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THE PRINCIPAL AIM of this study is to assemble and discuss whatever is known of Dendera
from the beginning of Egyptian history up to the point, in the Eleventh Dynasty, when the
succession of nomarchs and overseers of priests can no longer be followed. In a very real
sense it is only at this point that the Old Kingdom chapter of Dendera's history can be con-
sidered closed. The second object is to examine this evidence in terms of what is known
about the other provinces of Upper Egypt, and particularly their administration.
The material relating to the Denderite nome covers the period concerned more contin-
uously and completely than that of any other one of the Upper Egyptian provinces with
the exception of the Thinite nome. Unfortunately the inscriptions from the Dendera ceme-
tery, which constitute the essential part of the evidence, are often piecemeal and incom-
plete, a circumstance that has undoubtedly obscured their importance and that, at the
same time, makes a detailed examination all the more necessary. The discussion of this
evidence, which takes up by far the larger part of the present study, deals with each of the
nomarchs and principal officials in turn, considering: (1) the relative dating, (z) the titles
and those parts of the biography which concern the titles, (3) remaining statements of
biographical interest, (4) the position of the stones, their character, and their relation to
one another, (5) the relationship of the owner to other persons, as concluded from one or
more of the foregoing considerations.
It will be useful, at this point, to summarize the sources of the material, omitting for the
present those data which derive from places other than the Sixth Nome itself, since their
variety precludes useful summarization. The largest portion of the material comes from the
Dendera cemetery, behind (south of) the Ptolemaic-Roman temple; more specifically, it
comes frotp the excavations made by Petrie in 1897-1898. In referring to his publication
Dendereh, I have made use of the abbreviations r(ight), I (eft) , t(op), and b(ottom); a stone
on pI. loA, third from top and second from right is abbreviated "pI. loA, t3rz."
At the end of Petrie's season, Charles Rosher of Philadelphia found some further inscrip-
tions, all of which appear to have come to the University Museum. Unfortunately the
records of these are limited to a few scant notes in packing lists and in the Museum's AES
(American Exploration Society) Register, but some more or less complete plans of tombs
are also available, and they have provided some additional data. Since the Rosher pieces
had not been given numbers when these notes were made, their present University Museum
numbers have been used in referring to them.
In the course of three seasons (1915-1918), as director of the Coxe Excavations for the
University Museum, Clarence Fisher went more systematically and slowly over a good
deal, though not all, of the ground covered by Petrie. Among his chief contributions to the
Dendera material is his remapping of some of the larger mastabas. Comparatively few of
the inscriptions found by him date to the Old Kingdom; for the most part they belong to
the end of the Intermediate Period and the Eleventh Dynasty. Those of his finds to which
reference will be made are given by their number in the field register, in all cases preceded
by "D," or by location, when no field number is available; locations refer to the grid
system which Fisher utilized (see map at rear). The index for such references provides
museum accession numbers and, in most cases, the name of the person for whom the monu-
ment was made.
The Old Kingdom cemetery of Gozeriya, only a short distance north of Dendera, was
incompletely excavated in 1938 and 1944. Thanks to Labib Habachi, the former Chief
Inspector of Upper Egypt, I was able to examine this site in the spring of 1955, and to
record the few inscriptions and reliefs that had been found there. They are included in an
appendix, as are a group of Dendera inscriptions most of which were found in the years
between the excavations of Petrie and Fisher, and which were subsequently acquired by
various museums.
Finally, this account of the sources of material coming from Nome 6 itself must also
include the texts in the temple which refer to rulers of the Old Kingdom, as well as some
inscribed fragments which were used in rebuilding the temple in successive periods.
The original version of this book was presented as a doctoral dissertation to the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania at the beginning of 1955. It was initially obtainable on microfilm and
subsequently in a Xerox edition, both produced by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor,
Michigan. After the more convenient Xerox edition became available, a certain number of
copies gradually found their way to libraries here and overseas, and references to it have
occasionally been made in works on kindred topics. In view of this state of semi-publication,
I have decided to retain the original form of the book as much as possible, so that the
present version may be regarded as a second edition, revised and somewhat expanded.
During the intervening years some of the topics I had discussed have been independently
considered by other scholars, such as Helck, on the question of temple and civil administra-
tion, or Baer, on changes of Sixth Dynasty administrative titles in the south of Upper
Egypt as opposed to the north. In these and other cases where virtually identical conclu-
sions have been reached, I have simply indicated the extent of agreement. Happily, points
of disagreement have arisen to a far lesser degree, except in respect to my own findings.
Apart from the occasional addition of new evidence, however, the only serious reorgani-
zation of the contents is the transference of Mni and Tlwti/Rsi from the mid-Sixth
Dynasty to a point later than the Old Kingdom. The problem of their dating was considered
at great length in the original edition, however, and it is reconsidered at the same point
as before.
Otherwise the principal new feature of this version is the addition of three appendices,
the last of which is a tabulation of data formerly presented in unwieldy footnotes, the other
two containing new material, as mentioned earlier. These additions have required a greater
number of plates, but in general I have not attempted to reproduce material that is already
illustrated in Petrie's Dendereh. Budgetary considerations would not have permitted this
large a supplement, nor could it have been realized satisfactorily, since in many cases the
stones are far less complete than they were when excavated in 1898; few museum curators
at that time knew how to prevent the efflorescence of salt in limestone, or even recognized
the danger. The line drawings have also been augmented to illustrate new material, and
virtually all of the old drawings have been remade.
All of the indices have also been reorganized and enlarged for this edition. A particular
effort has been made to list all references to signs, words and titles, as well as unpublished
Dendera material excavated by the University Museum.
The spelling of Arabic place names and Egyptian personal names follows the procedure
used in Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, except that the final i of 3ae inf. verbs is
generally included to render the transliteration more recognizable. A terminal ~ is probab-
ly to be considered as a determinative in some cases, but the evidence for this conclusion
is less clear than it is at Naqada, and I have indicated it as a phonetic element even in
names such as Bn-ndSw-i and) I ni-lt.f-i, where it almost certainly represents ~. An excep-
tion has been made in the case of ~ ~ ~~, which is transcribed as Mri-PtJ;" despite the fact
that the final ~ probably does not belong to the verb mri.
Throughout the following pages I have had occasion to thank those who have supplied
data or other assistance, but I want to emphasize a very particular indebtedness to Rudolf
Anthes who, as my dissertation supervisor, unstintingly gave his time and attention to
whatever question I wished to discuss; he has provided numerous suggestions, including
both specific corrections and improvements of a more general nature, and many of his final
comments have been utilized in this revision.
I am also indebted to two other colleagues for useful suggestions-Caroline N estmann Peck,
whose dissertation on Naga-ed-Deir has been a valuable source of comparative material,
and William C. Hayes, who encouraged me to believe that my study merited a more suitable
and convenient form of publication. That goal would not have been realized without the
further help of Craig Smyth, Director of New York University's Institute of Fine Arts, the
late James Rorimer, Director of the Metropolitan Museum, and Alfred Kidder Ill, Assistant
Director of the University Museum in Philadelphia, who, with the concurrence of their
respective institutions, provided financial assistance.
Of those who have helped me to obtain material, I am especially indebted not only to
WiIIiam C. Hayes and Caroline Peck, but also to WiIIiam Stevenson Smith, Labib Habachi,
Cyril Aldred, and, above all, J. J. CU~re, who, at the outset of my own researches, shared
his collation of Dendera texts in Chicago, Detroit and elsewhere, and supplied me gener-
ously with photographs and his copies, made for a lexicographical file, of the texts in Petrie's
Dendereh. Photographs and other data have also been supplied by Bernard Bothmer,
John Cooney, Ahmed Fakhry, Edward Terrace, T. G. H. James, J. G. Scott, of the Glas-
gow Museum, E. Hendy, of the Bolton Museum, and Olaf Vessberg, of the Medelhavs-
museet, Stockholm. To all of them I express my sincere appreciation.
My wife, to whom this study is dedicated, has typed the manuscripts repeatedly and has
also given much assistance with proofreading. In these tasks I have also been helped by
Elaine Altman Evans, Veronica Mezey and Suzanne Boorsch of the Metropolitan Museum,
and most particularly Mrs. Ellen Honore.

CONTENTS................................................................ X
LIST OF FIGURES IN THE TEXT .............................................. XII
LIST OF PLATES ........................................................... XIV
ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................... XVI
I. The Archaic Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I
II. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties ......................................... 3
A. Provincial Administration .......................................... 3
B. Temple Administration. .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... .. 14
Ill. Hathor of Dendera at the Residence and in the Various Nomes of Upper Egypt 23
A. Priests and Priestesses; Others Associated with Hathor of Dendera . . . . . .. 23
B. ']wnt and ']wnw: Dendera and Heliopolis . . . ... . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 30
IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 37
V. Introduction to Dynasty VI and the First Intermediate Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 55
A. Mastabas and Stelae. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 55
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI ............................. 65
C. Palaeographic and Epigraphic Indications for Dating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 78
D. The Date of Mnl (and TJwtllRsl) .................................... 85
VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 93
A. Dynasty VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 93
']dw I ............................................................ 93
']dw 11 ........................................................... 100
TJwtl ............................................................ 103
Mnl ............................................................. 107
The Other Tombs and Inscriptions of Dyn. VI: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. r08
(r) Tomb north of (2) ............................................ log
(2) TJwtl B ..................................................... log
(3) Tomb south of (2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
(4) Tomb 524 ................................................... 109
(5) ']dw III ...................................................... 109
(6) ']dw IV ..................................................... rog
(7) TJwtl A ..................................................... 110
(8) Nb.l-pw-IJr . ............................................•..... 110
(g) Rdw-lf:i,w . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 110
(10) Wtl ., . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. III
(11) Sng,m-lb ................................................... .. III
(12) Ni-'n!J-IjtJ;,r . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. II2
(13) ~lr ......................................................... 112
(14) Snbl . ........................................................ 112
(15) E 17833 CIt!) ................................................ II2
(16) D 2607 ...................................................... 113
(17) Fragment from loco 8: 231 x .................................... II3
(18) E 17313 ..................................................... 113
B. Dynasties VI-VIII: Introductory Considerations ...................... II3
NI-lbw-nswtfBbl (Tomb 770) ........................................ II4
D 5448 ........................................................... 119
Nfr-ssm-PpyfSnnl: contemporary of the nomarch Sn-s# ................ II9
C. Dynasty IX and Later: Introductory Considerations ................... 128
M rrl, or M rrl1!r ................................................... 136
)Idw(-!)fWJ;,11 ...................................................... 153
Sn-ng,sw-i ........................................................ 154
Mri-PtJ;, ("Ptah-Mera A") .......................................... 165
Ijtpl ("Beba III or C") ............................................. 166
Sn-sjl ............................................................ 168
Ijtpi . ............................................................. 169
Mn-'n!J-PpyfMni .................................................. 170
IlwtlfRsl ......................................................... 175
Wnl ............................................................. 175
VII. Some Later Officials .................................................. 177
Mrr .............................................................. 178
)I ni-i~r . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 178
Sn-s# ("Shen-setha P") ............................................ 178
Bb ............................................................... 182
VIII. Summary and Conclusions ............................................. 185
ApPENDIX A: The Gozeriya Cemetery ............ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 189
ApPENDIX B: The Ninth Dynasty Nomarch 'b-lJ;,w, and Some Others. . . . . . . . . . . .. 195
1. False door of 'b-iJ;,w .................................................... 203
2. False door of Nfr-iw ................................................... 206
3. Stela of Snni ......................................................... 209
4. Stela of Ijtpl ......................................................... 213
5. Stela of )Idi .......................................................... 214
ApPENDIX C: Some Aspects of the Composition of False Doors and Architraves 215
1. References to unpublished Dendera inscriptions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 227
2. Personal names at Dendera ............................................. 228
3. Selected personal names from other sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 232
4. Titles and epithets. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 233
5. Place names and ethnica ............................................... 236
6. Words, phrases, grammatical elements ................................... 237
7. Signs and groups of signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 23 8
8. General index ......................................................... 241
Figures in the Text
I. Archaic cylinder seal from Dendera (from the original, University Museum,
Philadelphia, 29-66-789). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
2. Detail from nome list of shrine of Sesostris I at Karnak (from an excavation
photograph). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
3. Fragment of inscription from Giza (from an excavation photograph, Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, Neg. B 6841).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . la
4. Plans of early Old Kingdom mastabas (from map by Clarence Fisher). ........ IS
5. Fragment of architrave from Giza (from an excavation photograph, Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, Neg. C 14346). ...................................... 24
6. Offering slab of Mn-<n!J-Ppy from Saqqara, Cairo Cat. 57014 (from photographs). 27
7· Cartouches of Pepy 1. ................................................... 37
8. Architrave from temple of Pepy I at Bubastis, Cairo J. d'E. 72133 (adapted from
Labib Habachi, Tell Basta, fig. 2). ...................................... 41
9. Layout of texts in Crypt 9 of the Dendera Temple. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 43
la. Foundation deposit of Tuthmosis III from Dendera, Cairo J. d'E. 71776-71812
(from photographs). . ................................................ 50-SI
Il. Cartouche of Tuthmosis III on the obelisk in Central Park, New York City.. . . .. 53
12. Relief of Queen W ffbt.n.l (adapted from ] equier, La Pyramide d'Oudjebten,
fig. 8). . .. . . . . . . . .... . .. .... . . . .. ... . .. . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. 54
13. Stela from Akhmim( ?), Leyden F 1938/1.4 (from the original).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 62
14. Types of stelae at Dendera. .............................................. 63
IS. Chart showing variations in forms ofhieroglyphs at Dendera (from photographs). 80-81
16. Ste1a of )Idw I (from Petrie, Dendereh, pI. 6, left top) ........................ 100
17. Fragmentary stela of TIWtl, University Museum, Philadelphia, E 17749 (from a
photograph) .......................................................... 105
18. Plan of mastaba of Tlwtl (from map by Charles Rosher) ...................... 106
19. Offering slab of Mnl (from the original, University Museum, Philadelphia, E 3615). 107
20. Servant offering jar: (a) stela of Rdw-il;tw (b) architrave of ~/r, Cairo J. d'E.
43370 (c) mastaba of Ptl;t-l;ttp (a. from the original, in private possession;
b. from a photograph; c. from Paget and Pirie, Ptahhetep, p. 32) ............. III
21. Boat model, Cairo ]. d'E. 63184 (from Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemetery,
pI. 49) ............................................................... 124
22. Bark of Hemen in tomb painting of <n!Jty.fy (from Vandier, Mo<alla, fig. 77) ..... 126
23. Comparison of hieroglyphs at Coptos, Dendera and the Gebelein area. . . . . . . . .. 133
24. Older and later forms of Dendera hieroglyphs, showing stylistic assimilation in the
lower part of the sign. ................................................ 134
25. Older and later forms of Dendera hieroglyphs, showing a tendency toward in-
creased detaiL ....................................................... 135
26. Variations of the hieroglyph B(hkr). . .................................... 136
27. (Top) Left end of architrave of Mrrl, reassembled and restored, University
Museum, Philadelphia, E 17746, and piece fonnerly in the Metropolitan Museum
(from photographs).
(Bottom) Reliefs from passageway(?) of mastaba of Mrri, Metropolitan Museum
98-4.2 and British Museum 1260 (from photo~raphs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. facing 150
28. Stela of Itl, University Museum, Philadelphia, E 17880 (from a photograph) ... 152
29. (a) Hieroglyph of reaper on architrave of Sn-ng,sw-l, Cairo Cat. 1658 (from a
photograph) (b) Reaper as shown in Giza relief (from Junker, G£za 6, fig. 44). 155
30. Fragment of frieze inscription of IJtpl (D 1981, from an excavation photograph in
the University Museum, Philadelphia). .................................. 156
31. (Top) Architrave of Sn-ng,sw-l, reassembled and restored, including Manchester
Museum 3307, University Museum, Philadelphia E 17325, and Oriental Institute,
Chicago, 5015 (from Petrie, Dendereh, pIs. 9, 10, 13).
(Bottom) Architrave of IJtpl, remnants of left end in Oriental Institute, Chicago,
other piece Ashmolean Museum E 3929 (from Petrie, Dendereh, pL lIB, left top,
and pL 1I, near cent er) (see p. 167) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. facing 158
32. Offering fonnulae on architrave of Sn-ng,sw-l and D 2437, University Museum,
Philadelphia, 29-66-608. .............................................. 159
33. Three stelae of Sn-nqsw-l, with restorations: (a) University Museum, Phila-
delphia, E 17326 (from Petrie, Dendereh. pL 9, bottom left); (b) Petrie, Dendereh,
pL loA (two pieces); (c) Manchester Museum 56.98 (from Petrie, Dendereh.
pL 10, right top). ..................................................... 163
34. Fragment of frieze inscription of IJtpl (D 1992, from an excavation photograph
in the University Museum, Philadelphia). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 169
35. Plans of two mastabas at Gozeriya. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 190
36. Stelae and fragments from Gozeriya (from the originals at Qena) ............. 192
37. Inscription from Gozeriya (from the original at Qena) ....................... 193
38. Lotus as represented on stelae ofNJr-lw, Metropolitan Museum, New York, 12.183.8
and Snnl, Edinburgh 1910.96 (from photographs). ........................ 198
39. Stela of >1nl-it.j, Cairo Cat. 20009 (from a photograph). . .................... 200
40. False door of 'b-lft,w, Cario J. d'E. 38551 (from a photograph and the original) ... 204
41. Inscription on lower half of false door of Wnnl (from the original, in private
possession) ........................................................... 206
42. Biography on right jambs of false door of NJr-lw, Metropolitan Museum, New
York, 12.183.8 (from a photograph and the original) ....................... 207
43. Stela of Snni, Edinburgh 1910.96 (from photographs). . ..................... 210
44. Arrangement of architraves in mastaba of Rmn-wl-kd (Hassan, G£za 2, pp. I77ff.). 218

Frontispiece. Calcite sistrum of Tety, Metropolitan Museum 26.7.1450 (see p. 37)
I. Stela of Nlr-<pr.ffrom Dahshur, Cairo ]. d'E. 89290 (see p. 8)
11. Stela from mastaba of Nl-lbw-nswt, British Museum 1267 (top), 1266 (bottom)
(see p. 14)
Ill. Smaller stela of Nl-ibw-nswt, Cairo J. d'E. 89071 (see p. 18)
IV. Offering slab of Mn-<nfJ-Ppy from Saqqara, Cairo Cat. 57014 (see p. 27)
V. Stela of 'Idw I, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-594 (see p. 93)
VI a. (upper left) Stela fragment of )Idw 11, Kelvingrove Museum, Glasgow,
13-100 p (see p. IOI)
b. (lower left) Stela fragment, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-791
(see p. II3)
c. (right) Stela fragment of 'I dw Ill, University Museum, Philadelphia E 17878
(see p. 109)
VII. Statue of 'Idw 11, Metropolitan Museum 98.6.9 (see p. I02)
VIII. Stela of Wtl, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-623 (see p. Ill)
IX. Stela of $ndm-lb, University Museum, Philadelphia field photograph (see p. Ill)
X a. (top) Fragmentary stela of TJwtl, University Museum, Philadelphia E 17749
(see p. 104, and cf. Fig. 17)
b. (bottom) Lower part of statue of ~Jr, University Museum, Philadelphia
29-66-569 (see p. II2)
XI a. (top) Lintel of Nl-<nfJ-lftltr, University Museum, Philadelphia 2g-66-576
b. (bottom) Offering slab of Nl-<nfJ-lftltr, University Museum, Philadelphia
29-66-698 (see p. II2)
XII a. (top) Lintel of $nbi, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-808 (see p. II2)
b. (center) Lintel of 'Itl, University Museum, Philadelphia E 17833 (see p. II2)
c. (bottom) Fragment of stela, University Museum, Philadelphia field photo-
graph (see p. II3)
XIII. Fragment of stela, University Museum, Philadelphia E 17313 (see p. II3)
XIV. Fragment of architrave, D 5448, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-682
(see p. II9)
XV. Segment of architrave, D 2437, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-608
(see p. 159)
XVI. a. (top) Stela of Nfr-ssm-ppyf$nnl, Bolton Museum (see p. II9)
b. (bottom) Stela of Mrrl, Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh 1898.382.1
(see p. 136)
XVII a. (top) Fragments from tomb of Iftpl, University Museum, Philadelphia 29-66-
577,605; three others from field photographs (see p. 169)
b. (bottom) Stela of IlwtijRsl, University Museum, Philadelphia E 16020
(see pp. 103, 175)
XVIII a. (left) Fragment of stela of TlwtijRsl, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 98.1036
(see pp. 103, 175)
b. (bottom left) Lintel of Sn-sjl, University Museum, Philadelphia E 17744
(see p. 178)
c. (right) Fragment of stela of TlwtijRsl, University Museum, Philadelphia
E 17844 (see pp. 103, 175)
XIX a. (left) Fragment of stela, Metropolitan Museum 98,{.68 (see p. 175)
b. (top right) Fragment of stela of Mrl-Ptb-, Kelvingrove Museum, Glasgow C.3,
U.K. (see p. 166)
XX. Stela of man and his wife) Itl, from Gozeriya (see p. 191)
XXI. Stela from Gozeriya (see p. 191)
XXII. Stela from Gozeriya (see p. 193)
XXIII a-b. (left) Fragments of stelae from Gozeriya (see p. 194)
c. (top right) Inscription from Gozeriya (see p. 194)
d. (bottom right) Lintel of )Itl, from Gozeriya (see p. 194)
XXIV. False door of (b-lb-w, Cairo ]. d'E. 38551 (see pp. 195, 203)
XXV. False door of Nfr-lw, Metropolitan Museum 12.183.8 (see pp. 195, 206)
XXVI. Stela of Snnl, Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh 1910.96 (see pp. 195, 209)
XXVII. Stela of Iftpl, Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh 1910.95 (see pp. 195, 213)
XXVIII. Stela of )Idl, Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm, II420 (see pp. 196, 214)
XXIX. Stela fragment mentioning the "Great Overlord of Upper Egypt )Inl-lt.J (I,
II I :
Cairo T. ~IJ (see p. 129)
18 17
XXX a. (top) Architrave of Mmy, from Akhmim, Cairo Cat. 1586 (see pp. 60, 2I9)
b. (bottom) Architrave of )Irl.n-1bty, from Giza, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
13.4333, (see pp. 60, 219)
MAP of the Dendera Cemetery

Abydos W. M. Flinders Petrie, Abydos, 3 vols. A RCE Newsletter Newsletter of the A merican Re-
(Egypt Exploration Fund). London, 1902- search Center in Egypt, Inc., Cambridge,
190 4. Mass.
Actes XXle Congres intern.orientalistes Actes A rchiv ag. A rch. A rchiv fur agyptisclte A rchaolo-
du XXle Congres international des orien- gie, Vienna.
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Totendenksteine Hans WolfgangMiiller, Die
Sinai Alan H. Gardiner, T. Eric Peet, and
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of Siut and Dh Rifeh, London,"1889. Tombs Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
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Metropolitan Museum of Art). New York, Morgenlandes, Vienna.
Win lock, D. el E. H. E. Winlock, Excavations Zaba, Maximes Zbynek Zaba, Les Maximes
at Deir el Ealtri (I9II-I93I). New York, 1942. de Ptaltltotep. Prague, 1956.

Part I. The Archaic Period
Inasmuch as some of the most important predynastic sites are located in the nomes
adjacent to Dendera (notably Diospolis Parva in U. E. 7 and the area between Ballas and
Naqada in U. E. 5), it is not surprising that the Sixth Nome has yielded some evidence of
equal antiquity. Werner Kaiser has recorded examples of Naqada and Badarian ware from
the cemetery of Gozeriya, on the right bank of the river directly opposite the temple of
Hathor; this cemetery will be mentioned later (and particularly in Appendix A) in reference
to its Old Kingdom mastabas. 1
One of the most important results of Clarence Fisher's excavations at Dendera was the
discovery of a group of burials dating to the Archaic Period. These earliest burials are
located at the cent er of the cemetery, due south of the temple of Hathor, in the south-
west corner of Fisher's area 7 and the northwest corner of area 5. In some cases nothing
more than the contracted body was found,2 and the contracted position would not in
itself necessarily indicate this early a date (cf. Reisner, Naga-ed-Der I, pp. 88-89). Many
of the burials yielded pottery,3 however, and two in particular provided material that is
incontestably archaic. 4
The first of these two is actually a double burial, one above the other, the lower one
being especially well equipped with fine stone vessels of characteristic type, including a
tall cylindrical jar of calcite with a corded band below the rim. A pot equipped with a
strainer for pouring liquids has the signs ----- t> scratched on the outside, a combination
that is very reminiscent of archaic potmarks found at Abydos and Saqqara. 5
The second of the two burials that yielded the most readily dated material is much
poorer than the first, but it contained the most important single object found in the
Early Dynastic section of the cemetery. This is a cylinder seal (D2626) of the well-known
1 MDIK 17, 20 and fig. 4. Scarcely any prehistoric evidence has been reported from Dendera
itself. A pottery hippopotamus (Chicago Or. Inst. 4729), of the early type discussed by B. V. Bothmer
in BMFA 46, pp. 64ft., is said in the Institute's register to have come from this site. The pottery is
red with simple white line decoration, as in Amratian ware, but the white does not look like authentic
2 E.g., Diary I, p. 156 (Nov. 21, 1916), location 7:750.1; ibid., P.158 (Nov. 23, 1916), location
7:65°.11; ibid., p. 163 (Nov. 26,1916), location 7:750.3. For these locations see map at rear.
3 E.g., Diary, loco cit., location 7: 750.2; ibid., p. 64 (Jan. 9, 1916), location 7: 840; ibid., p. 72
(Jan. 14, 1916), location 7: 940.2 (see Register, D 1779); Diary I, p. 77 (Jan. 20, 1916), location 5: 980.1;
ibid., p. 84 (Jan. 21,1916), location 5:87o.b; ibid., p. 85 (Jan. 22, 1916), location 7:940.7; ibid., p. 64,
(Jan. 9, 1916).
4 Diary I, pp. 64-67 (Jan. 10 and 11, 1916), location 7:840.2, and Register, D 1610ft.; Diary I,
p. 155 (Nov. 20,1916), location 7:950.
5 Possibly the second sign is a lopsided rectangle, in which case one may compare the group U 0
in Roy. Tombs I, pI. 47 (bottom). Many other single signs are similarly combined with U, but none
seems equally likely (cf. ibid., pIs. 47, 48, 55B; Emery, Hemaka, pI. 39).
2 Part I. The Archaic Period
archaic type that terminates an inscription with a seated figure, in this case a woman,
with one arm stretched out to an offering table (Fig. I).

Fig. I

Von Bissing has assembled the other examples and studied them as a group (Sitz. Bay.
1952, Heft 2, sep.); he points out that all those of known provenance come from Upper
Egypt, with one exception (p. 49). It may be added that most of the latter have been
found at some site in the Thinite Nome. 6 Such seals are generally squat and are made of
black steatite;7 this one is wooden, however (as other types of archaic seals sometimes
are),8 and definitely narrower. The Dendera seal is also exceptional in that the signs are
arranged in two horizontal registers, with the seated figure placed in the lower of these,
whereas the seated figure as a rule fills the entire height of the field. But this use of two
registers is not unique, for it occurs at Amra, south of Abydos, on a squat cylinder seal
(see note 6) and is exemplified by two other seals in Brooklyn and Athens; the latter
lacks the seated figure. 9
The signs above and before the seated woman on the Dendera seal all look familiar,
but their identification is certain only in the case of the two owls (~; cf. Bissing's nos.
21,64). The sign n,
with both sides of equal length, is probably s (~), which frequently
has this form on seals of this type; if so it may also represent cloth. IO But as Bissing points
out (p. 20), the number 10 must also be considered as a possibility, particularly in cases
where it is so many times repeated. Of the remaining hieroglyphs, ~,t;3, and 'b are possibly
variants of the same sign; one might compare t;j,~,W,VI,. and ID, all of which occur as
variants in the name \~ of the Horus 'g,-ib.i (Ray. Tombs I, pI. 26[57-60]; variations
in the clearness of the impression cannot be responsible for all of these differences). The
sign w is probably another variant, although it might possibly represent'\. or It t.
would appear that a number of meaningless strokes have been added to fill in space between
the hieroglyphs.
As in many of the contemporary seal inscriptions, the sequence of the signs probably
does not conform strictly to phonetic order (cf. Bissing, p. 32). The grouping of like signs
on the Dendera seal appears, however, to set it apart from others of this type. In view of
so many uncertainties, it does not seem useful to hazard a reading; all one can say with
any confidence is that the inscription probably represents the name of the deceased. l l
6 Reisner, Naga-ed-Der I, p. IIg and pIs. 43, 44. One in Abydos 2, pI. 12 and p. g; one in Amrah,
pI. 6 and p. 39; four in Courtiers, pI. 2.
7 All the seals mentioned by Reisner, Naga-ed-Der I, p. IIg, are of this material, "black" (steatite),
except those from tombs 1532 (gold) and 309I (wood); the example from 1514 is a mud impression.
S E.g. Reisner, loco cit., seal from tomb 3091. Also Petrie, Courtiers, pI. 2, and Amrah, P.39 (not
illustrated) .
9 Both illustrated by Kaplony, Inschr. ag. Fruhzeit 3, pI. 6 (10, I1); the second of these is Brooklyn
og.88g.II6; its material is steatite.
10 Weill, Ire Dynastie I, 210-212 unconvincingly explains this as ssr "boissons." For r as a hiero-
glyphic designation of cloth see Spiegelberg, AZ 58, 151.
11 P. Kaplony has reproduced my copy in Inschr. ag. Fruhzeit 3, pI. log (558 bis). He reads the
name ijms(t) and adds: "Das Zeichen ~ (?) ist allerdings unklar" (VoI. 2, p. II64).
Part 11. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
A. Provincial Administration.

Among the titles of the early Fourth Dynasty M!n is the series i - ~ ~ -=- ~ ~ t
(Urk. r, 2.6). The standard on which the crocodile is mounted shows that a nome is
involved, and the titles-which will be discussed later-are those of a nome administrator.
Although the absence of the customary feather on the back or head of the animal and the
presence of the east sign are unusual, it is natural to suppose that this emblem might
represent the well-known crocodile of the Denderite Nome. The earliest opinion, that of
Brugsch, was that it did represent this province (Geogr. Inschr. r, r09 [r857J). Subse-
quently, however, Brugsch discovered a second example of an emblematic crocodile
lacking the feather,12 which appears in the "Labyrinth Papyrus" later published by
Pleyte (Verhandel. Amsterdam r6 [I886J, pI. 8), and which clearly represents the Fayum.
Whether Brugsch took the M!n example to be the same is not certain, for his Dictionnaire
Geographique (1879) makes no reference to it in the section on the Fayum where the
emblem in the "Labyrinth Papyrus" is taken up, and his earlier opinion is not repeated
in the section on the nome of Dendera.
Erman then explicitly translated ~ as "die ostliche Halfte des Faijum" (ifgypten,
p. 127 [I885J). He does not give a reference, but Maspero, in coming to the same conclu-
sion, refers to Brugsch's reference to the Fayum crocodile emblem and to the Pleyte
pUblication (Journ. as. ser. 8, 15 [I890J, 343). Breasted likewise translates "eastern
Fayum," but makes no further comment (Anc. Rec. I, §I74 [I905J).
The view that M!n's crocodile emblem represents the Fayum is invalidated by the fact
that the Old Kingdom term for the Fayum is =:±o
"the Southern Lake"; it appears thus,
between U. E. Nomes 21 and 22, in the brief sequence of nomes listed in the Dyn. IV
tomb of lJnl-wl-kd, at Tehna (ASAE 3, 76). M!n himself uses this term in his title i ~ @
Q iF:: ±
= (Urk. I, 3.12), and it is most unlikely that he would refer to the Fayum as
~ in the same inscription. "The Southern Lake" is also known to have designated the
Fayum province as late as the reign of Ramesses II.1a The emblem in the "Labyrinth
Papyrus," however, appears to be somewhat exceptional; the only other possible in-
stance of such an emblem for the Fayum that I have been able to find is 'T'- on a Dyn.
I seal-impression from Tarkhan. It is doubtful that the latter is a territorial standard,

12 Dict. Geog., pp. 68 If. ; cf. ibid., P.391. Gauthier, Dict. 5, p. 22, cites Brugsch's example, but
does not identify this with the Mln standard; for Gauthier's explanation of the latter see below,
13 Brugsch, Geogr. Inschr. I, pI. 11, no. 440, with p. 99; cited by Gardiner, On. 2, 120*.

1* 3
4 Part n. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
and in any case it differs from the MJn emblem in that two ostrich feathers surmount
the back. 14
Griffith was the first to assign MJn's ~ to a third region, the eastern Delta (Davies,
Ptak. 2, p. 26 [1901]). His reasoning begins with the fact that the sign "east" occurs t
as a nome emblem among L. E. nomes in the early Dyn. VI mastaba of Slbw (Cairo Cat.
1419). He then suggests that the "east" sign in GJit designates the same nome,15 and
concludes that the crocodile nome is probably also in the east of Lower Egypt. It should
be noted that the Dendera possibility was ruled out for Griffith since he took ~ to be
the Old Kingdom name of the Denderite Nome, having observed that ~! ~ is the
usual title of a Sixth Dynasty nomarch there. 16
In adopting Griffith's view, Steindorff (1909) contested the Fayum possibility some-
what along the lines of the argument given above. 17 Newberry (1912) also favored the
Delta idea, but he returned to the older interpretation of ~ as a unit; this he equates
with the later .dl!ij (L. E. 14) on the basis of a word rVi -: ."..... !Jnty "crocodile," which
first appears in two M. K. literary texts. The emblem of L. E. Nome 14 would accordingly
be translated "eastern crocodile."18 Newberry's theory has most recently received some
consideration from Lacau in Une Ckapelle de Sesostris fer, pp. 235-36. Gauthier also
accepts the equation ~t = .Di!ij, but he apparently considers."..... a writing of rfil, not
vice versa, for he translates "la region anterieure de l'est" (Diet. 4, 178-9).
The views of N ewberry and Gauthier, though they doubtless go back to Griffith's ideas on the
subject, do not stem from Griffith's reasoning, which was based on the existence of an Old
Kingdom "East N ome." The credibility of N ewberry's view depends entirely on the likelihood
that rVi replaced."..... in the emblem of L. E. 14. Two considerations weigh against this likeli-
hood. First, the replacement must be assumed to have taken place as early as Dyn. V, for rWNl t
appears (apparently as a nome) in Palermo Stone verso (Urk. 1,245.2; 247.2). The word !Jnty
"crocodile" which rfil is supposed to have replaced is not evidenced, on the other hand, until
the Middle Kingdom. Secondly, and more important, if the name of the nome really refers
to a crocodile, as Newberry thinks, it is strange that this animal never again appears in
the emblem. And it is difficult to understand why the concrete representation, which
the Egyptians usually preferred, should be replaced by a phonetic equivalent.19

