kurung produced by
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designer boutiques and tailored Baju Kurung (Salikin Sidek, SACC Mall, 16 January
2011). Thus, because of the demand from working class and middle class users, we
could see that many modern Baju Kurung neglect fine workmanship in order to
produce fast and sell at cheaper prices. Discipline and patience are also lacking.
FIGURE 165
Over locked Seam Allowance.
Note: White over locking thread was used on maroon fabric.
b) Finesse in Behaviour
When wearing the Baju Kurung, the wearer is expected to reflect good
morals and obedience to Malay customary behaviour. Tengku Ismail Tengku Su (Pura
Tg. Sabtu, 17 August 2008) explained that the arrangement made on sarong was not
particularly for aesthetic purpose but it held discipline of behaviour of the wearer. The
wearer of the sarong would have to walk in arranged steps and slowly so that the
pleats did not sway open. If the pleats opened up and the sarong swayed too much, it
would reflect negative manners of the wearer such as harsh, rough and careless.
Tengku Ismail Tengku Su added if a woman sits or stands with bare legs or the pleats
arrangement is out of place, it is considered rude and disrespectful of her company. This
also refers to the way a woman puts on her sarong. She must know where to position
the head and tie the sarong. If arranged as ombak mengalun, the pleats must level nicely
and firm around the waist with a long piece of cloth. Otherwise, the sarong may
drop unexpectedly. When tying the sarong in front fold, the inner fold
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known as anak should not show from the bottom of the top fold. If this happened, it is
said kain berlidah. A woman who wears the sarong as described was considered
sloppy (Ramlah Latif, Muzium Terengganu, 18 August 2008). Ramlah Latif also
noted that a maiden who does not wear proper sarong was not fit to marry. While
Swettenham (1984) commented in his journal that the Sultan and most Malay people
walked so slow that it irritated him so much, Tengku Ismail Tengku Su (Pura Tg. Sabtu,
17 August 2008) remarked that this was the expected behaviour for Malay royals. It
displayed grace, soft, elegance and firmness of his steps.
In today society, wearing Baju Kurung does not hold back the wearer from
walking fast, running or indecent acts. The garment could no longer be used as a
measurement to assess good behaviour. A person may look decent in Baju Kurung but
act inappropriately at the same time. Many women in Peninsular of Malaysia today
placed the kepala kain (centre panel) at the back, disregard of the traditional Malay
custom (Ramlah Latif, Muzium Terengganu, 19 August 2008). Men too, wear their
sampin (waistcloth) lengths according to their comfort and likes. Many men also do
not wear it on top of their Baju Melayu. Sampin, especially one made from songket
and kain tenun is reserved for special occasions such as wedding ceremonies, formal
functions and religious festivals. This has subsequently diminished ‘status
information’ of the wearer that in the past could have told the public of his marital
position.
In Malay arts, what is known as sifat berhalus (fine behaviour) is regarded
highly as the aesthetics of behaviour. Sifat berhalus displays the behaviour of a
respected person, humble and abstemious. In performing the making of an art object
sifat berhalus controls the maker or craftsman from overdoing the design work (Syed
Ahmad Jamal, 2010, p.3). Thus, apart from making the object with careful handling and
skill, the maker should also limit himself from using too many elements in the art
product. In relation to Baju Kurung, sifat berhalus such as patience and abstemious
affected the making of the garment and reflected on its total look.
c) Finesse in Style and Coordination

Coordination and style of the Malay costumes show appropriateness (to
function) and discipline. The style of Baju Kurung is considered tertib (in sequence).
270
Tertib is part of discipline and considered as finesse. Tertib creates symbolic
differentiation to Malay custom according to the wearer’s rank. Tertib memakai or to
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wear according to the right coordination and style define the arrangement for specific
person such as Sultan, prince, ministers or admiral (Figure 166). It also referred to
how to wear the garment as mentioned earlier in Chapter 3, 3.5 Malay Dress Principles.
In Islam, tertib is practiced in prayers, what first is first, which means a physical act
done accordingly. Finesse in Malay behaviour includes characteristics such as
courteousness, poise, politeness, grace and elegance. It often relates to physical
appearance (especially of women) that includes clothing, speech and behaviour. The
figure in Figure 167 and Figure 168 shows how Baju Kurung is not tertib in its style and
coordination in today situation.
After 1950s onwards, Baju Kurung experienced new cuts that involved
technology and innovation such as the use of sewing machines in many homes, use of
zips, buttons, metal hooks and bars as well as development of pattern techniques.
These factors had slightly changed the cut of Baju Kurung. It became slightly shaped
and the sarong became a skirt. Since the skirt was long and had similar character to
the sarong, it was accepted by Malay women. Zips and buttons also encouraged
women to slightly shape the silhouette of their Baju Kurung. Its looseness allows the
wearer to slip the Baju Kurung over her head. On the other hand, using zips allow the
garment to have an opening at the centre back of the body. It also allows shaping the
garment to become slightly fitting.
In the 1990s, fashion designers such as Rizalman Ibrahim and Michael Ong
(Chapter 4), attempted to glamorize the Baju Kurung by mixing western elements to
its style. The tunics were embellished and made from fashionable fabrics. The top of the
Baju Kurung was styled with trousers, A-line skirts and tight skirts. Perhaps the style
only suits fashion promotion purposes and did not sell well in the local market. Thus it
is important to use appropriate style and coordination when using the term
‘Baju Kurung’.
272
FIGURE 166
Baju Kurung, Considered as Tertib in Malay Perception
http://malaysia.images, retrieved on 2 May 2013.
FIGURE 167
Baju Kurung, Considered as Not Tertib in Malay Perception
Asylla Collection, http://malaysia.images, retrieved 15 March 2011.
273
FIGURE 168
Baju Kurung, Considered as Not Tertib in Malay Perception
http://malaysia.images, retrieved 15 March 2011.
6.4.2 Prinsip Berguna (Functional)

In Malay arts and crafts, the art object must function (Zakaria Ali, 1989). The
creation of Baju Kurung is parallel to Islamic teachings. The function of the garment
is to cover aurat. In Islam, covering the aurat is a way to protect man and woman
from low morals and negative sexual advances. Azah Aziz (1984), Shafie Ahmad
(Yayasan Warisan Johor, 28 December 2008) and Zubaidah Sual (Cashmere Gallery,
17 June 2011) agreed that the word kurung used for the garment means to veil or conceal
the body from public eyes. The garment changed the women standard of dress from the
simple covering of the kemban to covering for modesty. According to Clifford
(1989), the women in Kelantan were splashed with black paint or mud if found
berkemban in public. Thus, the style was modified. The kemban was styled with another
sarong acting as skirt and another piece of long cloth, kain panjang, was put on the
head to cover the hair and shoulder. This showed the early attempt made to fulfil the
function of clothing according to Islam. In Royal custom, the function of clothing is
extended as symbol of status and to differentiate the ranks of ministers and royal families
(Chapter 2, 2.15). However, in new designs of Baju Kurung, especially the women’s
garments, a lot of thin fabrics were used (1990s to 2010). The fabrics are light and
almost transparent. By right, to achieve the Malay dress principles (Chapter
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3, 3.5), when using these types of fabrics, they are supposed to be lined with lining.
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By doing so, it will protect the principle of Malay dress ethics (Chapter 3, 3.6) and
respect the custom and Islamic teachings.
In the making and sewing process, texture created around the neck line also had
its special function. Tulang belut was not only used for neck line but also used to finish
the leg of Seluar Aceh (Zubaidah Shawal, 1994). Apart from being decorative and fine
hand work, tulang belut served to strengthen and stabilize the shape of neckline and
trousers leg. In addition, pesak panels were inserted between the front and back
bodice on each side to allow room for the volume of body. Without the panels the
side of the body and under the arm would be tight and uncomfortable. Pesak panels
on traditional trousers such as Seluar Aceh and Seluar Cina also carried the same
function.
6.4.3 Prinsip Bersatu (Unity)

