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Las Culturas Populares en el Capitalismo.

NÉSTOR GARCÍA CANCLINI

Article in American Ethnologist · November 1985

DOI: 10.1525/ae.1985.12.4.02a00380

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nishings, manufactured goods. What men give
wives has greater effect on women’s material well-
being than what women give their husbands; while
a woman depends heavily on one man-her hus-
band-he generally has several wives to provide for
his needs. This asymmetry is in part due to male la-
bor migration to the coast, which both reduces the
pool of potential husbands and allows men to earn
money and purchase manufactured goods, an op-
portunity not open to many women.
These features of Saramaka social life help to ex-
plain several features of their art, including the
form, meaning, and perceived value of decorative
objects made by women. Price suggests that while
the social position of Saramaka women has been
overstated in many accounts, their contribution to
the arts has been understated or overlooked. Most
studies of Maroon art equate it with the wood carv-
ings that men make as gifts for the women they love.
Such studies ignore female artistic expression or
dismiss its products as, in the most extreme case
cited, a “form of doodling” (p. 119). Saramaka
women speak less slightingly, but they too see men
as more accomplished artists. They cherish the
wood carvings that their husbands give them but
disparage the calabashes, carved with such skill
and care, saying they have no value. Given its cul-
tural context, this view comes as no surprise.
Chapters 5 and 6 deal with the visual properties
of carved calabashes and decorative textiles, with-
out regard to cultural evaluations of their worth as
objects. Price shows that calabashes are carved in
accord with agreed-upon principles of design and
decorated with various named motifs. Likewise, dif-
ferent types of textiles follow particular cornposi-
tional principles that combine artistic ideals and
technical concerns. She provides ample evidence
here of the richness and aesthetic integrity of these
art forms.
The first six chapters of the book, covering social
life and the decorative arts, are tightly focused and
written with clarity and economy. Chapter 7, how-
ever, seems rather superfluous and out of place,
both in terms of subject (forms of verbal artistry such
as popular songs) and approach (analysis of social
themes). The final chapter, “Art and Gender,” is
disappointingly brief, just five pages of summary re-
marks about how one aspect of men’s and women’s
social experience-their differing contact with the
outer world-affects their art.
These are minor flaws. The book achieves its cen-
tral aim, examining women’s artistic expression in
detail and exploring some of the ways in which cul-
tural ideas about gender influence art. Co-Wives
and Calabashes is highly recommended to scholars
and students with interests in the Caribbean, Afro-
America, expressive culture, and gender.
Las Culturas
Las Culturas Populares
Populares en en el Capltalismo.
el Capitalism°.
NeSTOR GARCIA
NESTOR GARCIA CANCLINI.
CANCLINI.LaLa Habana:
Habana:Casa
Casa
de las Americas,
de las AmBrlcas, 1981 [Mexico City:
1981 [Mexico City: Editorial
Editorial
Nueva Imagin].
Nueva Imagln]. 171 pp., photographs,
171 pp., photographs,tables,
tables,
references.n.p.
references. n.p.
American Ethnologist
1985, vol 12, No 4, pp 814-815 WATFRUIJKY
RONALL1WATERBURY
RONALD
DOI: 10.1525/ College, CUNY
Queen\ College, CUNY
ae.1985.12.4.02a00380 Queens
814 american ethnologist
This book deals with the impact of capitalism on
what tourists and unreconstructed Redfieldians
would label ”folk” culture, particularly folk arts and
festivals. However, Garcia Canclini, an Argenti-
nian-Mexican whose writings on symbolism and art
are well known among Latin American scholars,
employs the Spanish term “popular”. He eschews
the term ”folk” not just because it is a form of lin-
guistic imperialism but, more importantly, because
it carries with it much unwanted epistemological
baggage: especially excessive emphasis on the ro-
mantic, or on apolitical museological categories.
The principal distinction between the concepts of
folk and popular lies in the latter’s political-econ-
omy perspective. That is, popular cultures are those
of the politically subordinate and economically ex-
ploited sectors within a capitalist society. For Mex-
ico, which is the specific case examined in this
book, that means the rural Indian and Mestizo peas-
ants and the urban lower classes. However, differ-
ing with Gramsci, the author avers that the line be-
tween popular and “hegemonic” culture i s not a
clear one because elements of the two interpene-
trate, and “one could not exist without the other in
capitalist society” (p. 53).