14 Tarkhan I, pI. 2 (4) (Cairo J. d'E. 43798); found with seal impressions bearing the name of
Narmer (ibid., p. 21). The crocodile standard faces 5
a serekh-fac;:ade with the curved top charac-
teristic of the first rulers, surmounted by a bucranium. Petrie has identified the latter as the Fayum
shrine i(ibid., pp. 21-22); one might compare the shrine i
(Ray. Tombs 2, pI. 7), which more
closely resembles the later form of the Fayum shrine, and which also has a bucranium. The fact that
Tarkhan is located very near the Fayum is, of course, much in favor of Petrie's identification. The
remainder of the field of the Tarkhan seal is taken up by repeated figures of crocodiles without the
standard, along with more frequently repeated ~ signs. Kaplony (Inschr. ag. Fruhzeit 1,7) implausibly
regards these (in combination with the animals above them) as a writing of Sdy.t "Crocodilopolis,"
but it seems probable that this place name is expressed by the shrine (cf. Pyr. IS64 b), while the
"hundred" signs refer to the epithet ~~. This epithet is applied to a crocodile god who is later known
to have resided in the vicinity of Akhmim, where he assumed the form of a falcon (Kees, AZ 64,
107-112). However this may be, remains questionable that the standard of Sobek lord of Sdy.t
might represent the Fayum province in a wider sense.
15 Griffith's view may have influenced Murray's copy of the title: ~ -= 'i~ 1, (Index, pI. 20;
same, even less accurately, by Petrie, Anc. Eg. 1925, p. SI).
16 For this use of ~ in the title of nomarchs throughout the southernmost nomes at the end
of the Old Kingdom, see below, p. 7S.
17 Gaue, Sachs. Abh. 2S, p. 878, note 2; but he suggests that ~~ was the older name for the
Fayum; this is first known in the Middle Kingdom (Gauth, Dict. 6, 33).
18 AZ So (1912), p. 124. For anty, see Wb. 3, 308+
19 Newberry himself apparently abandoned his theory, for in Griff. Stud., p. 322, n. 3, he proposes

a quite different meaning for Ifil

in the nome emblem, and a less likely one; in this connection note
A. Provincial Administration 5
Gauthier's reasoning involves an even greater difficulty, for ~ is not known as a writing
for !Jnty until the Ptolemaic period (Wb. 3, 30 4). His translation of riVl t, however, is
probably correct; "forefront of the east" is so fitting a name for this easternmost province
of the Delta that one need hardly look farther for the meaning. 20
The original argument advanced by Griffith is more plausible than those of Newberry
and Gauthier-Sethe has preferred it to Newberry's theory21-but it is unsatisfying
in that it leaves us with a Lower Egyptian crocodile nome that is not otherwise
A serious objection against all the arguments for locating Mjn's ~t in the Delta
concerns the titles that precede the nome emblem(s). The only recurrence of the com-
bination T~ ~ ~ -== ~ in his inscription associates these titles with Upper Egyptian
Nome 17 (Urk. I, 3.17). Quite different titles precede the several Lower Egyptian nomes
in which Mjn held office, as also in the case of the Dyn. IV Pl;-r-nfr. In the briefer titulary

exclusively with Upper Egypt: ~ =

:to ~ ~ CS ~ ="\
of a third official of this dynasty one of the above-mentioned group is again associated
'E? f "leader-of-the-Iand of
the nomes of Upper Egypt, overseer of a half (of the Delta), and swsw(?) in the nomes of
the Northland."22 And a Third Dynasty official is ~ of U. E. 16. 23 Another of the group
of titles, ~ -==~, once appears to be used by Mjn in connection with Lower Egyptian
nomes, although possibly in a different sense. In the passage in question this title follows
(instead of preceding) the emblems of L. E. 3-5 (Urk. I, 4.5).
Others have considered Mjn's titulary from the opposite point of view. Assuming from
the start that ~ belongs to the Delta, they conclude that the same titles were used in
the north and the south; this is notably the position of Kees, who accepts Griffith's idea
of "den alten Ostdeltagauen des 'Krokodils' und 'Ostens'."24 Drioton and Vandier like-
wise see in Mjn's inscriptions the proof that there was then no difference in the adminis-

that the sign on the Palenno Stone, which allegedly has the form of ssmt, is actually a normal !Jnt,
the parts of which have been worn thin.
20 This is likewise the translation offered in Wb. 3, 306.13 and Gardiner, On. 2, 200*. For a further
discussion see JNES 18, pp. 135-137. Here it is argued that the "Front of the East" Nome and "East
Nome" were entirely distinct entities, with ilbt pftwyt specifying the north end of the latter (cf. ibid.,
p. 134, fig. 2). Helen Jacquet-Gordon (Domaines, 111-112) agrees with the first of these points but
takes the view that (I) ilbt pftwyt refers to the part of the "East Nome" that was not included in
"Heliopolitan Nome East," which lay just south of it and that (2) ilbt pftwyt and ilbt are interchange-
able terms for one and the same area. Against this conclusion is the fact that {Ibt and {Ibt pftwyt appear
side by side as territorial designations along with other nomes in the testament of Ni-klw-R< (Urk. I, 17).
21 A usdrucke, p. 235, note 2; the theory proposed by Newberry is dismissed as "v611ig indiskutabeI."
22 Glyptotheque Ny Carlsberg A 670; Mogensen, La Collection, pI. 93; Koefoed-Petersen, Catalogue
des bas reliefs, pI. 24 (17). The reading first suggested by Junker, Giza 5,48; 11, I99f., still has more
in its favor than smn, proposed by Grdseloff (ASAE 44, 302ff.). Cf. ~}' in Gebr. I, pI. 8, a scene
similar to the one shown in Junker, Giza 5, fig. 9; here the word is evidently followed by sspt, a tenn
for cloth (fARCE 2, 25). But the original value of the sign t-:S may bessl; compare ~ ~, in the
towing scene cited by Grdseloff (ibid., fig. 33) with ~'i:'0 ~ in two similar scenes (Meir 5, pIs. 22, 42 ; in
all three cases the word in question evidently refers to the line used for towing. Goedicke has less
plausibly argued that, in the quotation under discussion, the group CS ~ ~ is not to be interpreted as
s_ + preposition, but that it represents a variant writing of ~ (which he ventures to read ssm rather
than ssm-tl) because the two tenns occur in a parallel sequence, one in connection with Upper Egypt.
the other with Lower Egypt. None of the other few occurrences of the sign is convincingly demon-
strated to confinn this reading. His interpretation of ~ CS} as an abbreviated form of Ssm-nfr is
particularly dubious; the expected hypochoristicon would more probably be SSi (PN I, 330.3).
23 Firth-Quibell, Step Pyramid, p. 137 and pI. 106, no. 6: a hieratic jar inscription from the pyramid
of Djoser.
24 Prov. Verw. 2, p. 584. He believes such a difference is first manifested in the beginning of Dyn. V.
6 Part II. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
tration of the two halves of the country (L'Egypte 4, p. 181); to judge from this conclusion
it seems probable that they too have located sr t
in the Delta.
Ranke, in his revision of Erman's Agypten, pp. 97-98, takes the opposite position, how-
ever, and assigns the "Ostliche Krokodilgau" to Upper Egypt, though he does not locate
it more specifically; his statement has come under criticism from Kees (Prov. Verw. 2,
p. 584). Junker at first agreed with Kees that no difference in the administration of north
and south was discernible in the early Fourth Dynasty, as it clearly was in the dynasty
following (G£za 3, 175), but he soon revised his opinion to conclude that differences do
exist in the earlier period as well (AZ 75, 75), and his summary of those differences shows
that he also took Sp to be Upper Egyptian.
It is difficult to say whether Ranke and Junker had Dendera in mind; perhaps they
hesitated between this nome and the Fayum. Min's crocodile emblem has been definitely
identified as the Denderite Nome at least once, however, since Brugsch ventured the first
opinion more than a century ago. It is translated thus in the index to volume I of the
Berlin Agyptische Inschriften, evidently on the authority of Max Burchardt. 25
The arguments for locating ~ t in either the Delta or the Fayum have been seen to
involve a number of difficulties, and one can only assume that still more serious difficulties
dissuaded the adherents of these views from considering the Dendera possibility. In any
case, at least three such objections come to mind. The most conspicuous of these is the
absence of a feather on the back or head of the crocodile. The feather occurs at least as
early as the mid-Fifth Dynasty atop the Dendera nome emblem in the nome list of Neu-
serre's Sun Temple. 26 And it is possible-although not very probable-that an example
with the feather is also to be found in the funerary temple of Sahure, at the beginning
of Dyn. V.27 The next earliest writings that have survived are found in the Dyn. VIII
Coptos Decrees; the feather again appears to be present in the three cases where the nome
of Dendera is mentioned.28 It is apparently replaced by an arrow towards the end of the
Intermediate Period at Moalla and at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty at Abydos
25 VoI. 2, p. 655. The editor of this volume, Roeder, states that Max Burchardt did the preliminary
work for the index to VoI. I, where the nome emblem of Mln appears; Hildegard Fischer did the
final preparation (VoI. 2, p. iv).
26 Cairo Cat. 57118; Kees, AZ 81, p. 36, fig. I, right.
27 Borchardt, Sah. 2, p. 100 and pI. 20 (Kestner Museum, Hannover, 1911.842); a female figure
with a half-obliterated emblem on her head follows :'- ~ of D.E. 8 and another female who bears
on her head the standard of V.E. 7. The remaining part of the damaged emblem is ~,~\\~, which is
judged not to be the west sign (which would be , at this early a date, rather than ~) and is thought
to be "'9-", partly because the emblem of nome 6 might well be associated with that of 7 and the god-
dess of 8. To Borchardt's remarks the following considerations may be added: (I) The fact that the
nome (?) is personified as a woman would not agree with the male personification of V.E. 6 in Neuserre's
list. This distinction may not have been observed altogether consistently, however; V.E. 4 is feminine
in the Neuserre list, and masculine in the Mycerinus triad. (2) The position of the feather on the
back, instead of on the head, does not agree with the emblem in the Neuserre list, or with examples
of the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom. The Coptos decrees appear to place the
feather upon the back, but I have not been able to confirm this detail from photographs; see below,
in following note. (3) The damaged emblem might well be a:r, which has one feather in the Neuserre
list as also on the Kamak shrine of Sesostris I (cf. also Hassan, Gtza 5, fig. 152, p. 291; and the predy-
nastic Min emblems such as ..f-,MacIver and Mace, Amrah, pI. 8). The mention of V.E. nome 9
would also accord well with the mention of D.E. 7 and the goddess of Thinis in D.E. 8, although the
order is wrong. Furthermore, the personification of D.E. 9 in the Neuserre list is similarly feminine.
26"'9-" seems to be copied from a clearly preserved example in Urk. I, 301.8, the original of which
is apparently still in Luxor (Hayes, JEA 32, p. 4). The other examples in the Coptos decrees are very
unclear: Urk. I, 295.18 (Cairo J .d'E. 41895; Hayes, loco cit., I); Cairo J.d'E. 43053 (Hayes, loco cit., i).
I am indebted to Hans Goedicke for photographs of these two inscriptions; in both cases the feather
on the back is possible, if uncertain, or on the head, in the case of J.d'E. 41895.
A. Provincial Administration 7
(WZKM 57 [1961], 59-60). The feather again surmounts the head of the crocodile on
the false door of cb-i/:tw (PI. XXIV) and in the next earliest example, the carefully delineated
emblem of Nome 6 in the nome list of the "temple-reposoir" at Karnak, dating to the
thirtieth regnal year of Sesostris I (Fig. 2).29 These examples, few as they are, would

Fig. 2
strongly suggest that the feather was a part of the nome emblem from the first. It is
certain, however, that the feather might have become a permanent part of nome emblems
at a relatively late date; the earliest known occurrence of the Theban emblem 1, is j; ;30
it then is normally (Neuserre Temple; see note 26), and 1,31 and the addition of the
feather becomes regular only at the beginning of Dyn. XII,32
29 Lacau-Chevrier, Une chapel/e, 224; Montet, GeograPhie 2, 85.
8°lliycerinus, pI. 41. For this sign, see Wb. I, 26-27; its use as the Theban ensign is perhaps ir-
regular (cf. JNES 16 [1957J, p. 230, n. 42).
81 E.g. Urk. I, 301.8 (Dyn. VIII); Mo'alla II e: 2, II ~ 3, II 't) 2, II 6 2 (end of Intermediate Per.);
CIE~re-Vand., nos. I, 3, 13, 23 (the last Dyn. XI); Hamm. 192.14 (end of Dyn. XI).
32 In the nome list of Sesostris I; see above, note 29. Also in the list of nomes on the granite altar
from the pyramid temple of Amenemhet I, Lisht (MMA 09.180.526; cf. Scepter I, p. 174).
8 Part H. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
A lesser difficulty in the way of identifying MJn's sr t
with Dendera is the remoteness
of this nome from the sphere of MJn's activities, which appear for the most part to concern
the Delta. But his duties also took him as far south into Upper Egypt as Nome 17 and it
is altogether possible that he may have performed the same duties in Nome 6.
A third difficulty is the sign t
"east" that follows the crocodile emblem. "Dendera
Nome East" is not otherwise attested, but the same objection applies, with even greater
force, to the idea of a "Crocodile Nome East" for the Fayum, or a "Crocodile Nome" of
any description in the Delta (regardless of whether or not, in the latter case, the term
"east" refers to the crocodile standard or to the "East Nome").33
The three points that have just been considered are not, in my opinion, of sufficient
consequence to outweigh the probability that there was only one crocodile nome through-
out the main periods of Egypt's history-namely that of Dendera. After nearly all the
above evidence had been assembled with the result that has just been stated, an inscrip-
tion appeared, newly excavated at Dahshur, which made this conclusion certain.
The new inscription gives the name and titles of an otherwise unknown king's son
NJr-<pr.f, who, as priest of the southern pyramid "Sneferu Shines Forth," was accorded
the privilege of having a massive free-standing stela (PI. I) erected in or near the valley
temple belonging to this pyramid. The stela was uncovered by Ahmed Fakhry during his
excavations at Dahshur in the winter of 1951-52, and I am indebted to Professor Fakhry
for having placed his material at my disposal in advance of his preliminary and final
reports. 34
At the conclusion of NJr-<pr.J's titulary he is said to be ~ <= ~ ~~ 1: "overseer of com-
missions of the nomes of Coptos, Hu, and Dendera." In this title there can be no question
whatever that the crocodile emblem belongs to Dendera, since it is here grouped with
Nomes 5 and 7, between which Dendera, the Sixth Nome, is situated. The interchanging
of the order in the case of Hu and Dendera is probably imposed by the available space,
and the drooping tail of the crocodile (reminiscent of Sobek on a shrine "EJ§l ) might be
explained on the same basis.
NJr-<pr.j's crocodile emblem is without the feather as is that of MJn, and the omission
is more than coincidental, for the crocodile emblem of U. E. Nome 6 likewise lacks the
feather in the list of nomes and estates that lines the west wall of Sneferu's valley temple
at Dahshur, the same building in which NJr-<pr.J's stela was erected. 3s These three ex-
amples of the nome emblem thus apparently antedate the addition of the feather, which
must have taken place in the later Fourth or early Fifth Dynasty.
MJn and NJr-<pr.f are evidently not far from being contemporaneous, and both probably
lived during at least part of Sneferu's reign. MJn appears to have died before the end of
this reign, as Breasted has suggested (Anc. Rec. I, 76), for Sneferu's name is mentioned
only on the half-finished north wall of the offering chamber, in a pair of titles which are
traced in the preliminary red outline of the draughtsman. 36 For NJr-<pr.J's date such

33 Note that the "east" sign is added to other Delta nome emblems in a rather different manner.

In the case oft i I ;;; "HeUopolitan Nome East" it precedes (fNES 18, 130-135). In the case of
the "eastern Harpoon Nome," the qualifying term is gs ilb "east side" (ibid., 136). For the "East
Nome" see ibid., 135-142 and note 20 above.
34 Cairo J.d'E. 89290: ASAE 52, p. 591 and pI. 21; Monuments 01 Sneleru 2, Part 2, PP.4-8 and
pIs. 38-40.
35 Ibid., Part I, p. 48 and fig. 20. Although the emblem is much damaged, Dr. Fakhry has assured
me that the feather is definitely lacking.
i Lll ::
36 Urk. I, 7.3; LD 2, 5: er. = .~ ) . An indication of his connection with the Third Dynasty

is the reference to the funerary cult of Ni-ml't-IJpw the "Ahnmutter" of that Dynasty (Urk. I, 4.9;
Sethe, Untersuch. 3, p. 37).
A. Provincial Administration 9
considerations as the shape of his stela and the style of its relief are of help. In the first
respect the Bankfield stela is the obvious comparison (lEA 4, pp. 256ff.; pI. 55). It simi-
larly has a round top and broad raised rim, as well as an area of unrimmed space at the
bottom; it differs from N!r-cpr.f's stela in being crudely executed, and is placed by W. S.
Smith among the "less skillful work of Dyn. III."37 It must be granted, however, that
the round top in itself is a feature that occurs in freestanding stelae of various periods. 3s
The reliefs of M!n and N!r-cpr.f are similar to each other in style; both exhibit charac-
teristics belonging to the transition of the Third to the Fourth Dynasty. As described by
W. S. Smith, the reliefs of this time "although rounded heavily on the surface, show a
distinct, sharp edge instead of a gradual transition to the wall behind them. . .. The
hieroglyphs stand out to the same level as the large figures .... The inner detail is on a
large scale, as are the hieroglyphs of the accompanying inscriptions. The resulting style
is heavy and bold" (HESPOK, p. 149). One must allow for the possibility that such
characteristics may have survived longer at Dahshur, for Smith indicates that they tend
to persist at Saqqara,39 and this possibility might be even more likely for a site still farther
from Giza. Nonetheless it is very improbable that N!r-cpr.f's stela is much later in Dyn.
IV than the tomb of M!n. That N!r-cpr.fis in fact the later of the two is indicated by his
title of priest in Sneferu's funerary temple; as we have seen, M!n seems to have died
early in the reign of this king.
Although N!r-cpr.f's functions in Nomes 5,6, and 7 are designated by one only of the
three titles that M!n holds in Nomes 17 and east 6, there is no reason to think that he
governed his provinces in a less comprehensive sense than M!n did. In Dyn. V, when the
titulary is essentially the same, ~ <= ~ occurs alone (or preceded by ~) with the nome
emblem in the inscriptions of nomarchs who elsewhere combine the same emblem with the
full titulary.40 Apparently ~ <= :::L was the most essential of the titles of a nomarch during
Dyns. IV-V, the one that best summed up his duties as a provincial administrator.
Here it may be useful to indicate the extent to which the Fifth Dynasty titles of the
provincial administrator continue those of Dyn. IV,41 and the extent to which such titles
differ in the north and south. The evidence for the older series is restricted for the most
part to M!n and PJ:t-r-nfr, and the titles of the latter refer exclusively to the L. E. nomes.
Lower Egypt42 - a. ~43 b. i y44
and rarely(?) c. ~ <=> ~45
a. "boundary official," b. "chief of the great estate," c. "over-
seer of commission(s)"
Upper Egypt - a. ~46 b. i ~ c. ~ <=> ~
a. "leader of the land," b. "chief of the nome," c. "overseer
of commission(s)"

37 HESPOK, p. 143. The stela is said to have been brought from Thebes (JEA 4, P.257). and
Reisner describes its workmanship as being "of the provincial type." W. S. Smith questions the
applicability of "provincial," however (op. cit., p. 142).
38 The royal stelae of the first two dynasties are more or less round-topped, and those of the First
Dynasty have the same style of rim and base (Artibus Asiae 24, 53-54; JARCE 2,41-43). Round-
topped stelae which differ in some details from these are used for decrees as late as Pepy I (Weill,
Decr., pI. 7); for a Dyn. IV example, see Mycerinus, pI. 19 b. See also Alexander Badawy, ASAE
48, 214-21 7.
38 The few examples of Saqqara reliefs attributed to Dyn. IV "show a certain tendency to retain
the style of the preceding transition period in their bold, heavy reliefs." (HESPOK, p. 174.)
40 I have already noted this point in JAOS 74, p. 26, in dealing with Nfr-ml't at Dahshur, the son
of Junker's Nfr-nswt (Giza 3); both father and son exemplify this usage. Other examples are given
in JAOS, loco cit. note 9.
41 In general the scheme of this follows Junker, AZ 75, p. 75. Most, but not all, of the officials
cited in note 51 are mentioned by Kees, Prov. Verw., 2, pp. 586-589.
10 Part H. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
Lower Egypt - a. ~ nome emblem b. Tif c. ~ ~ d. i- 47 t t
a. "overseer (of the nome)," b. "chief of the great estate,"
c. "overseer of king's people," d. "concerned with the king's
property (?)"48
Dyn. Upper Egypt - a. t i- b. ~ c. if d. ~ <= ~ e. ~ <=
T f. ~ -= t '"III
V ~it~ g. ~<=g@>",49
a. "concerned with the king's property (?)," b. "leader of the
land," c. "chief of the great estate," d. "overseer of commis-
sion(s)," e. "overseer of fortresses,"5o f. "overseer of king's
people," g. "overseer of new towns."lil

'2 In listing two sets of titles for V.E. and L.E., two qualifications should be made. (I) The L.E.
titles ~ and T if are associated both with L.E. nomes and with towns and territories within the
nomes; and other titles are used in connection with nomes and towns: ::i
of L.E. 9 (P~-r-nfr. AZ
75. 68). T (C = =
~ '? -.!.'.
of L.E. 2. 3. 4/5 (MIn) and Jm."",dl . L.E. 6; MIn).
~ of L.E. 3. 4/5. 6 (and of Dp m
The "V.E. titles" in contrast are known for Dyns. IV and V only in connection with the nome. not
cities or smaller territories; and they are used rather more consistently. (2) The title used by MIn
with the "Southern Lake" (the Fayum. see above p. 3) is not a "V.E." one. but more like the
used for the Delta (Urk. I. 3.12). This circumstance suggests that the two halves of the country may
not have been so sharply demarcated as the scheme on pp. 9-10 suggests. Note also that Newberry
reports a Dyn. IV "overseer of works" of V.E. 20 and 22 (AZ 50. 79); this title is also applied to V.E.
nomes in Dyn. V (Hemamieh. pIs. 15. 24) and Dyn. VI or later (Wresz. Bericht. pI. 23. Naga ed-Deir
tomb 71; Peck. Decorated Tombs. pI. 5. Naga ed-Deir tomb 248). Moreover the Dyn. In inscription
of l!JtY->1 (Smith. AlA 46.521) includes the title [=J! I of V.E. 22.
43 See Grdseloff. ASAE 42. 107-111. and Helck. Beamtentitel. 79-80. This and the following title
are held by both MIn and P~-r-nfr. For the titles of the latter. see J unker. AZ 75.63 ff. All the other titles
are held by MIn. The only slightly earlier l!JtY-'1 is ~ of the Memphite L.E. I (Smith. AlA 46.521).
" Note that MIn uses the title T@• • '" iF in connection with the Fayum. See above. note 42.
45 See above. p. 5.
'6 For examples in three titularies (one of somewhat earlier date). see above. p. 5.
i? This series is based on an inscribed entrance lintel from the Dahshur mastaba of DWI-R'. overseer

of L.E. Nome 3: ~ ~ T iF t t i-
~ ~ ~ ~ (Cairo Cat. 1552; Borchardt. Denkm. 2. p. 9). A late
Fifth Dynasty overseer of L.E. Nomes I and 2 is known from Giza (Junker. Gtza 8. fig. 51. p. 113. and
fig. 90. p. 173); a further inscription. discovered by Reisner in G 7652A. Room I. apparently belongs to
the same individual (Fig. 3). This derives from a photograph in the records of the Museum of Fine Arts in

Fig. 3
Boston. which was kindly put at my disposal by Dr. Smith. It may be noted that the title imy.., is
also applied to the administration of the Farafra Oasis in the same period. as well as to other desert
regions (fNES 16. p. 226 and n. 19). The titles of Nfr-nswt concern L.E. 13 East as well as V.E. 8
and 10 (Junker. Gtza 3. figs. 27-28). but while those relating to the Vpper Egyptian nomes are typical
of provincial administration in that area. the group that refers to L.E. 13 is exceptionally military in
character: t TI ~~ -:- J} S(~):- ~(~)t~1 "HeliopolitanNomeEast: overseer of strong-
holds. of desert places. and of royal fortresses." The last title is probably to be distinguished from the
Vpper Egyptian "overseer of fortresses;" cf. lNES 18. p. 135. n. 18. and for the situation of the nome
see ibid. 129-135. N fr-nswt also holds the office of ~~. but there is no indication that this applies
to L.E. 13. nor does it mean "Gauleiter" as Junker (ibid .• p. 172) says-"wohl eine allgemeine Be-
A. Provincial Administration 11

Mln's first title·~ persists even later than Dyn. V in the northernmost section of
Upper Egypt, a point which will be returned to ;52 until the Sixth Dynasty it is one of
the most characteristic titles of those who governed in the provinces. The title I ~ is
shorter lived. Junker has concluded (AZ 75, 75) that IIlI!!B here means "field," as in the
following title of Mln: flr!:-I~ ® 0:: 0
mm .! ~ "chief of the towns and fields of the estate
Snt which are under the staff."03 But the Mln inscriptions apparently make a distinction

zeichnung flir sein Amt in den verschiedenen Gauen"-but is the same as ~.;=: or ~""\ (BM

I57a and b; James, Hier. Texts 12, pIs. 6, 7; BM 1288, ibid., pI. 5). It does not contain the word SPit,
but grgt. The overseer of L.E. I and 2 is similarly 1rn.~, but again without apparent reference
to these nomes; he is also "overseer of new towns" (like title g in the Vpper Egyptian provincial
titularies); this is connected with the pyramid estate of Isesi, which is, to be sure, in L.E. I, but a
connection with his title as overseer of that nome is again difficult to demonstrate.
48 This translation is tentatively adopted on the basis of Gunn's discussion, Teti Cem., p. 157 note
5. He reads iri lat ni-swt, following a suggestion of Farina, on the basis of early writings. For the later
writings see note 282 below.
49 This title, which is mentioned at the end of note 47, occurs without reference to a nome in the
earlier period; both ]lfJn and P~-r-nfr have it.
60 Mn.w; Wb. 2, 82. This title is probably to be distinguished from the title lmy-r mnw nswt, quoted
in note 47 above.
61 These five titles occur in the nomes and at the Residence as follows (Dyn. V unless otherwise
noted) :
V.E. Nome 9. Hagarsa, Kd-m-nfrt (Athr., pI. 2)-has titles a, c, and f; W. S. Smith takes the
reliefs to be of Dyn. V style (HESPOK, p. 217).
Note that the Akhmim tombs recorded by Newberry (LAAA 4, 101 ff.) are mostly later; none has
titles b or c, which, with d, are the most characteristic of the group. The occurrences of d will be
discussed below, p. 66; g occurs in tombs 19,20,21 (pp. 112-113); e occurs in tomb 19; a occurs in
tombs 20, 21, 22, and 23 (followed by d); I should date these three to Dyn. V. For the date of no. 23
cf. also note 284 below.
V.E. Nome 10. Hemamiya (Hemamieh) Kd-anti, wife' Iwfi (pI. 25-titles band g lacking); Kl. i-anti,
wife ljnti-kl.W.S (pIs. 17, I8-;title g lacking).
V.E. Nome 15. Sh. Said, Srf-kd(?) (pIs. 6, 17; titles c and f have probably been lost); Wr-lrl.n.i
(pI. 9-titles e and f lacking; Iy I
seems certain here, rather than the ~ read by Murray, Index, 33
[left] and Anthes, Hatnub, p. 104).
V.E. Nome 16. Zawyet el-Meitin, Kd-w~m (LD 2, 1I0h-titles c and g lacking; ljwi.n.s (ibid.,
I05-titles e, f, and g lacking); W. S. Smith dates the tomb of the latter to Dyn. VI, HESPOK,
p. 216. See also below, p. 67.)
V.E. Nome 20. Deshasheh, N-tJlt-kd, "good name" Ty (pIs. 29, 33--only titles a, b, and d). For
date, see Smith, op. cit., p. 81; , Ittl, "good name" Sdw (pIs. 16, 17, 25--only title b, with the "Two
Cities of the Goat"; he is ~ [Dyn. VI, as pointed out below] and not I Y);dated by the name
C 0J ®}
0 to Dyn. VI (pI. 18 [this might be a later addition, but the photograph in Wresz.
Bericht, pI. 3, shows that it is in relief that is no different in style from the other inscriptions]); 'I nti
(pI. 6--a, b, possibly c, though copied ~, d, and e [~t~]; no locality with b); W. S. Smith con-
vincingly dates both Sdw and 'Intl not earlier than the middle of Dyn. VI, op. cit., pp. 2I9f. See also
below, p. 66.
The Residence. Giza, Nfr-nswt (Junker, G£za 3, fig. 27-title g lacking). The nomes in which he
held these offices were V.E. 8 and 10. His titles for L.E. 3 are different; see note 47. Dahshur, Nfr-ml'.t
(] AOS 74, pp. 26ff. Titles a and d).
62 This may be seen from the data in the preceding note. The question of the replacement or survival
of the Dyn. V titles in Dyn. VI is discussed on pp. 66ff.
63 Urk. I, 3.11. According to the usual practice, the larger or more inclusive element precedes the
smaller or more specific, so that mm represents a unit of lesser scope than "town," and both are
subordinate to ~w.t (~), the latter meaning "estate" or "district." The order of greater "estates" and
lesser "towns" is also observed in the captions of Old Kingdom scenes representing provisions being
brought before the tomb owner m ~w.wt.f m niw.wt.f "from his estates and from his towns" (Wb. 3,
1.9; other examples: Khentika, pI. 14; LD 2, 62; Murray, Saq. Mast. I, pIs. 29-30, etc.). Middle Kingdom
scenes of this kind tend to mention the two lesser units, e.g.~: ~--~ 11 ':'''from his towns and fields"
(of the Oryx Nome) (Beni Hasan 2, pI. 24; I, pI. 30; similarly Bersheh I, pIs. 32, 34 and cf. pI. 12).
For ].HIlI as "Kleinere Bezirke" (Wb. 4, 99.4) see also Hatnub, Gr. 12.8-9, where an official who is not
12 Part n. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
between the sign I!II!III (which twice follows j) and mm, and it therefore seems doubtful
that these two forms are simply variants of the same thing.54 Furthermore the occurrence
of an even earlier title T11,65 which might well be the precursor of the one under
consideration, shows that the term J;lp can be applied to a nome-in this case the Oryx
Nome (U. E. 16).
For the most part, the administrative titles of Dyns. IV and V do not seem essentially
different, especially when compared to the Sixth Dynasty titulary and the striking changes
it exhibits (see below, pp. 65ff.). This point becomes significant when one considers that
the major developments in Old Kingdom provincial administration were completed in
nearly all the nomes by the time the Fifth Dynasty was well under way. The developments
that are of greatest consequence are twofold and interrelated. In the case of Min, Nir-<pr.j,
and P/:t-r-njr, who exemplify the earlier pattern, the provincial administrator had au-
thority, at one time or another, in several nomes; all three were buried at the Residence,
and it may reasonably be supposed that they made their home there and did not reside
permanently in any of the nomes they governed. Subsequently the business of managing
a single nome became sufficiently important and complex to warrant the undivided at-
tention of a governor; in any case, the Dyn. V nomarchs, as they may now be termed,
had authority within one nome, and they lived and were buried in the district that they
naturally came to regard as home territory. If a thorough revision of the titulary takes
place only after the beginning of Dyn. VI, one might suppose that the two fundamental
changes did not greatly affect the formal pattern of officialdom until they had long been
Some interesting geographical considerations are suggested by the titles of the early
Dyn. IV administrators of Dendera. One such consideration is the grouping of the districts
of Coptos, Dendera, and Hu. The easternmost of these nomes commanded Wadi Ham-
mamat, the principal southern route to the Red Sea, while the westernmost may have
been the starting point of the main road to the Kharga; this greatest of the oases in turn
afforded a western route to the southern lands. 56 Opposite Dendera itself is Wadi Qena,
which provides an opening for routes to the east and northeast across the Arabian Desert
a nomarch says ~:it::;:} C> ~ - ~I ~ "I am one who is beloved of his field districts" (Anthes,
ibid., p. 29 suggests the form mrwtj[?J).
In the Old Kingdom the units termed ~, @, and IHIH all belong to "the department of stores";
PI C> "'""" [""J
Wb. 4, 508.22 cites only Urk. I, 131.6 (ID @ ' = C> ~), but {twt is morefrequently mentioned as belonging
to the pr-sn< than this single reference would indicate: Urk. I, 145.1, 289.4, 294+ Cf. p. 21 below
and Helck, Beamtentitel, 126-127.
54 Note that the form HIII!!l is also used for "nomes" in the titles of Glypt. Ny Carlsberg A 670
(cf. P.5 above). In the Dyn. VI Pyramid Texts the two forms are used interchangeably; the M
version of Pyr. 1475a writes ~ r :: IIIIII!l where P hasr ::~ IHIH. Even after mm becomes
fairly usual for both "nome" and "field district," there is reason to think that two words are involved
-sPU and rjlt.t (for the latter see Gardiner, Gram. a, p. 540, Aa 8). The Wb. gives the reading spU only.
55 This accompanies the name of an official named M{tw on a Dyn. III hieratic jar inscription from
the Pyramid of Djoser: Firth-Quibell, Step Pyramid, p. 137 and pI. 106, no. 5.
56 This route was found to be most practicable for the present-day railroad connection between

El Qara and the Kharga. Its use in the Old Kingdom is suggested by the title ~:: ~ =t. imy-r 'I
glw Sm<w "overseer of the narrow door of Upper Egypt" in the inscriptions of a Dyn. VI nomarch
at Qasr es-Sayyad (Montet, Kemi 6, 87, 105, 108; {try-sStI n r-<I glW, 100. Discussed pp. 88-89; cf.
Kees, AZ 70, 83-86). The Kharga was also reached from other points to the north and south of U.E.
7, however. As Edel has shown (Ag. Studien Grapow, 62-63, 73), I;Ir-&wi.t set out on the "way of the
oasis" from the Thinite nome (U.E. 8). The use of a more southern route, from the Theban area to
the Kharga, is indicated by two stelae of the early Middle Kingdom, one of these apparently naming
Thebes as the starting point (Berlin 1899; AZ 42, pp. 124ff.). The other does not mention the point
of departure, but it comes from Qamula, not far north of Thebes (Berlin 22820; AZ 65, pp. Io8ff.).
A. Provincial Administration 13
(cf. p. 55 below). Nomes 5-7 thus linked the principal crossroads of Upper Egypt as
no other combination of three nomes could have done.
One of the most important aspects of M!:n's administration of Dendera is the fact that
he governed the eastern section of the nome, for it is most improbable that the sign t
has any other meaning, once the identification of ~ as an Upper Egyptian nome has
been firmly established. One would not expect to find the "East N ome" of the Delta
mentioned here, for such a combination of southern and northern provinces would be
highly unusual, and, as pointed out earlier, at least two of the three preceding titles seem
to refer exclusively to Upper Egypt. 57 Even so, there remains some doubt as to the mean-
ing of "eastern." In most of the nomes, where the course of the Nile is more or less south
to north, the term would logically refer to the right bank of the river. At Dendera, however,
the Nile bends sharply westward and maintains this direction as far as the adjacent nome
of Hu. And it is fairly certain that a stretch of this east-west section of the Nile Valley
belonged to the Sixth Nome, for the city Slbt is assigned to the Denderite nome in the
Moalla texts, shortly before Dyn. XI, and this is known to have been situated to the west
of the city of Dendera. 58 Its local god is known from one of the several Eighteenth Dynasty
statues of Sakhmet, which refers to ~ ~ J@ (AZ 58, 44). The divinity in question is
probably ~ Ll """"'-, the crocodile that appears in the nome emblem and is mentioned beside
Hathor Mistress of Dendera in the Karnak shrine of Sesostris I (Fig. 2 above).59 It is even
possible that Slbt was the original capital of the nome before the cult of Hathor made
Dendera preeminent. However this may be, the "Eastern Denderite Nome" might theo-
retically refer to the district around Dendera, to the exclusion of the territory further
west, embracing Slbt. The only problem is whether "east" would replace the more usual
term !Jnti "upstream" even in these unusual circumstances.
The alternative explanation of "east" as a reference to the right bank is at least as
plausible, if not more so, for a second Old Kingdom cemetery has been discovered at Gozeriya,
almost directly north of Dendera, on the opposite bank, and this may represent a second com-
munity in that area. The periods of excavation were perhaps too short to reveal the full
potentialities of the site, which, however, had suffered considerably from the encroach-
ments of the surrounding cultivation, and an adjacent Moslem cemetery, as well as the
Cairo-Aswan railway. Four fairly large mastabas, numerous smaller tombs, and a few
inscriptions were found (see Appendix A), one of which identifies a woman named 'Iti
who is "priestess of Hathor Mistress of Dendera." In view of the widespread importance
of the Denderite cult, a topic that will be discussed presently, this evidence does not
necessarily indicate that Dendera was the town to which the cemetery belonged. On the
contrary, the fact that one of the officials buried there was an expedition leader (1 g)
argues that he was concerned with the nearby Wadi Qena, and with other desert routes
that lay on the same side of the river.
N one of the tombs and inscriptions of Gozeriya appears to be any earlier than the end
of the Fifth or the early Sixth Dynasty, although it must be emphasized that all of this
material comes from a rather restricted area, and that it seems possible that officials of
earlier date were buried nearby. But one would not in any case expect to find local evidence
57 The same view, based on arguments similar to those expressed in the preceding pages, is advanced
by Helck Verwaltung, 195. .
59 MO'alla, V~2: ~)o J,:: 1- T
~ g ~ ~ J;~:: ~ -9- FfI':' "MyU.E.grain reached Dendera
and Shabet, in the Denderite nome, after these three nomes had been satisfied." For the location of
Slb.t within the nome, see Gardiner, On. I, p. 41.
59 The name of this god is to be read) I ~r; see Kees in Studia biblica et orientalia 3 : Oriens antiquus,

161-164, and Yoyotte BIFAO 56, 93. The name occurs in the form ~ L1)& (= ~ LI ~) on a Dendera
stela of the early Heracieopolitan Period (p. 208 below).
14 Part H. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
for the Dyn. IV officials who succeeded Mln and Nlr-<pr.f in the administration of the
nome, for they, like their predecessors, would have been buried at the Memphite Cemeteries.
ij.Jdl, the cult center of the god Somtus, may also have been situated in "Dendera
East," and may accordingly have been the town to which the Gozeriya cemetery belonged,
for the Edfu temple texts place it ~ i
g~ "on the east of Dendera."6o This place
temple is not credited, that ~ =
probably existed as early as Mln's day, even if the statement in crypt 9 of the Dendera
~ ~ "it existed in the first time" (Diimichen Bauurk.,
pI. I3, col. I9); it is mentioned at Dendera in Dyn. XI,61 and Somtus is known to be
associated with Hathor of Dendera by the Sixth Dynasty (below, p. 28).
Unless further evidence is recovered from some site within the Denderite nome--either
Dendera itself, or Gozeriya, or the unlocated sites of SJbt and ij.Jdl-we shall continue to
know nothing about the Fifth Dynasty administrators who, in accordance with the general
development, in the nomes north of Abydos, may have governed their province as their
sole territorial responsibility and may have been buried in one of the local cemeteries
rather than at the Residence. The Dendera cemetery has nonetheless yielded a small
group of tombs that go back to Dynasty V or even earlier. These are the subject of the
following section.

B. Temple Administration
The tombs mentioned at the end of the preceding section constitute a group of at least
a dozen mastabas, or the remains of mastabas (see map at rear, area 6, and Fig. 4); the
seven largest and best preserved of them have exterior niches, one a "twin mastaba"
with a cruciform offering chamber in place of the southernmost niche. 62 These seven are
thus distinctly earlier than the Dyn. VI mastabas with long interior offering chambers.
An eighth, long, four-compartmented structure lies between two of these older mastabas.
The group is bounded at the east by a large mastaba that is probably Middle Kingdom,63
but the Early Dynastic tombs are also to the east close by, with the greater concentration
of these a short distance to the northeast. The westernmost, and very likely the oldest,
tomb is the only one of the group that has yielded the name of its owner; this is Nl-ibw-
nswt. Aside from his meagre reliefs (PIs. II, Ill) ,64 there is no further inscriptional evidence
60 Gauth. Diet. 4, 164, quoting Diimichen, Alttig. Tempelinsehr. I, pI. 102, line 20.
61 ~'='! &, Cairo J. d'E. 46068; now published more clearly by Labib Habachi, MDIK Ig, fig. 7, p.
24 and pI. 6.
62 The plans of six of these are given in PD, pI. 28 (and cf. pI. 27), with considerable inaccuracies;
to begin with, it should be noted that most are not oriented in precisely the same direction. The
Petrie tombs are: (I) "Abu suten." Fisher's location 6:181. Top of plate; the south shaft is actually
not quite in alignment with the other. There is a fender wall. (2) 470. Fisher's 6: 171. Left of plate;
add shaft at south end, and retaining walls for an uncompleted shaft at north end. (3) 6:081. Center;
another shaft at north end. The shaft in the middle is actually not quite in alignment. (4) 6: ogl. At
right; in reality a "twin mastaba," with a second shaft at north end; the south shaft again is out of
alignment. (5) 327. Fisher's 6:073; another burial at north end. (6) 472. Fisher's 6:075. The six not
shown by Petrie are: (7) 6:061. Isolated shaft southeast of 6:073; superstructure totally destroyed.
(8) 6:071. East (in front) of 6'081; two niches, larger at south; shaft at south end. (g) 6:082. North
(at right) of 6: 071; niche at south end, uncompleted shaft at center. (10) 6: 083. Small tomb squeezed
between the two last mentioned; two niches, small offering slab before south niche; fender wall. (11)
An addition built on to north end of 6:082. (12) 6:084 East (in front) of 6:ogl; almost entirely des-
troyed, niches cannot be traced; single shaft in center.
83 For this and the above information I have had recourse to Fisher's plans and field map and
diary (1916; Jan. 2g-Feb. 18), and to a digest of Fisher's plans and diaries, which has been compiled
by Mr. Kenneth Matthews.
64 Two limestone slabs from the main niche: PD pI. 2 (It). Now in the British Museum, nos. 1266
(lower) and 1267 (upper); see T. G. H. James, Hier. Texts 12, p. 12 and pI. 12. For the slab illustrated
in PI. Ill, see below, p. 18 and note 77.
B. Temple Administration IS

\ a L. . .}

I co
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d~ ." S:

[:J- -\- Q~-----: '~~

... - - - I

----' :c; I
:==0-- co0
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Part H. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
at Dendera until we come to the nomarchs of the Sixth Dynasty. A slab of relief
in the British Museum that is said to be of Dyn. IV date and to come from Dendera
is indeed at least as early as Dyn. V, but there is some uncertainty about the prove-
nance. 65
Although it is certain that Ni-ibw-nswt is considerably earlier than the other Old King-
dom men of Dendera whose names are known to us, it is not at all easy to date him more
exactly. Reisner agrees in general to Petrie's dating of the group of tombs to Dyn. IV,
but supposes it "improbable that any of the three is as early as the reign of Sneferuw"
(Development, p. 233). Fisher takes Ni-ibw-nswt's tomb to be the oldest of the group, as
does Petrie; he dates it to the Third or Fourth Dynasty,66 while Petrie considers that the
door and panel of this mastaba are "akin to the work generally attributed to the IIIrd
Dynasty" (PD, p. 5). W. S. Smith, on the other hand, includes the panel of Ni-ibw-nswt
with the provincial relief work of the Fifth Dynasty, observing that "the style of the
relief seems to be based on the forms of Dyn. IV, like most of the other early provincial
sculpture" (HESPOK, p. 217).
A point in favor of the latest of these opinions is that it is based on a comparison of
other provincial U. E. reliefs, not on the evidence from Giza. If, however, one does utilize
such criteria for dating as may be obtained from the Giza material, the feature of two
shafts in Ni-ibw-nswt's mastaba and in two other mastabas in front of it would also point
to Dyn. V, or perhaps to the end of Dyn. IV.67 Reisner has concluded that "the one-shaft
and the 'twin-mastaba' were replaced in the reign of Chephren by the two-shaft mastaba
with a single pair of offering places,"GB but Junker has more recently placed those of the
Giza tombs that first show this change as late as the beginning of Dyn. V.69 The cruciform
offering chamber in one of the mastabas in front of Ni-ibw-nswt's tomb perhaps represents
a later survival than is found elsewhere; Reisner notes that the "true cruciform" chamber

as in this case) does not seem to have been used after the reigns of Cheops and
Chephren, though a modified form ([ ~) continues at Saqqara during Dyn. IV-VI
(Development, p. 266).