Unity in Malay arts is creating relationship from one to another (Zakaria Ali,
1989). In Baju Kurung design, the arrangement of ombak mengalun will not be named
as ombak mengalun if there was only one pleat. The ombak or waves is created when
there were three or four pleats. With three or four pleats the representation of waves is
clear and creates movement or alun, hence the name ombak mengalun. The coordination
of the Baju Kurung is built up with the foundation of religion (Islam). In Malay
traditional costume the concept of tauhid is included in the process. Although the Malay
costumes do not copy Arab or Turkish costumes, the Baju Kurung reflect slight
similarity in its construction and styling. For instance, the long blouse is worn with a
bottom (trousers or sarong) whereby it is mentioned in the sunnah that a person is
encouraged to wear jubah with bottoms to differentiate between the Jews and
Muslim (Abdul Aziz Ismail, 2005). The Malays must be aware of the importance to
make this difference and avoid copying the non-Muslim’s attire (Mohd Said
Sulaiman, 1931).
The coordination of Baju Kurung protects the modesty of the wearer. For
instance, the top of the men’s Baju Kurung is paired with long trousers. Although the
length of the top is below the hips, a waistcloth is worn over the trousers to cover the
crotch area and backside of the body from public eyes. Thus the style (top, trousers
and waistcloth) unites with the function (to conceal intimacy) for men. Prophet
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Muhammad (p.b.u.h) also advised Muslims to wear a not too short (above hip), or not
too long (below ankle) top garment (Abdul Aziz Ismail, 2005). Ideally, the Malay
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costumes (for man and woman) should fall within these measurements. As for women,
the short sarong has dual functions as head cover (kelubung) and waistcloth
(samping). The unity of the coordination continues in today’s new Malay garment using
the same basic item that is the baju, kain or seluar (top, sarong; for men and women or
skirt; for women or trousers; for men) and headgear.
The construction of Baju Kurung shows a combination of geometric shapes
used in pairs. The Malays often worked their arts in pairs because Islam believes that
Allah’s creations are in pairs. This brings to the next principle, contrast.
6.4.4 Prinsip Berlawan (Contrasting)

This research found that contrast elements in Baju Kurung existed in
construction of the garment. Geometric shapes such as rectangle, trapezium, triangle
and circular shapes are joined to create soft drape of the baju (top) and ombak
mengalun. The choice of fabric used in Baju Kurung also often created by contrast
fabrics. For instance, a plain fabric for the top is often paired with songket, kain tenun,
pelikat or batik sarong. A songket often has dark or contrast background and the
motifs are woven in gold or silver threads. In visual aesthetics, contrasting colours on
the colour wheel complement each other. Contrast colour of motifs against dark
grounds enhanced the fabric and highlighted the structure of fabric and motifs, especially
songket. Some fabrics were designed to have contrast structure. For example, the
motif structure of batik and songket. The motifs are arranged vertically, horizontally
and/or diagonally in repetitions. In the body of the fabric; usually in the middle, the
maker would create contrast in vertical structure. Inside this vertical structure the
motifs were arranged in different composition and contrasted from its ground. The
horizontal motifs at the edge of the fabric too would be designed with different motifs.
These motifs were composed close to each other to create a chain of new motifs.
Contrast can also create unity and harmony. The coordination of Baju
Kurung is harmonious, which showed that proportion and details of the motif and fabric
structure on body were also considered. The placement of kepala kain (head panel of
fabric) on the body created contrast and aesthetic to the style.
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6.4.5 Prinsip Berlambang (Symbolism)
Syed Ahmad Jamal (2010, p.16) concluded that Malay arts did not imitate
nature but rather a process of object development from nature to art object and functional
to man. Symbolic representation in Baju Kurung is drawn from the use of nature and
surroundings to describe shapes. These shapes are mostly geometric shapes.
Probably in the old Malay tradition it was difficult to explain the shapes as
‘rectangle, triangle or square’. Thus the use of known objects as symbols or
representation of certain situations made it easier to visualize and understand the
motifs or images. Images and motifs arranged in triangles were commonly related to
pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot motifs). A trailing organic lines often described as awan
larat (trailing clouds) and repeated images of S shapes were named as itik pulang petang
(ducks wiggling home).
As stated in Chapter 2 (2.15 and 2.16) colours used in Malay textiles and
costumes were derived from nature and named after their environment. The same goes
to naming other crafts and objects used in other activities. In Baju Kurung, the round
neckline is shaped using a semicircle mould called bebulan or bulan-bulan; which
means moon-like taken after the moon shape. The gusset under the arm or kekek is
probably named after a type of fish; ikan kekek (leiognathidae; family of slipmouths,
ponyfishes and slimys). The square-like shape of the fish made it easy to explain the
coincidence (Figure 169). Other shapes taken from natural objects are pesak buluh
(bamboo shaped panel), kekek saputangan (handkerchief-like kekek) and ombak
mengalun or alun terkumpul; meaning waves. Hand stitches used for the neckline too,
were named after nature such as tulang belut inspired by the eel’s spine, bentuk
kerang was shell like and mata lalat was eyes of the fly.
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FIGURE 169
Ikan Kekek (Leiognathidae; Family of Slipmouths, Ponyfishes And Slimys).
Note: The body of the fish is’ squarish’ like the shape of kekek (gusset) used for baju kurung.
Symbols were sometimes used to describe the condition of the garment. For
instance, if the cut of the garment was tight or fitted to the body it was said as sampul
nangka or balut nangka (Figure 170). Nangka is Malay word for jackfruit, a tropical
fruit that is commonly found in villages. When a tree started bearing fruits the owner
would wrap each fruit with gunny sack, canvas, plastic or paper so that it would
protect the fruit from squirrels and other pests. As the fruit grew bigger, it would grow
to the size of the sack and that created the ‘tight and fitted’ description of the garment
on body. In other situations too, nature was often used to relate with the description of
the object character. This was also applied to describe a person’s feature such as bibir
bak delima merekah (lips as red as an opened pomegranate fruit) and many more. To
explain one’s behavior, kain (cloth) was often mentioned in Malay pantun. Good quality
material such as kain antelas, cindai and songket symbolically explained a person of
good looks and behaviour.
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FIGURE 170
A Wrapped Jackfruit.
Note: the fullness of jackfruit in its wrapper gives the idiom ‘balut nangka’ that is tight fitting clothes
6.4.6 Prinsip Bermakna (Meaningful)