In addition to Garcia’s own rendition of the con-
cept of popular culture, of special significance is his
definition of culture in general. He rejects the two
most common definitions: that culture encompas-
ses all nongenetic human behavior, or that it is just
the ideational dimension of social behavior. Rather
for him culture is “the production of phenomena
that contribute, by means of symbolic representa-
tions or re-elaborations of material structures, to the
reproduction or transformation of social systems. In
other words, all of the practices and institutions
dedicated to the management, renovation and re-
structuring of meaning” (p. 32).
Two components of this definition are particu-
larly noteworthy: transformation and production. In
Garcia’s view, culture is not the distorted reflection
of social relations (as in Marx’s notion of ideology),
nor just an instrument for their reproduction (as Al-
thusser would have it), but is more dynamic than
that. Culture can be created, altered, and rnanipu-
lated to restructure meaning and thus function a$ an
instrument of social transformation as well as repro-
duction. Furthermore, the analysis of culture must
transcend a formal or symbolic assessment of ob-
jects and actions themselves to include a systematic
examination of the politico-economic process
whereby they are produced and circulated, and the
social context in which they are used.
Under capitalism, says Garcia, the hegemonic
class enjoys disproportionate access to ”cultural
capital” and “cultural apparatus,” providing it with
the ”cultural power” to produce and disseminate
meaning to the masses (pp. 37-43). Simultane-
ously, an aesthetic distinction is maintained be-
tween the “true art” of “Grand Culture” and the
”kitsch” that members of the less-discriminating
lower classes, seriously convinced of its beauty,
place on their shelves (pp. 151-1 54).
However, Garcia criticizes some Marxists for
having a “theological view of capitalism that, like
nishings, manufactured goods. What men give This book deals
deals with
with the impact of capitalism on
wives has greater effect on women’s material well- what tourists and unreconstructed
unreconstructed Redfieldians
Redfieldians
being than what women give their husbands; while would
would label "folk"
”folk” culture,
culture,particularly
particularlyfolk
folkarts
arts and
and
a woman depends heavily on one man-her hus- festivals. However, Garcia
festivals. However, Garcia Canclini, an Argenti-
band-he generally has several wives to provide for nian-Mexican
nian-Mexican whose
whose writings
writings on
on symbolism
symbolism andand art
his needs. This asymmetry is in part due to male la- are
are well known
known among
among Latin
Latin American
American scholars,
scholars,
bor migration to the coast, which both reduces the Spanish term "popular".
employs the Spanish “popular”. HeHe eschews
eschews
pool of potential husbands and allows men to earn the term ”folk”
the term "folk" not
notjust
just because
because it is aa form
form of lin-
money and purchase manufactured goods, an op- guistic imperialism
imperialism but, more
more importantly,
importantly, because
because
portunity not open to many women. carries with itit much
it carries muchunwanted
unwanted epistemological
epistemological
These features of Saramaka social life help to ex- baggage:
baggage: especially excessive emphasis
emphasis onon the ro-
plain several features of their art, including the apolitical museological
mantic, or on apolitical museological categories.
categories.
form, meaning, and perceived value of decorative The principal distinction
distinction between
betweenthe the concepts
concepts of
objects made by women. Price suggests that while and popular
folk and popular lies in the latter's
latter’s political-econ-
the social position of Saramaka women has been omy perspective.
perspective. That is, popular
popular cultures
cultures are
are those
overstated in many accounts, their contribution to of the politically subordinate and economically ex-
politically subordinate
the arts has been understated or overlooked. Most ploited sectors
ploited sectors within
within aa capitalist society. For Mex-
studies of Maroon art equate it with the wood carv- ico, which
ico, which isis the
the specific
specific case
case examined
examined in this this
ings that men make as gifts for the women they love. book, that
book, that means
means the rural Indian
Indian and Mestizo
Mestizo peas-
peas-
Such studies ignore female artistic expression or ants and
and the urban lower classes. However, differ-
classes. However,
dismiss its products as, in the most extreme case ing with
ing with Gramsci,
Gramsci, thethe author
author avers
avers that the line be- be-
cited, a “form of doodling” (p. 119). Saramaka tween popular
tween popular andand “hegemonic”
"hegemonic" culture is i s not
not aa
women speak less slightingly, but they too see men because elements
clear one because elements of of the
the two interpene-
interpene-
as more accomplished artists. They cherish the trate, and
trate, and “one
"one could not exist without the other in
wood carvings that their husbands give them but capitalist society"
society” (p.