65 BM II72. Hier. Texts 6, pI. 19. Here and in the Guide (Sculp.), p. 36, the provenance is said to
be Dendera, although the date in the latter case is given as "XIth or XIIth dynasty." It is part of
an Old Kingdom offering list, and the dating to Dyn. V or earlier is indicated by the absence of vertical
dividing lines; see Junker's remarks in Gtza 2, p. 170, Gtza 3, p. 141. In reply to my inquiry, Dr. 1. E.
S. Edwards writes that no provenance is given in the Register. A second slab bearing part of an
offering list is attributed to Dendera in Descr. de ['Eg., Antiq. 5, pI. 49.1, but this is no earlier than
Dyn. VI, as indicated by the inclusion of the names of the five wines (see Junker, Gtza 4, p. 26, Hassan,
Gtza 6, Pt. 2, p. 68), and might be considerably later.
66 Diary, Jan. 29, 1916; "earliest of the group, probably of the Fourth Dynasty." Feb. 28, 1918;
the mastabas of the group "range from the III to (I think) the V Dynasty."
67 The possibility might be considered that the original plan had one shaft only, since only one of
the two shafts (the northern) is in alignment with the sides of the mastaba. This seems doubtful,
however, in view of the fact that two of the three other mastabas of this group which have two shafts
exhibit the same misalignment of the south shaft. It is hardly likely that in all three cases the south
shaft was made only after ~he mastaba was finished (and extra niches supplied in .the case of the
"twin mastaba"), and it would appear that Ni-ibw-nswt's tomb, as well as the double-shaft mastaba
in front of it, was built at a time when two shafts were well in vogue.
Note that the Dyn. IV El Kab mastabas of Kd-mn-i and Njr-smm (see note 82) have two niches
and single shaft, although a second shaft appears in one of the later pair of mastabas directly in
front of Njr-smm's tomb (El Kab, p. 4 and pI. 23).
68 Hist. Giza Necrop., p. 87; cf. Development, p. 285.
69 Gtza 7, p. 7, where he points out "der Tatsache, daB auf den Ostabschnitt Kernbauten mit zwei
Schachten haufiger sind als solche mit einem Schacht. Damit unterscheiden sich die Graber aber in
einem ganz wesentlichen Punkt von den Mastabas des alteren westlichen Friedhofs, auch des Ab-
schnittes aus der Mycerinoszeit, sie sind also spater anzusetzen als diese."
B. Temple Administration 17
The remains of offerings in the early tombs consist mainly of two kinds of pottery:
egg-shaped beer jars (0 \)},
many of them rough, but at least one burnished, and large
roughly-fashioned bread moulds (9). A fine carinated bowl (8) was also discovered.
N one of these finds was made within Ni-ibw-nswt's mastaba itself ;70 they can only be of value
for the dating of the tombs that lie in front of it and are presumably slightly later. And there
does not seem to be any means of dating this class of evidence with any degree of accuracy. 71
A case can be made, then, for assigning Ni-ibw-nswt to the Fifth Dynasty-his titles
indicate that he is at all events not later, as will be shown"below. At the same time I
would by no means exclude the possibility that he is somewhat earlier. To determine this
matter more precisely, I have examined the details of the hieroglyphs and of the figure of
Ni-ibw-nswt (PD, pI. 2, It; PI. II below) and compared them with datable examples; the
results were inconclusive except for one detail that appeared to favor Dyn. IV. The regular

ovedapping of the leaves in.f has the same pattern in the Dyn. III and IV inscriptions
of lftp-J:tr.s, Mln, R<-/:ttp, and Nlr-<pr.f;72 the later versions of the sign nearly always
depart from the early form.73
The arrangement and composition of Ni-ibw-nswt's reliefs are patterned on the tradi-
tional archaic assemblage of niche, drum-lintel, and architrave,74 the first two of these
elements being represented by a slab with elaborate fa<;ade-panelling, surmounted by the
name and titles. Such panelling is particularly apt to occur on false doors dating to the
earlier half of the Old Kingdom.75 The slab on which the owner is shown standing, his
titles and name displayed before him, was placed above the latter,76 as the equivalent of

70 Both jar and large cup are found in 6: 171 (S. shaft [Petrie's 470] and with contracted burial in
NW wall); 6: 075 (Petrie's 472); 6: 071 (jars only, in Sand W chambers of S shaft; both jar and cup
with contracted burial in W wall); 6: 084 (including one rough and one coarse brown jar); N wall of
6:082 and addition at N end of 6:082 (a cup in each; 6:091 [jars only]). The bowl in 6:071 (S chamber,
S shaft). Most of this material was unearthed by Fisher. For the finds made by Petrie, see his pI. 16,
nos. 14, 15 (bread moulds) and 21, 26, 29 (the jars).
71 This is particularly true of the jars (coarse varieties like those in Reisner and Smith, Hist. Giza
Necrop. 2, fig. 85, and more finished products like figs. 81-83) and the bread moulds, which are com-
mon throughout the Old Kingdom (e.g. ibid., fig. 132, and Reisner, Naga-ed-Der 3, p. 84, fig. 36).
The carinated bowl has a very deep collar, like two Dyn. IV examples in Hist. Giza Necrop. 2, fig. 110.
A bowl on a stand is comparable to one from the tomb of Hetepheres (ibid., fig. 76). The fragmentary
black vessel with incised decoration (PD, pI. 21, left top) is presumably a Nubian importation of the
early C Group type illustrated in Steindorff, Aniba I, p. 68, pI. 34, no. I. The form with everted sides
( 0 ) may be particularly early, but one would not expect such an importation much before the
Sixth Dynasty; cf. a bowl of this date at Mostagedda (Mostagedda, p. 99, pIs. 59 [4J, 64 [25J) and a
late Old Kingdom dish at Dahshur (Dahchour [1894-1895J, pp. 10-11, 24 and pI. 27). The Dendera
fragment was not found with a burial in any case, but in the space between two mastabas (6: 171,
6:081), and it is therefore doubtful that it affords a clue to the dating of the group under discussion.
72lftp-~r.s; the canopy, see esp. the photographs in W. S. Smith, HESPOK, pI. 37. Mln; the
chapels, throughout (as seen in Dr. Anthes' photos of the Berlin reliefs). R<-~tP; Medum, pI. 9 and
passim. Nlr-'pr./; see PI. I, and p. 8.
73 For some examples of the early form dating to the beginning of Dyn. V, see Junker, G£za 2, and
fig:s. 15, 18, 19, pp. 146, 150, 153. For a rare later example, dating to Dyn VI, ibid. 5, fig. 23, p. 91
(Snb). Usually in the later forms, the inner edge of the lowest leaf is shown down the center of the
stalk (e.g. ibid. 2, figs. 7,8, pp. 115, 117)" or the leaves do not overlap (e.g. ibid. 3, figs. 27ff., pp. 166ff.
[Dyn. VJ; ibid. 5, fig. 5b, p. 39; again Snb). For examples of these later details in Dyn. V provincial
reliefs, see Hemamieh, pIs. 16, 17, 21, 22, 24.
74 Grouped and discussed by Reisner, Development, pp. 294fI. and p. 363 (where they are termed
"architraves"). One of these, from Quibell's Saqqara mastaba 2331, indicates the position of drum
and architrave (ibid., p. 295 and esp. Miiller, MDIK 4, p. 174, note 6).
75 Cf. Reisner, Hist. Giza Necrop. 1,381-382; Vandier, Manuel2, 395.
78 The position of the NI-lbw-n1wt reliefs in situ is shown in PD, pI. 2, left bottom. Cf. also the
drawing by Alexander Badawy in BIE 35, p. 126, fig. 3.

18 Part II. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
the third element, the architrave. In the Dyn. VI Dendera mastabas, stelae of essentially
the same type are placed atop niches-not the offering niches, however, but the series of
niches along the fa<;ade, the origin of which will be discussed later (pp. 58ff.). While the
false doors of the Sixth Dynasty mastabas portray the owner seated before an offering
table, their several stelae display a standing figure in nearly every case, as in Ni-ibw-nswt's
false-door assemblage.
Another link with the later tradition at Dendera has been provided by the unexpected
discovery of a second slab, which duplicates the one just described but measures less
than half the height or width of the latter (PI. Ill). 77 Although it was allegedly brought
to the Cairo Museum from the storeroom of the Fayum inspectorate, there can be little
doubt that it originally belonged to the second and smaller niche of Ni-lbw-nswt's
mastaba. As in the case of some of the later Old Kingdom stelae, the orientation of
this pendant element is reversed, so that each figure faces inward, towards the cent er
of the fa<;ade.
An odd detail in one of the hieroglyphs in Ni-ibw-nswt's brief inscriptions likewise is
paralleled in the mastabas of later Dendera, although not until the Intermediate Period.
At this much later date it is customary to place a baseline under the feet of birds and

standing quadrupeds (below, p. I35), just as is done in Ni-ibw-nswt's I~I' If the latter
is to be taken as an early example of the same tendency, however, it is extremely odd
that none of the Dyn. VI inscriptions exhibits it. Perhaps this is a special case-not to
be associated with the later practice-in which a perch that occasionally appears beneath
the falcon in [l;I78 is reduced to a single line. On the other hand there are a few cases
where a baseline is similarly found beneath the hieroglyph \nl during Dyns. V_VI,79
Both the titles of Nl-ibw-nswt set him apart from any of the Dendera nomarchs and
officials who are known from Dyn. VI or later. After Dyn. V :t i- survives only as a
feminine title (:t ~), not only at Dendera but throughout the southern nomes (see
below, pp. 69ff.) , and at Dendera the title ~ I ~ likewise occurs only for women; men of
Dyn. VI or later appear always to have the titles ~ <=> ~ or ~ I 11
~ if they are concerned
with Hathor's cult.SO In Dyn. XI the title I ~ is again held by men as well as women at
Dendera. 81
As far as one can judge, Nl-lbw-nswt had nothing to do with the civil administration
of the nome, but was preoccupied solely with the affairs of the temple; in this respect his
situation at Dendera is paralleled by two individuals at El Kab who probably date to
the Fourth Dynasty, one all "overseer of priests," the other an "inspector (sM) of priests"
(var. "of Nekhbet"); like Nl-ibw-nswt, neither of these two has any other title except

77 Cairo J. d'E. 89071. Height 31 cm., width 19 cm. The dimensions of the corresponding slab
(BM 1267) are 76 cm. (plus a few centimeters lost at the top) and 50 cm. The Cairo Journal d'Entree
identifies the material as sandstone, which see:rps highly unlikely, but I am unable to deny this state-
ment from my own observation.
78 E.g. Mar. Mast. B2, p. 90; Lutz, Steles, pI. 5, no. 8.
79 Hemamieh, pI. 21; JunKer, G£za 7, fig. 71, p. 171; Fakhry, Sept tombeaux, fig. 18, p. 27; Teti
Cem., 52.
80 The only certain case of a fim-nlr priest of Hathor of Dendera in the Memphite cemeteries is
l!Jty-fttp, who probably belongs to the end of Dyn. V; see below p. 25 (no. 6). Rmn-wi-kl.'i belongs to
the same period or a little later, but he is more likely an overseer of priests; below, P.25 (no.8).
Im is a priest of Hathor and belongs to Dyn. VI, but it is not certain that he is a priest of
Hathor of Dendera; below p. 29 (no. 10).
81 For a male priest of Hathor ofDenderaseeASAE 18, p. 186 (andn. 571 below); also PD, pI. 11 (lb).

I 11
~ is probably to be read in the of PD, pI. 15 (tr 3), which also appears to be as late as Dyn. XI.
A female priest of Hathor of Dendera who belongs to Dyn. XI is found in Rev. d'Eg. 2, p. 55 with pI. 2.
B. Temple Administration 19
:ti-.82 Conversely, the chief administrators of nomes in Dyn. IV and the nomarchs of
Dyn. V seem to have held no priestly office in the provinces they governed,83 at least to
the extent that Upper Egypt is concerned.M The same point is also made by Helck, who,
at the moment that the initial version of this study had been completed, published a dis-
cussion of late Old Kingdom priestly titles that closely corresponds to the remainder of
this chapter. 8s
At Tehna it is true that the early Dyn. V "overseer of priests of Hathor Mistress of
R-Int," Ni-<nlJ-kd (Urk. I, 24ff.), also held at least one office in the civil administration
of his district. Besides

being :t ~ and ~ <=> LJI - if ("steward of the great estate"),
he was ~ <:::>~@ ~81C "overseer of new towns," a title held by some of the nomarchs of
his time; but he was evidently not himself a nomarch, since he held none of the nome-
supervisor's most characteristic and important offices either of Dyn. IV or Dyn. V type.
Since R-int was probably not the capital of its nome (U. E. 16, whose nomarchs are found
at Zawyet el Meitin),86 a nomarch is not to be expected there in any case. Further south,
and at a later date, there is evidence that the administration of the "new towns" and the
temple was not held by the same person (see below, p. 21); it is difficult to say whether
the difference is to be attributed to date or locality. Perhaps it is a matter of locality, for
the early Dyn. VI nomarchs at Zawyet el Meitin, only 12 km. or so to the south, were on
a footing considerably different from that of the U. E. nomarchs further south (see below,
Even in the Sixth Dynasty it does not seem quite true that "die Stellung als 'Prophe-
tenvorsteher' mit dem Gaufiirstentum ebenso fest verbunden [istJ wie der Rang eines
'Grafen'" as Kees claims it is (Kulturgesch., p. 202). Actually the title "overseer of priests"
is claimed considerably less frequently by the nomarchs than is "count" (~). Some of
the nomarchs were doubtless overseers of priests relatively early in Dyn. VI; 1>.lr of Edfu,
for example, was sent to U. E. nome 2 by Merenre in this double capacity (Urk. I, 254-4.).

82 Kd-mn-iis:t i- 1~ ~. El Kab. pI. 18 (55). Ntr-smm is :t -t r1

~ ~. Vniv. Mus. E 16160 (cf. ibid .•
p. 5); also ~r1 1- 1-
~ j. Cairo Cat. 650 (and j~ 1~. AZ 13. pI. I (g) foIl. p. 72 ?). W. S. Smith. despite
the bowls with Sneferu's name found in the mastaba of Kd-mn-i. believes that the style of the Ntr-
smm statues precludes a date earlier than the reign of Cheops (HESPOK. p. 45).
83ljwl.n.s of Zawyet el Meitin is no exception (although so considered by Helck. Beamtentitel. 125).
He claims to be overseer of priests in the Oryx Nome in addition to holding the Dyn. V titles of a
nomarch there (LD 2. 105). but he belongs to the Sixth Dynasty. See above. note 51. c.
The Dyn. V nome administrators often have priestly duties at the Residence. The title ~ :t 111
"w'b priest of the king" is particularly frequent: (Athribis. pI. 2; Hemamieh. pI. 9; Sh. Said. pI. 13;
Deshasheh. pI. 33). Some are ltm-nlr priests of the funerary cults of various kings (Sh. Said. pIs. 6.
13; Junker. Giza 3. fig. 30. p. 169).
Si Mln is1 ~ and ~ of rWYi ~ ~ the god of the Letopolite Nome (Urk. I. 6.17) and director of
web-priests in the same no~e (ibid .• 7.3). where he was also concerned with civil administration as
1 (C ,:, ~ ~ ~ "chief ofthe cultivated land which is under control" and:;: (ibid.; cf. Grdseloff.
ASAE 41. 212.
In the Lower Egyptian area. then. Mln appears to have combined the highest religious and civil
offices (as far as are known for this period and territory). The same may perhaps be true of Plt-r-ntr.
though it does not appear certain that he held any of his priestly offices precisely in the four Lower
Egyptian nomes he governed (L.E. 3. 9.12.13); cf. Junker. AZ 75. p. 74.
85 Beamtentitel. 125-127. There are. of course. some differences of detail. but many of the same
individual points are made and the main conclusions are identical.
86 The Oryx Nome (V.E. 16) is indicated because Tehna is not far distant from the cemetery of
its nomarchs. at Zawyet el Meitin (cf. Kees. MIO 6. 164). V.E. 17 is unlikely. for. until the Ramesside
Period. it lay almost entirely on the west bank (Gardiner. On. 2. 102*. and cf. pp. 103*. 107*-108*).
V.E. 18 is suggested by the nome list on the lintel of Hni-wi-kd (ASAE 3. 76). which begins with
V.E. 18 followed by V.E. 19-22. But it might be argued that this list is in some sense the prototype
of Ni-'n!J-PPY's claim to authority over the nine northernmost nomes (see below. p.67). again
emphasizing the connection between Tehna and Zawyet el Meitin. in nome 16.

20 Part n. The Fourth and Fifth Dynasties
At Dendera and Deir el Gebrawi, however, the earlier nomarchs consistently omit "over-
seer of priests" from their titularies, while their successors at Dendera and at least one of
the later nomarchs of Deir el Gebrawi have the title. 87 The earlier Deir el Gebrawi nomarchs
also governed the Thinite Nome, and the nomarchs who succeeded them in the latter
capacity are also overseers of priests. ss It would seem, then, that the combination of the
chief civil and temple offices came about at different times in the various nomes. At all
events, there is further evidence for a continued division between temple and civil ad-
ministration during the Sixth Dynasty, as may be seen from the three cases set forth in
the following paragraphs.
The aforementioned opinion of Kees is further expressed in his description of the decrees
of Pepy II concerning exemptions for the temple of Min of Coptos. According to his
translation, these "ergehen an den Vezir, den Grafen-Vorsteher von Oberagypten und an
den Prophetenvorsteher (zugleich Nomarch), die Unterprophetenvorsteher und Ober-
haupter des Gaues."89 If one identifies the nom arch with the Oberhaupter (~:itlll)
instead of with the Prophetenvorsteher, however, the decrees are seen in a different light,
and to my mind are seen more correctly. They then represent the priestly officials of the
temple as a group who are to be protected against the levying of men for public works,
while the nomarchs (present and future: ~:it= "every overlord") follow the "overseer
of Upper Egypt" in the list of officials who are expressly forbidden to make such levies
(Urk. r, 28I.II, 285.r).90 For the regular use of "overlord" (and not "great overlord") to
designate a nomarch, see below, p. 74. I should conclude that in Dyn. VI the nomarchs
of Coptos are not overseers of priests,91 as two overseers of Upper Egypt are in the succeed-
ing period (Smli and 'Idi).92 Here, and perhaps to some extent at Dendera, the overseer
of priests ultimately seems to have assumed charge of the nome. 93 It might seem that the
reverse of this situation occurs at Meir, since both Ppy_cnfJ J:try-ib and Ppy_cnfJ km hold the
position of "overseer of priests" without claiming to be "great overlords" of U. E. nome
87 For the Dendera nomarchs, see the summary, p. 187. The southern necropolis at Deir el Gebrawi
can be assumed with some confidence to be the earlier. Davies himself inclined to take this view
(Gebr. 2, pp. 41-43) and it is now generally accepted; see W. S. Smith, HESPOK, p.222 and the
references given by Stock, Zw.zt., p. 12. For the nomarch who is overseer of priests at this site see
Gebr. 2, pI. 21 (tomb 72).
88 JAOS 74, pp. 29ff., and Peck, Decorated Tombs, 122; elsewhere in the same work (p. 87, n. 2)
it is contended that the Thinite nomarch and overseer of priests Ggi is earlier than the nomarchs at
Deir el Gebrawi, a view that I am still inclined to doubt, although it is by no means impossible.
89 Kulturgesch., p. 202. The passage translated is Urk. I, 280.16; the two decrees involved are ibid.,

280ft, 284ff.
90 Helck does not utilize this evidence because, although he takes other examples of I,try-tp as the
equivalent of I,try-tp 'J, he does not do so in the present case (Beamtentitel, p. 126, n. 40 and p. 127,
n. 42; cf. Verwaltung, 204). On the other hand he cites the list of officials in Wni's inscriptions (p. 127;
Urk. I, 102) to much the same effect; the latter is less conclusive, however, since the list refers to the
whole of Egypt and thus does not confine itself to nome capitals, where the title of nomarch and over-
seer of priests might be combined, but also includes other places, such as Abydos or Qus, in which
the overseer of priests would lack the title of nomarch in any case. For Sixth Dynasty overseers of
priests at Qus see Coptite Name, nos. 4 and 6.
91 In the third decree of Pepy II, Urk. I, 288ff., the person addressed probably has the title ~:t

(ibid., 289.2). The photograp'b. in Weill, Decr., pI. 8, top horiz. line, shows ~ to be quite possible,
whereas Sethe's copy suggests 1. t
For the form instead of:t in this decree, see JEA 32, p. 8, note 2.
92 Urk. I, 296.3; 300.16. It is often difficult to say which of the titles attributed to an individual

represent offices exercised simultaneously. )1di, however, was -:!1 rf -::-1 1

~ ~ before he became ~ ~
"overseer of the department of stores" (ibid., 295.2) or~:t (300.17); he appears to be specifically
continued in the post of ~ ~ upon the second of these appointments (lac. cit. and 299.6).
93 Coptite Name, 60. As will be seen subsequently (esp. p. 129 below), I now suppose that the pre-
sence of the triple nomarch 'b-Ihw may have caused the successors of the late Old Kingdom nomarchs-
overseers of priests to confine their authority to the second of these two titles at Dendera.
B. Temple Administration 21

14, whereas the son of the latter is "great overlord" of his nome (~) and is not known
to be an "overseer of priests." But the son's title as nomarch is preceded only by the
modest rank of smr w<ty, and it seems possible that he was subordinate to the overseer
of priests at Cusae. He is only known from his father's tomb. 94
The Dyn. VI nomarchs of Sheikh Said lack the title "overseer of priests," and Anthes
has considered it likely that the temple was not under their control, and that the quarries
of Hatnub were not either; he thinks it possible that the latter belonged instead to the
temple (Hatnub, p. 106). A certain lfnmw-<n!J, who is known from Hatnub, has the title
"overseer of priests," and the Hare Nome emblem heads his inscription (what follows it,
unfortunately, is almost entirely lost) ; he was sent to Hatnub from the Residence, however,
and Anthes concludes that "es handelt sich hier jedenfalls nicht urn einen Gaufiirsten"
(ibid., pp. 104-105; Gr. 7, pI. 12).
In Dyn. VI the same situation is indicated also where nomarchs are not concerned. At
the conclusion of Pepy Il's letter to lfr-!Jwi.f, the king states that a command has gone
to two sets of officials, the 1~ ~ 1ft "chief of the new town" and the r ~ ~ <=> 1 ~ 1ft
"companion, overseer of priests;" provisions are to be exacted from each-that is to
say, from ~ @'=:: ~ "every estate of the department of supplies" and [J] ~ '= "every
temple," respectively (Urk. I, 131.4-6). Whereas the Dyn. V Ni-<n!J-kd of Tehna was
both "overseer of new towns" and "overseer of priests" (see p. 19), in this case these two
spheres of administration are clearly separate. The same separation between the ~ @
and the [J] ~ is perhaps to be seen also in the fact that the many n()marchs of Dyn. VI
who have the title i ~ are rarely overseers of priests, and vice versa. 95
Thus the indications are definitely in favor of the view that the U. E. nomarchs regu-
larly assumed control of the local temples only at the very latest period of the Old King-
dom. This process evidently took place considerably earlier in Edfu and only a little later
at Zawyet el Meitin; the same may be true of other nomes, for the evidence is limited and
ill-preserved. The situation must remain somewhat uncertain even for the Fifth Dynasty.
If the earlier civil administrators were not in charge of temple properties, one might
expect to find rather more evidence of the men who were.

84 Meir 5, pIs. 26, 27. Somewhat misleadingly listed along with the father's titles in Baer, Rank
and Title, p. 278 (134). For the use of the emblem cf. note 316 below.
95 Three individuals exceptionally hold both titles: the owner of Petrie's "Four Name Mastaba,"
Ni-ibw-nswt whose good name is Bbi (the evidence for assigning these names to one person is given
below, p. 117); Tlwti of Qasr es-Sayyad; ijlgi of Naga ed-Deir. The first and third of these officials
in any case combined the titles of nomarch and overseer of priests, and the second example is doubtful;
cf. p. 115 and notes 501, 502.
Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera at the Residence
and in the Various Nomes of Upper Egypt
A. Priests and Priestesses; Others Associated with Hathor of Dendera.
At least three priests or overseers of priests and six priestesses of Hathor of Dendera
are known from the Residence, ranging in date from Dyns. IV-VI. The number is not
approached by any other Upper Egyptian cult in the Old Kingdom, and raises the question
whether there might have existed a special connection between the priesthood of Dendera
and the crown. I think the explanation is not to be sought in such a connection, but in
the importance of Dendera's cult, first of all, and in its Heliopolitan associations. Before
these matters can be considered, however, it is necessary to give a fuller account of the
references to Hathor Mistress of Dendera at places other than the Crocodile Nome. The
evidence from Sixth Dynasty royal inscriptions will be considered in Part IV; all of
the following cases concern persons other than the king, and they range in date from the
reign of Chephren to the end of the First Intermediate Period.
(r) The earliest indisputable example, dating to the Fourth Dynasty, derives from the
rock-cut tomb of Mri.S-<n!J III at Giza. On the front (east face) of the pillar that stands
in the doorway leading to the western chamber a column of hieroglyphs gives her titulary,
+\ q.
concluding with ~ <;:::7 g~ 1~ ~ r "priestess of Hathor Mistress of Dendera, the King's
Wife Mri.S-<n!J."96 The writing of "Dendera" is usual at Giza, as will be shown in several
of the following examples.
(2) The slightly later rock-cut tomb of R<-!J<l.j-<n!J at Giza informs us, in an adscription
above the figure of the owner's wife, that she is "possessor of reverence with Hathor
Mistress of the Sycamore, Mistress of Dendera, priestess of Neith Opener of Ways." Here
"Dendera" is written g~ @.97
96 Seen in the unpublished excavation records at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Neg. A 5594).
As in the case of examples 3 and 4, which derive from the same source, I have to thank Dr. Wm.
Stevenson Smith for allowing me to examine this material and for his permission to cite the pertinent
evidence. For a plan of the tomb (G 7530) see Reisner, Hist. Giza Necrop., p.226, fig. 13I. This
example provides an exception to Allam's statement that no Old Kingdom queens claim a priesthood
of Hathor in their titularies (Hathorkult, 15). On the other hand the explanation cited for t -;; 0;;
in the titulary of this and other queens ("Leiterin der Angelegenheiten des Heiligtums der Sykomore
[= HathorJ"), ibid. n. 4 is hardly possible; see Orientalia 29, p. 185. n. 2.
97 Mar. Mast., p. 569 = LD 2, lob. The latter gives a more exact and complete copy than does

Mariette. Murray, Index, 29, inaccurately lists under ~ ~ 1 ':: T. ~ w. S. Smith, HESPOK, p. 55,
says "probably ... to be dated to the early Dyn. V;" and on p. 189 discusses the tomb among others
dating to the first half of this dynasty. Allam (Hathorkult, 21-22) thinks the sequence of epithets
after Hathor's name indicates that Hathor Mistress of the Sycamore is called Mistress of Dendera.
It seems much more likely that the two epithets refer distinctly and separately to the preceding
name of the goddess. In other words this is simply a combination of the titles in example 5 below.
24 Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera
(3) A fragment of an architrave bearing an inscription in short columns provides a
further example that is probably as early as the foregoing or even earlier; it was excavated
at Giza, but cannot be associated with any specific tomb (Fig. 5).98 This lacks a name

Fig. 5
but includes the titles "priestess of Hathor, Mistress of Dendera (g ~O), in all her places;
priestess of Neith, [in] all [her] places."
(4) Another rock-cut tomb at Giza that is later than the former, but probably still
within the Fifth Dynasty, belongs to a woman named Ni-ltP-Nbty who, on the wall to
the left of her false door, is identified as "Priestess of Hathor, Possessor of Reverence
with the Great God, Priestess of Neith," while on the opposite side she is "Priestess of
Hathor Mistress of Dendera (g@)."99
(5) A further case, of a woman named 'Iwfi who is variously priestess of "Hathor
Mistress of the Sycamore," "Neith North of the Wall," and "Hathor Mistress of Dendera,"
is known from the Fifth Dynasty tomb of her husband Kd-fJ,nti and herself at Hema-
miya (U. E. Nome 10).100 Here the writing is g 'f,
as always at Dendera itself (from
98 Museum of Fine Arts Neg. C 14346. The layout of the inscription recalls relatively early examples
dating from the beginning of Dyn. IV (Medum, pIs. 9-10) into the first half of Dyn. V (Junker, Giza
3, fig. 27). The hieroglyphs show a good deal of patterned interior detail, but the execution of the
relief is finished, and the contours are well-shaped. In the first of the two columns preceding the titles
that have been quoted one may perhaps recognize the group 7 (for the striated border at the bottom
edge of ~ cf. the stela of Wp-m-nfrt, HESPOK, pi. A; Junker Giza 9, fig. 104, p. 228; Borchardt,
Sah. 2, pi. 5; and Davies, P4ah. I, pi. II [210J). The second column apparently contains the word
ml!tt "clapper player"; cf. the writing> I" x in a caption accompanying a man with clappers in the
unpublished tomb of Pt!t-spss, south of the Unis causeway. The sign ~ evidently derives from m!tyt,
a collective term for "fish."
DD G 7815; Museum of Fine Arts Neg. A 6109. Listed by Reisner, Hist. Giza Necrop. I, p. 242.

100 Hemamieh, pIs. 20, 22, 24. Wresz. Bericht, p. 62 sees "Mistress of the Sycamore" (0 :) rather
than "Mistress of Dendera." This writing in itself appears highly suspicious; furthermore, Lankester
Harding was probably aware that his copy improved on Wreszinski's, since he mentions the Bericht
in another connection (Hemamieh, p. 31). For the dating see W. S. Smith, HESPOK, p. 216, and
cf. above, note 51.
A. Priests and Priestesses 25
Dyn. VI onward), and as it is written even at Giza in Dyn. VI and later. This woman is
also appropriately designated "priestess of Hathor in all places." Inasmuch as Hathor of
Dendera is known to have received offerings in the same neighborhood during the Middle
Kingdom,lOl it seems likely that >Iwfi's services to this goddess were likewise performed
in the vicinity of Hemamiya.
Five more references are known from the later Old Kingdom. The first of these (no. 6)
is in the tomb of l!Jty-J:ttp at Saqqara, which may be as early as the reign of Un is at the
end of Dyn. V. Aside from Ni-ibw-nswt of Dendera, he is the..only man of the period covered
by this study who is known with certainty to be a "priest of Hathor Mistress of Dendera" ;102
at Dendera itself, in Dyn. VI and later, only the titles "overseer of priests" or "inspector
(sM) of priests" are found for men. The name of the city is written g~.
(7) Another priestess of Hathor Mistress of Dendera, >Init-kd, is known from Giza tomb
G 1039. Her title is preserved on the base of a statue, which, like other sculpture
from the same tomb, is of poor style and workmanship; it can hardly be earlier than
the very end of Dyn. V and may be as late as Dyn. VI. The writing of "Dendera" is
g-=- @.l03
(8) At Giza, in the mastaba of Rmn-wi-kd, is the most interesting evidence of all
(Hassan, Giza 2, 169ff.). This tomb is probably to be dated to the Sixth Dynasty. The njr
sign I is followed by ~, the older determinative, in one instance (ibid., fig. 206), while
it is twice followed by ~ (loc. cit.), the determinative that becomes more common from
the reign of Isesy onward. 104 The later form of the feminine title ti
is employed (ibid.,
fig. 210), but this is less useful as an indication of date since it occurs occasionally before
the end of Dyn. V.lOo One of the jambs of the false door contains the statement &'t'"
1'::~ -=-- ~ - J ~ > 0:'
"may the West extend her arm to him as one who attains
peace and has passed to a revered state" (ibid., fig. 208), which Junker notes as occurring
"erst seit der vorgeschrittenen 6. Dyn." (Giza 8, p. 129).106 The crowded arrangement of
signs in the columns of inscription on the same false door also looks late; examples dated
by Junker to the end of the Old Kingdom may be compared, which show a similar tendency
to place more than the usual one or two signs side by side, especially toward the end of
the column where the name is introduced. 107
Unfortunately the titles of Rmn-wi-kd that mention Dendera are incomplete; only
"Mistress of Dendera" remains in either case, the name of the city being written g l'
101 Just south of Hemamiya, at Qau el Kebir, the following passage is found in the tomb of WIlI-kl

II; it is placed between two mr.t

-=::: g~ ~ wij!
i 1*-
containers, register A in Petrie'sAntaeopolis, pI. 26:
"God's offerings of Hathor Mistress of Dendera for Count WIlI-kl, justified."

(Not mentioned by Steckeweh, Qaw, p. 33, b2.)