Form and content are interpreted by philosophers and thinkers to make an art
object meaningful. One will not know what exactly the implicit and explicit meanings
of the Baju Kurung since its origin is vague. We could only make intellectual guesses
to the coordination and style of the garment. Implicit meaning is the use of known object
as representational of others. In Malay costumes and textiles, not only motifs, colours
used and named were also inspired by their surroundings (Chapter 2, 2.14.1). For
instance, there were many shades of reds used to make fabrics and garments. The reds
ranged from the lightest hue (pink) to the darkest red (maroon). In Malay arts, they
were named merah kesumba (red of begonia, Figure 171), merah jambu (pink guava,
pink), merah darah ikan (red of fish blood, maroon), merah pulasan (red of pulasan a
tropical fruit that has deep red skin), merah menyala (fiery red) and merah mawar (rose
red). When the eyes picked up these colours they reminded the person of colors from
their surroundings.
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FIGURE 171
Merah Kesumba (Red Begonia)
http://mostbeautifulflower.com/begonia, 10 January 2012
The existence of actual objects in their surroundings made it easier to

describe the colours. Some other common colours used in Malay arts were kuning lemak
ketam, kuning pinang masak, putih langsat, hitam tampuk manggis, hitam arang,
hijau pucuk pisang, hijau laut, hijau serindit, biru laut, biru lebam, biji kundang
(Figure 172) and kelabu asap (yellow of crab fat, yellow of areca nut, white of langsat
(lansium domesticum, a tropical fruit; although putih means white but it actually
described yellowish tint), as black as mangosteen, charcoal black, green of banana
sprout, sea green, parakeet green, sea blue, blue as bruises (purple), purple of mango
plum seed and grey as smoke).
FIGURE 172
Biji Kundang (Purple Of Mango Plum Seed)
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There were four main colours in Malay custom, white, yellow, red and black.
White and yellow are royal colours; black is for believers and red is a common colour
in Malay custom (Syed Ahmad Jamal, 1992). The colours used in Malay community
also brought explicit meanings according to how and when they were used. For
example, white shows honour and dignity for the royal status. In Malay custom and
belief, white is goodness and smell of fragrance whereas in traditional medicine, white
is purity. The colours also indicated the Royal rank in court administration. Official
colours used for ceremonial purposes are white for Sultan, yellow for Sultan and
Ruling Sultan, purple for prince and Undang Luak, red for Panglima Perang (army
chiefs), green for Datuk-Datuk (title honored by the Sultan), blue for Laksamana
(admiral) and black for customary activities (Wan Yahaya Abdullah, 2004, pp.29-30).
Another object that has explicit meaning to Malay garment was the indication of buttons
and accessories used for the garment. The button consisting of 3, 5, 7 and 9 pieces
indicated the Royal positions (Chapter 2, 2.15).
6.5 INTERPRETATION OF KAIN IN MALAY LANGUAGE

In Malay language, kain is a common noun referred to fabric or sarong, whereas
kain baju often means clothes, kain basahan would refer to clothes worn everyday or
sarong worn for bathing. In Malay proverbs kain is often used to measure one’s poverty.
Thus it shows the significance of kain or fabric in Malay society. For instance, the
Malay proverb kain basah kering di pinggang; in English proverb: as poor as a
church mouse(Shamsuddin Ahmad, 2007) describes a very poor person, which loosely
translated as someone who only had a piece of cloth to clothe himself. In Malay custom
it would mean a piece of sarong. Another proverb that carries the same meaning is kain
sehelai berganti-ganti. This proverb describes how a couple had to share a piece of
sarong because of their very poor state. Jangan jaga tepi kain orang is a proverb
that advised a person not to meddle with someone else’s personal matter (Shamsuddin
Ahmad, 2007). Tepi kain is the selvedge of cloth. In the past, the end of sarong was not
turned in leaving the selvedge as it was. At that time the sarong selvedge was usually
white and to show cleanliness and care, this should remain white after a long wear.
Thus the proverb prohibits anyone to care or mind someone else’s
‘sarong selvedge’. Using kain in a proverb could also describe one’s behaviour. Biar
kain buruk dipakai asal pandai mengambil hati, in English proverb it is similar to
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‘clothes do not make a man’. Kain buruk is old clothes (or sarong). It is translated as
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‘it is alright to wear old clothes as long as you have good behaviour or respect others’
(Shamsuddin Ahmad, 2007).
The term baju or top garment was rarely used in Malay description of Malay
costumes (Siti Zainon Ismail, 2006). Baju in Malay term describes blouse, shirt or clothe
that is worn for the body (Kamus Dwibahasa Oxford, 2009). This is probably because
generally, men did not wear tops or shirts and women always wore kemban (breast
cloth). One of the proverbs that described personality is ukur baju di badan sendiri,
which in English is ‘to cut your coat according to your cloth’. The proverb states that a
person should know his or her abilities in work and choose appropriately. Ukur baju di
badan sendiri generally means to measure the shirt to fit your own size. Finally, a
proverb that signifies a situation is koyak baju mahu ukur badan (English proverb: the
means do not satisfy the end; Shamsuddin Ahmad, 2007). It describes that the aim
is to measure or to get body measurement of a person by tearing the shirt he wears; in
other words showing that the objective is good but the approach or implementation is
inappropriate. Not only in proverbs, kain is often used in pantun (quatrain) too. From
pantun we could learn that kain is an important item in the Malay society.
6.6 CATEGORIZATION OF BAJU KURUNG