(p. 53).
53).
disparage the calabashes, carved with such skill
and care, saying they have no value. Given its cul- Garcia’s own rendition of the con-
In addition to Garcia's
tural context, this view comes as no surprise. cept of popular culture,
culture, of of special
special significance is his
significance is
Chapters 5 and 6 deal with the visual properties definition of culture in in general.
general. HeHe rejects
rejects the two
of carved calabashes and decorative textiles, with- most common definitions: that that culture
culture encompas-
encompas-
out regard to cultural evaluations of their worth as ses all
ses all nongenetic
nongenetic human behavior, or that itit is is just
objects. Price shows that calabashes are carved in the ideational dimension of of social
social behavior.
behavior. Rather
Rather
accord with agreed-upon principles of design and culture is
for him culture is "the
“the production
production of ofphenomena
phenomena
decorated with various named motifs. Likewise, dif- that contribute, by by means
means ofof symbolic
symbolic representa-
representa-
ferent types of textiles follow particular cornposi- tions or re-elaborations material structures,
re-elaborations of material structures, to the
tional principles that combine artistic ideals and reproduction or
reproduction or transformation
transformationof ofsocial
socialsystems.
systems. In
In
technical concerns. She provides ample evidence other words,
other words, all of of the
the practices
practices and
and institutions
institutions
here of the richness and aesthetic integrity of these dedicated to thethe management,
management, renovation and re- re-
art forms. structuring of meaning”
meaning" (p. (p. 32).
32).
The first six chapters of the book, covering social components of
Two components of this are particu-
this definition are particu-
life and the decorative arts, are tightly focused and transformation and production.
larly noteworthy: transformation production. In In
written with clarity and economy. Chapter 7, how- Garcia’s view, culture
Garcia's culture is is not the distorted reflection
ever, seems rather superfluous and out of place, (as in
of social relations (as in Marx’s
Marx's notion
notion of ideology),
ideology),
both in terms of subject (forms of verbal artistry such instrument for their reproduction
nor just an instrument reproduction (as(as Al-
as popular songs) and approach (analysis of social thusser would
thusser would have
have it), dynamic than
it), but is more dynamic than
themes). The final chapter, “Art and Gender,” is that. Culture can be created,
created, altered,
altered, and rnanipu-
manipu-
disappointingly brief, just five pages of summary re- lated to restructure meaning
lated meaning and and thus function
function as a$ an
marks about how one aspect of men’s and women’s instrument of social transformation
instrument transformation as as well
well as
as repro-
social experience-their differing contact with the duction. Furthermore,
Furthermore, the analysis
analysis of culture mustmust
outer world-affects their art. transcend aa formal or symbolic
transcend symbolic assessment
assessment of ob-
These are minor flaws. The book achieves its cen- jects and actions themselves to to include
include aa systematic
tral aim, examining women’s artistic expression in examination of the
examination the politico-economic
politico-economic process process
detail and exploring some of the ways in which cul- whereby they are produced and circulated, and the
tural ideas about gender influence art. Co-Wives social context inin which
which theythey are
are used.
used.
and Calabashes is highly recommended to scholars capitalism, says
Under capitalism, Garcia, the
says Garcia, the hegemonic
hegemonic
and students with interests in the Caribbean, Afro- class enjoys disproportionate
class enjoys disproportionate access
accessto to ”cultural
"cultural
America, expressive culture, and gender. capital” and
capital" and "cultural
“cultural apparatus,"
apparatus,” providing
providing it with
the
the "cultural
”cultural power"
power” totoproduce
produceand anddisseminate
disseminate
Las Culturas Populares en el Capltalismo. masses (pp.
meaning to the masses (pp. 37-43).