102 Mar. Mast., p. 424 = Petrie-Murray, Seven Chapels, pI. 4. The owner, 'aty-/ltp, is priest of the
pyramids of U nis and Isesi.
103 Lutz, Statues, p. 17 and pI. 26b. The photograph shows Lutz's reading 'Jwnr.t to be mistaken.
For other sculpture from the same tomb see ibid., pIs. 23a and 29b, and for the date cf. HESPOK
pp. 62-63.
104 Examples of III from this reign are: Urk. I, 57.14; 63.5; 67.16; Davies, Ptah. 2, pIs. 28, 29.
I ~ occurs sporadically as late as the reign of Tety (Urk. I, 83.3) and even in the reign of Pepy II
(ibid., 128.15; 130.3).
105 E.g. in the mastaba of Ntr-nswt, Junker, G£za 3, fig. 32, p. 186 and p. 177; note that t i-
is more common in thiS mastaba.
106 For this phrase see also Wilson, JNES 13, 250-251.
107 Compare the following false doors in Junker's G£za: 8, fig. 18, p. 51 (dated end of O.K., p. 51);
fig. 85, p. 163 (from one of easternmost and latest tombs); 9, fig. 78, p. 173 (dated to very late O.K.,
pp. 174-175). Other comparable examples, probably as late as the foregoing, are: Hassan, G£za I,
fig. 125 p. 69, G£za 3, fig. 114, p. 133.
26 Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera
(Hassan, G£za 2, fig. 204) and g~ (ibid., fig. 208). In the second case, however, the
incomplete phrase is supplemented thus: ~ ~ g~ 1 ~ i- >
0 0 0 ' This earliest association

of Somtus with Hathor of Dendera is most interesting, for the next oldest evidence
is no earlier than Dyn. XI,I08 although a reference to "Horus in Dendera" occurs in the
next example (9). The priestly title referring to Somtus is also interesting for a quite
different reason, however, since it suggests what is to be restored before "Mistress of
Dendera." While 1 "priest" in combination with the name of a deity nearly always
calls for the direct genitive in the Old Kingdom, the indirect genitive is not infrequent
after ~ => 1 ~ "overseer of priests."I09 This consideration would indicate that Rmn-wi-
kd's complete title is "[overseer of the priests of Hathor] Mistress of Dendera and of the
priests of Somtus," although it seems unlikely that ~ =- would twice be followed by
1 ~ - and the name of a god. The explanation may be that a second ~ =- was inad-
vertently omitted by the scribe who laid out the inscription, and that the deletion was not
corrected because the assumed initial ~ => made the meaning perfectly dear. llo In any
case, a second consideration strongly supports the restoration of "overseer of priests";
Rmn-wi-kd is also ~ ~~ "herdsman of the intt-cattle,"lll a title that appears to be
held, at Dendera, exclusively by the overseers of the priests of Hathor. 1l2 At Meir, on the
other hand, this office seems to have been a lesser one, for it is held by a relatively unim-

108 In the temple of Nb-flpt-R' Mentuhotep, where he is again ~ =,

but adds the title "Lord of
Ijldi" (cf. p. 14 above). A Twelfth Dynasty stela from Abydos (Cairo Cat. 20088) has been thought

~ ~ =1
to mention a priest of Harsomtus (Otto, Topog.,p. SI; Allam, Hathorkult, 7S): JllilJ;~( 0 ==" Il~~!
!J. ~. But the first title, chief lector-priest in the mortuary temple of Nb-flpt-R' Mentuhotep,
indicates that the second refers to the same king by his Horus name; cf. the titulary of Kd-njr, the
son of Sneferu, who was overseer of his father's pyramid cult and similarly refers to his Horus name
in the title ~ ==" -t 1
~ (BM 1324; lames, Hier. Texts 12 , pI. 10). A valid reference to Harsomtus may
be found on a fragmentary limestone stela from the temple of Coptos, probably dating to Dyn. XIII
(Koptos. pI. 12 [2J). Here an appeal is made to the priests of the House of Gold (i.e. the temple of
Ha thor) and among the customary phrases is ~ ~ "'C.. ~ -->""Q-... ""Q-... t I ?'. T = "as ye wish to behold the
=- [IIIJ[.4l>-I~ ~®III~ID=
beauty of Harsomtus." Dendera is also mentioned, but the preceding context is uncertain. In the
Eighteenth Dynasty Hathor temple at Deir el Bahri, the prefixed name of Horus is again omitted:
T= ~ 1_ I 9 M - <;> ~ -=- ~ n "Somtus, son of Hathor, who presides over Den [dera] , who is in the
ID ~ ::.? 6) tJ [o@I'O' \!od'
midst of Djeser-djeseru" (D. el B. 4, pI. 98; another mention of ~
pI. 3S. Text. 3. 33)·
from the same period in LD 3,

109 The use of the indirect genitive after 1i

alone appears to gain headway only in Dyn. XII: e.g.
Cairo 20102 d, 20S20 e, 20030 hand g, 20661 c. The one Old Kingdom example that I have observed
shows honorific transposition: ~ ~ J1 -
(Cairo 1418). The following cases ofthe indirect genitive after
~=> ~ will serve to exemplify this construction during Dyns. V-XI: Urk. I, p. 24 (Tehna, Dyn. V);
Meir 4. pIs. 6. IS. 17 (Dyn. VI); Coptite Nome, no. 4 (Dyn. VI); Gebr. 2, pI. 21 (Dyn. VIII); Hatnub,
Gr. 9.11 (post O.K .• see ibid., pp. 23, 103). Siut. Tomb Ill, 2; IV, 4S. S3. 61; V, I (Dyn. XI). The
direct genitive is also employed. It should be noted that, although the indirect genitive is frequently
used with ~ => I~. the direct genitive seems always to be used with ~ 11
~ during the Old Kingdom
(see Murray, Index, 42; altho~gh the indirect genitive is used in Univ. Mus. E 17737-late Intermed.
Per. or Dyn. XI); hence the latter title was probably not the one held by Rmn-wi-kd.
llO Dr. Anthes points out that in the title imy-r lz,m(.w)-ntr n NN the genitive evidently refers to
imy-r rather than flmw-nJr, so that the omission can hardly have been intentional. He 'suggests, as a
further alternative. that ny Sm,-t,wy is a separate title; a construction of this kind seems rather
unlikely, however (cf. lARCE 3, p. 123, n. I), although theoretically possible.
III Hassan, Gtza 2, fig. 20S. p. 172.
112 Five overseers of priests are known to have had the title: Sn-sli (PD, pI. 7 A, t3r; for his titles
see below, p. 120); Ni-ibw-nSwt and Mrri (both ibid., pI. 8); 'Idw whose "good name" is Wflli (ibid.,
pI. 11 B, rt6, and pI. 10, br; see below, p. 153); 'limw (Dyn. XI: Vandier, Rev. d'Eg. 2, p. 55 and
pI. 2 [IJ).
A. Priests and Priestesses 27
port ant person there,113 while another, of similar status, has the title ~ => ~1t! "over-
seer of the lntt-cattle,"114 and two inspectors (sM) of priests are respectively ~ <=> ~ \'
11 "overseer of the lntt-cattle"lls and ~ <=> - - - - - ~ ~ <;<-. "overseer of the herd
.Ytif I
10 ~ Q JVp.P JrJf
0. 0

of lntt-cattle."116
(9) An alabaster offering slab in the Cairo Museum (Fig. 6 and PI. IV)117 offers further
support to the suggested restoration of the incomplete title that has just been discussed,
for it is said to come from another of the Memphite cemeteries-in this case Saqqara-

Fig. 6
and it names another individual who is more clearly an overseer of priests of the Denderite
goddess. The inscription is half-obliterated by wear, but nearly every sign can be identified
118 Allam, Hathorkult, 36, makes the same point. The unimportant individual in question (Meir 4,
pI. 15) is among a large group of people seated below (in the presence of) ppy-<nIJ and Sbk-lttp; he
also has the title fJry-tp nswt. An additional occurrence of the title from Meir (ASAE 3,257) is wrongly
listed by Murray (Index, 18); this does not have to do with the 1ntt-cattle, but is simply VI ~, and
the figure to whom it refers is shown leading a gazelle by a cord.
ut Meir 5, pI. 30. This person is a fJry-tp-nswt, like the preceding, but the title is preceded by smr.
His name corresponds to that of one of the owner's sons, Jfnn(l)t, but he cannot well be identified with
this son since the latter is represented below him in the same scene. The name is known for several
other persons of subordinate rank in the same tomb (ibid., p. 22).
m Meir I, p. 7 = ASAE 13, p. 167.
118 Meir I, p. 8 = ASAE 3, p. 258.
117 J. d'E. 38427, Cat. 57014.
Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera
with assurance except the owner's diminutive and the last part of his wife's name. On the
right side, referring to the owner, are four lines that read as follows:
(I) An offering which the king gives, and Osiris: that funerary offerings may go forth
to (2) one revered with Hathor Mistress of Dendera (3) the Sole Companion, Lector
Priest, Overseer of Priests and Overseer of the Two Granaries (4) [Mni?] being his
good(?) name, Mn-(nlf-Ppy.
The left side is devoted to a woman who is presumably the owner's wife; it contains an equal
number of lines, the first two of which are virtually the same as those on the side opposite:
(I) An offering which the king gives, and Osiris: that funerary offerings may go forth
to (2) one (f.) revered with Hathor Mistress of Dendera (3) and with Homs in Dendera,
She Who is Known to the King, the Priestess of Hathor [Ni-(n!J ?]-lftl:w.
Neither of the two restorations of names has much to commend it beyond a vertical trace
of what might be the final sign in Mni, and in the case of Ni-(n!J-lftftr, uncertain remnants
of n(l) and a few equally uncertain traces of the other signs. But the space is suitable,
and both names are known elsewhere, including Dendera. A Denderite nom arch of the
Sixth Dynasty is called Mnl (p. 107 below), and Mni is the "good name" of a later Mn-
(n!J-Ppy at Dendera (p. 170). Possibly all these individuals belong to the same family, but
there is no reason to identify the nomarch with the owner of the Saqqara offering slab,
and the apparent difference in date makes it unlikely that the latter is the same as the
second Mni. 1l8 Nor is there anything about the style of the offering slab and its inscription
that suggests that it might derive from Dendera, and one or two details weigh against
that possibility. The arrangement of ~ &0- for "Osiris" scarcely ever occurs in the Denderite
inscriptions, virtually all of which show &0- ~ or jJ (the group ~:: ~ in PD, pI. 7A,
rt 10, is evidently a special case). And if the last sign of the phrase rn.f nfr is transcribed
correctly, the unusual position of the "good name" before this phrase also finds no
parallel at Dendera, although it occurs elsewhere;1l9 the Denderite Mn-(n!J-Ppy, for
example, uses the normal order. 120 Thus there is no particular reason for doubting
the Saqqara provenance. It is nonetheless certain, however, that the Mnl buried at Saq-
qara held the title "overseer of priests" in connection with a provincial local cult,121 and
the context makes it clear that this was the cult of Hathor of Dendera. There is less
certainty about the identity of the Homs who is said to be "in Dendera." It cannot be
assumed that this is Somtus, who is not usually identified as Homs until much later. 122
Another possibility is Horakhty, who is identified as "Lord of Dendera" in the Eleventh
Dynasty shrine of Nb-ftpt-R( Mentuhotep; the falcon-headed god, topped by a sun-disk,
takes precedence over the completely anthropomorphic Somtus "Lord of Tjldl," who
follows him.123 A third possibility is Homs the Behdetite, who is mentioned on a Dendera
stela of the later Eleventh Dynasty, and shortly thereafter, early in Dyn. XII, is also
known as "Lord of Dendera" or "the Denderite. "124

118 Note further that this Mni, although he had some connection with the cult of Hathor, does not
include the office of overseer of priests among his numerous titles.
119 J unker, Az 63, 59-60.
120 PD, pI. 2, rb2.
121 Cf. AJA 66, p. 66 and n. 13.
122 See footnote 108. Hathor is also linked with an unspecified Horus on an Eleventh Dynasty
architrave (D 4508), which invokes "pure bread coming forth from the temple (flwt-nlr) of Horus
and Hathor Mistress of Dendera," and perhaps a stela of earlier style from Dendera, which contains
the title "overseer of the oarsmen of the boat of Hathor and Horus( ?)"; for the latter see below,
pp. 209ff. and PI. XXVI.
123 ~ [Q] ~ ~ '<:7 g Cairo J. d'E. 46068: Habachi, MDIK 19, fig. 7, p. 24 and pI. 6. On the left wall
(ibid. fig. 8, p. 26 and pI. 8), Horakhty has the same epithet, but the last three signs are obliterated.
124 Cf. pp. I25ff. below and notes 554-555.
A. Priests and Priestesses 29
(10) From Giza there is the mastaba of ljntl-klw.s, who is "priestess of Hathor Mistress
of Dendera" (Junker, Giza 7, fig.30a, p. 70); here the writing is g~. Junker dates the

tomb with assurance to the late Sixth Dynasty. He observes also that a man named In!,
whose tomb adjoins that of ljntl-klw.s, and who may be considered a relative, is likewise
(i,m-nJr of the goddess. Although the cult is not specified in this latter case, it is just pos-
sible that Hathor of Dendera is meant, as Junker seems to suggest. 125
(II) Perhaps of still later date than the last two cases mentioned above, the inscriptions
from the tomb of >I[zy take us from the Memphite area as far southward as Thebes. >J(i,y's
wife >Jmy is twice given the title "priestess of Hathor Mistress of Dendera" (g i'; ASAE
4, p. 98 and PI. 2. For the date, cf. note 297 below). He himself is "revered with"
~}~=r; "Montu, Lord of Armant" (ibid., P.97). It should be noted that the
writing of "Annant" is not g @ as later. 126
The fact that Hathor of Dendera is known to have been worshipped at Thebes in Dyn.
XI and long afterward127 strongly suggests that >Jmy performed her duties as priestess of
this goddess in Thebes and not in Dendera. It might be considered whether the similarity
of g-; and ri helped to give Hathor of Dendera a footing in Nome 4. In any case
her presence at Thebes is not surprising, in view of the fact that her cult is twice mentioned
at the southern end of the same nome, at the end of the Old Kingdom (12 below) and at
the end of the First Intermediate Period (13). Furthennore, she was worshipped in Nome
10 during both the Old and Middle Kingdoms (s above), and enjoyed considerable prestige
in Nome 8, as shown by the last example (14).
(12) A wide rectangular stela from Salamiya, just south of Tod (Cairo]. d'E. 26940,
Cat. 1626), represents a woman named IJnywt who is a priestess of Hathor and "revered
with Hathor Mistress of Dendera" (g -:;: @). The same inscription mentions a man who is
apparently her husband; besides being a priest of Hathor himself, he holds a series of
typically Old Kingdom titles including spsw nswt, smr pr, and lmy-r st nbt pr (I. I doubt if
the date is later than the end of Dyn. VI.
(13) A stela of the late Intermediate Period from the region of Rizaqat-Gebelein, across
the river from Salamiya, shows the owner M rr beside his wife, who is a priestess of Hathor
and "one praised of Hathor, Mistress of Dendera" (g -:;:).128
(14) The wooden coffin of a woman named <nfJ-n.s-Ppy, who is to be identified as the
owner of no. 22 of Dunham's N aga-ed-Der Stelae, bears a band of inscription that tells
that she is "revered with Hathor Mistress of Dendera" (g 1').129 There is no reason to
think that the individual was not a native of the Girga district, particularly since she
claims a title that is known only for the women of that region. On the basis of Reisner's
field evidence for the date of her stela and others of similar style, as well as other consider-

125 Junker, G£za 7, pp. 70, 87 and fig. 34. His dating, p. 88, is based on the type of mastaba and
the style of the reliefs.
126 g ,;" and not g T @' is apparently the oldest form of the name, and g~ is not one of the
earliest writings, as Gardiner states (On. 2, p. 22*); in following up in Gauth., Dict., the example of
g:-; to which Gardiner refers, I find that this is from the Abydos Geog. List (cf. On., pI. 24, col. 3).
The Moalla texts of <nbtY.fY have both g-; (lIE 2) and g r; (VI IX5). The writing g-; also occurs
in the early Middle Kingdom: e.g. the stela Cairo J. d'E. 89507.
127 Some of the available references are to be found in Otto, Topog., p. 51, and Allam, Hathorkult,
pp. 57-75. The evidence is abundant.
126 Cerny, JEA 47, 7. For the provenance see Kush 10, 333.
129 JAOS 76, 99ff. and esp. 106. From Sheikh Farag tomb 5128; the identification of the stela from
this tomb (p. 102) as Dunham's no. 10 is a slip-it should, of course, be Naga-ed-Der Stelae no. 22. The
coffin is now in the Department of Art History and Archaeology at the University of Missouri, no.
61. 69.
30 Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera
ations, notably the epithet "daughter of the overlords of Upper Egypt," she appears to
belong to the end of the Intermediate Period.
In addition to the foregoing cases, there is a Fourth Dynasty example from Dahshur
that previously appeared at the head of the list, but has ultimately proved to be more
problematic than I supposed. This question will be reviewed in the following section,
which also weighs various aspects of the evidence that has just been presented.

B. )]wnt and )]wnw: Dendera and Heliopolis.

The writings of the city Dendera as )Iwnt and )Iwnwt in the preceding section (with
one additional example) may be summed up as follows:
)Iwnt130 )Iwnwt
Dyn. IV Giza (I)
Dyn. V (early) Giza (2)
Dyn. V (or earlier?) Giza (3)
Dyn. V Giza (4)
Dyn. V Hemamiya, U. E. 10 (5)
Dyn. V Saqqara (in the
name Nbt.t-m-
lwnwt; below,
P·3 2 )
end of Dyn. V rr Saqqara (6)
end of Dyn. V g--=- @ Giza (7)
Dyn. VI rr Giza (8) g~ Giza (8)
Dyn. VI
Dyn. VI
rr Saqqara (9)
g~@ Giza (IO)
Dyn. VI g TThebes, U. E. 4 (II)
Dyn. VI (?) g::-@ Salamiya, U. E. 4 (12)
Late Intermediate Period g::- Rizaqat-Gebelein, U. E. 4 (13)
Late Intermediate Period g TNaga ed-Deir, U. E. 8 (14)
In all cases)Iwntf> Iwnwt is preceded by nbt "mistress," and the nbt is identified as Hathor
(except 8, where the name is lost). The )Iwnwt writing appears sporadically as a variant
of )1wnt in the Middle Kingdom (once, as g~)131 and the New Kingdom (g ~ @).132
Nothing in the foregoing evidence, to my mind, would indicate that the two different
1lI0 Note that this writing becomes the norm after Dyn. V; it is used consistently at Dendera itself
in the Sixth Dynasty and in all royal inscriptions of the same period.
131 gO;: is found on a base of an M.K. wooden statuette of unknown provenance. G. Migeon and
A. Moret, Collection Paul Mallon. Deuxieme Fascicule. pI. 18. This reference was indirectly supplied
by a marginal note in a copy M Gauth. Diet .• which led me to make inquiries of Mr. Mallon. He kindly
informed me of the publication just mentioned and added that the piece is now in the collection of
Mr. Pierre Wertheimer in Paris, having been sold by Mr. Mallon as "dubious." His doubt applied
only to the statuette. however; the base was rightly considered to be genuine. For this M.K. ortho-
graphy cf. g~ ~ ~~, g..::. ~ ~~. ("Esna") ASAE 26. p. 273 (not earlier than Dyn. XI. as Gauthier says.
but Twelfth Dynasty. to judge from the details of the offering formulae.)
132 Hathor Mistress of g~ is found on an "ear stela" of the N.K. from Deir el Medina. ASAE 25.
p. 84. on a jar that bears the name of Amenophis Il (note 2II). and on a jar inscribed for Tuth-
mosis III (with det. @ • note 202). Hathor of Dendera is known otherwise at Thebes in the N.K.; see
above. note 127.
B. 'Iwnt and 'Iwnw: Dendera and Heliopolis
writings do not both refer to Dendera, aside from the difference itself. In particular it
should be pointed out that g~ @ cannot well represent a shrine in the Memphite area,
since it never has the determinative LJ, as the cult place of [§J ~ ;: LJ "Hathor 0
Mistress of the Sycamore" often has. l33 On the other hand the cult of Hathor of g was l'
certainly important and widespread during the Old Kingdom, as is shown by the evidence
from Hemamiya, the Memphite cemeteries, and later from Thebes; that Dendera should
also be represented in the occurrences where Hathor is mistress of g~ @ at the Memphite
cemeteries is therefore most probable. But it may well be thought that the Memphite
variant has some special significance, that it may, in fact, have been influenced by g ~,
the nearby Heliopolis. This question must be considered in the light of what is known about
Hathor's connections with the sun, with the god Re, and with Heliopolis itself.
At the outset it should be noted that a Fourth Dynasty reference ~ g~, which I
was previously inclined to doubt, has subsequently been located in the Louvre and has
proved to be quite correct. This occurs on the left side of a niche containing the false door
of Kd-nfr, eldest son of Sneferu, from his tomb at Dahshur. l34 Here his wife is distinguished
by various titles including: "priestess of Hathor Mistress of the Sycamore; priestess of
the Opener of Ways, Neith North of the Wall; priestess of the Mistress of g~, in all
(her) places." Although it is not clear precisely which goddess is indicated by the final
epithet, some of the evidence cited in the preceding chapter suggests that this may be
Hathor. Example no. 5 provides the closest parallel, for the woman in question is simul-
taneously "priestess of Hathor Mistress of the Sycamore," "priestess of Neith North of
the Wall," and "priestess of Hathor Mistress of Dendera." Nos. 2 and 4 also combine
references to the two Hathors and to Neith. And no. 3 is a priestess of Hathor Mistress
of Dendera with the addition "in all her places." On the other hand, a Sixth Dynasty

Giza text has the following series: [§J ~ ~ ~ ~ JJJ r ~ +~

I 0 ::
~ ~ 'i ~
(Junker, Giza 4, fig. Il, p. 42). The final ltm(.t)-nJr is explained by Junker as an
I ~
erroneous redundancy, but it possibly refers to the curious seated figure, which is assumed
to be a divine determinative. No such determinative appears after Hathor's epithet, how-
ever, and an adjacent occurrence of the Neith title omits not only the extra ltm(.t)-nJr,
but the alleged determinative as well. It therefore seems possible that the Sixth Dynasty
Ai ~ at Giza is equivalent to the Fourth Dynasty ltm(.t)-nJr nbt '/wnw at Dahshur.
This possibility would leave the identity of the goddess quite uncertain, for a Sixth Dynasty
ideographic representation of Hathor would certainly display her headdress of horns and
disk. If, on the other hand, the other parallels outweigh this tenuous equation, it is still
by no means certain that the Dahshur text identifies Hathor as "Mistress of Heliopolis,"
for the same parallels suggest that a final t has been omitted by the scribe or sculptor,
and that the place name is the '/wnwt so often attested at the Memphite cemeteries-
in other words Dendera. 135
To my knowledge it is only in the New Kingdom, when there is a Heliopolitan cult of
Hathor (nbt lftpt; see below, p. 49), that a ~ g~ is otherwise evidenced (PN I, 187.25

133 In this context;;: 0 often lacks a further determinative, but LJ is frequently found (e.g.
Mycerinus, pI. 46; Junker, Gfza 6, fig. 101, p. 239; Ti, pI. 131; BM 1143, Hier. Texts 1 2, pI. 18; note
esp. ;;: LJ : : [§J "the Sycamore of Rathor," Cairo Cat. 55). The town-determinative is much less
frequent (e.g. BM 718, Hier. Texts 6, pI. 3; no longer visible in Hier. Texts 1 2 , pI. 28).
134 De Morgan, Dahchour (1894-1895), fig. 53, p. 23, and pI. 26. The false door itself is in the British
Museum (BM 1324: James, Hier. Texts 1 2 , pI. 10); it contains the statement that Kd-n/r was the
eldest son of Sneferu.
135 Wiedemann has evidently come to this conclusion in PS BA 36.53. where he translates "Priestess
of the lady of Ant in all her locations."
32 Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera
and 22), and even then the occurrences are limited to a relatively small number of personal
names, which are perhaps not independent of the very popular Middle and New Kingdom
name'::: g (ibid., 187.23). Although a "Mistress of Heliopolis" is not otherwise known,
it must be considered, however, whether a Heliopolitan goddess is to be found in any other
A female Heliopolitan is, in fact, to be found in Pyr. 482C (Wand P) and the similar
passage Pyr. Is07b (P version only). The first of these passages is as follows:

P. Q~ ::c p Jg~Q~Q-CEJg~
"The mother of NN. is a Heliopolitan; the father of NN. is a Heliopolitan." This trans-
lation-which follows that of Sethe-assumes that "Heliopolitan" is an epithet that does
not name any specific goddess, as would be implied in translating "the Heliopolitan." A
point in favor of this assumption is the fact that g~ appears only in the later P. texts;

the older W version of 482C has g~ "Heliopolis" or masculine "Heliopolitan" instead. 136
An Old Kingdom personal name '::: ~ g~ @ has been translated by Ranke "meine(?)
Herrin ist eine Heliopolitanerin" (PN 2, 297.12). On p. 367 of the same volume, however,
the same occurrence of this name is equated with M.K. '?: ~BIC~ g-;;: "die (meine?)
Herrin ist in Dendera" (PN I, 188.14). The occurrence of the name '=' ~ @ in the Old
Kingdom, presumably Dyn. V,m shows that names of this pattern can be expected that
early. The false door on which '::: ~ g~ @ appears also dates to Dyn. V and is known to
come from Saqqara (Borch. Denkm., p. !OS; Cairo Cat. 1424); g~ @ would be a normal
writing for Dendera in the region of Memphis at that date. From every point of view,
therefore, the more likely translation of the name in question is "my mistress is in Dendera."
Though there is no clear evidence that any goddess was called "Mistress of Heliopolis"
or "The Heliopolitan" in the O.K., Hathor as "Mistress of Dendera" is certainly associated
with the "Lord of Heliopolis," Atum, in the cartouches of Pepy I that name the two
gods as his ancestors (below, p. 37). Here the names of the two cities are placed side by
side so that ~ andg g:: are paired, as are the names of Atum and Hathor. This
pairing of the masculine 'Iwnw with a feminine counterpart in connection with Pepy's
divine parentage is reminiscent of the juxtaposition of g~ and g~ in the Pyramid Q

texts of the same king. At all events the name of Dendera in Pepy's cartouche is obviously
regarded as a feminine counterpart of g~, and the same idea is perhaps expressed by
the earlier variant g~ @ in the neighborhood of Heliopolis. The Ptolemaic texts in crypt
9 of the Dendera Temple state this idea explicitly: : : - r g:: T 'A j \~ g~ 'rf
"Dendera was made for her (Hathor) as a substitute for Heliopolis" (Mar. Dend. 2, 17 c,
cf. 23 g, 27 [13]). Whether we should conclude from this statement that the name of
Dendera actually originated in that of Heliopolis, as Sethe has suggested, is doubtful,138

138 Sethe, in Komm. 2, p. 311, comments on the W version: "Ob das Fehlen der Feminalendung
von 'Iwnj.t 'Heliopolitanerin' bei W. fehlerhaft ist, oder die Mutter hier auch als 'Heliopolitaner'
bezeichnet war?"
137 PN I, 184.23; PN 2, 52. Ranke translates "mein Herr ist in Letopolis." Borchardt dates to
Dyn. V in Denkm. I. p. 220 (Cairo Cat. 1516). For another Old Kingdom example of this type of name
see '='~ t l
Q ~ (JAGS 81, 423-424).
138 Sethe's suggestion is made in Urgesch .• § 144. where he represents Dendera as one of various
Upper Egyptian cities whose names begin with iwn, and hence are supposed to evidence colonization
under a hypothetical Heliopolitan kingdom. He adds: "In alIen diesen Fallen kann aber die Namens-
ahnlichkeit zufallig und nicht die Folge, sondern die Ursache der etwaigen Beziehung zu Heliopolis
gewesen sein." To the last statement Kees comments: "Das ist gewiss richtig." (Gottergl., p. 341;
cf. p. 182.) Vandier. on the other hand, says the name 'Iwnt was manifestly patterned on Heliopolis
(Relig., p. 26). Allam also thinks the close association between Re and Hathor favors this idea (Hathor.
kult, p. 113, n. 5).
B. ']wnt and ']wnw: Dendera and Heliopolis 33
It may represent a deduction that the Ptolemaic priests made on the basis of Old Kingdom
evidence such as the above-mentioned cartouche of Pepy; this form of Pepy's cartouche
was very likely known to them, for Pepy himself was well remembered and venerated in
the temple's texts and reliefs, as will be seen below (pp. 40ff.).
We cannot know whether the Old Kingdom Egyptians also believed Dendera to have
originated as a substitute Heliopolis, but they could hardly have mated the names of the
two cities without thinking of Hathor's associations with the sun and with Re. The solar
disk that is mounted between the cow's horns on Hathor's head is known at least as early
as the reign of Mycerinus, toward the end of the Fourth Dynasty, in the triad statue groups
of that king.139 There are indications, however, that the disk did not become standardized
as an emblem of Hathor until Dyn. V, when the cult of Re gained supremacy.140 No
139 Mycerinus, pis. 36-45. No other goddess shares the headdress of the disk and horns, to my
knowledge, until the Second Intermediate Period, when Isis is represented with the disk upon her
head, but lacking the horns (stela BM 1645, Hier. Texts 6, pI. 28). Subsequently various goddesses
wear both horns and disk (e.g. Mut, A SAE 26, pI. 5 to pp. 131 ff.). The determinative 1j given by
Sethe after the names ofthe two late O.K. queens in Urk. 1,307, is erroneous, and therefore constitutes
no exception to the s~atement just made; see Jequier, Pyrs. des Reines, fig. 2, p. 5, where the
headdress is seen to be the usual vulture skin with uraeus in front (cf. ibid., pI. 4).
140 I know of two representations, on late Dyn. IV cylinder seals, of a cowheaded goddess who
lacks the disk and who appears to be Hathor. The first is Berlin 16955; it belongs to a fairly common
type of seal on which the king is called "beloved of the gods" and "beloved of Hathor." In this case
the king, Shepseskaf, is ~ ~:: ~ ~ ~ a- "beloved of Hathor in the place of Hathor( ?)"(mry,
pass. per!. part. is the usual form in this class of inscriptions). My copy is based on one made by Prof.
Anthes from the Berlin Inventory; he notes of this: "wohl Kuhkopfige Frau. Der Gegenstand, den
sie tragt ist ungefahr so richtig nach Moller's Zeichnung wiedergegeben." The second representation
of a cowheaded goddess is clearer and so confirms the first; it occurs behind the name of Shepseskaf's

pI. 5·4 (withp. 109): -m

predecessor, Mycerinus, on a cylinder seal (MMA 10. 130. 1613) illustrated in Newberry's Scarabs

i' The truee rather unclear signs between ~ ( ZITa ~ and the figure

of the goddess are apparently.=.."O'. In a third case of slightly later date (El Kab, pI. 20, bearing
Userkaf's name), the figure of Hathor shows lyriform horns above an apparently human head, but
the sun disk is omitted.
The copies of Dyn. VI jar inscriptions given in LD Text I, p. 7, nos. 1-3, err in giving the figure of
Hathor a cow's head and in some cases omitting the disk. These details have been checked on the
original or photographs of the original; nos. 1-2 are now Brooklyn Museum 37.7oE, and no. 3 is
Brooklyn Mus. 37.6IE.
Apropos of the possibility that Hathor only acquired the solar disk at the end of Dyn. IV, two
further points may be made. First, the emblem ¥
also lacks the disk, though it is possibly decorated
with stars on a schist palette (Cairo J. d'E. 43103, Labyrinth, Gerzeh, Mazghunah, p. 22 and pI. 6.7)
and a protodynastic vase (Arkell, JEA 41, 125-126). As pointed out in JARCE I, 11-15, it seems
unlikely in any case that this emblem (the goddess Bat) was identified with Hathor much earlier
than the Middle Kingdom; the earliest evidence for this association is the sistrum held by Hathor in
the shrine of Nb-flpt-r< Mentuhotep at Dendera (Habachi, MDIK 19, pp. 26-27, fig. 8 and pI. 8).
Secondly, the alleged "Rinder mit der Sonnenscheibe" which Scharff and Kees have recognized in
prehistoric rock drawings (AZ 64, p. 91; Gottergl., p. 75, note 5) do not actually have disks upon their
heads; the various examples in Winkler, Rock Drawings of So. Upper Egypt 2, pI. 36 show that the

"disk" is simply a pair of horns with the tips overlapping. Winkler himself describes cattle which
"wear various ornaments at their horns" (ibid., p. 22). One might rather think of antlers in such

cases as ibid., pI. 36.1), but the long tail apparently rules out the deer family. The animal

~ (ibid., pI. 37.2) appears to have browtines; it is also difficult to identify, but ~ (ibid.,

pI. 37.1) is clearly a horned ram. In examining the foregoing, I have obtained helpful suggestions from
Dr. Carleton Coon, of the University Museum, and Dr. Frederick Ulmer, of the Philadelphia Zoo.
34 Part Ill. Hathor of Dendera
textual evidence is forthcoming until the Middle Kingdom, when the Coffin Texts refer to
Q": 0) ~1
"the sun disk on the horns."I41 The earliest evidence for a connection between
Hathor and a Heliopolitan god is the title "ltm-nJr of Re and Hathor" which is known
for numerous priests in the sun temples of the first three kings of Dyn. V and perhaps the
sixth king, Neuserre, as well.l42 From this period and slightly later, there are individuals
who are simply "priest of Re and Hathor" without the cult being further specified; some
of these are found to have some connection with the sun temples just mentioned, and
a similar connection is probably indicated for the whole group.U3 From the association of
Re and Hathor in the Fifth Dynasty sun temples, one might be tempted to conclude that
the same association holds good for the presumed Heliopolitan prototype of these temples. l44
Such a conclusion would be incautious, however, for the sun temples essentially embody
a funerary cult and certainly do not literally reduplicate all the features of the cult of Re
on the opposite side of the riveL I45 Furthermore there is no mention of Hathor in the
lengthy titularies of the Sixth Dynasty high priests at Heliopolis. 146
One other piece of evidence is a hymn placed above a scene showing dancers in the tomb
of Kd-gmi.n:l, dating to the beginning of Dyn. VI. The hymn begins (after a short lacuna)
~ ~["710t[-::;][tl~91~~[JV-[1111~}[~ [tl~Q[11--; " ... Hathor in the gate
of the East. 'Let her be greeted,' say the gods; 'thou art greeted,' says Re ... "
(Teti Cem., pI. 53, and p. II3). It may be added that references to Hathor's association
with Re are much more abundant in the Eleventh Dynasty, and particularly in Middle
Kingdom Coffin Texts,147 but in view of this abundance, it is remarkable how infrequently
she is mentioned in connection with Heliopolis. l48
The only conclusions I should venture to draw from the foregoing are: first, that the
Old Kingdom Egyptians played upon the similarity of the names ']wnw and ']wnt and,

141 GT 4, 181, followed by a reference to the related goddess Bit. In this connection I had previousyl
citedPyr.705 a: GJo}~ '=' " ' } ~ ~ y, ~ "This Tety is this thy (Re's) eyewbichisuponthe
horns of Hathor." Anthes has shown, however, that the "eye of Re" is more probably to be inter-
preted as a star rather than the sun disk (AZ 86, 8-9).
=> 0
U2 --!I.IJ. (for reading see Sethe, AZ 53, pp. 56-58) Sun Temple of Weserkaf: Cairo Cat. 156 (and
Mar. Mast., D 51, p. 314); Cairo Cat. 55.
0) M..U lJ. Sun Temple of Sahure: Palermo, verso 3, VII (= Urk. I, 244, lines 5,6).

0) j \! 11
Sun Temple of Neferirkare: Besides the examples noted by Sethe, AZ 27, pp. 114-116, see
also: Mar. Mast., Cl (= H 14); Cairo Cat. 55; BM 718 (Hier. Texts 12, pIs. 28,29); Teti Gem., pI. 62;
Murray, Saq. Mast. I, pI. 7; Cairo Cat. 1416.
The evidence for the worship of Hathor in the Sun Temple of Neuserre is a fragment from the
temple on which a goddess (headdress broken off) is shown beside Re; see Re-Heiligtum 3, pI. 31
(481) and p. 54, where Kees suggests that this goddess is Hathor.
For this group of evidence, and the following, cf. Allam, Hathorkult, 7-8, 17-18.
143 Such a connection is found in the cases of LD 2, 59b, Mar. Mast., D 11 (p. 200), D 42 (P.294)
and Cairo Cat. 1416, and it is probably also true of Cairo Cat. 54 (= Mar. Mast., C 10), which appears
to be of Dyn. V date.
144 Allam, Hathorkult, p. 8, n. 7, citing Ricke, Az 71, I l l .
145 See W. Kaiser, MDIK 14, 104-116, and E. Winter, WZKM 54, 222-233.
146 Daressy, ASAE 16, 19Sff. The same is true of a less informative decorated tomb chamber of
somewhat later date, Cairo J. d'E. 89492.
147 For the Eleventh Dynasty see the repeated representations of Re-Horakhty in the shrine of
Mentuhotep at Dendera (Cairo J. d'E. 46068, Habachi, MDIK 19, figs. 7-8, pp. 24, 26); the texts in
the tomb of !:fty (Gardiner, JEA 4, p. 32, and below, note 736) where "Gold (i.e. Hathor) appears in
the stern of the bark" and "Re comes forth that he may see thy (Hathor's) beauty;" and finally the
stela MMA 13.182.3 (Winlock, M.K. at Thebes, pI. 4) which contains texts addressed to Re and Hathor
and depicts W 1(I_enfJ Intef presenting offerings to these two gods. The latter is discussed, translated and
illustrated by Allam, Hathorkult 58,140-141 and pI. 5 and has more recently been translated by Schenkel,
MHT, 96-99. The evidence from the Coffin Texts is fully dealt with in Allam's study, 113-118.
148 Ibid., 106-107.
B. >/wnt and >/wnw: Dendera and Heliopolis 35
secondly, that this similarity was rendered meaningful by Hathor's solar associations. It
is difficult to see which of these ideas was prior, if they did not indeed develop together.
Another uncertainty is the extent to which Dendera's prestige promoted these ideas and
to what extent it was itself augmented by them. It is perhaps significant that the cartouche
of Pepy I, which ranges the names of the two cities side by side (pp. 37ft. below), does
not use the older form g~ @ to suggest, as it were, an etymology.
The question raised on p. 23 may now be returned to, whether the many priests of
Hathor Mistress of Dendera who were buried at the Residence served this goddess at
Dendera itself. If so, we must suppose that the priesthood of the local cult there was
more closely connected with the central administration than was usually the case. I con-
sider this less likely, however, than the possibility that Hathor of Dendera was worshipped
in the Memphite region and that the majority of the priests known from the Memphite
cemeteries served her there. It has been pointed out that the Denderite goddess was
apparently worshipped along with the local gods at both Hemamiya and Thebes-that
is to say, at both the other places where priestesses of her cult are known outside of
Dendera during the Old Kingdom; the same is probably true at the Residence. On the
other hand, the priesthood of various other provincial cults occasionally turns up among
the titles of men buried at the Residence during the Old Kingdom,149 and it is very doubtful
that in all these cases divine service was rendered the provincial gods in Memphis. Even if
we suppose that Hathor of Dendera was worshipped in Memphis, it is still possible that
some of her priests and priestesses who were buried at the Residence may have served
the cult in Dendera itself, and this conclusion is particularly likely in the case of Rmn-
wi-kd (8),150 who was apparently an overseer of priests, and M n-<nlf-Ppy (9), who definitely
held that title.
149 For a detailed list of examples see Helck, Beamtentitel, 122-123, to which may be added a priest
of Min in 'Ipw whose false door evidently belongs to the Heracleopolitan Period (Akhmim, V.E. 9):
Az 90, p. 38, title 10.
150 Cf. Helck, ibid., p. 127, n. 45, and Allam, Hathorkult, 6.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
Despite the considerable number of priests and other private individuals associated
with Hathor of Dendera in Dyns. IV and V, there is no certain indication of royal interest
in this cult until Dyn. VI. There is a statement from the late temple of Dendera to the
effect that plans of the temple were found in the reign of Cheops, but this may perhaps
be a conventional claim of antiquity, as will be seen later (pp. 47f.). That is not to say
that Cheops, or his predecessors, could not have taken an interest in the Dendera cult, to
say nothing of other rulers prior to the Sixth Dynasty. But Tety is the first king known
to be associated with this cult in a contemporaneous inscription; on the stem of an ala-
baster sistrum he is said to be "beloved of Hathor Mistress of Dendera" (Frontispiece),lsl
His son Pepy I expresses an even closer connection in the numerous inscriptions that
display two types of cartouches (Fig. 7).