The development of modern Baju Kurung has clearly caused changes to the
form and shape of the traditional garment. Yet the newer version is still called Baju
Kurung, much to the chagrin of traditionalists and academicians such as Azah Aziz,
Siti Zainon Ismail, Zubaidah Sual, Mohammad Najib Md. Nor (Universiti Malaysia
Kelantan) and Kalsom Muda (Universiti Teknologi MARA). The research attempted
to categorize the Baju Kurung in a few categories by its characteristic and forms. The
research also agreed to Abbas Alias and Norwani Md Nawawi (2003) that in general,
the Malay costumes are divided into three groups that consisted of traditional,
classical and modern (Figure 6.18). By definition, traditional and classical garments
are costumes that do not go through any changes worn by specific society or group of
people.
Classical garments, as mention in Chapter 2 are garments that are no longer
worn in the community. It serves as costumes for historic activities, dance
performance, drama and period acts as well as costume exhibitions. In this research
context, the traditional garment aforesaid is Baju Kurung in general. The Baju Kurung
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is considered traditional when it remains in its form and cut. Change of process that does
not alter its form is accepted; such as zip insertion to sarong to make skirt or trousers.
The traditional garments listed in Figure 173, include other Malay garments such as
Baju Belah, Baju Riau-Pahang and Kebaya. The categorization is decided by comparing
its form, shape and making process and its effects to the traditional garment;
which in this research would be the Baju Kurung.
The traditional garments in Figure 173 are still worn today in its original
form and cut. However, the garments are worn without traditional accessories. Like Baju
Kurung these garments have also become the inspirations to local fashion and go through
modifications to suit the consumers. All traditional garments that have changed its
form and became fashionable garments are considered as Malay modern garments
(Chapter 4 and Chapter 5). On the other hand, a garment that replicates the traditional
design and maintain the traditional qualities but enhanced with contemporary trimmings
and use fashion fabrics falls under the ‘traditional’ group.
Imported fabrics have been used in Malay garments since the Great Malacca
Empire in the 15th century. Thus, the influence of imported textiles today does not
affect the form and cut of Baju Kurung but rather encourages the use of Baju Kurung
amongst new generations. Strong economy and technology have made fabrics
affordable to many people and easy to purchase. Fabrics used for Baju Kurung plays
an important role to determine its function. For example, for evening and wedding
Baju Kurung the fabrics used are delicate fabrics such as lace and silk. For casual and
office, cotton is the best fabric. However, the quality of cotton makes the difference of
the look of Baju Kurung. Malay modern garments, specifically Baju Kurung focuses
on being decorative and intends to attract attention. Its embellishment is heavy with
glitter effects such as use of beads, sequins and diamante. Some Baju Kurung styles
have made changes to its proportion such as making the front neckline slit longer until
it reaches the waistline.
There are also Baju Kurung in today’s market that uses thin fabrics such as
voile and georgette as well as transparent fabrics such as chiffon and organza. Chiffon
and organza Baju Kurung are worn with undergarment such as tank top, tube, contrast
colored camisole and corset. These external influences coming from international
fashion have influenced the Baju Kurung. Other factors are such as influences from other
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cultures through colonization, diplomatic affairs, trade exchange and technology
(Chapter 2). These factors exist in all cultures influencing the local socio-economy
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and mind set. When the influence is well accepted by the society it will eventually
becomes a norm and developed as its culture. Due to these changes affected by
external factors, the Malay aesthetic principles should be used to integrate and protect
the qualities of traditional Baju Kurung.
FIGURE 173
Categorization of Malay Garments Expanded from Abbas And Norwani (2003).
Source: Asliza, 2010.
Malay garments (Pakaian Melayu)
Traditional Classical Modern
Pakaian Cik Pakaian Baju

Siti Wan Puteri Perak Minangkabau
Kembang
Pakaian Tarian
Klasik
Baju Belah Baju Riau-Pahang
Kebarung
Baju Kurung Baju Kebaya
1. Baju Belah Labuh 1. Baju Kebaya Labuh

2. Baju Belah Pendek 2. Baju Kebaya Pendek
Baju Kurung Fesyen

1. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga
2. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang
1. Kerawang
2. Sulam Manik
3. Piping & Facings
4. Berlapis
Baju Melayu
Moden
1. Baju Saloma
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2. Fashion
influenced by
western detailing.
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6.7 SUMMARY
In brief, this chapter has shown the significance of infusing Malay aesthetics
principles in Baju Kurung to give firm definition to the character of Baju Kurung. In
fact this study has opened up new perspectives towards evaluation of Baju Kurung in
arts and crafts. The efforts on elevating Baju Kurung to date tend to focus on drawing
the attention of new generations to appreciate and know the costumes well enough so
that the garment are preserved in the community as Malay cultural identity. Interests
in modern casuals and imported garments have pushed Baju Kurung to be favoured by
only a certain group of people. For Malaysians, Baju Kurung is accepted as modest
and portrayed the Malay culture. Baju Kurung is also considered as showing
patriotism since it has been worn in government offices, schools and official
functions.
Many believe that Baju Kurung has Islamic identity and reflects the beliefs
of Malay people. Known to its loose form, Baju Kurung fits the Islamic dress criteria.
Nevertheless, many people want to see the Malay garments; especially Baju Kurung
changed its form and style to suit modern fashion. Salikin Sidek (Songket Salikin
Sidek SACC Mall, 16 January 2011) commented that the problem of suiting Baju
Kurung to certain occasion was because many women keep Baju Kurung in their
wardrobes for as long as they fit the garment. Many women would wear the Baju Kurung
repeatedly to almost every function due to the perception that ‘I can never go wrong in
Baju Kurung’.
Too many short cuts of the making process have also made the Baju Kurung
less valued in terms of aesthetics. Short cuts to sewing techniques and cuttings could
affect the drape of Baju Kurung especially the top. Innovative pattern techniques have
changed the cut of Baju Kurung to different styles such as layering the sleeves, bodies,
and skirts. Sometimes, kekek and pesak were cut as one piece to lessen the use of
fabric and to save sewing time (Chapter 5). When it was cut this way, the pesak (side
panel) would become narrow and reveal the shape of the backside of the wearer. This
indicates it is important that the pesak should be wide at the bottom. To make alterations
as such is considered as transgressions to traditional aesthetics (Azah Aziz,
2004). Contemporary fashion perspective implies that garments that are simple and
enhancing the human body as new fashion for the young and educated women. This
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view is inconsistent with Malay customs and Islamic teachings that imposed the
importance of modesty.
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The very well known term Baju Kurung Moden is removed and replaced by the
term Baju Kurung Fesyen (Fashionable Baju Kurung). As for Baju Melayu Moden
(Malay modern garment) it is merely western styled blouse paired with long skirt
worn by many Malay women. In short, with strong definition of Baju Kurung and
character qualities determined by instilling Malay aesthetic principles to the garment,
now Baju Kurung is clearly identified between traditional and modern.
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CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Chapter 7 expresses on results and findings achieved from Chapters 4, 5 and
6. The literature review in Chapter 2 and dress principles laid out in Chapter 3, supported
the form of Baju Kurung, seen as the hallmark of Malay traditional garment. This
research solves the issues of categorization of Baju Kurung by firstly strengthening the
character definition of Baju Kurung. The categorization of Baju Kurung was achieved
through an analytic process on samples of Baju Kurung. Finally, the existence of
Malay aesthetic principles was derived from the analyses of garment making process.
This chapter also outlines the advantages and disadvantages of changing forms and
shapes made by the development of Baju Kurung as well as factors that have influenced
the evolution of Baju Kurung from 1900 to 2010 in the Peninsular of Malaysia. Chapter
7 ends with several suggestions for future research in related fields.
7.2 CONCLUSION
This research is initiated due to the lack of understanding and specific
guidelines on the rules and discipline that clarified the intended meaning and concept
of the Baju Kurung, which has been expressed by Siti Zainon Ismail (2006). Due to this
problem several issues in designing new Baju Kurung has been raised. Confusion over
the Baju Kurung name has weakened the character definition of Baju Kurung. The
media and designers resorted to name any long blouses with Baju Kurung neckline
simply as Baju Kurung Moden. This research proves that specific characters and
garment process is the trademark of Baju Kurung.
Without them, Baju Kurung loses its traditional aesthetic qualities and identity.
The research methodology, which encompasses a review of classical and historical
literatures, a study of Baju Kurung samples and analyses on Baju Kurung making
process meets the objectives of the research. The results of these activities clearly points
to all three objectives. This research strengthens the character definition of Baju
Kurung, categorized the garment and successfully infuses Malay aesthetic principles in
Baju Kurung.
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7.3 DEFINITION OF BAJU KURUNG
The definition of Baju Kurung as commonly agreed by traditionalists such as
Azah Aziz, Siti Zainon Ismail and Zubaidah Sual is: Baju Kurung must have the
characters such as pesak, kekek, long and loose sleeves and body. For women, the
Baju Kurung is worn with a sarong styled in ombak mengalun. This definition was
supported by information gained from classical literatures such as Sejarah Melayu
(The Malay Annals), Hikayat Hang Tuah and book of Malay dress ethics; Pakai Patut
Melayu (Mohd. Said Sulaiman, 1931). Today, the definition of women’s Baju Kurung
often applies to the blouse of Baju Kurung only. The sarong style is not included, which
sees variations of skirts used to match the blouse.
Due to the existence of the Baju Kurung since the Malaccan Sultanate, there
is no reason why Baju Kurung should not continue to develop and progress in today’s
fashion. However, to name a garment as Baju Kurung, the garment must have traditional
characters as agreed by the traditionalists. The definition is strengthened by considering
other traditional characters to the Baju Kurung such as the use of hand stitch finishing
around the neckline, appropriate fabric and silhouette to meet Malay dress principles
as well as Islamic dress criteria. Coordination of item to style the Baju Kurung such
as type of skirt and trousers is also considered to determine the definition of Baju
Kurung.
This research has shown that the passion to promote Baju Kurung changes
the form and cut of Baju Kurung leaving little of its original characters such as the shape
of neckline and length of blouse. While changes were made to its form, the new garment
continues to carry the Baju Kurung name to it. By standing firm to the traditional
characters of Baju Kurung, this research successfully identifies the traditional Baju
Kurung and Baju Kurung Fesyen. More importantly, the new character definition
segregates long blouses that resemble Baju Kurung style under the category of Baju
Melayu Moden (Malay modern garment).
7.4 CATEGORIZING THE BAJU KURUNG