37-43). Simultane-
NeSTOR GARCIA CANCLINI. La Habana: Casa ously, an aesthetic
ously, aesthetic distinction is maintained
distinction is maintained be-be-
de las AmBrlcas, 1981 [Mexico City: Editorial tween the
tween the “true
"true art” “Grand Culture"
art" of "Grand Culture” andand the
the
Nueva Imagln]. 171 pp., photographs, tables, ”kitsch” that
"kitsch" that members
members of of the
theless-discriminating
less-discriminating
references. n.p. classes, seriously
lower classes, seriously convinced
convinced of its beauty,
of its beauty,
place on their shelves
shelves (pp.
(pp. 151-1 54).
151-154).
RONALL1 WATFRUIJKY However, Garcia
However, Garcia criticizes
criticizes some
some Marxists
Marxists for
Queen\ College, CUNY having aa “theological
"theological view of of capitalism
capitalism that,
that, like

814 american ethnologist

 God, is is omnipotent, omniscient
omniscient and and omnipresent"
omnipresent” Son of Tecun Uman: A Mayan Indian Tells His
(p. 78). On
(p. On thethe contrary,
contrary, he he argues,
argues, in in spite
spite of the Life Story. JAMES D. SEXTON, ed. Tucson:
transnationalization of of culture
culturethat that has
has accom-
accom- University of Arizona Press, 1981. 250 pp.,
panied the transnationalization
transnationalization of of capital
capital (pp. (pp. 28-
28- notes, appendix, references, Index. $19.95
31 I, the continuity
31), continuity and and development
development (not (not merely
merely (cloth).
”survival”) of
"survival") ofpeasant
peasant andand indigenous
indigenous artesargas—
artesanfas-
a major manifestation of of popular
popular culture-are
culture--are nec- nec- ROBERT HlNSHAW
essary to
essary tothe
thecapitalism
capitalismof of multiethnic
multiethnic Third
Third World
World University of Denver
countries like Mexico.
Mexico. There,
There, in in addition
addition to to serving
serving
several economic
economic functions, they perform perform the dou- In 1970 James Sexton commenced fieldwork in
ideological role of providing
ble ideological providing "symbols
“symbols of na- na- the midwestern highlands of Guatemala, in an In-
identity” (p.
tional identity" 751on
(p.75) on the
the oneone hand,
hand, and facili- dian village on the shore of Lake Atitldn. Two years
“the construction
tating "the constructionof of hegemony
hegemony (through
[through the) the] later he invited a principal informant, lgnacio Bi-
management ofof cultural
management cultural fragmentation”
fragmentation" (pp. (pp. 83-
83- zarro Ujpan, aged 31, to write his life history. By
84) on the other. 1975 the autobiography had been translated into
But, inin order
order to
to serve
serve these functions
functions and to avoid English, and expanded by answers to additional
posing an an “intolerable perturbation in
"intolerable perturbation in capitalism's
capitalism’s questions posed by Sexton and recorded on audi-
constant need to to expand”
expand" (p. (p. 29),
291, popular
popular cultures
cultures otape. To this amplified life history i s appended 4 %
must be appropriately modified modified and and adapted.
adapted. The The years of diary entries, beginning in 1972. Sexton
bulk of
bulk of the
the book
book expatiates
expatiates on on the
the “decontextuali-
"decontextuali- also provides general cultural and historical back-
ground and a listing of general themes of the life his-
zation,” "refunctionalization,"
zation," ”refunctionalization,” and and "resemantici-
“resemantici-
tory, which he discusses at greater length in an ap-
zation” that
zation" that Mexico's
Mexico‘sindigenous
indigenousarts artsand
andfestivals
festivals
pendix. The themes are family and community sol-
are experiencing, particularly under the influence influence
idarity, grinding poverty, reliance on drink during
tourism and
of tourism and official
official developmentalist policies. moods of elation and depression, recurrent illness,
However, the degree degree to which this has occurred
this has occurred and sensitivity to agents of change. The resulting
varies, and in Chapter 6 Garcia compares the major
varies, volume, if read in toto, gives the lay reader the
festivals of three
festivals three Tarascan-area
Tarascan-area communities
communities in breadth of perspective to make sense of the diary
terms of
terms continuum from
of a continuum from the the most
most autochtho-
autochtho- entries, which constitute 145 of the 200 pages of the
popular to
nously popular to the most touristically
touristically spectacular. material supplied by lgnacio Bizarro Ujpan.