~ ~ ~
~D n ~n~
~ a
0 ~
~~ 0
D ~~~
Fig. 7

The first of these (A) describes Pepy as "son of Atum Lord of Heliopolis and of Hathor
Mistress of Dendera"; the second and more common (B) describes him as "son of Hathor
Mistress of Dendera." Beyond the importance of these phrases in themselves,m their
chief interest lies in the frequency of their occurrence. For the most part, Pepy I adopts
151 MMA 26.7.145°. First published JEA 6, pI. 8 (facing p. 6g). An interesting feature of the in-
scription is the standing figure of the goddess placed at the end of the entire phrase "Hathor Mistress
of Dendera."
152 Pepy I is the first to call himself "son of Hathor of Dendera" in his cartouche, but it may be
noted that Dnis had already been called "Son of Hathor" in Pyr. 466 a-b, where he is also "Son of
Osiris" and "Seed of Geb." Dnis is not known to have made any other mention of the Dendera cult,

Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
a simpler form of cartouche in his inscriptions, but the types that claim descent from
Hathor of Dendera are nonetheless numerous and are known from a remarkably wide
range of sites. In the brief description given below, the two types are presented in turn,
the occurrences of each being grouped according to provenance.
Type A is represented by the following: (I) Two red granite fragments found by Naville
at Bubastis in 1887; shortly thereafter one of these was augmented by three additional
pieces. l53 (2) A fragment of relief in the Berlin Museum (inv. no. 20795), said to be from
Saqqara. At the upper right is a flying vulture with -9- in its claws; below, and to the
right, are the royal names. The cartouche is the specimen of type A copied above. l54
Type B is represented by the following: (I) A calcite lid of a jar from a Saqqara tomb
chamber (Cairo ]. d'E 47037; Teti Cem., pI. 13 [A] and Text, p. 30). (2) Also from Saq-
qara, a small calcite jar formerly in the Abbott collection, now Brooklyn 37.61 E.155
(3) A block of red granite from a doorway, found at Tanis by Burton and later re found
there by Petrie. 1S6 This is fairly certainly the same inscription that Porter and Moss
describe as an inscription of Pepy II from Dendera.1S7 (4) A calcite lid of a jar obtained
by Sayce at Qena, near Dendera (Tanis I, pI. 12.5 and p. 4). (5) A calcite jar and lid from
Thebes, formerly in the Abbott collection, and now Brooklyn 37.70 E.I58 A copy of the
cartouche on the side of the vase is given above as a specimen of type B. (6) An almost
identical jar from the Murch collection, now British Museum 22,559; the provenance is
unknown. l59 (7) Also of unknown provenance, the Brooklyn statuette of Pepy I kneeling
and presenting a jar in either hand; the cartouche in question is on the front of the base
(Brooklyn 39.121).160 (8) Apparently of unknown provenance, a conical object of gold,
153 Rec. trav. 10, p. 60. The more complete cartouche (Cairo Cat. 1745) is figured in Bubastis, pI.
32 (c). The less complete one (Cairo Cat. 1746) is shown joined with the other fragments below it,
ibid., pI. 32 (d). This example and examples 3-6 of B are cited by Gauthier LR I, pp. 154-155, 159.
1&4 Limestone, W. 48 cm., H. 32.5 cm. Unpublished; my information is from Anthes' notes.
155 A copy is given in LD Text I, p. 7 (3). Mr. John Cooney informs me that the provenance is
given as Saqqara in J. Bonomi, Catalogue 0/ a Collection 0/ Egyptian Antiquities, the Property 0/ Henry
Abbott, Esq. M.D., Cairo, 1846, which is the earliest catalogue of the collection.
156 Tanis I, pI. I (plan II3, inscription no. 2). After its discovery by Burton, the inscription was
first published by E. de Rouge, Recherches sur les monuments (1866), p. II6. Gauthier says Petrie's
inscription is "un autre bloc, portant exactement la meme legende" (LR I, p. 159), and so also P-M
4, p. 18, but Petrie (Tanis I, P.4), Griffith, and Naville (Tanis 2, p. 15) take it to be the same as
Burton's. There appears to be no reason to think it is different, apart from the fact that E. de Rouge's
copy places';: above g 1", whereas in Petrie's copy the two words are placed side by side.
157 P-M 6, p. 109, referring to Diimichen, Baugesch., pI. 4a. It is understandable that Porter and
Moss should have assumed this inscription was found at Dendera, along with the others Diimichen
exhibits, but neither in the plate nor in the text (p. 15) does he give any provenance, and when hiE
copy is compared to the earlier one of E. de Rouge (see preceding note) it is seen to correspond in
nearly all details (e.g. the position of 1"),
above g although the sceptre held by Hathor is inac-
curately rendered as T rather than1-
158 A copy is given in LD Text I, p. 7 (1-2) and a photograph in J [ohn]D. C[ooney], Egyptian Art
in the Brooklyn Museum Collection, fig. 23. Prisse, Mon., pI. 49 (7) reproduces the same vase and on
P.9 states the provenance to be Abydos. Mr. Cooney assures me that this is an error; the earliest
catalogue (see note 155) records the piece under no. 135, giving the provenance as Thebes, and this
provenance is retained in Abbott's enlarged 1853 edition of the catalogue and in succeeding editions.
But the later editions confuse 'he issue by illustrating this vase and Brooklyn 37.69E (also from
Thebes) with the reference numbers reversed and new numbers assigned; and in these later editions
the provenance of 37.69E was changed to Saqqara-apparently a further error.
158 Budge, Hist. 2, p. 96gives a photograph and onp. 104 a drawing showing the inscription. The BM
Introductory Guide (1930), p. 301, says this came from the pyramid of Pepy I, Saqqara. LE.S. Edwardsin-
forms me that nothing is recorded of the provenance in the BM records, however; and that the piece was
bought from the Murch collection in 1899. In stating that it belonged to the Abbott collection, Gauthier
has apparently confused this jar with the almost identical Brooklyn 37.7oE (LR I, p. 155, xix).
160 J[ohn] D. C[ooney], Egyptian Art in the Brooklyn Museum Collection, fig. 20. Aldred, Old
Kingdom Art (1949), figs. 60-61.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple 39
which Drioton has explained as an end ornament on one of the several strands of beads
sometimes hung from a belt in the Old Kingdom. The names of Merenre are opposed to
those of Pepy I, but only the latter is called "son of Hathor of Dendera" (Cairo]. d'E.
87193; ASAE 45, pp. 55-56). (9) Among a number of fragmentary calcite vessels found
at Byblos, bearing the names of Mycerinus, Unis, Pepy I, and Pepy II, five fragments
that have the type B cartouche. 161 These vessels are not simply chance exports to Lebanon,
for at least one of the inscriptions on them mentions Byblos specifically.162 (10) An even
greater number of examples of the same kind found by Reisner at Kerma. In the debris
of mud brick walls under the Western Defufa numerous fragments of jars were found
bearing the names of Pepy I, Merenre, Pepy II, Amenemhet I, and Sesostris I (Kerma
4-5, p. 541). Of these the name of Pepy I occurs most frequently, with at least a dozen
cases where Hathor of Dendera is mentioned. l63 Reisner himself ascribes the walls in which
the calcite fragments were found "to the activities of the Egyptian caravan-leaders of
the Old Kingdom, and the early part of Dyn. XII" (Kerma 4-5, p. 541; cf. Az 52, p. 35).
Vandier, however, doubts that Kerma was colonized as early as Dyn. VI and suggests
that all the calcite vessels were carried there in the Twelfth Dynasty (L'Egypte1, p. 228).
His view is shared by Save-SOderbergh, who argues that the fragments are the only
products of the Old Kingdom found at Kerma, and that they were found together with
fragments of Middle Kingdom date (Ag. u. Nub., p. 108). It may seem improbable that
Kerma was settled by Sixth Dynasty traders, but at the same time, I cannot accept the
suggestion that the vessels were considered outdated in Dyn. XII by reason of their
inscriptions and hence fit only for export. In the first place, such inscriptions, being only
lightly incised, could be erased fairly easily from a calcite surface, if unwanted. More
important is the fact that calcite products of exactly the same kind were inscribed expressly
for export to Byblos, and probably in Dyn. VI (note 162); this point certainly favors the
possibility that similar exports may have found their way to Kerma as a result of well-
attested expeditions at the same date.
Another piece of evidence along the same lines as the preceding is provided by a cylinder
seal in the Louvre in which Pepy I is "beloved of Hathor Mistress of Dendera." It should
be added, however, that many other local gods are similarly mentioned on seals of the

161 (I and 2) Berytus I, pI. 3.4 and pI. 3.5. American University of Beirut 5023a and 5023. (3)
Montet, Byblos, p. 71 and fig. 22. This closely resembles the first of the preceding pieces, but is not
the same. (4 and 5) Dunand, Byblos I, pI. 38, no. 6496; p. 417.
For the other royal names represented on alabaster vessels, see Montet p. 6gft., and Dunand, pI. 36.
162 Dunand's no. 3233, pI. 37: ~ ~ J r
~ ~ Sf~] (wrongly copied with ~ p. 219) " ... [king
N, he has made (it) as his monument for(?) Rathor Mistr]ess of Byblos, that he spend life for her

[forever]." For the group ~ J ~ cf. ~ 4~J Montet, Byblos, pp. 35-36, on an inscription with a

royal cartouche (probably Pepy I or Il; ibid., p. 37), which Montet wrongly translates "aime d'Rathor,

l'amie de la deesse Rathor" (p. 275). For~ Sf [ ~] cf. AJ:>. =

seigneur de Byblos" (pp. 36--38) and inconsistently takes to mean that "la deesse de Byblos etait
r Sf ~ (.sn referring to Ratshepsut and
Tuthmosis Ill; Urk. 4, 308), :::. [.:::.] Sf ~ (Tuthmosis Ill, for the gods of Nubia; Urk. 4, 821).
Since the known royal names on the Byblos alabaster fragments are all Old Kingdom, and since
'='J ~ is the older spelling (cf. Montet, p. 37), it is not likely that the fragment in question is later
than Dyn. VI.
163 Photo. BMFA 12, p. 11 (= Az 52, pI. I, facing p. 36); drawing Kerma 1-3, fig. 6, P.31 (=
ibid. 4-5, fig. 342, p. 507). Fragments listed ibid. 4-5, pp. 507-508.
One of the fragments (Kerma 4-5, fig. 342.2; MFA 13.4273) curiously writes nbt '[wnt ~ g-;.
In answer to my inquiry about this, Bernard Bothmer has supplied me with a careful tracing by
Suzanne Chapman; he comments: "I feel the sign in question is too fiat and too long to be a 't'-it
must be a badly made 'n'." The signs in this inscription are so minute and so roughly fashioned that
the abnormal omission of t is probably accidental.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
same ruler,164 Of far greater significance is the appearance of the Denderite goddess at
Bubastis on an architrave above the entrance of the "k;-house" enclosure of Pepy I, where
she stands behind the king and, with him, addresses the local goddess Bastet (Fig. 8).165
There is also some evidence that Hathor-and probably again the Denderite Hathor-
may have been represented inside the small temple belonging to the "k;-house."166
By the end of the Old Kingdom a cult of Hathor was established not only in Kom el Hisn
and Memphis, but in Byblos andin the Upper EgyptiancitiesofAtfih, Tehna, BeniHasan, Meir,
and Gebelein. 167 Several of these places may have received Hathor later than Dendera did, but
it is remarkable that Pepy I preferred the Denderite goddess to all the others, even to the Mem-
phite Mistress of the Sycamore, who had stood so prominently by the side of Mycerinus in his
triad statues. Pepy's choice of the Denderite Hathor is probably not to be explained on the
basis of any special ties with Upper Egypt that may be involved in the Abydene origin of
his queen,l68 for close connections between Abydos and the crown had always existed (see
below, p.69). It more likely was the result of Hathor of Dendera's considerable prestige
at Memphis and of the relationship that, at least by this time, was felt to exist between
Dendera and Heliopolis, as expressed in Pepy's claim of filiation from Hathor and Atum.
In view of the foregoing, it may be significant that the sole reference to Dendera in
the Pyramid Texts is found in the pyramid of this king: (~)o ~ ~ @ ~ : : ~ g g,::
"Mry-R' is 'Jwnt.t (the Denderite); he has come from 'Jwn.t."169
In addition to the widespread and numerous distribution of objects on which Pepy I's
name is linked with that of Hathor of Dendera, there is evidence upon the walls of the
late temple of Dendera to show that Pepy I, even in Ptolemaic-Roman times, was honored
locally as one of the most memorable of the kings who contributed to Hathor's cult in
this city.170 The most striking part of this evidence consists of three scenes of similar
composition, showing a king kneeling before Hathor and presenting the figure of a child
upon his outstretched hands. m In every case the king is labeled (ill) or ( 0 ~ ~ l1t),
a writing that is combined with the name M ry-R< elsewhe:-e in the Temple of Dendera and
on a late statuette from ThebesY2 Thus it is certain that it is Pepy I who is represented
here-the <I> LOt; , rather than the <I>~wlj;, of Manetho (so also Sethe, Az 41, 50).
164 Louvre 13441; AZ 86, 21-23.
165 Cairo J. d'E. 72133; the drawing is adapted from LabibHabachi, Tell Basta, p. 14, fig.2, and cf.pI.2.
166 Al A 62,331, referring to Tell Basta, pI. 4 Band p. 21, fig. 5; in any case the divinity is not Bastet.
167 For the early evidence for these cults see Allam, Hathorkult, 23, 90-97.
168 See Mar. Mon. d'Abydos, pp. 84-85 and Urk. 1,117-119 (= Cairo Cat. 1431).
169 Pyr. 1066a. Sethe explains this in his Komm. as a text "in dem der Tote sich mit der Hathor
von Denuera bei einer festlichen Prozession (etwa zu Besuch des Horus von Edfu ?) identifizierte."
170 Much of the material set forth in the following part of th:3 chapter has been discussed by F.
Daumas in BIFAO 52 (1953), pp. 163-172, first presented as a communication at a meeting of
the Societe Frans:aise d'Egyptologie in October 1952, and subsequently printed in the Bulletin of
that organization (no. 12, 1953, pp. 37-39). The chapter had been completed when these articles came
to my attention, but it was revised in the original edition so as to include some discussion of M. Daumas's
studies (references are to BIFAO 52 unless BSFE is indicated). Shafik Allam has more recently and
more briefly dealt with the same topic in Hathorkult, 42-50. At the last minute it has also been possible
to add some references to Chassinat-Daumas, Le Temple de Dendera 6 (1965).
171 Mariette was the first to call attention to these, Dend., text, p. 54.

172 The writing (ill) also occurs in the text of crypt 9 quoted below, p. 43. This writing occurs
twice on the statuettefrom Thebes (AZ 23, 78). Daumas, in discussing the occurrences of the name
Pepy in the Dendera temple introduces a writing ~ ~,which appears on a semi-cartouche atop a
sistrum pictured in one of the crypts (BIFAO 52, 170, referring to Chas. Dend. 5, pI. 422). This name
does not refer to Pepy, however, but the Hyksos Apophis; see Stock, Studien I3. bis I7. Dyn., pp.
65-66. The name of Tuthmosis III similarly appears on (not above) a sistrum; see below, p. 51 and
note 206. Amenophis III is named in somewhat the same manner; his cartouche (Nb-ml<t-R<) is
curiously placed on the head of a figure of the Nile god Hapy, and surmounted by two ostrich feathers
(Mar. Dend. 3, pI. I2[iJ; not yet published in the Chassinat edition).
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple 4I
42 Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple

In one case173 Pepy, C~~A )ft), addresses four gold statues of Hathor. Above him is
written: ~ t~~ fl~f\ T? ~ ~ 0t "Excellent heir to the son of Isis, who raises the Great
son to the Eye of Re." The small figure he presents is 1~ ~ "Ihy, the great, the son of
Hathor" ;174 and below the arm of this figure is the label r::'+
"gold, height one cubit." A
single column before the two reads: D, --n-~~!,.~'TIit~=~oJl~ "I have brought thy
son bearing menit and sistrum; radiant is thy face with the sistrum."
The other two scenes are figured upon opposite walls of a room and are virtually iden-
tical except for part of the accompanying inscriptions. 175 The king kneels, presenting
the figure of Ihy to a statue of Hathor as before. But there is only one statue before Pepy
in this case; it is labeled ~ ~I IDI ITf1 ~ "Hathor, mistress of the house of the shrine,
height four cubits, gold,"176 and it stands before a shrine of the type pictured in the in-
scription. No name accompanies the figure of Ihy, and this and the figure of the king
are each labeled "gold," while the measurement +
"height, one cubit" is placed below
the king's arm, rather than below the arm of Ihy as in the preceding case.177 No inscrip-
tion is given for the king other than his name Cill), but in each of the two presenta-
tions of the scene an address is made to Pepy by Hathor. On the east wall (Chas. Dend.
3, p. 73, pl. 189) she says: ~f~@~~Hl!~~ujfcD "I have granted thee that the palace
is established with thy beauty; everyone hails (nhm) thee," and on the west wall (ibid.,
p.85, pI. 197), ~m~~1.111 -f'~ "I place thy dignity in the hearts of men; the
gods rejoice to see thee." These speeches are typical of the innumerable temple
scenes of various periods wherein the king communes with the gods; though one
might suppose that they address the statue of Pepy, I think it more likely that they
are directed to the reigning king, who stands at the north end, facing four statues of
deities-the last of these statues is the one before which the Pepy statue kneels. 178 While
the scene first discussed would leave some doubt on this point, the second two examples
clearly identify both Pepy and the figure he presents as each being made of gold, and
the measurement equally clearly applies to both figures as a group. Whatever the function
of such a statue was in the temple ceremonies, it seems certain that a statue of Pepy of
this type existed, and that it was one of the many costly objects belonging to the temple
such as are frequently depicted in the reliefs; these are nearly always accompanied by a
brief statement of the material and size.179 The throne of a limestone statue of Pepy I

173 Crypt 4 (Chassinat "sud no. I") Mar. Dend. 3, pI. 39; Chas. Dend. 5, pp. 159-160, pI. 448.
174 Not SI wr, but wr SI, as often; e.g. Chas. Dend. 5, p. I50~ line 19.
175 Mariette's "chambre Z" (Chassinat's J). The scene on the west wall, south end, is the one
published in Mar. Dend. 2, 67b; Chas. Dend. 3, p. 85, pIs. 190, 197. The one on the east wall, south
end, is only to be found ibid., p. 73, pIs. 180, 189.
176 Daumas (p. 171) considers this height impossible and emends the four cubits to one cubit and
three ells, which is the height given for the statue of Hathor which Pepy addresses in the previously
mentioned scene.
177 As may be seen from Chassinat's photographs, loco cit. The measurement is incorrectly placed
beneath Ihy's arm in Mar. Dend. 2, 67b, and also in Diimichen, Baugesch., pI. 2b.
178 The text of the long columns of inscription behind each shrine would then take up Hathor's
speech; it is addressed presumably by all four of the goddesses who sit before the shrine, and is certainly
directed to the king who stands before them, for it contains such phrases as: ..a..;;;~,~-~ID 0 .......
.0 I c:::= ~ I I I ~ "'=7 F=:I

~,.=;;Llj.~c~g~ "we are content with thy offerings; we give thee everything which heaven
bestows and earth creates. It is well with Egypt in thy time." (west wall, loco cit.)
179 Mar. Dend. 2, chamber N, pIs. 10, 11; chamber V, pIs. 48, 49; chamber Z, pI. 67; chamber C,
pI. 80; ibid. 3, crypt I, pIs. 8-10; crypt 4, pIs. 38-45; crypt 7, pI. 69; ibid. 4, room 3, pIs. 65, 68-72,
frieze text ~ention of sip.t and sn! U'Y
.. '"d


names three regs. names of :::d
of offerings to of three temples '<
offerings to eleven gods:
the go~: kneeling and
thirteen figures names of Dendera '"d
esses, six figures figures priests ~
offerings to eleven gods:
thirteen figures [;']
lists, glosses,
offerings to
the gods:
six figures
three regs.
of three
figures ::s



frieze text

Fig. 9: Diagram of texts and scenes in Crypt 9 of the Dendera Temple (Chassinat's"3 ouest"), from Mar. Dend. 3, pI. 77; note that the two halves of
the frieze text are transposed in Mariette's diagram. Shorter Roman numerals refer to Diimichen's Bauurk. Longer Roman numerals refer to Chassinat-
Daumas, Dendera 6.
44 Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
30 cm. high was, in fact, found among the stones of the Roman birth-house (BIFAO 52
163ff. and pIs. 1-2); Daumas compares it to the Brooklyn statues of the same king on
the basis of the characteristic serekh that forms the back of the throne and which probably
was surmounted by a figure of the Horus falcon in the round. This piece may well have
once been treasured by the temple priests just as the gold statue depicted in the reliefs
undoubtedly was; there is, of course, no means of knowing whether the latter was a
product of the Sixth Dynasty or of later times. It may be noted in this connection that
the Palermo Stone annals record the presentation of a golden statue of Ihy to the Mem-
phite Hathor of the Sycamore early in Dyn. V.IS0
A relationship between Pepy I and the god Ihy is also expressed in a Sixth Dynasty
personal name ( cv '\:-~~ ~ ~ l ~ ~ ~ t
"Ihy is the protection of Mry-R'."18I
The remaining evidence of Pepy 1's importance to the early history of the Dendera
temple is to be found among the highly interesting inscriptions of crypt no. 9 (Chassinat's
"3 ouest"), which were first published, almost in their entirety, by Dtimichen in his
Bwuurkunde (1865). It will be seen from the diagram in Fig. 9 that the texts begin just
left of the cent er of the narrow north wall continuing from the left and right of two col-
umns; these two columns are together surmounted by the nome ensign of Dendera, and
they constitute the main heading or title of the texts. From the left and right the texts
continue down the long west and east walls, alternating with scenes showing the king
(and queen) presenting offerings to the gods, until they meet in the cent er of the narrow
south wall. It is the section of text on the east wall that has most to say of the earlier
history of the temple, although the title-inscription is also of importance in this regard.
The east text makes some statements concerning Dendera and its gods (e.g. one quoted
above, p. 32), with an enumeration of the latter; it then proceeds to a brief description
of the feast of Harsomtus, a list of names of the temple of Hathor, and a list of Hathor's
feasts. The feast of the journey to Edfu is given in greater detail; it immediately precedes
the historical passage that is to be discussed here, and since the connection between the
former and the latter presents considerable difficulties, a translation of both will be given.
In the I I years following the initial publication of crypt 9, this section was republished
twice;182 a fourth and improved copy has become available in the above-mentioned study
of Daumas (p. 166), and it is followed here; (cf. also Chas. Dend. 6, 158-159):

88-90. For a group consisting of a smaller figure supported by a larger, cf. the large menit pictured
ibid. 3, 43 (Chas. Dend. 5, plo 425) and Mar. Dend. 2, plo 80.
The scenes here enumerated are comparable to the recto of the Heliopolis inventory tablet, Turin
2682; Az 71, 112 and plo 2. In his discussion of the latter, Ricke cites various instances of such in-
ventories as well as some of the Dendera examples, ibid., p. 118.
180 In the first year of his reign, Nfr-ir-kl-R< had one presented to Hathor of the Sycamore in Mrt-
Snfrw. Palermo Stone, Verso, line 4, no. 3 (Urk. I, 247.16).
181 Meir 5, p. 21 and plo 21; cf. 'Jlty-m-sl.f, a common O.K. name (PN I, 44.24) and Ccv,\:-~ ~ ~
~l~~~ C? (AZ 42,3, where Borchardt reads the last sign SI; so too PN 1,44.25, but not PN 2, p. 223,
n. 12, where the reading rwt is suggested by Sethe. Neither reading is altogether satisfactory, but the
first is more likely.)
182 Diimichen, Bauurk., pIs. 14-15; Mar. Dend. 3, plo 78 (n); Diimichen, Baugesch., plo la.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple 45
"Third month of summer, new moon feast. Transference&) of this goddess, the mistress
of Dendera (in procession) to Edfu to make her goodly journey;b) bringingc) of great
offerings, cattle and fowl, and all things goodly and pure to the kid) of this goddess, when
this goddess has enterede ) her bark whose name!) is (/i-mr(w.t)-(all this) by the prophets
and the great web-priests of Hathor, Mistress of Dendera, the attendants of the goddess g )
who are(?) before this goddess, the scribe of sacred writings who is(?) before this goddess.
Performing for her all customary observances of(?) the processionh ) for four days.i) It is
the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Mn-!Jpr-R<, Son of Re,
Lord of Diadems, Tuthmosis who made itl) as his monument for his mother, Hathor,
Mistress of Dendera, Eye of Re, mistress of all the gods. The great plank) in (?of?) Dendera
was found as (?in?) ancient writings which were written upon a leather roll in the period
of the Followers of Horus; (it) was found in Memphis( ?) in a coffer( ?)l) of the king's house
in the time of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Mry-R<, Son
of Re, Lord of Diadems, Pe(p)y, giwn all life, stability and dominion like Re forever."
(a) s!J(i "cause to appear;" !J(w "appearance festival" is used subsequently.
(b) The '=' is apparently a determinative ~ of !Jni.t, designating it as a festival.
(c) Infinitive, with in introducing agent; but possibly passive #m.j, with in introducing
agent (Lefebvre, Gram., § 307a).
(d) For the after kl, see Wb. 5, 89.I2.

(e) Daumas (p. I67) takes as indirect genitive "entrer de cette deesse" as has Diimichen
(AZ 9, 96; Baugesch., p. I4), presumably meaning that the entry made by Hathor was
effected by the priests. But a causative s(1f, in would then be expected rather than (If, . .• in.
(f) ~ seems to be mistakenly reduplicated.
(g) These are the identically labeled standards (~r I~ 1~ ~ c!J 11 ~ ::) pictured
above cols. I-I9 of this inscription. In both cases the first ntr.t is written ~ and:: is
missing; the sense might be conveyed more clearly in translation by writing "attendants-
(h) iri n.t-( "perform the customary observances" is exceedingly common in descriptions
of feasts such as this, as a summing-up phrase. The verb may again be infinitive or passive
#m.j. Daumas (p. I67) here translates "afin qu'elle accomplisse toutes les prescriptions
rituelles .... " The interpretation of iri.n.s as a "final" #m.n.j seems highly doubtful
(despite Junker, Gram., § I33), and I doubt that the goddess is here said to perform her
own rites, this being done for her by the priests. 183 All previous translators agree in taking
!J(w "procession festival" with the preceding n.t-( as a direct genitive. This construction is
rarely used in such phrases, but examples do occur,l.84 and the equivalent of "observances
of the procession" is known elsewhere. 185
(i) Probably not "five days," for the stroke beside hrw can hardly be taken as part of
the number. For the use of the preposition r, see Gard. Gram. s, § I63.3.
(j) Daumas has followed the older translators 186 in referring the particle in to the
"observances" ofthe preceding clause; in BSFE I2, 37 he translates: "afin qu' elle accom-
plisse toutes les prescriptions rituelles de la procession pour quatre jours, (instituees) par
le Roi de Haute et Basse Egypte .... " In support of his interpretation of in, "en lui don-

183 The use of iri n.s n.t-' must be equivalent to id n.t-'.s, which is extremely frequent in the Edfu
texts (Brugsch, Fest-Kat. pI. 1.4, and passim).
1&1 Two cases of direct genitive are to be found in Mar. Dend. I, 62k, Fest-Kat., pI. 5.29. In locating
these examples I have noted at least 20 cases where the indirect genitive is used.
nLll>- - 60 9 10
185 =- 'I 6
Brugsch, Thes., 381.6 (Esna Calendar).
188 Mar. Dend., text, p. 55; Diimichen, Baugesch., p. 14; Brugsch, Fest-Kat., p. v.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
nant un sens pregnant," Daumas remarks, first, that ir is used in the preceding columns
wherever a word is made to stand out, not in, and, secondly, that the foregoing sections
of the text are divided by spaces, whereas the passage in question follows immediately
upon the description of the feast. These arguments are not altogether helpful. The ir of
the preceding columns is part of the familiar gloss ir X, Y pw, and so would not be ex-
pected here in any case. The passage in question does follow immediately upon the de-
scription of the feast; but, as far as can be seen from Diimichen and Mariette's copies, the
spacing in the earlier part of this inscription occurs between individual items in spread-
out lists, not between sections of different content. Even if the spacing were as Daumas
describes, the statement concerning Tuthmosis would not be "liee a la description de la
fete d'Epiphi," but to the entire list of feasts. It is even more doubtful whether the state-
ment refers specifically to n.t-( "observances"; we should then have to assume a dual
meaning of "perform" and "institute" for the verb iri, whereas the meaning is surely no
more than "perform" in this very conventional formula. In BIFAO 52, 167, however,
Daumas has avoided this difficulty by translating" ... toutes les prescriptions rituelles de
la procession pour quat re jours, (rituel institue) par le roi. ... " I do not mean to dismiss
the possibility that in serves to relate Tuthmosis to all or some part of what is mentioned
in the foregoing columns. His actions in behalf of Hathor undoubtedly do have such a
reference; the question will be discussed further below. As for the grammatical question
involved, however, I think Junker has presented a likelier solution to this problem in his
Grammatik der Denderatexte, § 275, p. 193, where he takes this clause as an example - a
rare example to be sure--{)f in +
noun +
#m.n.j. Normally a perfective participle
would be used after in +
subject rather than #m.n.f; but there is nothing inherently
impossible in the latter. It is essentially a nominal sentence, just as the construction with
participle is, and both forms are attested in the Pyramid Texts.187 The appearance of this
rare and long disused construction in the Dendera temple texts could only be explained by
the highly artificial nature of their composition. As Anthes has pointed out to me, it is
also possible, however, that a perfectly normal construction is involved, namely in +
subject + perfective participle: "It is ... Tuthmosis who made itfor himself as his monument
for his mother." The seemingly contradictory use of two datives (for which Anthes compares
Pyr. 2089a) is entirely understandable in terms of the relationship between king and
divine cult.
(k) SnJ wr m )Iwn.t is similarly used in the north text (see below), but ~ is used in place
of ~ in the frieze-inscription, both in crypt 9. Perhaps n "of" should be read in all three
cases. M and n are often interchanged in the Dendera temple texts (Junker, Gram., § 25).
The meaning of snJ is discussed below.
(1) The translation follows Daumas (pp. 167-168), who reads ~ 0 J [;j on the il
ground that Co would be unsatisfactory for inb "wall." )1nb for "Memphis" is possible,
as Daumas notes, although it is common only in the compound )Inb-J:uj; otherwise )Inb.w
is to be expected. He finds ~ ~ "coffre" in the following signs, and evidently reads an
m in the 0 behind the head of ~ (see Junker, loco cit.).
I had initially concluded from the version ~ 0 ; ; given in Diimichen's final copy of
the text, Baugesch., pI. la, that the word i' ;;
"room" might be intended (Wb. 2, 200).
This interpretation, along with those previously suggested, is apparently excluded by
Daumas' observation that the last sign is unmistakably D.
187 Pyr. 1428e (P.) ~- ~ m
Co ( 0 \~ ~J and (M.) ~ - ~ ms (, \::). See Erman,
Gt'am.4,§ 489C, Anm.; Sethe, Verbum 2, § 364a, where three clear examples ofln + noun + sifm.n.f
are cited: Pyr. 1428e. 644c. and 969a. In the last case the (P.) version gives a negative paraphrase in
the n sifm.f form.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple 47
Very similar to the text that has just been translated and discussed is the "heading"
on the north end-wall (Diimichen, Baugesch., pI. 1b; Daumas, p. 165; Chas. Dend. 6, 173) :

! ~"'k?~(:::J~",,~ '~n~ ~=..a<>-1~

fJ)l>.,.o\\~<::>j,\'illoo·ur''/ ooo~:'!:;
=§IDDi '=" B~"
'="~ o=~ " III ~1\'
~ .. ~
~= (,j 0

"The great plan in {?of?} Dendera, the renewal of monuments which the King of Upper
and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Mn-bpr-r<, Son of Re, Lord of Diadems,
Tuthmosis made, after (it) was found in ancient writings in the time of King Cheops."
The two texts require further discussion on three points-the activities of Tuthmosis
III at Dendera, the nature of the snJ wr, and the connection between the snJ wr and
various kings and periods. These will be taken up in reverse order.
Three statements speak of the finding of the snJ wr. In the first of the three statements,
"it was found as (?in ?) ancient writings which were written on a roll of leather in the period
of the Followers of Horus," the preposition m may well relate to the perf. pass. part. of ss.
Daumas, however, apparently reads m as n (see comment k above) and relates this to
wbb: "un rouleau de cuir de l' epoque ... " (p. 167). Regardless of which translation is
preferred, the sense is that a copy of the writings is dated to the predynastic era of the
Followers of Horus. The second statement, concerning Pepy, is unambiguous, for m can
only be connected with and clearly means "in"; here we are given a date when the
writings were found.
In the third statement the choice between m and n results in two quite different meanings:
if one reads m, the finding of the writings is dated to Cheops; if one reads n, as Daumas
apparently does, the writings themselves are dated to Cheops, "ecrits anciens du temps
du roi KMops" (p. 165). In either case, it would seem that the east and north texts do not
agree: they appear to give two dates either for the ultimate antiquity of the writings
(Cheops or the Followers of Horus), or for the finding of them {Pepy I or Cheops}, the
second being a less serious disparity. Daumas's translation leads him to assume that the
disparity is in the dates given for the writings, and accordingly concludes that two docu-
ments are involved: one (in the east text) going back to the Followers of Horus and dating
to the beginning of the Fourth Millennium, the other (north text) dating to Cheops
(pp. 169-170}.188 For Daumas, the proof that these claims of antiquity are to be taken
literally and are not "vaines fanfaronnades" is that Pepy's name is prominently mentioned
in the temple reliefs and that he is known otherwise to have had a special interest in the
Dendera cult. This evidence does confirm the aforementioned statements to the extent
that they introduce the name of a king who actually had a great deal to do with the
Dendera temple, but it is not certain how much more is to be taken at face value. The
reference to the Followers of Horus can hardly be based on fact; since writing in Egypt
apparently developed with the founding of the First Dynasty,189 there is little likelihood
that a written document could have existed before this date, and certainly not so early as
Daumas supposes, at the beginning of the Fourth Millennium. I do not mean to say
that this one of the two statements in the east text is totally groundless, any more than

188 Allam presents the same interpretation (Hathorkult, 44-45), but concludes with a note of skep-
189 This is not the place to discuss the origins of writing in Egypt, but it should be stressed that this
development is closely connected with the inauguration of the Dynastic Period and the unification
of Egypt; cf. LE.S. Edwards, Early Dynastic Period, pp. 38-39. Meinhof's article on the creation of
the Bamun script, AZ 49, I ff., shows how quickly and completely an independent hieroglyphic system
may have been developed, once the idea of a phonetic script had been inspired by the example of the
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
that the other is completely well-founded. In the latter case, the name of Pepy I is certainly
mentioned for good reason, but the finding of ancient writings in Pepy's reign may be no
more than a stereotyped device to introduce his name. On the other hand, the claim that
the documents containing Dendera's "great plan" go back to the Followers of Horus
may be true to the extent that the temple's beginnings do go back to remote times; we
know, at any rate, of Early Dynastic tombs in the cemetery behind the temple (above,
p. I), and a precursor of the temple may well have been standing there when these tombs
were made. As for the statement in the north text, I should think this also conventionally
embodies a tradition that Cheops had some special connection with the temple; such a
tradition may have arisen simply because of this king's renown and not because of his
activities at Dendera.
I also doubt that there is any real contradiction in the east and north texts, for it is
more likely that the latter tells that the writings were found "in" Cheops's reign than
that they were "of" that reign. M hlw n in itself is much more to be expected than
n hlw n. l90 Furthermore, it is characteristic of statements that cite the authority of
ancient documents that they tell when the documents were found, not when they were
written. l9l It might even be wise to connect and m in all three cases, so that the
first would read "the great plan of Dendera was found as (?in?) ancient writings, which
were written upon a leather roll, in the period of the Followers of Horus."
My conclusion, then, is that these statements represent a conventional means of introducing
the earliest persons and periods that were significant in the temple's history. There is no
serious contradiction in them; they say, in effect, that the "great plan" was known in earliest
times and in the reigns of Cheops and Pepy I. I doubt that two documents are involved.
As Mariette has observed, and more recently Daumas also (Mar. Dend. Text, p. 72;
BIFAO 52, 165f.), the position of the north text as a heading to all the other inscriptions
of crypt 9 would suggest that the snj wr comprehends all the lists, glosses, and descriptions
contained therein, and is not to be understood as "ground plan," the usual meaning of
snj.192 The frieze inscription of the same crypt (west wall; Mar. Dend. 3,77 a-b; Chas. Dend. 6,
15 2 ) confirms this interpretation, forit speaks of ~ ~ ~ ~ ill ~ V:; -+ ro~ &~ ~, ~ ~ ~ rctJ:1
~ n ~~ j~~~nE] "the great plan of Dendera, of the eye of Re, and theinventory193

190 Wb. 2, 478.7-9. The one example of n hlw (478.13) in Belegst. is Sinuhe ISO, a very special usage,
where n in any case is not genitival. The indirect genitive is sometimes used before the almost synony-
mous ~ in Dyn. XVIII (457.17), but none of the three examples quoted in Belegst. concerns the
reign of a king; m rk is the usual expression, as is m hlW.
191 vVilson has collected three examples in ANET, p. 495; all of them tell in what reign the docu-
ment was found. A fourth statement of this kind, in the Shabaka Stone inscription, is of particular
interest because it is certain that the inscription was in fact copied from a much older original. It is
clearly no accident that the claim to antiquity is in this case more moderate than the others and that
it departs from the usual pattern: " ... Now his majesty had found (it) as (something) which the
ancestors had made but which was worm-eaten. Then [his majesty] copied [it] anew ... " (ibid.,
p. 4). Here the antiquity of the document is not expressed in terms of the finding; it is stated more
directly, in terms of the authorship, and at the same time more cautiously and vaguely. The finding
of the document is not referred to the ancient past, but concerns the king in whose reign the present
copy was made. For further examples see also Naville, PSBA 29, 232 ff.; paradoxically, however,
Naville takes the view that none of the examples of m hlw or m rk in the two Dendera crypt inscrip-
tions refers to the time when the documents in question were found, and that all refer to the time
when they were made.
192 Cf. also Allam, Hathorkult, 44, quoting Mariette's translation "regIe fondamentale," "organiza-
tion generale" (Denderah, text, p. 72). Similarly Naville, PSBA 29, 238.
193 Wb. 4, 36.II, gives only sipty-wr for "temple inventory" (Dyn. XIII and New Eg.). In the

present writing & is perhaps not to be read wr (foreign prince), however, for it may derive from
r~ ~ ~ ri, Wb. 4,36.10.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple 49
of this city, inscribed on the wall at the place where it should be,194 without irregularity. "195
Daumas also mentions this text (p. 169). Here Sip.ty "inventory" most probably
refers to the representation of numerous statues and cult objects in the reliefs of
several chambers and crypts of the temple (see note 179), although such representations
do not appear in crypt 9. Sip.ty has precisely this meaning in the "Inventartafel"
Turin 2682 (AZ 71, IIIff.), one side of which lists the property of Hathor's temple
in Heliopolis (Hathor nb.t !ftp.t) ;196 to the right of the list are named the persons com-
manded by His Majesty ::: ~ [~l ~~ - ~ ~ ~ "to make the inventory ...
for his mother Hathor." On the other side of the Inventartafel is a ground plan (and
elevation) of the same temple, so that sn! (in a more literal sense) and Sip.ty are apparently
associated as in the frieze inscription of crypt 9. The fact that sn! wr does not literally
refer to a ground plan in the latter inscription, however, is proved by the absence of any
such plan either on the walls of crypt 9 or elsewhere in the Dendera temple. Possibly the
special, more inclusive use of the term~sn! is marked by the addition of the adjective wr
"great. "
The existence, at Dendera and elsewhere, of the titles ~ ~ ~ ~ "servant of the great
plan" or g@\ ~ "overseer ofthe great plan"197 also suggests that something is involved in the
sn! wr other than the ground plan of a temple. l98 It is to be noted that these titles all refer
to the sn! of a god or goddess, and not to the sn! of a building. And none of the other three
occurrences of sn! wr in the texts of the Dendera temple is related to a building either.
A few words may be added on the question of what works were undertaken by Tuthmosis
III in Hathor's behalf. The north text speaks of a renewal or restoration of some sort
following upon the discovery of the sn!. The east text says simply that some works were
done, and does not explicitly state that this followed upon the discovery, the preposition
m-1Jt being omitted. The meaning in both cases, however, must be that all was done according
to the ancient plan. Since the north text constitutes the heading of all the inscriptions in
the crypt, the context gives little clue to the precise nature of Tuthmosis' works. The
east text, on the other hand, concludes a specific section of the inscription, the former
taking up immediately where the latter leaves off, in the midst of a column; hence one
might think, as Daumas does, that there is some relation between the two. In the trans-
lation and commentary I have concluded that this relationship is not made explicit in
the grammar and that the action expressed by iri.n.j m mnw.f is not to be restricted to
the rites established for Hathor's festival procession or to the procession itself. At the
end of the longer Edfu version of this same feast,199 however, the (reigning) king "makes
monuments for his father, Homs the Behdetite, the Great God, Lord of Heaven, he in-
creases this good feast." This passage suggests that the "making of monuments" that is
attributed to Tuthmosis in our east text could thus refer to the equipping and elaboration

194 r bw wnn.f, Wb. I, 451.7.