This research concludes that by strengthening the definition of Baju Kurung,
it helps to differentiate the traditional Baju Kurung from Baju Kurung Fesyen
(fashionable Baju Kurung) and Baju Melayu Moden (Malay modern garment).
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Observation from fashion magazines proved that changes made by fashion designers
to Baju Kurung are able to attract young consumers to wear the new garment.
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However, many of the new garments are named after Baju Kurung even if the
garment does not have the characters of Baju Kurung. This has affected the identity of
Baju Kurung and created misunderstanding to the consumers.
The categorization of Baju Kurung is determined from the study of its cut,
form, style and character (Chapter 5). The analysis made on these elements identifies
types of Baju Kurung, Baju Kurung Fesyen (fashionable Baju Kurung) and Baju Melayu
Moden (Malay modern garment). Baju Melayu Moden is then expanded to sub-
categories of new forms of Malay garments for future research. The existing Baju
Kurung is categorized as Baju Kurung in general, Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga, Baju
Kurung Cekak Musang, Baju Kurung Potong Riau and Baju Kurung Fesyen. Baju
Kurung Fesyen is the one that created so much confusion and gave vague identity to
existing Baju Kurung.
Categorizing the Baju Kurung involves the separation of traditional and
modern garments in regards of form and function. The form of traditional Baju
Kurung is clear and defined. The character of the traditional Baju Kurung must have the
elements and qualities of the traditional Baju Kurung even if the Baju Kurung is made
from fashion fabrics. The Baju Kurung must not use fashion trimmings to replace
hand stitches of the tulang belut and such. Any modification made to the Baju Kurung
that affects its form and shape immediately falls under the category of Baju Kurung
Fesyen (Fashionable Baju Kurung). In current situation, media and fashion designers
casually named the new garment, Baju Kurung Moden (Chapter 6, Figure
172). The examples of Baju Kurung Fesyen is Baju Kurung that has embellishment
and embroidery work on its neckline, sleeves and other parts of the body, use of facings
and bias bindings, layers on sleeves and body. The matching skirt to this Baju Kurung
is styled as ‘ombak mengalun’, which is secured by waistband and zipper and other
kinds of fashionable long skirts.
This research also concludes that the Baju Kurung Fesyen and Baju Melayu
Moden are best named using other classical names and designer’s signature. This will
avoid confusion and misunderstanding to what a Baju Kurung should look like. The
research also separated the modern garment into two other categories that has developed
in the Malay community as Malay wear, which are Kebarung (inspired from
marrying Baju Kurung and Kebaya) and Baju Melayu Moden (inspired from marrying
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Malay costumes and western garment). Baju Melayu Moden are mostly worn by
Malay people but well accepted by other races in Malaysia. Baju Melayu
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Moden often has a mixture of other cultures such as the Chinese and the Indian in
order to inject ‘Malaysian look’.
The thought of wearing Baju Kurung is ‘always right for all occasion’ is not
always true if the fabric is not appropriate for the occasion. For example, a Baju Kurung
for kenduri (feast) that consists of heavy embellishment and glistening fabric is not
suitable for the office. The fabrics determine the Baju Kurung for specific functions.
Embellishment or embroidery work also plays an important role to enhance the look of
Baju Kurung for special occasions. Fashionable textiles, embellishment, new fit and
design lines glamorize the look of Baju Kurung. Plain and simple textiles made the
garment suitable for casual activity. As for office attire many women choose plain and
good quality fabric such as silk, pure cotton and linen to match with checks and stripes.
Excessive use of beads, sequins and other decorative materials will make the
Baju Kurung too gaudy for offices and daywear. However, many women in the
Peninsular of Malaysia wear Baju Kurung with colourful prints to work. Salikin Sidek
(SACC, 16 January 2011) suggested that fashion colour charts and fabric samples could
be a good assistance to designers for trending and styling the consumers.
Consumers should be provided with the correct information on style of Baju Kurung
by the media, fashion designers and image consultants. Correct information could
reduce colourful prints in offices and create corporate images for the working
environment.
In future, in order to classify the types Baju Kurung, the researcher strongly
feels that new Baju Kurung should be named by the fashion designers. The Baju Kurung
name could use the designer’s name, location or inspiration. Similarly, designers could
also use Malay words from nature and the Malay realm. By doing so, it will follow the
tradition of Malay-naming in craft works (Chapter 6).
7.5 DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGES OF BAJU KURUNG