In the conclusion,
In conclusion, Garcia
Garciareturns
returns toto the question
question The account of Ignacio’s life is the more valuable
of what is is and what is is not popular
popular art.art. For
For him the for being the only separately bound volume of Cua-
criteria are
critical criteria are not
not the
the indigenous
indigenous origin of an an temalan Indian life-history material published to
object’s motif,
object's motif, nor
nor its
its manual
manual production,
production, but but rather
rather date. One other life history, that of Santiago Yach’s
exercises control
who exercises control over its production
production and and dis- life, recounted to Sol Tax in 1941 when Yach was
tribution, and
tribution, and the
the social
social uses
uses toto which is put.
which iti t is put. 42 years of age, was published in 1979 (see ”Au-
tobiography of Santiago Yach,” in Currents in An-
Paradoxically,
Paradoxically, the pottery
pottery of Tlaquepaque .. . . ,,
of Tlaquepaque thropology: Essays in Honor of Sol Tax, ed. Robert
produced by
although produced by Jalisco
Jaliscoartisans
artisans from ar-
ar- Hinshaw). Yach lived in Panajachel, also on the
chaic designs, is not popular
chaic popular artart because
because it is pro- shore of Lake Atitlan, and since Yach’s life story
duced in
duced in shops of North American entrepreneurs,
American entrepreneurs, covers the first 40 years of the 20th century, ending
is subjected to their stylistic
stylistic adaptations,
adaptations, and be-be- in the year lgnacio was born, the two accounts yield
cause economic
cause economic and symbolic control of the the ob- a unique perspective on village life in the Lake Ati-
ject is lost by being
being sold to tourists. On On the other tlan area during the first three-quarters of this cen-
hand, a Goya Goya Idesign),
[design], painted
painted by by indigenous
indigenous tury.
mestizo peasants
and mestizo peasants of of Aranza
Aranza in Michoacan, Selecting an informant for life-history narration is
with the
with the support
support ofof artists
artists of the
the Taller
Taller de hves-
de loves-
subject to many constraints, and typically the per-
son selected is a close friend of the anthropologist
tigacion Pldstica
tigaciOn Plastica de
de Morelia, in in order produce
order to produce
or, as in this case, a research assistant. Such com-
mural that
a mural that sets
sets forth the problems
problems of the com-com- munity members usually are more literate, more
munity fromfrom its
its own
own perspective,
perspective, is popular art
is popular art marginal, or at least more acculturated than the av-
IIp.
p. 1551.
1551. erage, and willing to risk the gossip and estrange-
Consequently, in Garcia Canclini’s
Consequently, Canclini's view, the di- ment that working for the anthropologist can entail.
rection popular
rection popular culture
culturepolicy
policyshould
shouldtake
take isis neither
neither Ignacio’s occasional references to the envy and
hostility prompted by his association with Sexton
conservationism nor technical develop-
romantic conservationism develop-
are poignant, and one wishes his life‘s history could
Rather, peasants,
mentalism. Rather, peasants, ethnic groups,
groups, and
have been written a decade or two later, with more
workers should organize to retain or regain control objectivity than was possible during the height of
their own
of their own popular
populararts
arts and
andfestivals;
festivals; otherwise,
otherwise, his intensive interaction with outsiders. The reader
”absorbed by
they run the risk of being totally "absorbed by the
the is reminded regularly that lgnacio is working for
hegemonic regime as
hegemonic as one
one more gear gear in its
its repro-
repro- and in Sexton’s debt, and one assumes that lgnacio
machine” (pp.
duction machine" (pp.160-162).
160-162). But Butthe
the author's
author’s focused his diary entries on what he perceived to be
convincing delineation
convincing delineation of of the
the potent
potent impact
impact of cap-cap- Sexton’s principal interests.
italist forces on popular cultures
cultures leaves little room Sexton’s instructions to lgnacio were to write
optimism about
for optimism aboutthethewidespread
widespreadsuccess
success of such about “what was happening in his town, and in his
endeavor.
an endeavor. family, with his friends, his religious activities, his

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