JEA 26, 124-125, where two examples following -=

195iJi-ini, Wb. I, 149.22; Belegst., p. 27, cites this occurrence. See Gardiner's discussion of the term,
are given.
196 lftpt a place in or near Heliopolis; see Gard. On. 2, p. 137*, Gauth. Diet. 4, 145, and especially
Vandier, Rev. d'Eg. 16, 55-146. There is no certain evidence for lftpt as a locality before the New
Kingdom, but see Vandier's discussion of some passages in the Pyramid Texts, ibid., 55-60.
197 See Wb. 4, 179.5. The first of these titles is mentioned in the Dendera temple reliefs: Mar. Dend.
4, pI. 33. The second is known from Dendera in the inscriptions of a late statue, Oriental Institute,
Chicago, 10729; the owner's name is ]:.. r61~ Bt, and among his many titles that concern the temple
is ~ ~ ~ ~ 0==> "overseer of the great plan of the Mistress of Heaven" (i.e. Hathor).
198 Kees's suggestion that 1nl wr in these titles is connected with the ancient concept of the Urhiigel
(Priestertum, p. 209) does not seem applicable to the use of this term in crypt 9 of the Dendera temple.
199 Brugsch, Fest.-Kal., pI. 10, 11, 13-14. Lists of priests and city officials concerned with the
festival follow this conclusion.
50 Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
of any and all of the festivals listed in the foregoing columns-all this being done along
the lines laid out by the ancient snJ. But there is concrete evidence that the phrase lrl.n.j
m mnw.j, although it is by no means illuminating in itself,200 in this case definitely refers to
construction that Tuthmosis undertook within the precincts of the temple.
While Pepy I has left nothing but a statue base as concrete testimony of the many
benefits he undoubtedly conferred upon Dendera,201 the activities of Tuthmosis Ill, on
the other hand, are attested by a large group of small objects in the Cairo Museum, in-
cluding alabaster vessels and miniature bronze blades, chisels, and axe-heads (Fig. 10).

6F 6 br
@ ~ ~~ @
f2m ~
V 'C7 C7 !dill
Y onY C7


\ )



06 r
r ~r
. =
II l
~ 6
@J @

7' - ~ ;;7

~~ ~

~ 6r
y'Pi oD
Y -
Fig. loa
200 For an indefinite use of the phrase, see Sh. Said, p. 38; Griffith says the inscription of )Iltl in
the tombs of his forebears "seems itself to have constituted the memorial." In most cases the formula
applies to offerings, temples, statues, and so on (well seen on the verso of the Palermo Stone, Schafer,
Bruchst. Ann., pp. 34ff.).
201 See also above, p. 38, note 157, where it is shown that the inscription of Pepy I (not 11) said
in P-M 6, p. 109, to come from Dendera is the larger of the two found at Tanis.
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple SI


J r Jf' d/'
ITJ ffi
~ ...~
oa =
00 /

tr //'

:;p- (j
1;$ 0-

Fig. lob
52 Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
These pieces clearly derive from a foundation deposit; in most cases they are inscribed with
the name of ~ cv E:l ~ ~ ~ J fi' \
"the good god M n-bpr-r<, beloved of Hathor
Mistress of Dendera"202 and they resemble the contents of similar deposits left by the
same king at the nearby temples of Coptos, Ombos, and Armant.203 Of the buildings that
he erected, repaired, or embellished, only a single fragment remains, a stone found by
Mariette in the foundation of the Graeco-Roman temple,204 which bears the inscription:
" ... son of (Re) Tuthmosis, Nfr-bprw,205 beloved of Hathor .... " The name of Tuthmosis
III is found also on an object pictured in the temple reliefs and which must have belonged
to the temple treasury, just as the statue of Pepy I and Il;y did. It is a sistrum inscribed:
"Turquoise; height, four palms; Mn-bpr-r<."206 Mention should also be made of a votive
stela bearing the cartouches of Tuthmosis III and his wife Hatshepsut Meryt-Re,207
which Schiaparelli attributes ("assai probabilmente") to Dendera. At the right and left
of the two cartouches are named "Min, son of Isis"206 and "Hathor, mistress of Dendera,"
both names being accompanied by a picture of the deity.
Between the Sixth Dynasty and the reign of Tuthmosis Ill, several other kings are
known to have taken an interest in the Dendera temple. Within this span of time the
names of Mentuhotep ~ and ~!. and Amenemhet I are by far the most frequently
associated with Dendera;209 the names of Sebekhotep IV and Apophis and Amenophis I
202 Cairo J. d'E. 71776-71783 (alabaster vessels), 71784-91 (alabaster lids), 71792-71801 (bronze

blades), 71802-71804 (chisels), 71805-71812 (axe-heads). In some cases Dendera is written ing:;
one case (alabaster lid J. d'E. 71784) it is clearly g~ @. The group was acquired by purchase in 1932.
203 Koptos, pIs. 14-15; Naqada and Ballas, pI. 79; Temples ot Armant, pIs. 23, 29-30, 40-4I.
204 Mar. Dend., Supplement, pI. H, a, and Diimichen, Baugesch., pI. 3, d.
205 Cf. Gauth. LR 2, 255-266. In P-M 6, 109, the name is misread as Tuthmosis IV.
206 Mar. Dend. 2, pI. 55c. For other royal names that occur in much the same manner in the temple
reliefs, see above, note 172.
207 Florence inv. n. 7241 (not 7231 as stated heretofore). Schiaparelli, Museo Archeologico di
Firenze, pp. 502-503. The latter and Gauth., LR 2, 271 (5) mistakenly omit'C. at the end of Hatshep-
sut's name. Thus there is no doubt of her identity, and the "perhaps" of P-M 5, II5 may be struck
out. Prof. Giacomo Caputo has kindly provided me with a photograph of the stela.
208 An epithet of the neighboring Min of Coptos. See Gard. On. 2, p. 28*. There is little or no evidence
that Min was worshipped at Dendera itself; the image of this god in the shrine built by Mentuhotep
Nb-ftpt-R< represents the king in a guise he adopted at other places (Labib Habachi, MDIK 19, 52).
A priestly title that is possibly to be read ftm-nlr lfr-Mnw (~'QI ¥) occurs on a late Ptolemaic
statue from Dendera (] AOS 65, pp. 242, 244) but its interpretation is uncertain.
209 The evidence for these names is as follows (from Dendera, unless otherwise specified) :
Mentuhotep: (I) Two cartouches of a Mentuhotep on two fragments from Gebelein, naming him
"son of Hathor Mistress of Dendera"; the first has been frequently published, most clearly in von
Bissing, Denkm., pI. 33.a; for the second, see Otto, Topog., P.99. (2) Shrine of C CV <:::7 ~);
Habachi, MDIK 19,19-27 (Cairo 46068). (3) Cylinder seal of CCV<:::7!); ASAE II, 170. (4)
Offering slab of C0~; found by Daumas, who has kindly informed me of its existence. See
also Allam, Hathorkult, 59-60.
Amenemhet I: (I) Granite lintel; Mar. Dend. SuppI., pI. H(f}. (2) A granite fragment like the
preceding, found by Daumas, to whom I owe this information. (3) Faience foundation plaque, on
which the king is "beloved of Hathor Mistress of Dendera," no provenance; AZ 68, 68-69. (4) Bronze
situla, with same inscription as the foregoing, purchased in Qena; Schafer-Andrae3 , p. 3II (Berlin
18492), and notes of Anthes. (5) Cylinder seal, with nearly the same inscription as the foregoing,
purchased in Luxor (Berlin 18488); from notes of Anthes. (6) Fragment of slate bowl from Lisht,
inscribed on outside with name of Mentuhotep Nb-t1.wy, "belov[ed of Hathor MistJress of Dendera"
and bearing the names of Amenemhet I and (Hathor) Mistress of Dendera on the inside; J EA 26,
II7; Hayes, Scepter, I, fig. 102. (7) Sandstone block with name of an unspecified Amenemhet, prob-
ably Amenemhet II; Mar. Dend. SuppI., pI. H(e}.
Here one might also note Allam's discussion of the mlrw-building of Sesostris "House of Horus
the Behdetite" mentioned in the festival calendar of Hathor at Edfu, and the uncertain possibility
that this was situated in Dendera (Hathorkult, 49).
Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple 53
are each found on a single votive object known or presumed to have come from this site. 210
And the successors of Tuthmosis IH were also active at Dendera-notably Amenophis 11,
Tuthmosis IV, Ramesses 11, and Ramesses HI.21l With Pepy I, Tuthmosis III seems to
have been the most memorable of Dendera's royal benefactors, however, down to Roman
times. It is of particular interest, then, that he repeats the claim made by Pepy, that he
was son both of Atum of Heliopolis and Hathor of Dendera, a claim that is not evidenced
for any other king, although the cartouche of a Mentuhotep pro-
claims him to be "son of Hathor Mistress of Dendera" alone (note
209). On the obelisk of Tuthmosis III in Central Park, New York,
is the cartouche shown in Fig. I I :212
"Son of Atum, of his body, one whom the Mistress of Dendera
bore to him (i. e. Atum)-Tuthmosis." The fact that the provenance
of this obelisk is Heliopolis may be sufficient explanation for the
mention of Atum, but it is also quite possible that Tuthmosis had the
cartouche of Pepy expressly in mind, and that he felt himself to
have emulated his Sixth Dynasty predecessor in the building and
restoration of temples,213 specifically the Dendera temple.
There is no evidence from the briefer reign of Pepy's successor,
Merenre, to show that the Dendera cult was equally favored by
Fig. I I this king. It very likely was, for the following ruler, Pepy 11,
IS apparently addressed by Hathor of Dendera in the reliefs of his funerary temple:
1 2 3
I [n ~ ~g 'f:::
J I [:;: Sf ~ 1(1)J ' 7 0 g I ~~~
~ "[Recitation of Hathor Mistress
of Den]dera: 'I have made [for thee] all [life, stability, power (or the like)] like Re, ...
forever'" (Mon. fun. Pepi II 2, pI. 27).214 The inscription is fragmentary, but I do
not see any other possibility than 'Jwn.t for the group ~ 'f,
which has only enough
space at the left for a tall thin sign. Another fragment shows the tops of the heads of
Hathor and the king, facing each other and almost touching; this may come from the
same scene (ibid., pIs. 8, 10; p. 17). A plaquette from the temple shows the king before a
god, with Hathor behind him, but the legend does not specify which Hathor this is.2l5
210 Sebekhotep IV: A blue alabaster vase of elaborate form, on which Sebekhotep is "beloved of
Hathor Mistress of Dendera," \Veigall, ASAE 9, 107.
Apophis: Named above a sistrum pictured in the temple reliefs; see above, note 172
Amenophis I: A steatite sistrum naming Amenophis I as "beloved of Hathor Mistress of Dendera,"
no provenance (Berlin 23157); Anthes' notes.
2ll Amenophis II: Crude alabaster foundation deposit jar about 8 cm. high inscribed for "The good

god <1-tJprw-R" beloved of Hathor Mistress of Dendera (g ~)," Univ. ColI. 15861.
Tuthmosis IV: Relief fragment; Mar. Dend. Suppl., pI. H(b).
Ramesses II: (I) Relief slab; ibid., pI. H(d). (2) Another slab of a Ramesses, presumably Ramesses
II; ibid., pI. H(c), small temple of Ramesses II, Abu Simbel; P-M 7, p. 114(24).
Ramesses Ill: Diimichen, Baugesch., pI. 3.c.
Note also the occurrence of the name of Amenophis III in the later temple reliefs; above, note 172.
212 East face. Sethe gives a consecutive arrangement of the signs in the cartouche in Urk. 4, 593.
In the original it will be seen that the phrases expressing filiation are ranged opposite the names of
the gods. Tuthmosis is not otherwise, to my knowledge, called "son of Hathor," but he is at least once
named as "son of Atum, lord of Heliopolis." (Gauth., LR 2,267.56; the example given in Mar. Mon.
d'Abydos, 584, is probably the same, despite minor differences in the two copies).
213 For the works of Pepy I, see Drioton-Vandier, L'Egypte3 , p. 205; the evidence from Tanis
(probably brought from another site) and Bubastis is mentioned above, pp. 61 (I), 62 (3). For the
constructions of Tuthmosis Ill, see Urk. 4, 91, 155-214, 763-885.
2U A second fragment has ~ ~l' pIs. 32, 33.

215 Mon. fun. Pepi II 3, frontispiece (described ASAE 34, p. 78). See also the representation of
Hathor on the south wall, with her name, but no local cult specified, ibid., pI. 21; again on north wall,
pI. 25, but adscription lost.
54 Part IV. Royal Patrons of the Dendera Temple
On an alabaster fragment from Byblos is the remnant of an inscription: u [C:1J J
-9- ~ ~ ~ ~; here the place name thatfollows could just as well be Kbn "Byblos" as
A more certain restoration of [~~] g 'i
occurs on a fragment of relief from the
pyramid temple of Queen Wdbt.n.l, evidently referring to the figure of Hathor, whose
headdress is clearly recognizable (Fig. 12).217


It would appear that in general Hathor of Dendera was favored by all the rulers of the
Sixth Dynasty, although none of the others equalled the affection that Pepy I felt for
this particular cult.

818 Berytus I, pI. 5.2. American University of Beirut 5025. For the occurrence of Kbn on the ala-
baster vessels see note 162.
U7 Pyr. Oudjebten, fig. 8, p. 15. Allam (Hathorkult, 13) has also noted this scene, but not the refer-
ence to Dendera.
Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI and the First
Intermediate Period
A. Mastabas and Stelae
From the foregoing it is reasonable to suppose that a great deal was going on at Dendera
during the earlier Sixth Dynasty; if the temple and its cult undoubtedly prospered under
the special attention given them by Pepy I, the city must also have prospered in all
other respects. Yet the cemetery apparently has yielded even less evidence from this
flourishing period than it has from the time of Dendera's Fourth and Fifth Dynasty admin-
Possibly some of the earlier Dyn. VI tombs were situated at Gozeriya, the cemetery
across the river from Dendera, which has been mentioned earlier (p. I3). This cemetery
includes at least one mastaba that belongs either to the later years of the Fifth Dynasty or
the beginning of the Sixth. It had an offering room faced with limestone slabs and, flanking
the entrance, a stone revetment. The revetment to the south of the entrance was decorated
with reliefs representing a fishing scene, which-as far as I can judge from the published
detail-is similar in style and content to the "Wasserberg" representation of IJtp-ltr-l!Jty
in Leiden, if somewhat less finished and more provincial. The hieroglyphs on the surviving
fragments of inscription confirm the impression of Fifth Dynasty workmanship, both in
form and well-spaced arrangement. The only disconcerting detail is the head of ~,
which is rounded as in the sign for tyw (cf. p. 82 below). The presence of a banded border,
although it becomes increasingly common in private tombs of the late Old Kingdom,
presents no objection to a date as early as the Fifth Dynasty. Unfortunately the owner's
name is missing, but his titles identify him as an expedition leader (sg,lwty-njr), a com-
mander of armed troops of various kinds, and an "overseer of gold." There is nothing
about these titles to suggest that he was a nomarch of either the Fifth or Sixth Dynasty
type; in fact, it seems very probable that he was not. More likely he was engaged in royal
expeditions via Wadi Qena, which lay only a few kilometers away from the place where
he evidently resided. Further information concerning Gozeriya is presented in Appendix A;
for the moment it need only be said that the few other inscriptions that were found there
are all distinctly later, bearing a strong resemblance to the Dendera stelae dating to
Pepy 11.
After Nl-lbw-nswt and his presumed contemporaries of the late Fourth or Fifth Dynasty,
the next earliest individuals known from the Dendera cemetery appear to belong to the second
half of the Sixth Dynasty. One is Ml-ltwt of the pyramids of Pepy I and Merenre (Mni,
218 Mnl and Tlwty would provide such evidence if they were as early as contended by Baer, Rank
and Title, 290 [I77A] and 295 [563], but they are undoubtedly later; cf. below, pp. 85-91.
Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
P D, pI. 3), but now is judged to be of later date than the Old Kingdom. The other is MI-ftwt
of the pyramids of both the Pepys Cldw, P D, pI. 5), and there is no indication that any of the
Denderites who can be assigned to the Sixth Dynasty are any older than he is. The dating
of each will be considered presently.
In the interim between the Dyn. V group of tombs and those of the second half of
Dyn. VI, the mast ab as of the Dendera cemetery have undergone considerable change,
both within and without. Those of Nl-Ibw-nswt's period follow the patterns established
at the Residence cemeteries of Giza and Saqqara, although the arrangement of two
stelae with standing figures above the niches in Ni-ibw-nswt's tomb is apparently a local
departure. The later Dendera mastabas, of Dyn. VI and after, also follow Memphite
patterns in many particulars; one of these constitutes a major difference between this
group and the earlier tombs-the replacement of exterior offering niches or cruciform
offering chamber by a long interior chamber whose main axis is perpendicular to the
entrance corridor. 219 A more striking difference from the earlier tombs is the northern
trench or tunnel entrance to the burial chamber, which is characteristic of nearly all the
larger Dendera mastabas down to the end of the Intermediate Period, excepting those of
Mni and TlwtijRsi, and the tombs near these two; Snni's mastaba also appears to lack
the northern entrance. The history of this feature at Giza is discussed by Junker (G£za 8,
p. 7), who states that the early mastabas had sloping tunnels, and that tunnels and shafts
were subsequently combined (e.g.lJ m-'I wn). The use of a tunnel was then discontinued until
Dyn. VI, when it was revived in the earliest form-without shaft. Junker also remarks
that such tunnels are usually east-west. The Dendera mastabas are therefore exceptional
both in the orientation of the tunnel and the combination of tunnel and shaft.
The most characteristic and distinctive of the new features in the Dyn. VI Dendera
mastabas is the long row of niches (always ~) down the fac;ade, which may, at least
in some instances, have been protected by a vaulted roof,220 and was otherwise enclosed
by a fender wall. A stela was mounted at the top of each niche, probably set back between
the outer edges almost, if not quite, flush with the two inner jambs of the recess, so that
the weight rested upon the latter. Below each stela a drum was inserted across the inner-
most niche. 221 The two offering-niches of Ni-ibw-nswt must be regarded as earlier examples
of this usage, but the lower slab representing panelling at the bottom of his larger niche
(and perhaps the other too) is now omitted, the empty inner niche taking its place.
At both Gozeriya and Dendera there is some evidence for the use of a stone revetment
within the mastabas, although the evidence at Gozeriya is limited to the earliest mastaba,
belonging to the anonymous expedition leader. At Dendera, remnants of such facing were
found in the mastabas of 'Idw I and Tlwti and that of the later Mrri. The sides of the
entrance passage of ' Idw's tomb were faced with thin well-finished slabs of irregular shape,
and the sill was of limestone (Diary 2, p. 132); at each corner of the mastaba was a block
of dressed limestone, with a batter on both exterior faces (ibid., pp. 133, 145; and below,
note 433). None of this stone covering was inscribed, and the same seems true of the
similar revetment in the entrance passage and chapel of Tlwtl's mastaba. Besides this
evidence of limestone revetment, 'Idw's mastaba also contained scenes, but these were
painted on plaster (ibid., p. 135, PD, pI. 5). The later mastaba of Mrri yielded two relief
219 Compare the ground-plans in the upper and lower halves of PD, pI. 28. For this feature at
Memphis, see Junker, Gtza 5, p. 180.
220 This has been suggested by Kenneth Matthews in his MS discussion of some of the Dendera
tombs. The width of the wall in front of the fac;ade often seems massive enough to support vaulting.
For a Memphite example of such vaulting, see Junker, Giza 6, fig. 60, Giza 9, fig. 65.
221 None of the stelae or drums was found in situ, but a number were found below the niches from
which they had fallen; e.g. PD, pp. 6 (Mni), 16 (Mrri).
A. Mastabas and Stelae 57
slabs, one showing the owner standing, another representing men leading bulls, both of
which may have been mounted on the side of the entrance passage (see below, p. 151).
A single slab with small scale reliefs showing agricultural scenes came from the even later
tomb of Mrl-Pt/:t (PD, plo 10, brz; p. IS). This, however, might be a stela; one might
compare a stela of Intermediate Period date from Fisher's excavations that shows some-
thing like an Old Kingdom wall scene, with the owner harpooning a hippopotamus
(D 5449).
Whatever its ultimate origin may be-a question that will be soon discussed-the
many niches surmounted by stelae represent a strong local tradition of the later Sixth
Dynasty. This feature is lacking at Gozeriya, where the mastaba fa<;ades have only the
usual pair of niches. The only contemporary parallel outside of Dendera is known from
cemetery D at Abadiya,222 a little more than two thirds of the distance, as the crow flies,
from Dendera to Diospolis Parva, the capital of the adjacent Nome 7. Here the only large
and well-preserved mastaba, about'the size of Mnl's tomb, has an inner offering chamber
with a limestone floor and traces of revetment in the entrance, and a multiple-niched
fa<;ade of precisely the same type found at Dendera during the Sixth Dynasty and later.
A fragment from the Abadiya mastaba names the owner as the lml!Jw !Jr Wslr "Ady"
(' Idy), and a second, slightly broader, mastaba yielded lintels bearing the name of a
"Beba" and a /:tlf,1 /:twt "Uha."223 The last two names are known at Dendera, assuming the
second to be W/:tl (at Dendera W/:tli),224 but a Bbl is also found in the rock tombs at
Qasr es-Sayyad (Kcmi 6, 108), and the name is common elsewhere; it is fairly likely
that the individuals buried at the Abadiya cemetery are to be associated with those at
Qasr es-Sayyad, and hence belonged to Nome 7. Rather than suppose that the Abadiya
district alone was especially subject to influence from Nome 6, I should think that the two
nomes as a whole were closely associated at this period, as the Coptite nome and Dendera
were also. The resemblance in the names used at Nomes 6 and 7 is perhaps no more than
could be explained by regional preferences. 22s On the other hand the appearance ofthe
multiple-niched fa<;ade at Abadiya probably represents a local connection with Dendera.
Unfortunately, no stelae survive from the Abadiya mastaba that so closely resembles
the Dendera type, and so one can only surmise that the many niches along the fa<;ade
presented much the same appearance that they did at Dendera. The frieze inscription
was rather different from the more usual kind found at Dendera, however, in that it
projected slightly, with the underside of this projecting part patterned in imitation of
222 Diasp., pI. 24 (Mastaba D 5) and p. 37. From Petrie's scale drawing of the plan, this tomb
appears to be 26 meters long, a little less than the length of Mni's tomb, PD, pI. 28 (or that of the
Dyn. VI tomb on the same plate, bottom right). The Dendera mastabas of Snni and Sn-nq,sw-i are
more comparable, however, in that they have the same number of niches on either side of the entrance
(ibid., pIs. 30, 31); possibly the Abadiya mastaba D 5 is accordingly to be dated to the very end of
Dyn. VI or even rather later. As Petrie shows, however, the objects found in the D cemetery tombs
in general are very like those found in Dendera tombs of Dyn. VI. The frieze inscription has an incised
border above and below, as do those of Mrri and Sn-nq,sw-i; I doubt, however, that the inscription
is as late as these two, for the hieroglyphs show no late peculiarities.
223 Diasp., pp. 37, 38. These fragments are not pictured in the plates, hence the necessity of present-
ing the names as Petrie writes them.
224 PD, pI. lO(rb). The date of the Dendera Wllli is about the same as the Sn-nq,sw-i mentioned
above, i.e. later than Dyn. VI.
225 It is uncertain whether "Ady" is Q = =
'}I QQ, like the Denderite Q '}I }, or Q~ QQ like a
common name at Abydos (AJA 66,67-68), but the first of these is in any case common during the Old
Kingdom (see PN I, 54.3, 5, 10), asis Bbi (ibid. 95.16). The name Snni also occurs in bothnomes (Kemi
6, pp. 102, II3; PD, pI. 7), and this is less common (PN I, 316.6, 8). Wlu and Wlui do not seem
frequent in the Old Kingdom (ibid. 83.26, 28) and Tlwti is uncommon (ibid. 389.5; cf. 389.4); the
last name is also known at Khozam (U.E.5) at the end of the Intermediate Period (Dyn. X/XI),
Captite Name, no. 14, pp. 47-48.
58 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
round poles. 226 Accordingly, we must likewise allow for some differences in the dozen
stelae the mastaba is presumed to have had.
It is only at Edfu, where the multiple-niched fac;ade is not evidenced, that stelae have
been found in situ, placed above niches somewhat as they were at Dendera. These are, in
fact, small architraves, and they were placed above the false door, as architraves often
are. 227 This point is best illustrated by the offering niche of /, which has been reassembled
in the Cairo Museum. 228 It is almost certain that the stela of '1si, now in the Louvre,
originally occupied a similar position ;229 like the lower of /'s two architraves, its breadth
is slightly less than that of the false door to which it belonged. The uninscribed false door
of S/[bJni (Fouilles Edfou 1937, plo 14.1; fig. 3, pp. 9,26) was surmounted by a type of
stela of which more will be said later, for the type occurs also at Dendera. In these three
cases both architrave-stela and false door are set within a larger framed niche. The offering
niche of lfr-nlft (ibid., plo 14.2; p. 49) was surmounted by a sandstone lintel, upon which
the stela rested. The stela of ijwwi (ibid., plo 15.2, p. 38) was found turned face down in the
offering niche below a sandstone lintel, and is thought by Garnot to have stood upon the
lintel originally, as in the preceding case. The first four of these Edfu examples afford
good parallels for the Dendera arrangement, but in all four cases the owners are represented
seated upon a chair; the figure is standing in the last example. In the multiple-niched
mastabas at Dendera the stelae nearly always portray the owners standing, as in the case
of the earlier N i-ibw-nswt.
It has just been stated that the large number of niches along the fac;ade-in one case
as many as 30 (PD, plo 29; 'Idw II)-does not occur elsewhere than Dendera and the
neighboring Abadiya. The Sixth Dynasty brick mastabas of Junker's "Mittelfeld" at
Giza present, to be sure, a certain degree of similarity: "Die Front ist meist in ihrer ganzen
Liinge gegliedert, es wechseln in regelmiil3iger Folge Scheintiiren und Nischen. Seltener
werden gleich groBe Scheintiiren ausgespart ... "230 But at Dendera the niches are not
only more numerous, but are all of the same size; and the false door is within an offering
chamber behind the niched fac;ade. Furthermore, the niches in Junker's mastabas are
directly related to the shafts, as those of the Dendera mastabas are not. The tomb of
Mni at Giza, for example, has three shafts, with a large and a small offering niche for
each shaft (Junker, G£za 9, fig. 65); in other words, it is a composite of three two-niched
mastabas. One might rather think of the panelling on all sides of the archaic mastabas;
this tradition was maintained until the Fourth Dynasty at El Kab,231 and any surviving
examples could conceivably have inspired the Denderites. Though these analogies deserve
consideration, neither explains all the features of the Dendera fac;ade. Nor is it under-

226 Diosp., p. 37 and pI. 25; BM 1293 Hier Texts 12, pI. 42. Petrie points out that this represents
roofing with round poles; an exact reproduction of such a projecting ledge is to be seen in the model
of a house illustrated in Winlock, Models ot Daily Lite, pI. 11, cf. also Hassan, Gtza I, pI. 17. It is
doubtful that this cornice only "crowned the doorway" as Petrie implies (loc. cit.). The remaining
fragment of inscription ~ :", ~ "bird" likely fonned part of the phrase "I will seize his neck like a
bird," from the fonnula of warning discussed in Edel, Phraseologie, §§ 6ff. and esp. § 13; it is therefore
probable that the inscription was a fairly extended one, and ran along the entire length of the fac;ade
as the Dendera friezes did. The phrase just quoted has not been found at Dendera, but is known at
Qasr es-Sayyad (Kemi 6, 112, 121, and Edel, op. cit., § 13 A, f and g).
227 Cf. Appendix C, Types IV A, V A, VI A.
228 Cairo J. d'E. 43370 (upper architrave is 43371): Daressy, ASAE 17, 130ff.
229 Louvre E 14329, Fouilles Edtou (1933), pI. 14 (1-2). For its position cf. Chr. Desroches-Noble-
court, Fouilles Edtou 1939, p. 50. The false door is in Warsaw.
230 Junker, Gtza 9, p. 2. The main period of the Middle Cemetery (west of the Cheops Pyramid) is
Dyn. VI and the end of the Old Kingdom. For examples of the mastabas Junker describes see ibid.,
figs. I (top), 89, 65, and 67. Gtza 5, fig. 52.
231 El Kab, pI. 23. For dating, see above, note 82.
A. Mastabas and Stelae 59
standable that the earlier Dendera mastabas, such as that of N i-ibw-nswt, would lack such
panelling if the influence had come from the archaic tradition. It seems more likely that
the multiplicity of niches is to be explained by the stelae, and more specifically by the
sources from which the stelae developed.
Hans Wolfgang Muller, and subsequently Hermann Junker, have investigated the
origin of the stela in recent years. The standing figure, so characteristic of the Sixth
Dynasty stelae of Upper Egypt, is explained by Miiller as a local Upper Egyptian tradition
(Totendenksteine, p. I82 and n. 5), as opposed to the convention of the figure seated before
an offering table, which he attributes to Lower Egypt (ibid., p. I85); as an early example
of the Upper Egyptian usage he cites the archaic stelae of 5Jb.j at Abydos and the later
SJ-mryat Reqaqna. There was no Memphite precedent, says MUller, to guide the Egyptian
sculptor in designing the small slabs of limestone to which relief sculpture is confined
on the walls of crude-brick mastabas, and local influences accordingly came into play
(ibid., p. I8I). Junker then pointed out that the Giza material published since the appear-
ance of MUller's study affords precedents not only for the standing figure but for other
features found in the late Old Kingdom stelae of Upper Egypt (Gf,za 5, pp. I75ff.).
Whereas Muller had attributed the characteristic tall Middle Kingdom stela to the
influence of the standing figure, to which the shape of the stone tended to adapt itself,
J unker considers another factor to be involved as well; he regards as the prototype of the
stela not only the central slab of the false door, but also the narrow slab in the false-door
niche. The narrow slab often displays a standing figure in false doors of the late Old
Kingdom at Giza; this is a development of the ljsy-R< type of panel, but there are cases
where the ljsy-R< type itself was continued (ibid., p. I76); his examples are listed in
Appendix C (Type I).
As for the central slab of the false door, several Old Kingdom parallels are cited by
Junker for those types of Dendera and Naga ed-Deir stelae that link up with stelae of the
Middle Kingdom. As listed in Appendix C, these types are essentially two: first, those with
a standing figure of the owner, or the owner and his wife (Type H); secondly, those with
a line of figures approaching the owner, usually bearing offerings (Type HI).
Both these types of representations are more frequent on architraves, however. Although
it is more usual to find a seated figure of the owner at the left of the architrave, terminating
the several lines of inscription, a standing figure is by no means uncommon; at least
I4 examples are to be found in the Giza pUblications of Hassan and Junker (Type IV).
Still more important is a large class of architraves wherein the standing figure of the
owner is repeated, with slight variations, as many as ten times, each figure being preceded
by the titles and name (Type V) ; sometimes the figure of the wife and other members of the
family are included in the repeating pattern (Type VI). A single line of inscription (rarely
more) containing the offering formulae may surmount the many figures,232 or the offering
formulae may be omitted altogether;233 the omission of this feature on architraves is
otherwise rare. Of I I examples whose original position is known, 8 were placed over actual
entrances rather than false doors, and 5 out of 7 of the type with repeating figures of the
owner were placed over the outer entrance of the tomb. Probably the evolution of this
type is to be associated with other uses of repetition on the fa<;ade of the mastaba and the
temenos wall in front of it. The seated figure of ljnti-kd, for example, is twice repeated
on either side of the fa<;ade of his tomb, with columns of texts filling the intervening

232 Appendix C, Type V, B 4, C 3, C 4, C 5, C 6, C 7, C 9. Also possibly Type VI, A r. Example V

B 6 has three lines at the top (cf. BM 1185, Hier. Texts I B, pI. 2I). Example VI C 4 has four lines.
233 Appendix C, Type V, A I, B I, B 2, Cl, C 2, C 8, C 10; probably B 3 and B 5. Also Type VI,
B 2, Cl, C 2, C 3: A I is doubtful.
60 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
spaces. 234 And the entire length of the temenos wall of Mrr-wi-kd's mastaba incorporates
a frieze of repeated standing figures of the owner, each preceded by three columns of
inscription giving his titles and name. 235 The architrave with repeating figures is found
not only at the Memphite cemeteries but also at Akhmim (U.E. 9; see PI. XXXa), Naga
ed-Deir (V.E. 8) and Edfu (V.E. 2).236 And one of the late Old Kingdom tombs at Naga
ed-Deir contains an incised inscription of seven horizontal lines, below which are three
repeated standing figures of the owner; the first two are preceded by a column containing
the title and names, as on architraves, and the last is followed by a brief four-line in-
scription of similar content. 237
The second kind of architrave, in which the owner (standing or seated) is approached
by a line of children or servants, is less common than the first, but at least five clear
Memphite examples can be cited (Appendix C, Type VII, PI. XXXb), together with some
other cases in which the line of offering-bearers is combined with the repeating-figure style of
architrave (Type VIII); in one of the latter (example 3) the standing figure of the owneris
repeated, each figure addressed by a son who brings a different offering. Besides these
examples from the Memphite cemeteries, mention should be made of three architraves of
Mrri, l;ltpi, and Sn-ng,sw-i, which have now been reconstructed from pieces published
inPetrie'sDendereh. They are described below, pp. 151, 158, 167f., and illustrated in Figs. 27,
31. Another provincial example was found at Abydos by Frankfort (Appendix C, Type VII,
no. 6); yet another is represented in the architrave above the false door of If. Jr of Edfu
(Type VII, no. 7), and a third is to be recognized among the Dyn. VI monuments from
Naqada (Type VII, no. 8).
The motif of the offering-bearers is not confined to anyone part of the false door.
Frequently the figures bearing offerings are arranged one above the other in registers on
the jambs,238 or are lined up on the "wings" flanking the central panel, each group facing
inward;239 and a long row of them may be placed in a register beneath the central paneI.240
It is on the architrave, however, that the motif most often takes the form that we find
represented on the Vpper Egyptian stelae, as follows: a single line of offering-bearers
approaching the owner from the right; all the figures standing upon the same base-line
as the owner; an inscription of some length, including the offering formulae, at right or
above the scene. 241 The two examples of central slabs that come closest to this arrangement
are those illustrated by J unker, G£za 5, figs. 36 and 38; on central slabs the persons bearing
the offerings are more usually placed in a register above the base-line of the scene, or are
placed in an upper and a lower register. 242 The inscriptions, except for ibid., fig. 38, are
limited to names and titles.
A double row of offering-bearers occurs on at least one Sixth Dynasty Dendera stela
(PI. XIIc) and one at Gozeriya (PI. XXII). But it wa~ not until Dyn. XI that the arrange-
234 Khentika, pI. 1. Similarly KJ.i-gm.n.i, Teti Cem., pI. 59.
235 Mereruka I, pI. 4(A); 2, pIs. 217-219. Cf. the loose blocks in Khentika, pI. 41 (237, 238).
236 Appendix C, V C 6, VI C 4 (Naga ed-Deir); V C 7, VI C 2 (Akhmim). Example VI A 2 (Edfu),
shows only the owner's children.
237 Tomb N 41: the inscriptions are described by Sayee, Rec. trav. 13, 64. The present description
is based on MMA negative M 2349.
238 E.g.: BM II56; Hier. Texts 12 , pI. 27. BM II36; ibid., pI. 20; Hassan, Giza 2, fig. 35, P.38;
fig. 94, p. 91.
239 BM II36; lac. cit. BM 529--'530; ibid., pI. 15. Hassan, Giza 2, fig. 86, p.82. Examples are very
240 E.g.: Junker, Giza 6, fig. 62, p. 177; Giza 9, fig. 17, p. 46.
241 Edfu: Fouilles Ed/ou (1937), pI. 14.1. Dendera: PI. V below and PD, pIs. 6 (It), II A (tr2, lt2).
Gozeriya: PIs. XXI, XXIII b. Naga ed-Deir: Dunham, Stelae, pI. II.2 (no. 20).
242 Except for Junker, Giza 5, figs. 36 and 38, all the examples in Appendix C, Types I-Ill place
some of the offering figures in a higher register, if more than one offering figure is represented.
A. Mastabas and Stelae 61
ment of offering-bearers that is typical of central slabs became very usual on stelae, and
at that time it was probably promoted bya new idea. 243 The cause of its popularity may have
been a desire to relate the tiny figure of the cupbearer, which floated before the owner's
face, to the rest of the composition; to this end, other figures were placed in a relatively
high register behind him,244 and the cupbearer was ultimately taken into this register and
his feet placed on a conventionalized terra firma.
Inasmuch as the later Old Kingdom architrave furnishes closer and more abundant
parallels for the type discussed by J unker than the central slab does, it would seem that
the development of the Upper Egyptian stelae-and especially those at Dendera-is in-
fluenced by architraves to a considerable degree. There is little point, however, in insisting
that this part of the false door is the sole prototype of the stela; in some cases, at least,
the stela probably represents a composite of the uppermost elements of the false door-
both central slab and architrave. In the late Old Kingdom at Memphis these two elements
are sometimes confused or compouhded so that it is difficult to say which is which
(Appendix C, Type IX). One Upper Egyptian stela of the Sixth Dynasty in particular
reflects this composite origin; it is a stela from Zawayda (U.E. 5),245 the upper part of
which projects forward slightly to form an architrave on which the J;tp-di-nswt formula,
titles, epithets, and name are presented in two lines. Below this the J;tp-di-nswt formula is
repeated together with a list of offerings, all of which takes up the right part of the stela
(7 horiz. lines). At left the owner and his wife are seated before a table piled high with
food of all kinds, as on the central slab. The offering table also appears on a Dendera
architrave of the Heracleopolitan Period (Fig. 27 below), and on other Sixth Dynasty
stelae that otherwise resemble architraves: two examples are known from Dendera and
two from Naga ed-Deir; another derives from Gozeriya and one more from Edfu. 246 It
was evidently considered especially desirable to include offerings if the stela were the only
monument on which the owner was represented, and this feature accordingly becomes
common on numerous isolated stelae of later times, but continues to be omitted on stones
from the multiple-niched mastabas at Dendera, all of which were doubtless equipped
with a false door bearing the customary offering scene.
Among other Dyn. VI stelae that are most directly influenced by a style of architrave,
an example that probably derives from Akhmim (or possibly Coptos) is of special import-
ance; it shows two figures of the owner facing inward, with three columns between them,
two columns giving the titles and name for the figure at right, and one column for the
figure at left (Fig. I3)247. This composition is a telescoped version of a style of repeating
architrave in which the figures face in towards the center (cf. esp. the example in Appendix
C, V B 5 and V C 8) ; the fact that the stone is complete in itself, and not a section of an
architrave, is shown by the border line at the top, which stops short of the lateral edges.
The provenance is suggested by one of the owner's titles: "washerman of the temple of
Min," and by the stylistic similarity to architraves from the same source. 246 The other