The development of Baju Kurung is concluded to four factors affecting the
decision of consumers. These factors involved the influence of fashion trend on style
and fabric as well as technical aspects such as cut, garment making and measurement
accuracy. All of these factors concern the look of the garment on body, which also
affected fashion and style.
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7.5.1 Fashion Influence
Every culture develops through changes of lifestyle in accordance to time.
The changes are usually positive changes accepted by the majority of the community.
The Malays specifically, received many foreign influences through colonization, war
occupation, trade and diplomatic relations. These involved countries from the west, such
as Great Britain (1800s -1950s), Japan (World War II), Arabia and Middle-east
countries, India and China (trade and diplomatic relations during the Malaccan
Sultanate). Thus, through these experiences, Malay people observed and adapted
some elements and characters from foreign cultures into their lifestyle. Easy wear
clothing such as skirt and trousers had become part of necessary items on their
shelves. Style and coordination of garment had a slight change; however, use of textiles
had changed with many more imported textiles brought in from countries like Japan,
China and India.
In the 1950s, western style clothing became the inspiration to TV icons and
changed the perception of modern women. Malay women began to wear shorter
blouses and tight sarong revealing the shape of their bodies. Although this style was
clearly against the Malay culture, many women chose to wear these new Malay
garments. It could also became the start of ‘culture sharing’ where the Malay garment
such as Baju Kurung began to adapt details from other costumes and western styles.
Until today, the Baju Kurung Moden adapted variations of sleeves, bodice, skirt and
collars to make blouses for Baju Melayu Moden and Baju Kurung Moden.
7.5.2 Cut, Shape and Garment Making

Traditional Baju Kurung encompasses pesak, kekek, round neckline with a
centre front slit at the front neckline, long and loose sleeves and body. The neckline can
also be a stand-up collar called the Cekak Musang. As the behaviour of the society
changes with time, the culture also changes. This has encouraged fashion changes,
moving from traditional to modern. However, in every culture, there are things that
should be preserved and maintained for future reference as its great tradition and
heritage. Costume tells not only the custom of the society, it also relates to behaviour,
habits and belief of the community living in it (Chapter 2, 2.5-2.8).
Modern fashion serves many desirable silhouettes to suit casual and formal
functions. Whereas, Baju Kurung, in its original form is a loose garment that may be
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‘unappealing’ to modern women and men for everyday attire. Due to this reason, Baju
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Kurung has been altered accordingly to fit the body. For women’s Baju Kurung the
loose fit has changed from semi-fit to tight fitting bodice (1950s to 2000s), which uses
darts and design lines to create body shape. To create variations of styles, new design
lines replaced the ones in the original pattern of Baju Kurung. These lines have changed
the traditional form of Baju Kurung.
Theoretically, by definition, the new form of garment should not be named as
Baju Kurung. However, in many printed media, these new garments still carry the
Baju Kurung name. Many fashion columnists consider fashion garments inspired
from Baju Kurung as Baju Kurung Moden. This has created uneasiness to
academicians and traditionalists who believe that these garments should use different
names. If for example, the name Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga was derived from a
place, Teluk Belanga in Singapore; therefore the name of these modern garments
could follow as such. A garment inspired from Baju Kurung that has heavy
embroidery (Chapter 4) shall be named as Baju Karangan Intan (Siti Zainon Ismail,
art talk, 18 September 2007) due to the glittery sequins and beads used. Siti Zainon
Ismail suggested, by using classical name, it reflects Malay character and maintains
the Malay elements and dress qualities in its design.
Fast moving younger generation in modern times need simple and quick put-
on attire to fit their lifestyles. Thus, to continue to be in the closets of young people
changes must be made so that Baju Kurung becomes easy to wear. Although the Baju
Kurung maintains its form and cut, a few modifications are allowed. For example, the
use of zip and waistband to the skirt and trousers has made it easier for consumers. Zips
and waistbands also secure the skirts and trousers on the waistline without fearing
them to drop when moving. Younger generations are also easily attracted to new things.
Thus, to encourage them to continue wearing the Baju Kurung, fashion trimmings on
the Baju Kurung will excite them. These trimmings can be applied around the neckline
to replace traditional hand stitching, end of sleeves, pockets and collar of Cekak Musang
as well as other parts of the body (Chapter 4 and Chapter 5). These will then enhance
the look of Baju Kurung, giving it a fresh fashionable look without changing its original
form.
7.5.3 Fabric
Fabric used for Baju Kurung is important to many consumers (Nazlina
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Shaari, 2003). The feel of fabric, colour and pattern are contributing factors to a
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person for choosing desired fabric for Baju Kurung. Malay people, especially the royals
and elitists in the Malaccan Sultanate, wore hand woven textiles made especially
for them. These textiles, such as songket, kain limar and kain tenun were difficult to
make and were produced in small quantities within a long period. Other expensive
textiles were imported from foreign countries such as India, China and Persia. These
textiles were cotton, satin, velvet and voile with classical names such as antelas (satin),
kimkha (satin) and beledu dewangga (velvet).The colours of the fabrics were from
nature and muted.
Today, many Baju Kurung are made from various types of material available
in the market. The colours of fabrics are radiant and colourful. Among the popular
textiles for Baju Kurung is cotton, silk, satin, chiffon, lace, stretchable fabrics and
polyester. The reasons to these changes may have been related to the influence of
fashion and environment. Other contributing factors are the durability of the fabric
against the weather, comfort against heat, perspiration and fabric breathability. They are
also easy to care, soft against the skin and comfortable in room or outdoor
temperature. However, traditional textiles such as songket and kain tenun are still
used, especially for special functions and wedding ceremonies. Subsequently, the use
of traditional textiles also revives and preserves its survival.
Fabrics with patterns are usually for women’s Baju Kurung. Man’s Baju
Kurung is often made with plain, stripes or checks textiles to infuse a masculine
image. Woman’s Baju Kurung is usually made using floral printed fabrics. Often, the
fabric used for Baju Kurung carries different weight and drape depending on the types
of textiles such as medium weight fabric (cotton and linen) and lightweight fabric
(georgette and chiffon). The character of fabric influences the consumers to decide what
is best for their Baju Kurung. Fashion magazines often use popular icons in their latest
fashion to encourage the development of local fashion. Although some fabrics such as
Jersey and Lycra are used for modern attire, there are now many Baju Kurung made
from these fabrics. The technical approach and making would be different from the
usual because both Jersey and Lycra are stretchable fabrics and use different types of
sewing machine. Thus, the sewing handling and finishing would also be different from
the traditional Baju Kurung (Chapter 5, 5.2).
294
7.5.4 Measurement and Proportion
The measurement and proportion of the Baju Kurung today are made
according to the wearer’s need. The woman’s Baju Kurung has been made in short
and long versions since the Malaccan Sultanate period. Visual description of Malay
garment in the early 1800s described the Baju Kurung Kecil (small Baju Kurung) as
short and worn by men. Meanwhile, women wore the Baju Kurung Kecil only at
home. The normal measurement of woman’s Baju Kurung was long and reached
below the kneecap. This was to show nobility and respected status of a woman. The
length of the garment and its loose body that cover the wearer’s hips conform to Islamic
dress criteria. This would be similar to the function of the Jubah, the Arab’s long outer
coat. Underneath the long blouse is a long skirt or sarong. One would wonder why a
long blouse, almost like a dress and sometimes almost a maxi on its own need a long
skirt underneath it. The same concept applies to the man’s Baju Kurung which is worn
at hip level. Underneath the man’s baju is a pair of trousers and in addition, on top
of the baju and trousers the hip is covered with a sampin (waist cloth). This is the
concept of hijjab. Hijjab is an Arabic word that refers to conceal or to cover the body,
veiling, or seclusion of women from men in public areas. It is a symbol of modesty,
privacy and morality (Asy-Syeikh Atiyah Saqar, 2005). This is also mentioned in
Sejarah Melayu (The Malay Annals), at the point of time when Temenggung Tun
Hassan lengthened and widened the Baju Kurung Kecil. This garment was then known
as Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga in the late 18th century during the reign of
Temenggung (Sultan) Abu Bakar. The same cut and pattern was made for women’s
garment as well.
Thus, it is in no doubt that, Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga was modified to a
certain extension to fulfill Islamic dress criteria. However, modernization, foreign
influences and having multi races society in the Peninsular of Malaysia have changed
the Malay society to be more open in receiving new ideas and adapting outside
influences. The new generation slowly breaks the taboo in dress custom such as wearing
tight and short clothing. This was adapted to Malay garments, which we saw in the 50s
and 60s such as Baju Saloma (Saloma’s Dress); a peplum blouse or short blouse worn
with long and tight skirt. Then in the 70s and 80s, we witnessed the Mini Kurung,
derived from the traditional Baju Kurung. It was made short and fitted to the body with
293
a neckline shaped similar to Baju Kurung. The revival of Islam in the 80s had created
a mixture of feelings amongst the society; to become modern Malay or to
294
stay as religious Malay. Many of them had received formal education locally and
overseas. Fashion design field was new. Traditional crafts and textiles were
introduced as village industry products. Traditional textiles were made into modern
garments and fashionable textiles had popularized the traditional costumes.
With the increase of economic activities in the late 80s, the Malay traditional
costumes especially the Baju Kurung regained its place in society. The traditional
Baju Kurung came out fresh using fashionable textiles and decorative trimmings. This
time, the length of the baju went back down to the knee level. Religious or not, the
longer length of the Baju Kurung became a trend among many women carrying the
‘classical look’ in Malaysian fashion. Above all, the long and short blouse lengths, in
and out of fashion with woman’s Baju Kurung, the man’s Baju Kurung had almost
never changed. The man’s Baju Kurung remained in its form and shape, as well as its
proportion. However, when wearing Baju Kurung as casual attire; many men prefer to
wear the garment without a sampin (waistcloth) and songkok (headgear). The style
breaks the proportion into two parts; body and bottom. This created an ‘incomplete
look’ to the style of Baju Kurung. Without sampin (waistcloth), the wearer appears
‘bare and untidy’. The sampin keeps the baju neat by keeping it tucked underneath the
sampin besides its purpose as hijab. Many women too, do not wear the head cover
and thus the kelubung has been forgotten. For formal functions and special occasions,
women would drape a long scarf on one shoulder and men would wear their sampin and
songkok the way it should be.
7.6 MALAY AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES IN BAJU KURUNG