243 Offering-bearers placed in two or more registers, Dyn. XI: PD, pis. II (Ib, rb2), II C (rt3), 15
(I), Dendera 33: 29, and 8: 8I1 A. Cairo 20012.
244 E.g.: PD, pI. 12 (It2) and II (lb). Other ways in which this goal is effected: the cupbearer, or
a single figure offering a leg of beef, is placed in an upper register over a register containing a second
figure, offerings, etc.: PD II (rt2), II B (rb2), II C (rt), D 6063, 6379 A, Cairo 20501. Similarly two or
more figures: D 3906, 4513.
24:; ASAE 38, p. 35 (fig. 2), and see now Coptite Name, no. 8, pp. 30-32 and pI. 11.
246 Dendera: D 1077 (PI.VIII), D 2607 (PI.XIIc). Naga ed-Deir: Dunham, Stelae, no. 20; Lutz, Steles,
no. 45. Gozeriya: Appendix A (PI. XXlIIa). Edfu: Fottilles Ed/ou (1933), pI. 14.
247 Bull. Vereen. tot Bev. Antieke Besch. 9, Nr. I, fig. 4, p. 5. Now in the Leiden Museum of Anti-
quities (F 1938/1.4), and reproduced with the kind permission of Prof. Adolf Klasens.
248 Cairo Cat. 1586 (Mmi) and 1624 (Mrry).
62 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI

Fig. 13
titles connect the owner with Merenre and Pepy H, as sltd of a pr-sn c "department of
stores" (probably of the funerary endowment) of these two kings.
The point of the foregoing discussion is that, while the tradition of the standing figure
above the niche had already been established at Dendera in the time of Nl-lbw-nswt, the
subsequent development of the repeating figure architrave may very well have inspired
the idea of placing stelae with standing figures above a numerous series of niches along
the fac;ade of the mastaba; each of the stelae can be regarded as one of the single units
repeated on the architrave. The following types may be distinguished: The stelae of
)Idw Il and III are comparable to architraves on which the figures are preceded by titles
and name in a pair of columns, rather like the Akhmim stela, but without horizontal dividers
(Fig. 14, A). Other Sixth Dynasty stelae (the nomarch I1Wtl, S!Jt-f7,tp, and SnfJm-lb) show
the owner preceded by three or more columns, the first of which introduces the offering
formula, as is done at the right end of a repeating architrave from Akhmim (Cairo Cat.
I586); a name, that of the owner or his wife, appea'ts above the head (or heads) of the
standing figures, without any line beneath it (B). The stela of IJntl, presumed to derive
from nearby Zawayda, is also like these, although it lacks dividing lines between the
columns.249 A crude version of the same arrangement occurs at Edfu. 25O Among other
variations of the Sixth Dynasty stelae is (C) the elongated type resembling a complete
architrave, with horizontal lines at the upper right and a row of offering-bearers beneath
eIdw I, Nl-lbw-nswtfBbl}. This type is also attested at Gozeriya and Edfu (note 241).
In the case of Nl-lbw-nswt the offering-bearers may also be omitted (D), so that the
horizontal lines of inscription fill the entire right side, and the Sixth Dynasty Naqada
stelae show the same arrangement, as do those from Edfu. 251 One Sixth Dynasty stela of
24lICoptite Nome, no. 9. 250 Fouilles Ed/ou (1937), pI. 15.
251 Naqada: Coptite Nome, nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8 (the last from Zawayda). Edfu: Fouilles (1933), pI.
14 (I); Fouilles (1937), pIs. 14, 15.
A. Mastabas and Stelae

A c

B o
Sixth Dynasty stelae

Later types of stelae
Fig. 14

this type from Dendera exceptionally combines two horizontal lines at the top and three
vertical columns at the right end (Wtl, PI. VIII). The later stelae of Snni sometimes
introduce the offering formula in a horizontal line at the top and continue the inscription
in two or more vertical columns beneath it (E); Mni and Tlwti/Rsi invariably follow this
pattern, but on their stelae the horizontal line stops short of the head of the standing
figure (F); the line is prolonged to the left edge in one case only, where 1'IWtl is seated.
Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
Despite this difference, there is a decided resemblance between type E and architraves on
which the repeating figures, each preceded by their names and titles, are surmounted by
a horizontal line containing the funerary formula. The other mastabas use either horizontal
lines or vertical columns, but seldom show the single horizontal line above columns. The
stelae of $nni are especially interesting because some of them face the figure towards the
right, as usual, and some towards the left. Very likely it was intended to arrange the
stelae so that all the figures faced a common center, as on some architraves, but they
were never found mounted in the niches (PD, p. II), and so the arrangement can only be
conjectured. The same orientation is indicated by the earlier niche stones of Ni-ibw-nswt.
In adapting the idea of the repeating-figure architrave to a series of niches, the Denderites
evidently made much greater use of stelae than those who built tombs elsewhere. At
most other sites the tombs of this period are rock-cut and are decorated with scenes in
relief, however; these cannot be expected in any case to yield stelae of the type being
discussed, although in some cases stela-like inscriptions were carved by persons other than
the owner upon the side walls of the forecourt or on the fa~ade of such tombs. 252 Stelae
were also placed in the offering rooms of rock-cut tombs at Naga ed-Deir, but the most
important of the earlier tombs contained painted decoration. 253 Among the places that did
construct brick tombs, Abadiya is the only one that is known to have adopted the
multiple-niched fa~ade in the Sixth Dynasty, and this was stripped of nearly all the
limestone reliefs and inscriptions that it originally contained; the only published evidence
is the previously mentioned fragment of a cornice, which proves the existence of a long
frieze inscription, as at Dendera. The mastabas at Edfu and nearby Gozeriya are known
to have possessed only one or two niches, as stated earlier, and the same seems to have
been the case at Naqada, in the adjacent Coptite nome. Despite this difference, however,
the stelae and architraves from the last site are remarkably similar to those found at
Dendera. The resemblance is particularly apparent in the case of the stelae of N i-ibw-
nswtjBbi, and one of these (PD, pI. II,lt) might almost be taken as a product of the same
workshop that produced the Naqada inscriptions. 254 The Naqada stelae almost invariably
represent the owner standing, and this feature in particular suggests that they were in-
fluenced by the monuments of their northern neighbor, rather than the other way about.
At Dendera, as we have seen, the Sixth Dynasty preference for the standing figure goes
back to earlier tradition, and is reinforced by the use of a series of stelae to produce the
effect of the repeated-figure architrave of the late Old Kingdom. At Naqada the reasons
for the preference are much less evident, unless we concede that it derives from the
Dendera stelae. It will be recalled that the comparable architrave-stelae from the more
distant site of Edfu generally show the owner seated rather than standing. 255
252 The fa<;:ade of the tomb of Tlwti at Qasr es-Sayyad had at least five such inscriptions (all decidedly
later than the tomb itself): LD 2, 114 c, d, e; Prisse, M on., pI. 5; Kemi 6, 86. Of these five, only the
one copied by Prisse shows the owner, with a smaller offering-bearer before him. The three in LD all
represent persons other than the owner, who bring or invoke offerings for him. The shape and the
arrangement of the inscriptions in at least two cases (LD 2, II4 c and d) resemble those of the type
of panel that is sometimes found on either side of the entrance of a tomb (e.g. Kemi 6, p. 127 [D]).
Two others are broader, so as to accommodate offerings (LD 2, II4 e) or the figure of the owner
(Prisse) as well as a longer inscription.
I do not think that the form of inscriptions cut into a rock wall can be compared to the individual
slabs that constitute stelae. But the arrangement of these inscriptions along the fa<;:ade suggests
the possibility of influence from Dendera.
At Meir (Meir 4, pI. 3 and p. 21) similar but less elaborate inscriptions were carved on the side
walls of the forecourt of Ppy-<n!J's tomb; none represents the owner.
253 Dunham, Stelae, p. 2 and Peck, Decorated Tombs, passim.
254 A detailed comparison is presented in Coptite Name, pp. 8-10.
255 The standing figure also appears on stelae at Abydos, but they are tall, with most of the in-
scription confined to the top; in these cases the owner's figure apparently derives from representations
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI
The architraves of Dendera have one very characteristic structural feature in common.
They were designed as a series of facing-slabs fitted together to form a frieze of sometimes
exceptional length. 256 Since these were not intended as a structural part of the brick
mastaba, the surface received its figures and inscriptions before the slabs were mounted,
and for that reason neither figures nor hieroglyphs are ever broken by the division between
the slabs; the same is usually true of the segments of the frieze inscription that runs along
the top of the mastaba. 257 Here again N aq ada offers the closest parallel, for three segments of
precisely the same type of architrave can be identified as coming from that site, and two of
them belong to either end of the same monument. A reconstruction of these pieces has shown,
however, that they were of far lesser length than many of their counterparts at Dendera. 258

B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI.

For the most part, the titles of the Sixth Dynasty nomarchs and other important
officials of Dendera will be taken ut> in one or another of the sections devoted to each of
these individuals. At this point it may be well to give a broader and more systematic
account of the changes made in the pattern of Upper Egyptian provincial administration
as we have come to know it in the titularies of Min, Nir-'pr.jand their successors. 259 These
changes did not come about at precisely the same time throughout Upper Egypt, and
there is some variation in the form of the new titles. Such differences cannot always be
explained, but the transition to the new forms and the variants among them can be
related closely to a tripartite division of the 22 nomes. 260 A distinctive name was given to
at least two of the three groups by the Old Kingdom Egyptians themselves-the "Middle

The =
Nomes" and the "Southern Region."
~ or "Middle Nomes of Upper Egypt" are most frequently mentioned as a
group, being found in the titles of officials at Hemamiya (U.E. 10), Meir (14), and Sheikh
Said (IS). Nomes IO-IS accordingly belonged to this region, as Kees has pointed out. 261
on the jambs of false doors, and there are other indications (particularly the presence of a rudimentary
cavetto cornice) that the prototype of such stelae is the false door as a whole; see lARCE I, pp. 8f!.
and n. 15.
256 See below, Figs. 27, 31, following pp. 150, 158.
257 E.g. PD, pis. 2 A, 6 (middle), 7 A (top), 8 C. But there are some exceptions, where the division
breaks the signs: pI. 6, rt2 (MMA 98+69), rt3 (MFA 98.1038); pI. 10 A, It3 (Univ. Mus. E 16792);
pI. 13, in the group at center, belonging to tomb 770; one of these segments breaks the sign => at an
edge marked J(oint). Note that these exceptions belong to the later as well as the earlier mastabas
of Dyn. VI onward. At Memphis it is more usual to divide the signs in the frieze inscriptions (Junker,
Gfza 4, pI. I; Gfza 8, fig. 51) but the signs are also arranged so as to avoid the divisions (ibid. 9, fig. 72).
258 Coptite Name, nos. I, 4. The architraves from Akhmim (Cairo Cat. 1586, 1624) and Abydos
(JEA 14, pI. 20 [3J) are monolithic. The left end of an architrave has also been found at Thebes
(Winlock, M.K. at Thebes, pI. I); too little is preserved to indicate if it was or was not monolithic,
although it seems likely that it was.
259 Some of the conclusions in the earlier part of this chapter have subsequently been expressed by
others. For the extent of the three parts of Upper Egypt cf. Hans Goedicke, MID 4 (1956), 6-10 and
for the persistence of older administrative titles in the northernmost of these three sectors see Klaus
Baer, Rank and Title, p. 285. In addition to this point, Baer indicates that there is also a persistence
of older titles in the middle U.E. nomes as compared with the southernmost six; this observation
possibly has some validity, but is far less certain than is the other distinction, which had already
been made without the benefit of his elaborate system of variable title sequences.
260 Little is known about Sixth Dynasty provincial administrators in the Delta; it may be that
they continued to be called overseers, like a governor of the Memphite and Letopolite Nomes who
lived at the end of the preceding dynasty; see n. 47 above.
Prov. Verw. I, pp. 99-101. In Name 15 the Dyn. V nomarch Srl-kll(?) has the title ~ =:>
~ .....
is ~ => ~ 1-
anti are ~ =>
=ld = .!. 1-,
1-~; Sh. Said, pI. 17 and p. 12; pI. 6 and p. 11. A Dyn. VI nomarch of U.E. 14, ppy-<na (iry-ib
~'(j'; Meir 4, pI. 4 A (I). In the loth Nome both the Dyn. V nomarchs named Kd-
j ~ C> ~ Hemamieh, pI. 15 and similarly pI. 24 (without 1-).
66 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
There is reason to suppose that the Ninth N ome was also included, as will be shown
North of the middle section, in Nomes 16-22, the Dyn. IV and V titles survived longer
than in the rest of Upper Egypt. These older titles are held by Sixth Dynasty nomarchs
in Zawyet el Meitin (U.E. 16) and Deshasha (U.E. 20). At Sharuna, perhaps somewhat
later in Dyn. VI, the titulary of Ppy-(n!J has nothing of the old style excepting ~ => :i,,262
which is probably incomplete, and certainly does not refer to a nome. The restoration is
indicated by the form this takes in his inscriptions, and elsewhere in Upper Egypt during
Dyn. VI. At Deir el Gebrawi and Akhmim, as in the titulary of Ppy-(n!J, it is ~ ~ 1~
~ ~ 263 (or ~ -= D~ ~~8IC?:it ~ ~ c:. ~ ~ ~ at Akhmim).264 At Naga ed-Deir,
cemetery of the capital of U. E. 8, it is similarly associated with fields and agricultural
produce in a Dyn. VIII titulary,265 being preceded by ~ ~ ~ r f~ and followed by
~ ~ .! ..b !, a title that is evidently a superior rank of n!Jt-!Jrw, which refers to the
accounting of grain. )1my-r lpwt is never associated with a nome emblem or a place name
at any of these localities, or in the provinces further south.
At Deshasha most of the old administrative titles precede the name of )Inti, who
is dated by W. S. Smith to the middle of Dyn. VI, or even later. He is t ~ => ~ i-
~ -= t #06 Tit ~ .266 The sign if is much destroyed, and the title T~, which is
frequent in the titularies of Dyn. VI nomarchs, is also possible. The case for dating)I ntl
to Dyn. VI rather than earlier is appreciably strengthened by the fact that a second
Deshasha nomarch, who is almost indisputably as late as King Tety, has one of the most
characteristic of the older titles. This is Sdw, and the title in question is ~ l:. - -1n .
Ssm tl is otherwise known only in connection with the name of a nome; a "Goat Nome"
evidently does in fact appear in 1n
~ in the inscriptions of the same individual
(Deshasheh, pI. 19); unfortunately the context of the latter is lost, but there seems little
doubt that a nome emblem is represented. 267 The "Goat District" is not mentioned else-
where, though "mayor <T @) of the Southern Goat City" is found earlier at Deshasha.
A Dyn. V nomarch, one of the "mayors of the Southern Goat City," at the same cemetery

ASAE 8. p. 150.
Ppy-'na: ibid .• 150-151. Deir el Gebrawi: Gebr. I. pIs. 3,18 ('Ibi); in pI. 3 pr.wy "Two Houses"

is ~ ~~. l)'w. who is apparently the son of' Ibi, has the title with one Cl (ibid. 2. pI. 10. followed by
r[nilJl ~l).
The addition of ~ ~ ~ is known also at Saqqara (Teti Cem., p. 151). at Giza (BMFA
23.27), and at Hammamat (Urk. I. 94.7).
~ X,
with c.!2)!Vml~' is often found in connection with the pyramid (imy-r wpt antyw-s).
probably with the same meaning: Mar., Mon. d'Abydos. p. 92 (no. 532); Junker. Gtza 7. fig. 47 U2
preceding whole group; Dyn. VI). The title appears elsewhere in connection with a royal pyramid
(ASAE 35. p. 149, fig. 15). but this example may be later than the Old Kingdom.
Kees, Prov. Verw. I. P.94, note I, thinks that this style of ~ -= ~o, as it appears in the Dahshur
decree of Pepy I (Urk. I. 209). belongs to the "kgl. Domanenverwaltu7g." See Addenda to P.9.
LAAA 4. p. 104 (tomb 5). with son ~~o;E; p. 103 (tomb 2); p. 110 (tomb 13); p. 110 (tomb
n ':- :-

15)· The last is certainly to be restored ~ -= ~o ~ ~~ :it~] ~ ~:. for which there
is just enough space. Also ibid .• p. 112 (tomb 19; son). where the signs following ~o ~ are lost.
285 Peck. Decorated Tombs. pp. 13. 14 and pI. 2.
288 All of the pertinent references in this and the following paragraph will be found in note 51
above. unless otherwise specified.
287 One might compare the brief appearance of 2. which is mentioned in only one Dyn. XII
inscription (Beni Hasan I. pI. 25. line 35) and refers to the eastern half of D.E. 16. thereby limiting
the Oryx Nome proper to the west bank; cf. AJA 67.304.
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI

is ssm tl of ~~ (V.E. 20),268 and the "Goat Nome" must have been part of this well-
known province, or possibly a local name for the whole of it.
At Zawyet el Meitin there is another individual who is exceptional in that he has the
older titles; this is ijwi.n.s, who has the typical Dyn. V titulary: ~ 1- i-
~ c=>~ ~.:::
~ c=> 1 ~ 1if. Here the oryx should be carefully distinguished from the Deshasha
goat. The Dyn. VI date of this nomarch has been suggested by W. S. Smith (HESPOK,
p. 216), and it is again supported by the fact that the titulary of another nomarch of
Zawyet el Meitin, NI-cn!J-Ppy, who is conspicuously this late, also has one-though only
one-of the old titles. This is ~ =-:t.
~ ~ ,269 which is old-fashioned in that it
combines ~ =-:t with a group of nine nomes; the best parallel is the early Fourth
Dynasty Nlr-cpr.j, who holds the title ~ <=> ~ in connection with Nomes 5, 6, and 7.
It would be too much, however, to say that Nl-cn!J-PPY's title is to be understood in quite
the same way as that of Nlr-cprj. It is more like the title of the contemporary Kd-
gml.n.l and 'I/:ty at Saqqara and Giza: ~ c=> ':i
~:: ~ '1,.,....270 In any case, Nl-cn!J-
Ppy's title distinguishes him from the Dyn. VI nomarchs of V.E. I-IS, none of whom
is ~ = ~ in connection with a group of nomes.
Ni-cn!J-Ppy's group of nine nomes apparently represents that part of Vpper Egypt
that is north of the Middle Nomes, and to which no distinctive name is known to have
been given. At any rate, it is improbable that he has authority over V.E. IS, which had
its own governors from Dyn. V onward, and whose Dyn. VI nomarchs possessed the
customary titles of their period. The canonical list of D.E. nomes includes only seven
provinces (16-22) north of V.E. Is-the nome of Zawyet el Meitin itself (16) and six
more. But a brief list at Tehna, a dozen miles north of Zawyet el Meitin, accounts the
Fayum as a nome, placing it between D.E. 21 and 22 (above, p. 3). This would add an
eighth nome to the seven, and it is possible that the ninth is to be found in the ~ ~
mentioned above, a district that presumably lay to the south of the Fayum. 271
The area south of the Middle Nomes, as an administrative unit, mayor may not have
included the Thinite Nome, which-as will be pointed out presently-was associated with
the central administration to an exceptional degree. At Naga ed-Deir the same titulary

Kingdom, concludes with [~l =

mentioned a little earlier, belonging to a high official of the very last years of the Old
~ (cf. note 265). The restoration of r, which is suggested
by the available space, yields the meaning "Over[seer] of the nomes of llnw-N!Jn"; it
seems less likely that r is not to be restored, and that this is an adverbial phrase appended
to all the preceding titles, which are valid "in the nomes of llnw-N!Jn."2i2 Caroline Peck,
268 Deshasheh, pI. 29. This is N-bft-kd, whose "good name" is Ty; his title as "mayor" is 1 1-:
@ 1i7J'
(pI. 33).
269 LD 2, III d and i. Neither occurrence of this title was to be seen when Varille made fresh copies
for his Ni-Ankh-Pepi (pp. 13 and 19)·
270 'Ilty: LD 2, 88 a, and Kli.-gml.n.i: Teti Cem., p. 107, both early Dyn. VI.
271 Varille (Ni-A nkh-Pepl, pp. 34-35) has already suggested that the title refers to the northern-
most nomes of Upper Egypt, but he takes the nine nomes to be U.E. 14-22. He assumes a division of
U.E. into two sections, and states that Asyut (U.E. 13) belonged to the southern section. This view
does not take account of the Old Kingdom group of "the Middle Nomes of Upper Egypt," which
embraced the area north and south of Asyut. Even in the succeeding Heracleopolitan period, when
Upper Egypt was divided into two camps, Asyut was allied with the north and certainly was not
considered a part of 6) the "southern region."
272 The only point that might lend color to this idea is the fact that the preceding title ~ ~ !!.
~ resembles the nat-arw that is combined with the nome emblem of U .E. 22 in the Dyn. In inscrip-
tions of laty-<I (note 42 above). The early Dyn. IV inscription of PJ;t-r-nfr may provide an early parallel
for the term Hnw-Nan, for
Egypt" (Junker, AZ 75, 68).
t='l (or ~?) is apparently used as the U.E. counterpart of t "Lower
68 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
who has reservations about the translation of spJwt as "nomes," thinks that the phrase
need not in any case refer to territory beyond the Thinite Nome, but she points out that
lJnw-N!;n seems to be used as a synonym for t:ilt TP-Rsy(?) in Siut tomb 3, 28. 273
And Tp-Rsy "southern region" is the term otherwise used in the Siut inscriptions in
referring to the southernmost nomes, the Theban realm of the Eleventh Dynasty, prior
to the reunification of Egypt.274 In the Old Kingdom the term Tp-Rsy(?) is known chiefly
at Elephantine, where Hr-hwi.f claims the title ~
• -
~ =- ~ ~
~Q I
~ G! =t =
1275 "overseer

of all mountainlands belonging to the southern region"; probably the meaning of this is
"all desert territories adjacent to the southernmost region (of Egypt)" and not "adjacent
to Elephantine" or "within the region south of Elephantine." Two others at Aswan, both
named SJbni, are :;I t:::" ~G!t "one who fills the king's heart (with trust) in the South-
ern Region". 276
A more persuasive piece of evidence for the existence of the "Southern Region" as an
administrative entity is the Eighth Dynasty Coptos Decree appointing 'ldi to the office
of overseer of Upper Egypt in N omes I -'J, inclusive. 277 Just as Ppy- en!; ltry-ib was" overseer
of Upper Egypt in the Middle Nomes," so 'Idi, as "overseer of Upper Egypt ... south-
ward from the nome of Elephantine, northward from the nome of Ru," appears to hold
the same title in T p-Rsy, "the Southern Region," although the latter term is not specifically
mentioned. The extent of this region corresponds to the seven nomes that the Thebans
controlled when the Asyut nomarch 'It-ib-i applied the same term to their domain. By
the Middle Kingdom, however, Abydos is definitely known to have belonged to the
"Southern Region" (Prov. Verw. I, p. 102 and n. 4; Gardiner, JEA 43,9); presumably
this difference is to explained by the fact that during the Old Kingdom the Thinite
nome represented a secondary seat of the central administration in the north, whereas
later, after Thebes usurped that function, it owed its prestige to the cult of Osiris. Even
before that time the administrative affairs of the nomes on either side of the boundary
between U.E. 7 and 8 were not kept strictly separate. In ' Idi's period another Coptos
decree concerns the scribes of the fields of U.E. 5-9, inclusive (Urk. I, 295.17-18). And
at a slightly later date an overseer of Upper Egypt named eb-iltw (no. I in Appendix B)
became nomarch of V.E. 6, 7, and 8.
In the Middle Nomes and the Southern Region the titles of Dyns. IV and V have
vanished much more completely by the Sixth Dynasty. None of the nomarchs in the IS
nomes south of Zawyet el Meitin is either:::; or i 1If; only one is t¥
(cf. P.70 below),
and none has the title ~ -= ~ in connection with a locality. The old titles are replaced
by~, i~. and :!l; very few are ~ <=>~. There is hardly any question that these
titles embody far-reaching administrative changes, and such changes are in fact well

273 Ibid., p. 17. I follow Gardiner's reading (lEA 43,6-9), although it may not always be applicable
to the Old Kingdom; cf. note 276 below.
27t Siut tomb In, 18,28 and 35; and the comments of Kees, Prov. Verw. I, pp. 102-103.
9 n=="='R n=="=~ 1
275 Urk.124.2. Ifr-ffwi.f is also <=> I' of) ~ ~ ij 0
I, 0 =
t:il 1" "Privy to the secret of every
word of the Head of the South (ibid., 123.12). So also Ijwi-n-Hnmw, de Morgan, Catalogue I, 198 and
cf. ~ ~ ~ -- f.i.l±, on the false door of an overseer of interpreters (Cairo Cat. 1406; cited by Gardiner,
lEA 43,7)·
276 Tomb of Slbni and Mffw, de Morgan, Catalogue I, 148, and a later Slbni, the son of Iflp-ib (un-
published, excavated by Labib Habachi). All the writings at Aswan favor the reading tp-sm'w: in the
last two cases the second sign (like the sm'-sign elsewhere in the same inscriptions) resembles but thet,
top is beaded or more curled. (For the assimilation of these signs cf. Coptite Nome, 41). The same is
true of the title of Ijwi-n-Hnmw (previous note). The evidence from Ifr-ffwi.f points to the same
reading; cf. Gardiner, lEA 43,7. It therefore remains possible, despite the contrary evidence of Cairo
1406 (loc. cit.), that the reading tp-rsy did not become current until the Middle Kingdom.
277 Urk. 1,299.6-7; 300.17-18; cf. 301.7-8.
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI 69
known to have taken place by the beginning of Dyn. V; it is almost impossible, however,
to determine precisely what administrative changes underlie each new title.
The major developments in the adminstration of the provinces in Dyns. IV and V have been
outlined earlier (pp. 9-12). It will be recalled that the nomarchs of Dyn. V governed a single
nome and were buried there, while the earlier provincial administrators held office in a
number of nomes and made their tombs at the Residence. A revision of titles might have been
expected at this stage rather than in the Sixth Dynasty, but it is understandable that the old
forms were retained long after the underlying pattern had undergone profound change.
At Abydos (U.E. 8) the changes in administration that have just been described came
about more slowly than elsewhere in some respects; the Thinite Nome appears to have
been regarded as crown territory very nearly to the end of the Sixth Dynasty, and the
nomarchs accordingly did not take root, as it were, but they built their tombs at the
cemeteries of the Residence or at Deir el Gebrawi, where, in Dyn. VI, they governed the
12th Nome as well as the 8th. A singularly close relationship existed between the 8th
Nome and the Residence throughout the Old Kingdom; the origin of this connection may
be traced back to the tombs built at Abydos by the kings of the first two dynasties, but
it was reinforced by the growing importance of the nome's pivotal situation between the
middle and southern groups.278 Despite the connection with the Residence and the slower
development of some aspects of administrative change, the Thinite nomarchs of the Sixth
Dynasty nonetheless lost the old titles and acquired new ones at about the same time as
the other southern most nomes. Here, as in the northern U.E. nomes, the change in titles
conforms to the pattern of the surrounding area.
The nome of Elephantine is also exceptional, not because the old pattern of adminis-
tration persisted in Dyn. VI, but because the top-ranking officials there were more con-
cerned with the Nubian expeditions that they conducted directly in behalf of the king
than they were with the affairs of the nomes in which they resided. 279 It must be assumed
that their connection with the crown was particularly direct, although none is known to
have been buried in the Memphite cemeteries as were the Thinite nomarchs. The special
position of this province and that of Thinis may be reflected in Admonitions 3, 10 where
their capitals are singled out as two places that belong to the conclave(?) of Upper Egypt,
yet fail to bring in taxes because of strife. 280
Some particulars regarding the changes in the U.E. nomarch's titulary follow. The all
but complete disappearance of :t i-
as a title not only of nomarchs but of all provincial
officials in D.E. I-IS is especially interesting, first because this title continues in use at the
Residence,281 and secondly because the feminine :ti:
is still frequently applied to the
278 The foregoing remarks on the Thinite nome sum up an article by the writer in J ADS 74, pp. 26-34.
279 T
Only one of them has the title ~;;;; , and none is either ~ or ~ <=> 1~, as are so many of
the nomarchs (Ifr-awi.j: Urk. I, pp. I20ff. If~f-ib: ibid., pp. I3Iff. Maw and Slbni: de Morgan, Cat. I,
pp. I44ff. ljwi: ibid., pp. 157-158. T1i: Urk. I, p. 141). For the absence of an imy-r ltmw-ntr see also
AJA 66, 69. The nomarch's title is known from a recently excavated jar inscription: 91:Y _ ~ ~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ (Edel, Die Felsengriiber der Qubbet el Hawa, II Abt., I. Bd., I. Teil, PI.;). To'judge
from Edel's statement in AZ 93,54, this is the same individual whose painted tomb inscription gives a
significantly different version of the title. He and a second official named Sbk-lttp are both ~ ~ -:t ::,.
"great overlord of the king." Thus the new evidence only emphasizes the close connection between
Aswan and the Residence.
280 Cf. Stock, Zw.Zt., 22. It does not seem probable, however, that the composition of Admonitions
is as early as the Eighth Dynasty or even the Eleventh Dynasty, and John Van Seters has argued
that it originated in the Second Intermediate Period (lEA 50, 13-23). The statement quoted reflects
the continuation of a long tradition.
281 E.g. Teti Cem., p. 157 and (with J "true") pp. 187, 190, 192; Junker, G£za 10, figs. 53 and 68
(dating on p. 91). Murray's Index does~t list the title.
70 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
wives and daughters of nomarchs and nome officials during Dyn. VI. 282 Note that :j, is i-
not mentioned among the officials of Upper and Lower Egypt belonging to the army that
Wni of Abydos commanded for Merenre (Urk. I, I02), and that it does appear in the
Coptos decrees of Pepy II among a list of officials whose activities in the provinces refer
principally to the Residence.283 The one Dyn. VI nomarch in U.E. Nomes I-IS who excep-
tionally has the title :j, t
is /J.Jr of Edfu (Urk. I, 253.6).284 His claim to an office normally
reserved for courtiers is entirely understandable, since he served at Memphis for at least
thirty years-through all but the first years of Pepy 1's reign-before taking charge at
Edfu. 286 This length of prior service at the Residence is probably unparalleled by any
282 Thebes: tomb of 'l/ty (ASAE 4, p. 98). Dendera: Tomb of 'Idw I (pIs. 5; 6,lt2); 'ldw II (pI. 7,
rt); Tlwti (pI. 7, br2); Rdw-l/tw (pI. 10, b2 center); Nb.i-pw-lfr (pI. 10 A, Ib2 and see below, p. 1I0,
with note 491). Deir el Gebrawi: Tomb of 'lbi (Gebr. I, pI. 18); 'lsi (Gebr. 2, pIs. 17, 18); Hn~w (Gebr.
2, pI. 26). Naga ed-Deir: Dunham, Stelae, no. 53. Edfu: daughters of 'lsi (Fouilles Edfou 1933, p.
23-; i-). Sheikh Said: Tomb of Mrrw (Sh. Said, pIs. 17; 20).
1 -= -;; 0
In the last case the titles :j, ~ I}?J ~ 0 appear to be given to Mrrw himself (cf. Allam,
Hathorkult, 19). They are not ascribed to him otherwise, however, and his wife does have the titles
in question (pI. 17), as would be expected; the most reasonable explanation for their presence in pI. 20
is that, in the original design for this wall, the wife was depicted behind her husband; she must have
been crowded out when the scene was laid out on the wall, but her titles inadvertently were left
behind those of her husband. Note further that the column in question is longer than the preceding
columns containing Mrw's titles, that it extends downward beyond his name, and that it seems to
be preceded by the signs~. It would be most remarkable if the titles really belonged to him, for
Sixth Dynasty priests of Hathor are rare even in places where there is a cult of this goddess (overseers
of priests excepted), and even in the Memphite area, where "Hathor Mistress of the Sycamore" is
worshipped, not a single male priest is known to me as compared to the innumerable priestesses of
her cult, though there are a very few cases at the Memphite cemeteries of men who are simply ~ ~. 1
There are indications that most, if not all, of these belong to the cult of Hathor of Dendera (see above,
p. 29: Tnt; and for a priest of Hathor of Dendera at Saqqara, see above, p. 25) or to the Hathor
who belongs to the sun temples of Dyn. V (see above, note 142).
Gunn, Teti Cem., p. 157, note 5, says of the title:j, ~ at this period: "From the end of the Old
Kingdom ... regularly:j, ~ for males,:j,;F;, for females. To this period, then, we may assign the re-
interpretation of the title as 'Acquaintance (male or female) of the King' .. ~ ." If such a reinterpre-
tation did take place, it may have something to do with the fact that women have the title in the
provinces during Dyn. VI while men do not. ..
283 Urk. I, 281.11-12 and 285.1-3. The list is headed by ~ i -= "every overlord," sciI. "nomarch";
see below, p. 76, with note 306. But the titles that follow designate officials who belong to the central
administration: "greatest of the Upper Egyptian tens," "overseer of the phyles of Upper Egypt," then
~~oi and to iO, "overseer of the robingroom" (?"A Wb. 5, 561.3; cf.~"AMar. Mast., p.
= LJ
438, and AZ 86, p. 25, n. I), "overseer of king's people" (see above, p. 10: the Dyn. V title f, which
is not known for any of the Dyn. VI nomarchs).
284 Baer assigns a Sixth Dynasty range of dates to an official at Akhmim who is :j, ~ ~ 'i, (Rank
and Title, no. 85 [= LAAA 4, no. 23, p. 114] and pp. 63, 2l7), but this sequence of titles,7n which
Baer's conclusion is based (ibid. pp. 207, 241), by no means excludes a date within the Fifth Dynasty;
cf. JAGS 74,26, and note 51 above.
285 He was a child in the reign of Tety, and was brought (to the Residence) by Pepy I for instruc-
tion; here he remained in an official capacity through the remainder of Pepy 1's reign of about fifty
years. Merenre then placed him in the second U.E. nome as overlord and overseer of priests (Urk. I,
253. 18- 254.4).
Another point to be considered is the proximity of Edfu to the first and southernmost nome of
Upper Egypt. There seems no question but that If,r felt a closer relationship to the king than is
expressed by most Dyn. VI nomarchs (who generally confine their sentiments to the usual "praised
by his lord"). As lfr-!Jwi.f and Ppy-n!Jt of Elephantine "put the fear of Horus into the foreign lands"
(Urk. I, 124.3, 132.3), so Iflr "pacified all the foreign lands for the Residence" (ibid., 255.4; cf. 254.1I).
And he explicitly claims to be "over the secret of every secret word which comes from the door of
Elephantine" (ibid., 253.7) and "which is brought from the door of the desert passes in the southern
lands" (ibid., 254.12). Although one or another of these expressions is occasionally found in Sixth
Dynasty inscriptions at Naqada (Coptite Nome, p. 12) and Qasr es-Sayyad (Kemi 6, 87, etc.), their
prominence in Iflr's inscriptions is only equalled at Aswan.
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI 71
other nomarch of the Sixth Dynasty. Only in the Middle Kingdom does :t ¥
in the southern provinces, by which time it definitely has the meaning "acquaintance of
the king" (see Anthes, Az 59, 103 and cf. an exceptional Dyn. XI occurrence of t ~ ~
"one whose name the king knows," PD, 7A, br.)
To the extent that t¥ generally headed the old titulary of a provincial administrator,
~ (sometimes preceded by ~) may be said to have replaced it. Though ~ is known
from much earlier times, it is not until Dyn. VI that this title becomes frequent as the
beginning of the nomarch's titulary. Apparently it proclaims his rank as a high official
but in no way defines the nature of his duties ;286 in the provinces it is never combined with
the name of a city or nome until Dyn. XI,287 and I can find no occurrence wherein ~
alone refers to a nomarch. It is true that ~l\ "Count of the Busirite Nome" occurs in
the titulary of the early Dyn. IV PJ:t-r-nfr (AZ 75, 68) ; somewhat later in the Old Kingdom
there is also a ..d!)~, ~
® "Count in Nhn."288 The regular use of ..£) with names of cities
- ...-lJ
and larger districts begins only in ~ns. XI and XII, however. 289
At Naga ed-Deir the title ~ eventually comes to be claimed by nearly everyone of
any importance; it is used with great reserve on inscriptions that evidently belong to the
Old Kingdom, but it appears before the names of fully two-thirds of the men of late Inter-
mediate Period date-a total of well over 50, at least 14 of whom are more or less con-
temporary.290 At Dendera, however, the original value of the title is evidently maintained,
At the same time, ~/r and his father '/si are more preoccupied with local interests than are the
lords of Elephantine; one is "overseer of priests" (ibid., 254.4) and the other ~ (Fouilles Ed/ou
1933, pp. 22, 27)-titles possessed by none of the lords of the First U.E. Nome. The content of their
biographies indicates this difference also. ~/r speaks at length of fulfilling his responsibilities in his
nome (Urk. I, 254-255) rather than of expeditions. The Elephantinites devote only a few stereotyped
words to the former subject (ibid., 122-123; 133) and enlarge greatly upon the latter.
As Daressy has noted (ASAE 17, 140), a link with the Memphite Residence is also attested by the
epithet "revered with Ptah South-of-his-wall" (Urk. I, 251.18, 252.4); the same epithet occurs in the
texts of '/si (Fouilles Ed/ou 1933, pp. 24,25).
286 The honorific character of ~ is apparently illustrated by the passage Urk. I, 147.13-16, where
/Jew of Deir el Gebrawi concludes his description of the benefits he secured for his deceased father:

"I asked of his majesty [the granting of] the office of (IIty-< to this /J<w. His majesty caused an order
to be issued making him lllty-< as an 'offering which the king gives'."
287 The earliest example I have come across is ~ ~ ~ ~ (Hermonthis), Clere-Vandier, nos.
31.2, 32.1; reign of Nb- -R<.
288 Mar. Mast., D 46, p. 303; perhaps related to the common title \Zl ®, which follows it.