The Malay aesthetic principles used in this research are a way of responding
to aesthetic beauty of Baju Kurung in regards of form and content. Generally,
consumers like or dislike the garment by judging the Baju Kurung using the four
influencing factors mentioned in the development of Baju Kurung. The factors are
fashion influence, form (cut, shape and garment making), fabric and fit (measurement
and proportion). The development and changes viewed from the four factors
concluded that there was absence of rules and regulations during the transformation of
Baju Kurung in its development. The result has made Baju Kurung less valued and loses
its character and identity.
295
The role of Malay aesthetics principles in Baju Kurung is relevant. The six
principles are berhalus, berguna, bersatu, berlawan, berlambang dan bermakna
296
(finesse, function, unity, contrasting, symbolic and meaningful. The principles applied
in Baju Kurung successfully used to assess the aesthetics and interpret traditional
qualities in Baju Kurung. This research is known to be the first to investigate the
existence of Malay aesthetic principles in Baju Kurung. Although many were aware
of the traditional aesthetics and qualities of Baju Kurung, there had not been any
research made in this area before. This research shows that Malay aesthetics
principles help to preserve the image and identity of Baju Kurung. The garment making
process must also comply with the traditional qualities and content for Baju Kurung. In
regards of social significance, Baju Kurung with traditional qualities and content is
considered as presenting good moral values based on Islamic teachings and Malay
customs.
7.7 ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES

Issues on the style and form of Baju Kurung have produced advantages and
disadvantages to the traditional Baju Kurung. One of the advantages is that the
traditional Baju Kurung continued to be worn until today. When Baju Kurung is used
as reference in design process, students are always reminded of what the traditional Baju
Kurung look like. When issues of traditional Baju Kurung rise, indirectly it will
preserve its style and coordination. The Baju Kurung is remembered as what the
aristocrats wore it in the olden days. Preservation of its traditional form comes in as a
‘classic look’ in fashion, which simultaneously helps the traditional textile cottage
industries to survive. The traditional form of Baju Kurung is continuously worn as
official garment in government offices, formal functions, weddings, religious
activities and school uniforms. Although it is always regarded as ‘outdated’ for casual
daywear, Malay people (especially) always find Baju Kurung as the most appropriate
garment for those functions mentioned.
The use of traditional silhouettes encourages traditional textiles to develop new
features, motifs and colours to fulfil current market. This contributes to the development
of creative industries in both garment and textiles production. It provides labour
opportunities for small and medium entrepreneurs and cottage industries to survive.
Traditionally inspired garments such as Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden are
also competitive to western styled garments that mostly produced t-shirts, denims and
295
blouses. T-shirts, jeans and western style garments are a huge influence in today society
in the Peninsular of Malaysia especially to the younger generation. Like
296
many ethnic-based fashions, such as India (known for its fashionable Kurta and
Salwar Kameez) and Indonesia (known for its Kebaya) the appearance of Malay
modern garments demonstrates Malay cultural identity in the Peninsular of Malaysia.
By introducing the Malay dress ethics and infusing Malay aesthetics principles in
Baju Kurung, it will highlight Baju Kurung as socially significance in Malay culture.
On the other hand, the advent of Baju Melayu Moden (Malay modern garment)
created confusion to consumers due to the exploitation of the Baju Kurung name for
marketing purposes. Extreme modification of Baju Kurung and inappropriate fabric
choice are unsuitable to portray Malay values and Islamic teachings. The modified
garments that do not conform to Malay ethics and customs brought shame to Malay
identity and reputation and destructive to the Malay image. It also created
misunderstanding and gave a false impression of Malay traditional garments to the
new generations (Malay or non-Malay). The research also found that many women
wore thin fabrics without the use of lining, unaware that they had indirectly exposed
their bodies. This is clearly opposed to Islamic dress criteria and Malay dress ethics
that forbid the use of thin fabric that shows silhouette of the body, skin and the body
itself.
In regards of technical aspects, the research documented the process and
making of Baju Kurung from beginning to end. The research explains clearly reasons
and causes that governed the Baju Kurung to be cut and sewn using the traditional
methods compared to modern methods. New trimmings and embroidery techniques
are widely used for current Baju Kurung (for both men and women). Although they
are attractive and pretty, they are not suitable for all functions; which lead to fashion
mistakes. On the other hand, the advantage is, the decorations attracted new interests
among Malays and non-Malays to wear Baju Kurung and Baju Kurung Fesyen.
It is concluded that both the traditional Baju Kurung and Baju Kurung
Fesyen that conform to Malay dress principles, originated from Malay socio-culture
and customs in traditional and modern society, valued with Malay aesthetics and worn
by the Malay majority should be accepted as part of Malay culture today.
Nevertheless, too much manipulation made on the form of the garment could also
mean destruction to tradition and principles of the Malay dress. It is necessary to
bring back the rules in Malay dressing in the community to prolong the sustainability
297
of Malay costume. Perhaps, by strictly implementing it as the nation’s traditional
dress code, the new generation would have a different attitude towards the Baju
298
Kurung and respect their culture. More importantly, it will strengthen the identity of
Malay culture in the future. Innovation and changes made to Baju Kurung are positive
approaches for continuous use of the Baju Kurung and for it to survive in the era of
modernization and fast moving fashion in the Peninsular of Malaysia.
7.8 RECOMMENDATION
Based on the research findings, the researcher strongly feels that unstructured
interviews and sample studies were very useful and effective in attaining primary
data. From these methods the research obtained good knowledge of the making
process that involved measurement, cutting, sewing and finishing tips of Baju
Kurung, which are difficult to find in written documentations. The interviews also
contributed professional views and academic perspectives of Baju Kurung from
different angles; custom, fashion, technical aspects and philosophy. For further study
related to costumes and garments it is strongly suggested that the future researcher
should clearly understand the social culture of the race before studying the costume
itself. This is based on the personal experience of being Malay and the researcher
discovered that little was known of the Malay history and roots.
Kalsom Muda and Mohammad Najib Md. Nor strongly agree that the
implementation of Malay traditional costumes should be taught as a subject in
Fashion Design programs. This would benefit future designers to understand, appreciate
and help preserve the Malay traditional costumes. Perhaps the traditional style and
coordination should be taught at an early age so that young consumers are aware of
these costumes and would solve doubts in many youngsters who are unable to
differentiate between traditional Baju Kurung and Baju Melayu Moden. It is more
difficult in practice as Malaysia embraces many cultures from different races.
Upon completing this research, the researcher strongly feels that fashion
designers who have initiated certain styles should label and name their designs to
mark their identity. It was difficult to trace who started a certain style or when it
started when there was no specific credit mention in printed media. Fashion designers
and garment industries should also have the knowledge of Baju Kurung to educate
media writers by giving correct information of Baju Kurung to promote their product.
During the research, the researcher finds very few media writers who write on fashion
are knowledgeable about fashion and Baju Kurung in specific.
299
It is recommended that further research on Baju Kurung should study the cause
and effects of modernization to Baju Kurung or any other traditional attire of the
Malay society. Based on the analyses and findings in this research, there are deep
psychological impressions that come with the garment, which in the past was
portrayed in artistic language such as poems and quatrains. The Baju Kurung has
dutifully carries the image of modesty and gracefulness since the era of the Malaccan
Sultanate. Since then, a person in Baju Kurung is often seen as ‘orang baik-baik’ or a
person with good behaviour. As a product, Baju Kurung covers different aspects of
major economic fields such as retail, garment making and textile industries, craft and
cottage industries and fashion. It could also become a new opening to accommodate
the university curriculum as a cross-discipline subject integrating Islamic and modern
civilizations in fashion behavioural studies.
300
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UNIVERSITI TEKNOLOGI MARA

THE EVOLUTION AND TRANSFORMATION

THE EVOLUTION AND TRANSFORMATION

Thesis submitted in fulfillment

Faculty of Art & Design

Name of student : Asliza bt Aris

My deepest appreciation goes to Associate Prof. Dr. Norwani Md Nawawi (Thesis

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER TWO: THE MALAY PENINSULA

CHAPTER THREE: MALAY AESTHETICS AND DRESS PRINCIPLES

CHAPTER FOUR: THE EVOLUTION OF BAJU KURUNG

CHAPTER FIVE: DESIGN DEVELOPMENT OF BAJU KURUNG

CHAPTER SIX: MALAY AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES IN BAJU KURUNG

Table Title Page

Table 3. Malay Aesthetic Principles Applied to Baju Kurung 131

Figure Title Page

Figure 1. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga from Songket Fabric 5

Figure 2. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (1950s). 6

Figure 3. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Women 7

Figure 4. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang for Men (2007) 8

Figure 5. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Pesak Buluh 9

Figure 6. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Pesak Gantung 9

Figure 7. Research Design 16

Figure 8. The Malay Archipelago 21

Figure 9. Major Language Families 22

Figure 10. Southeast Asia Kingdoms Mid 8th Century 23

Figure 11. Southeast Asia Kingdoms Late 12th Century 24

Figure 12. Southeast Asia Kingdoms Mid 15th Century 24

Figure 13. The Location of Malaysia in the South East Asia 25

Figure 14. Map of the Malay Peninsula (The Golden Chersonese) 26

Figure 15. Islamic States in the Malay Archipelago 36

Figure 16. Kain Cindai / Patola 46

Figure 17. Songket Terengganu with Yatch Motifs 46

Figure 18. Two Types of Kain Limar Bersurat, Punca Merah 48

Figure 19. Kain Tenun 49

Figure 20. A Man Demonstrated the Calendaring Technique 50

Figure 21. Batik Telepuk 52

Figure 22. Batik Jawa, Pagi Sore, 1950’s 53

Figure 23. Kain Pelangi,Sarong, Perlis 54

Figure 24. Kain Pelangi,Sarong, Terengganu 54

Figure 26. A Woman Demonstrating Kelingkan 56

Figure 27. A Tekat Work on the Face of Velvet Slipper 58

Figure 28. A Woman Demonstrating Tekat 58

Figure 29. The Clove and Its Motifs 61

Figure 30. Bamboo Shoot and Its Motif 62

Figure 31. Structure of Malay Sarong with Kepala Kain 64

Figure 32. Structure of Selendang from Songket 66

Figure 33. Woman in Kemban and Sarong 77

Figure 34. Two Malay Women 77

Figure 35. Baju Belah. 78

Figure 36. Thank You Letter from Queen Elizabeth. 80

Figure 37. Design Principles and Elements in Garment Making 81

Figure 38. Types of Basic Silhouette 83

Figure 40. Women in Baju Belah 85

Figure 42. Baju Kurung Cekak Musang 86

Figure 43. Kebaya 87

Figure 44. Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga (Women) 89

Figure 46. Neckline of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga with Shanked 91

Figure 48. A Modern Baju Kurung 92

Figure 49. Baju Kurung Kecil 93

Figure 51. Shapes of Baju Kurung Teluk Belanga 95

Figure 52. Shapes of Baju Kurung Cekak Musang, Pesak Gantung 95

Figure 53. Baju Riau-Pahang 96