289 One example, ~ - ~ (Kerma 4-5, fig. 344, p. 523), is perhaps related to the title mentioned
in the preceding note. For the Twelfth Dynasty usI1 of this term for mayor the following examples
may be cited. .
U.E. 2 (Edfu) ~1ft - J
"A ~ @Hamm., no. 87, p. 65, pI. 20.
U.E. 4 (Tod) ~ -- C.~\ @ Cairo Cat. 20649.
U.E. 10 (Antaeopolis) ~ ~ - e::> }.!!I
(var. e::> !!I)
Cairo 20022 (deputy mayor).
Fayum ~:: (Kahun, Gurob, Hawara, pI. I I [I4J).
A Twelfth Dynasty stela (Cairo 20025) addresses ~ ~ ~ J ii i
~~ !}. '"i' .:
~ + --1-
other stela of the same period (Dryoff-Portner, Munchen, pI. 3) says ~}. Il =
"every mayor of Abydos who rules and whom the king has designated to direct them." And an-
~ ~ 1ft!!1 ~ ~
"My lord gave me my city as mayor." Mayors of the Second Intermediate Period are known for
the cities of Edfu (ASAE 17, 238), Coptos (Koptos, pI. 8), and Heliopolis (fEA 18, 142). Cf. also Helck,
Verwaltung, 211.
References to "the ~/tyw-< of Upper Egypt," "the ~/tyw-< of the Head of the South," etc., do not
appear until shortly before the Middle Kingdom in Siut Inscr. 4.II; see also Hamm., loc. cit., and
Anthes AZ 59, 103.
280 In a group of 16 who have stelae of the same style, 14 are listed by Clere, Rev. d'Eg. 7, p. 19,
note I; the other two are Melbourne 39 and a stela in Dundee. For the last stela listed by Clere see
BM Quarterly 12, pI. 45 and p. 138. The two cases where this class of stelae lack the title ~/ty-( are
72 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
and it continues to be reserved almost exclusively for the nomarchs and overseers of
priests down to Dyn. XI, when it is no longer in evidence at all. 291 It is usual for the
nomarch to have the titles ~.@ and ~ ~:t-I in addition to ~. Throughout the
period when the great overlord or overseer of priests at Dendera is regularly ~ (from
not long after the start of Pepy I1's reign) the high officials of lesser rank than the nomarch
are consistently ~.@ and r~ ;t;, but lack the title ~; this usage begins to be
followed a little less regularly after the time of Mrri and $n-nq,sw-i. The last and least of
the three titles, r~ ;t;, is possessed by officials of still lower rank, including some who
claim no other title than this. While the earlier nomarchs and other high officials always
include ~ ~;t; in any listing of their titles, the later ones, though they usually mention
it at least once, often omit it. This later development begins with $nni, who omits the
title only once; thereafter it is left out more frequently than it is included. 292
The Dyn. V title i V also disappears, this time apparently from the Residence 293 as
well as from the provinces. 294 The very similar i~, long in use at the Residence,295 now
appears in the titularies of many of the nomarchs-notably those of U.E. IS (Sheikh
Said), 12 and 8 conjointly (Deir el Gebrawi), 7 (Qasr es-Sayyad), and 6 (Dendera), as
well as a single nomarch of V.E. 19 (Sharuna), 8 (Naga ed-Deir), 4 (Thebes), and 2 (Edfu).296
After Dyn. VI i ~ is less in evidence. At Dendera the highest officials, including those who
Berlin 240 19, Clt~re, op. cit., pI. 3; Cairo 1642. I am indebted to Clt~re for further information concern-
ing the titles of the last and of Cairo 1648, which has the title !uty-'. The earliest examples of this
abuse, all perhaps slightly later than Dyn. VIII, are Dunham, Stelae, nos. 38 and 74 (cf. note 724);
ibid., no. 72; and Vandier, Rev. d'Eg. 2, 43 and pI. I (I).
291 The overseers of priests of the Eighth Dynasty and later are !t1ty-' (see list in summary, below,
p. 187); at least one Dyn. XI overseer of priests lacks the title (Rev. d'Eg. 2, p. 55 and pI. 2.1). The
high official Mni holds the title although he was evidently not an overseer of priests, and so-more
understandably-does the triple nomarch 'b-iftw (Appendix B, no. I) and another official whose
functions are not specified ('Idi, no. 5). There is also an "overseer of the soldiery" (imy-r ms') who is
ftlty-' (15:424) and one who is only known to be smr-w'ty (D 1542).
292 The Dyn. XI Rdi-wi-fJnmw has the two titles in addition to imy-r pr (PD, pI. 15 left, lines 2,6).
So also the somewhat earlier 'Ini-it.f-i, who is imy-r pr sn' (ibid., pI. 12, lt2). On the other hand, two
other "overseers of the house" or "the gate," one of them probably not much later than Sn-ntjsw-i
(Iftpi, below, p. 167; the other D 3029), do not place even smr w'ty before their title. An official of
early Dyn. XI who is imy-r prw sn' prefaces this title by smr w'ty alone (D 3493), as does an "over-
seer of the soldiery" mentioned in the preceding footnote.
293 In some cases where it appears in the titularies of officials at the Memphite cemeteries it is

uncertain whether or not iV refers to the provinces or to the Residence: e.g. Mar. Mast., A I, p. 70;
B 13, p. 105.
294 The closest to anything like it is the title apparently ftwt-'lty "one belonging to the Great
Domain," which is only known from Deir el Gebrawi: the Dyn. VI nomarch 'Ibi (Gebr. I, pIs. 3, 8),
his successor [}'W (Gebr. 2, pIs. 11, 12) and the latter's son [}'w (ibid., pIs. 10, 13). In one case (ibid.,
pI. 11) this is preceded by - , which may be an error or, less probably, a variant to be read ny ftwt- 'It.
Note also V;; r ~ ~:it:it:it in the list of officials who accompany Wni on his expedition against
the Asiatic beduin (Urk. I, 102).
295 Murray (Index, 33) lists as early an occurrence as R'-fttp, Medum, pI. 10, in which the ~ does

seem thus and not V.

298 V.E. 15: Sh. Said, pI. 21 (Wiw), pIs. 17, 19 (the Overseer of V.E. Mrrw). V.E. 12 and 8: Gebr. I,

pIs. 5,17 ('Ibi),Gebr. 2,pls. 9,11,12 ([}'w/$mli), pI. 10 ([}'w Il). V.E. 7: Ktmi 6, p. III ('Idw), p. 100
(T,wtl). V.E. 6: PD, pI. 7, br2 (Tlwti), pI. 6, It ('Idw I), pI. 6, rb2 ('Idw Il), pI. 11, It, pI. 11 A, tr2,
lt3 (Nl-ibw-nswt). V.E. 19: ASAE 8, p. 150 (ppY-'ntJ). V.E. 8: Naga ed-Deir tomb 89 (Iflgi; infor-
mation supplied by W. S. Smith). V.E. 4: ASAE 4, p. 98 ('Ilty). V.E. 2: Fouilles Edfou 1933, pp. 22,
27 ('Isi).
At Dendera, the nomarch 'Idw I is also i~ more specifically, in connection with the pyramid
estates of Pepy I and Pepy 11. (PD, pI. 5). So also the later Mni (Pepy I and Merenre, PD, pI. 3).
In the list of officials who accompanied Wni (see note 294), the~:it:it:it ~:it:it:it 'f:t. 9.t
"overlords and chiefs of estate(s) of V.E. and L.E." are thus grouped together. 'Isi, nomarch of Edfu,
became ~ as early as the reign of Vnis, long before he was appointed governor of his nome.
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI 73
are ~ <= 1~, no longer have the title i ~ ;297 and the later nomarchs of nomes 12 and 8,
respectively, likewise lack this title (with one exception, at Naga ed-Deir tomb 89; see note
296). So also do nearly all the "great overlords" ofD.E.9who have come to light thusfar,and
all of the examples seem to be later than Dyn. VI (cf. note 313 below). ByDyn. XI i ~ is no
longer a title of the nomarch, although it continues as a title of somewhat lesser officials. 298
The meaning of ~ in this connection has been discussed (note 53) ; it is the most important
subdepartment of the n'::J "department of stores." Junker has pointed out that the
title i ~ has a double application. In the Memphite tomb reliefs it refers to foremen of
quite subordinate status ;299 at Memphis and in the provinces it is applied, as a title, to
officials of high rank (Giza 3, pp. 90ff.). The latter use of i ~ is most conspicuously
exemplified in the titularies of the nomarchs, and the title is also known in the provinces
for persons of somewhat lesser rank. 300
In view of the close similarity of the two titles, it is perhaps legitimate to say that T~
replaces TV' though I am unable to explain the reason for such a replacement. Junker
has suggested that V
designates the king's lands, and that i ~ is a lesser rank of Tv
(Giza 3, p. 96). But if this is so, it is difficult to say why the lesser ranking T~ alone
should survive in Dyn. VI.
It has already been pointed out that the title ~ <:::> y,
formerly the most characteristic
office of a provincial administrator, no longer appears in association with a nome emblem
or the name of a place; the title occurs infrequently in D.E. I-IS during Dyn. VI and
after. 301 At the Residence it continues in use,302 however, and it precedes :t o=lin the
Coptos decrees of Pepy II mentioned earlier, among the officials whose administrative
297 Aside from two high officials at Dendera, Mni and IJwti/Rsi, both of whom appear to be as late
as Dyn.IX (see below, pp. 85ff.). I would not, on the other hand, take 'I{ty of Thebes as an exception;
although the reliefs of his tomb may seem extremely crude and provincial (cf. W. S. Smith, HESPOK,
p. 226), the inscriptions clearly point to the Sixth Dynasty.
298 E.g. at the end of the Old Kingdom (Dyn. VIII) at Naga ed-Deir, Peck, Decorated Tombs, p. 61;
Abydos, Cairo Cat. 1615 (fARCE I, p. 17 and fig. 3). In the later Intermediate Period at Naga ed-
Deir: Rev. d'Eg. 7, pI. 3; Dunham, Stelae, no. 80. Similarly at Dendera, the official Snni (Appendix
B, no. 3). Dyn. XI at Thebes: CU~re-Vandier, nos. 18, 19. In the reign of Sesostris I, an official under
. T-.e.nnn<=-.e.ol <=
the nomarch 'Imn-m-{tJt: Bem Hasan I, pI. 18. Note also a Dyn. XI reference to l.sri!'!, III I' Ii l.sri ~
.lJ::. "chiefs of estate(s) and nobles of the entire land" (PD, pI. 15 left-Cairo 20543, line 10) and the
title MJ {twtyw (Thebes: JNES 19, 266 [sJ). In the M.K. the T ~@ appears to have been the chief
official of a town, for the Eloquent Peasant speaks of !I : : ~ @:it~ metaphorically in the sense
of that which is without its guiding principle (Peasant, B I, 189-190).
299 These are not mentioned in the tombs of the nomarchs, as far as I know, though TTT of much
the same status are represented in scenes where TTTIIIJ 'and TT i
~~, and TT T
are found in the Mem-
phite reliefs, being brought forward to be taxed (Sh. Said, pI. 16, Dyn. V; Meir 4, pI. 15, Dyn. VI). At
Qasr es-Sayyad the TT ~ ~:it i :it:it
are listed among those who bring offerings to the nomarch
(Kemi 6, 103; cf. Meir 5, pI. 29). The phrase ~ IIIJ <:> ~ @@@ 0 "from his estates and from his
towns" (see above, p. 11, note 53) is not evidenced in nomes clther, though ~ @@@ ~ occurs in
Meir 5, pIs. 29, 41. It is difficult to say whether there is any special significance in the apparent
absence of these uses of T ~ and IIIJ
in the provinces.
300 Several sons of a nomarch who is himself T ~ may have this title. See Gebr. I, pIs. 3 and 15;

three sons of 'Ibl are T~, including [)'w, the eldest; at least four sons of the latter hold this title
(Gebr.2, pIs. 9, 10). ASAE 8, p. 152 (Smolenski), cf. PSBA, 21, P.3I and plan 6 (Broderick and
Morton): Seven offering-bearers are represented beneath the owner, who sits at an offering table;
their names identify them as his sons. Apparently the titles, each group including T~, are preserved
for only three of these figures, for Broderick and Morton mark each of the bearers "c" and designate
the adscription by "CCC."
301 One of the younger sons, however, of the post-Sixth Dynasty nomarch Sn-nrjsw-i has the titles

"M '" ~ V sic

~ ~[=)~ ; see p. 164, below.
74 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
duties in the nomes refer directly to the Residence (Urk. I, 28I.II; 285.2). J>.lr of Edfu,
whose title:t has been attributed to his many years of service at the Residence (above, p. 70),
is a case in point; he is ~ 'i ~:t.: "overseer of all commissions ofthe king" (ibid., 253.8),
and this, office presumably would also refer to his service at Memphis. The few other
occurrences-almost all of them from V.E. nomes 8-12-have been cited earlier.
The Fifth Dynasty title that best qualifies for the translation "nomarch" is :::'
literally "leader of the land"; early in the Sixth Dynasty the term 90, which is found
earlier in the Pyramid Texts803 and in the titles J@. J ~ and J @ ~ ,304 is newly +
employed to designate a nomarch.805 In the formal titulary of an official the title is embel-
lished with the adjective "great," however, and to this the word "nome" or the nome
emblem is appended. The phrase ~ is restricted to this use until Dyn. XI, from which
time onward it appears in a variety of titles (]AOS 74, p. 30, n. 38). The term ®' on the
contrary, is sufficiently common during the Old Kingdom in combination with various
titles that its regular use independently, as a less formal designation for "nomarch," may
well have escaped notice. On the one hand, no other term is known to have been used in Dyn.
VI, and for some time thereafter, to refer to the nomarch outside of the formal titulary, i.e.
in most cases where a name does not follow. And on the other hand, ltry-tp (without (I)
is exemplified in the following cases: (a) when a nomarch refers to his own office (here
ltry-tp (I is also used); (b) when he refers to his predecessors; (c) when he refers to the
nomarchs of other nomes; (d) when the nomarch(s) of a certain nome is/are referred to
by someone else. 806
But it is the longer and more formal title that commands greater interest here, for the
writing exhibits slight but significant variations. Nomes 2, 4, 6, 7 all write ~ - ~
"great overlord of the nome" almost without exception in Dyns. VI-VIII.307 J>.lr of Edfu

The title ~ 7 ~! 1~*~~~I is known during the M.K. (Beni Hasan I, pI. 7; see above,
note 263). Otherwise there are no M.K. titles with }!:, at Meir, Beni Hasan, or Bersha. In Lange-
Schafer there may be found a few titles with ~ but none preceded by ~ -=: 20015, 20441, 20667.
302 For the title ~ -= ':i. ~::: ~ -- at the Residence,' see above, note 270. For an ~ ~
who is probably later (Dyn. VI) see ASAE 35, 134. Also Mon./un. Pepi n, 2, pI. 72; Urk. I, I90.IB.
303 E.g. Pyr. IBn (W, N) where 'nljty is "overlord of his !Pl.wt"; Pyr. 644e (T, N), Horus is "over-
lord of his people (ray.t)." 304 Wb. 3, 395.9.
305 One of the earliest nomarchs to be called a great "overlord" is >1si of Edfu, who received various
offices under Isesi, Unis, and Tety. One might conclude from the remnants of his damaged biography
that he became "great overlord" in the reign of Tety, since this title is mentioned last, after a list of
titles acquired in Tety's reign, and in a passage that appears to concern "[the majesty of] this god,"
i.e. Tety (Fouilles Ed/ou 1933, p. 22; cf. Edel, Az 59, 13). His son lflr was placed in Edfu as "great
overlord" by Merenre (Urk. I, 254.3-4). >Ibi of Deir el Gebrawi became "great overlord" of nome 12
in the same reign (ibid., 142.10), but he possibly received the governorship of nome B earlier, under
Pepy I.
308 (a) Urk. 1,77.15; 254.3, 4; for the use of J:try-tp 'I see Foutlles Ed/ou 1933, p. 22; Urk. I, 142.10;
253+ (b) ibid., 254.10; MO'alla, 113 2-3. (c) Urk. I, 254.1, 6; 76.6 (the last is a doubtful case; Se the
restores !..} [0 ~ } ~] ~ ~ , which would be possible if the sign ~ were vertical. (d) Urk. I,
2Bo.I6; 151.10; 294.16; 2BI.II; MMA 65.107, line 6 (AJSL 3 B, p. 55).
I am inclined to think that, when it is used alone, J:try-tp may be translated "nomarch" in all cases
in Dyn. VI and later, prior to Dyn. XI. Urk. I, I34.II is perhaps an exception, but it is by no means
certain that ~ ~ ~ ~ }" is not "overlords of Upper Egypt"; cf. ibid. 254.6; 306.9; I02.4-5. The
same conclusions have been presented in JAGS 76, 103-104. Cf. also p. 20 above.
307 Nome I Aswan >Ji-sml (see note 279 above).
2 Edfu. >Isi, Fouilles Ed/ou 1933, pp. 22,24 .
./fIr, Urk. I, 252.8; 253.13.
4 Thebes. >Jlzy, ASAE 4, pp. 98,99.
Ijnti (son of >Ifly), tomb 405, ARCE Newsletter no. 25 (July 1957), pp. 3-4.
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI 75
once terminates an offering formula with ~ 'f;:t 8\0 ~ I ~ m:s
"in his office of great
overlord of Wlst-IJr" (Urk. I, 253.4), mentioning the nome by name instead of replacing
it by the customary ~. The inscriptions of IJ Ir himself conform to the normal
usage at least three times to this one exception, however (ibid., 252.8, 14; 253.13).
Eventually, during the Heracleopolitan Period, the form -=- 91li _ II!IIE3 becomes stan-
I Co

dardized into ~ - +nome emblem, which is then uniformly adopted throughout Upper
In the Thinite Nome (V.E. 8) Imrry, who probably decorated his tomb towards the end
of the Eighth Dynasty, writes his title both [~ - ~309 and ~! ~ ~ ,310 the latter being
a curious amalgam of the two usages. Another Thinite nomarch and general who is perhaps
even later follows the older tradition yet more closely; he is ~ ~ ~ .311 And a nomarch
of this province who may be as early as the end of Dyn. VIII writes 91li ~ p12
There is relatively little evidence for this difference in usage north of U.E. 8, but every
indication that is available points to the use of a specific emblem in place of the word
"nome." At Akhmim (V.E. 9) the writing is generally ~ --. ~, but it is uncertain that
any of the examples are as early as the Old Kingdom. 3l3 One nomarch who styles himself
~-t, omitting the usual Cl, may well belong to the Sixth Dynasty, however.3l4 At Deir
el Gebrawi (V.E.12) the title is ;£!~, but the three nomarchs who definitely antedate
the Sixth Dynasty are great overlords of a second nome (V.E. 8), so that the emblem
would probably have been specified in any event.315 Two clearer cases are a Sixth Dynasty
nomarch at Meir who is 91li --. .J.. ~ .317
J 316 and one at Sheikh Said who is 91li
-0-=:::> ~r
A few occurrences of this title are known from Saqqara, and in each of these cases the
nome is also specified ;318 in other words, the form ~ --. ~ is entirely confined to the
N ome 6 Dendera. P D, passim.
7 Qasr es-Sayyad. TIWti, Kemi 6, pp. lOO, 103, 108.
91li 'Idw, ibid., pp. Ill, 113, 125.
The title _ ~, which is claimed by [}Iti of U.E. 7, is a doubtful exception, for it may be explained
either by the possibility that the inscription in question came from Abydos or by the probability that
the date is later than that of the custom in question (Berlin 7765; see JARCE I, g-IO, 16-17, fig. 4
and pI. 3). The latter explanation would definitely apply to the ~ ~~ Wsr whose stela was found
at Khozam (Cairo Cat. 1442; see Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, 40-47).
308 E.g.: Miiller, Elephantine, fig. 5 (Nome I); Fouilles Edfou Ig32, fig. I, p. 2 (Nome 2); Cairo Cat.
404 (No me 3); Cairo 2000g (Nome 4); for nomes 5 and 7 see preceding notes.
309 Tomb N 248, east wall; Peck, Decorated Tombs, pI. 3 and p. 56.
310 Tomb N 248, west wall; ibid., pI. 5 and p. 70.
3ll Tomb SF 18: headrest MFA 13.3531 (cf. jNES 21, p. 51, n. 6).
312 Iflgi, tomb N. 8g; JAGS 74, p. 33, n. 64.
313 LAAA 4, no. 12, p. 108, nos. 24-27, pp. 114-119. Among the details that favor a later date,
note that no. 12 writes imywt with the determinative ~ and adds plural strokes to imy-r (imw-nlr;
no. 26 sometimes adds the epithet ilfr to the owner's name. As Newberry points out, no. 25 is clearly
Middle Kingdom. For the date of no. 27 cf. Kees, Prov. Verw. I, p. log, n. 2.
814 Florence 7584; Stele egiziane I, no. 4. For the omission of <I cf. the nomarch of U.E. 7 mentioned
in note 307 above.
315 'Ibl, [}<w, and a second [}<w, Gebr., passim. Their successors, all of whom use the same writing,
are 'Isi (Gebr. 2, pIs. 18, 21), Hnlfw (ibid., pIs. 25, 26), Htti (ibid., pI. 28); in the last case the emblem
is once omitted.
818 Meir 5, pIs. 26, 27. Technically this emblem should represent both U.E. 13 and 14, since p(iyt
is not added, but it is nonetheless probable that it merely refers to the local nome. One might compare
two references to ~ (U.E. 20, 21) dating to Dyns. VI and XI respectively (Urk. I, 207.3 and jNES
Ig, 258, line I); in the first of these cases, and very likely the second also, only one of this pair of
nomes was intended.
317 Wiw, Sh. Said, pIs. 21, 24.
318 E.g. the titles of Ggi and IJwi-blwy (JAGS 74, pp. 29-32); 'Iri (Jequier, Deux pyrs., fig. 30,
p. 41; cf. AZ go, 41).
Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
southernmost nomes in the Sixth Dynasty, and in all cases it has local reference. It is
not surprising that the one case where the forms with IIIH!Il and nome emblem are com-
pounded should come from Nome 8, just where the geographical division in the usage
occurs. The use of the direct genitive in the examples from Nomes 12 and IS, as well as
some from Nome 8, again differs from the later standard writing. 319
To conclude this discussion of the three basic subdivisions of Vpper Egypt, it may be
useful to note a few other peculiarities that distinguish the monuments of the southernmost
nomes-including Dendera-from those of their neighbors. In each of these cases the
nome of Abydos again constitutes the boundary between the differences in usage.
Sixth Dynasty private monuments of V.E. nomes 4, 5, 6, and 7 show a feature that can
scarcely be attested elsewhere; they introduce the owner's name with the words rn.f njr,
"his good name," while the other name is omitted. 320 This practice is particularly common
at Dendera and the two nomes south of it. Elsewhere, both names are given when the
phrase rn.f njr precedes the "good name." At Edfu (V.E. 2) the nomarch J>.lr exhibits
this normal usage, as might perhaps be expected in view of the Memphite influence
mentioned earlier.321 Aswan (V.E. I) equally predictably follows the normal pattern,322
as does Abydos in Nome 8323 and Akhmim in Nome 9. 324 Evidently the phenomenon in
question is almost entirely limited to a brief span of time within the reign of Pepy n.
For this reason, the cases of normal usage elsewhere are less conclusively significant than
those showing the exceptional usage, since the normal cases may antedate or postdate the
brief period when the exceptional usage prevailed. Inasmuch as no examples of this
distinctive feature have been found north of Nome 7, however, it is likely that we have
the same division between north and south that is indicated for the writing of J:try-tp (I.
Clere has noted two details in the stelae of Naga ed-Deir (V.E. 8) that suggest that, in
the years following the Old Kingdom, the Thinite nome maintained its pivotal status


points out in Hatnub, p. 13, n. 3, that the inscription of a ~ = ,;

See Bersheh and Hatnub, passim, for the use of the standard M.K. writing in nome 15. Anthes
~ which Sethe connects with
an inscription dated to Pepy I (Urk. I, 95-96) is actually to be separated from the latter (Hatnub
Inschr. In and X). The date of this "great overlord" is probably Heracleopolitan Period (ibid., p. 14).
A similarly titled nomarch (ibid. Inschr. IX) also appears to be later than the Old Kingdom.
320 Nome 4 Thebes. 'Ifty, ASAE 4,97-99.
ljnty (son of ' Ifty); cf. note 307 above.
5 Naqada. Iftp-nb.i, Coptite Nome, no. 2.
Htti, ibid., no. 4.
'Iwt, ibid., no. 7.
5 Zawayda. 'Ini-kl.f, ibid., no. 8.
Ifnti, ibid., no. 9. ,
6 Dendera. The examples here antedate Snnl, who reverts to the usual procedure:
Tlwti (other than TlwtijRsi), E 1";749.
'Idw I, D 6705.
Sbt-fttP, PD, pI. 6, It2.
, Idw II, pI. 6, rb2.
Wti, D IOn.
Bbi, PD, pI. 11, It.
(Sn!im-ib [Fisher 8:230] belongs to this group in other respects, but has the
normal usage).
7 Qasr es-Sayyad. LD, 114e (probably later than the preceding).
Cf. Wb.2, Belegst. 428.6, which cites three O.K. examples-two from PD and one from Sh. Said
(pI. 28). The latter is not quite the same as the cases presented here, however, for the "good name"
in question occurs at the end of one of the outer jambs of a false door, and is paired with the other
name, which is given on the side opposite (as well as in the columns preceding it).
321 Urk. I, 253.8.
322 Ibid., 135.7, and the jar inscription quoted in note 279 above.
823 E.g. Mar. Mon. d'Abydos, no. 525 (Cairo Cat. 1578); 526 (Cairo Cat. 1575), no. 540 (Cairo Cat. 1576).
824 E.g. LAAA 4, pp. 102 if.: nos. 2, 5, 9, 24.
B. Provincial Administration of Dynasty VI 77
between the areas immediately to the north and south of it. The first detail concerns the
types of attitudes that occur in the representation of the small cupbearer that is so
common during the Heracleopolitan Period. Of the five attitudes that are distinguished
(Rev. d'Eg. 7, pp. 25-26), type I is known in Nomes 10 and 8; U-IlI in 8 and 6; IV
virtually never in 8, but sometimes in 6; V virtually never in 8, but often in 6, 4, and 3.
The second detail (ibid., 30-31) is a writing of /b.t "family" in a form peculiar to Nomes 8,
13 (Asyut), and 14 (Bersha): ~ J m~ ~ i·
To anticipate the discussions of palaeography in the following chapters, it may also be
pointed out that some of the hieroglyphs that depart from the traditional forms turn up
sporadically at Naga ed-Deir and Hagarsa; on the other hand the sign ~, which appears
in place of ~325 in inscriptions of Nomes 3, 4, 5, and 6 during the Intermediate Period,
is scarcely known as far north as the Thinite Nome. 326 And the use of t t for -+ -+ is still
more narrowly restricted to nomes 4, 5, and 6 only.327
Wolfgang Schenkel has compared the phraseology of various localities with rather
similar results; on the basis of this evidence the nome of Abydos again emerges as the
boundary between the middle nomes and those further upstream, but shows greater
affinity to the south than to the north. 328
In brief, the area to which Dendera belonged was sufficiently remote from the royal
residence to have developed traditions of its own from the Sixth Dynasty onward; these
differences are slight in themselves, but symptomatic. To its north and south, the admin-
sitrative cent er of Abydos and the trade center of Aswan maintained more continual
contact with the northern capital, but between them, in the midst of this most provincial
sector of Egypt, lay the seed of the Theban rebellion.
325 Dendera: PD, pI. 8 C, after wnm, mslji; pI. 11 A, rb3, after db{t; pI. 7 A, br, after swr. The last
example is Dyn. XI; but the seated figure is more usual at Dendera in Dyn. XI, and occurs there
as follows: pI. 12, trz, after wnm; pI. 11 C, Ib2, after db{t; D 3128, lines 5,6, after db{t.
Coptos: Urk. I, 298.5, after sir. One of the Dyn. VIII decrees.
Moalla: Mo'alla IV 16, after wnm; IV 4, 10, 16, 17-18, after {tkr; III 10, after swh!. The seated
figure occurs once, I~ 3, after sgr.
Gebelein: BM 1671, line 4 after {t~r, line 5, after srfJ (lEA 16, 195; cf. Vandier, Famine, 107).
At Thebes j occurs occasionally during Dyn. XI: Ch'~re-Vandier, no. 27 YY 2, after wnm; no. 32.11,
after the epithet i~r ml' fJrw; Moscow 4071, Pamyatniki Muzeya ... Alexandra Ill, pI. I (Dra abu'l
Negga), line 3 after wnm (but not after wnm in line 6). The seated figure is more common at this site
and period.
At Meir (U.E. 14) there is an example of ~ after wnm (Meir 5, pI. 22), but this is an isolated Sixth
Dynasty occurrence, definitely earlier than the cases under discussion, and it is probably influenced
by ~ j in the same register. Elsewhere in the same tomb the normal + ~ and ~ j are used (pI. 30
and photograph on pI. 58 [I]; pI. 42). For other Sixth Dynasty occurrences of ~ j see below, p. 89
An example may also be found in Hammamat (Hamm., inscr. 47), but this is much later, dating

to the reign of Sesostris Ill.
328 The seated figure appears once after the verb gr "be silent" on an Intermediate Period stela in

Toledo, Ohio; the name is ~(sic; cf. Rev. d'Eg. 7, 30). It appears after the verbs wnm and sq,d
in BM 1059 (Hier. Texts 3, pI. 32; cf. Rev. d'Eg. 7, 19). It may be noted further that ~ j, ~~, and
~ ~ appear at Naga ed-Deir, but not ~ 1i(cf. note 340 below). The only exception that I know of
is the writing ~ ~ ~ in Cairo J. d'E. 48032 (overlooked by Wainwright in ASAE 25, 166; cf. the
standing woman instead of ~ in the same inscription).
For Hagarsa see Athr., pI. 6, line 7, after [n]m' "be biased," and after is ssn "one who ties a thread
(of discourse ?)" cf. PD, pI. 15, left, line 13: ls.n.i gmt.t.n.t:;: LI ~ "I tied that which I found pulled
apart." The sign ~ perhaps occurs also after Mr "one who was hungry," (line 9) though ~ may have
been intended here.
327 Coptite Nome, p. 55.
328 Schenkel, Fruhmitteliig. Studien, pp. 124-130.
Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
C. Palaeographic and Epigraphic Indications for Dating.

Towards the end of Dyn. VI and later, the Dendera inscriptions show several deviations
from earlier Old Kingdom traditions in regard to the use, arrangement, and forms of
hieroglyphs. These changes, along with a few other criteria, indicate a marked division
between the Sixth Dynasty)Idw group, so named from the chief personage of his period,
and the post-Sixth Dynasty Mrri group, similarly named for an important official of
whom we have abundant evidence. Between these two there is also evidence for a lesser
"transitional group," with inscriptions that employ both older and later forms in varying
The chart that illustrates many of these changes (Fig. IS) has been left in its original
form, with some additions that were previously discussed in the text, but not shown here.
The individuals named at the left will presently be discussed in the same order that is
there indicated; I no longer believe, however, that this evidence is of value in establishing
the priority of the first two individuals and, as the following section will demonstrate,
there is good reason to think they are as late as the early Heracleopolitan Period.
The changes that seem most significant for assigning individual inscriptions to the
aforementioned groups will now be described in turn. Unless Dendera is specifically
mentioned, the term "Old Kingdom" as used in these descriptions generally refers to the
Memphite cemeteries, while "Dyn. XI" and "Middle Kingdom" refer to other sites
beyond the Denderite nome, such as Abydos and Thebes.329
(I) The sign @ changes to 0, from a diagonal to a horizontal-vertical cross; once
established, the second form rarely reverts to the first in all the Dendera material; the

329 It should be emphasized that the selection of the hieroglyphs has been determined by their
value as criteria for dating. The object is not to illustrate all the more distinctive and characteristic
signs ofthe Mrri group; these are discussed below, on pp. 134 ff.. The references for each example in the
chart are as follows:
Mni: (I) PD, pIs. z, r2t3, z A, tr. (z) pI. 4. (3) pI. z A, t3r3 (apparently lacks beard in one case,
pI. z A, lb, line z, but the beard is present in lines I and 3 of the same inscription; also in pI. 3, lb).
(4) pI. z, rt3. (S) pI. z A, r2tz. (6) pI. z A, rbz. (7) pI. z A, tr. (8) pI. z A, t3r3. (g) pI. Z, t3r2; pI. 3, It.
(IQ) pI. z, r2t3. (Il) pI. z A, rt. (IZ) pI. z, rztz. (13) pI. I. (14) pI. z, rtz. (IS) ~ pI. z A, ItS; g; pIs.
I, z, rtz, 3. (16) pI. I. (17) pIs. z A, lb, 3.
Ilwti-Rsi: (I) pI. 7, br. (3) pI. 7, lb. (4) pI. 7, lb. (6) pI. 7, lb. (8) pI. 7, rb3· (g) pI. 7, rb3· (10) pI. 7,
rb3. (Il) pI. 7, rb. (13) Univ. Mus. E 160zo. (16) E 160zo. (17) pI. 7, rb3 and lb.
, J dw I: (I) D 670S. (z) pI. 6, rt4. (3) pI. 6, It. (4) pI. S A. (6) pI. S A, bz. (7) pI. 6, rt4. (8) pI. 6, rt4.
(g) D 670S. (Il) D 670S. (IZ) pI. 6, rzt4. (13) D 670S. (16) D 670S. (17) D 670S.
'Jdw II: (I) pI. 6, rts. (z) pI. 6, t8rz. (3) pI. 6, bZr2. (4) pI. 6, rbz. (S) pI. 6, b4rz. (6) pI. 6, rbz. (7)
pI. 6, rt7. (8) pI. 6, bZr2. (g) pI. 6, rt7. (10) pI. 6, rzt8. (12) pI. ..6, rt6. (14) pI. 6, rtS. (IS) pI. 6, rts.
Tomb 770: (I) pI. Il A, It3. (3) pI. 11, trz. (4) pI. 11 A, rt6. (S) pI. Il A, rt3. (6) pI. Il A, rt6. (7)
pI. Il, It. (8) pI. 13, center. (g) pI. 11 A, It., trz. (Il) pI. 11 A, trz. (IZ) pI. Il A, rtz. (13) pI. Il, It. (14)
pI. Il, It. (IS) pI. Il, It. (16) pI. 11, It. (17) pI. Il, It.
D S448: (I, z, 7, g, 10, IZ, 17).
Nfr-ssm-Ppy: (I) pI. 7, ltz. (z) pI. 7 A, rt6. (3) pI. 7 A, rt3. (S) pI. 7 A, rt3. (7) pI. 7 A, rt6. (8) pI.
7 A, tr. (g) pI. 7 A, lzt4. (IQ) pI. 7 A, rt8. (Il) pI. 7 A, rtg, lztz; Bolton stela has the normal form.
(IZ) pI. 7 A, lztS (13) pI. 7 A, rzbs. (14) pI. 7, ltz. (IS) pI. 7, ltz. (16) a contemporaneous stela from the
same tomb: pI. 7, lzbz = 13, It. (17) pI. 7, ltz.
Mrri: (I) pIs. 8, It; 8, bl; 8 A. (z) pI. 8, lb. (3) pI. 8, rb. (4) pI. 8, t. (S) pI. 8, t. (6) pI. 8, t. (7) pI.
8 C, lt4. (8) pI. 8 C, bsrz. (g) pI. 8, rtS. (10) pI. 8 C, rb4. (11) pI. 8, brz. (IZ) pI. 8 B, tr. (13) pI. 8 C,
rzt3. (14) pI. 8 C, rt4. (IS) pI. 8 A. (16) pI. 8 B, 13t. (17) pI. 8 B, 13t.
Sn-ntjsw-i: (I) pIs. g, t; 10, It. (z) pI. 10, rtz (exceptional; also occurs in pI. 10, ltz, but I'l in
center of pI. g, t, and in pI. 10 A, rt3; I'l in pI. 10 A, tr); 10, ltz. (3) pI. g, t. (4) pI. 10, lbz. (S) pI. 10,
rtz. (6) pI. 10, rtz; (in !lsnt) (and ~ pI. 10 A, rztz). (7) pI. 10, rtz. (8) pI. 10, Itz; pI. 10 A, trz. (g)
pI. 10, rtz. (10) pI. g, top. (Il) pI. 10, rtz. (IZ) pI. g, lb. (13) pI. g, top. (14) pI. 10, It. (IS) pI. 10, It.
(16) pI. g, t. (17) pI. g, t.
C. Palaeographic and Epigraphic Indications for Dating 79
clearest of the exceptions are Dyn. XI.330 The first form is usual in the Old Kingdom,
though a few scattered examples can be found of the second. 331 It is usual in the Middle
Kingdom too, but the second form occurs also332 and in Dyn. XI it is fairly common.333
(2) ILl changes to ["J, with a long tail; at Dendera the second form is limited to the
group occupying the lower half of the chart, and does not occur thereafter. The first form
is usual in both the Old Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom, with sporadic occurrences of
the second. 334
(3) The beard that normally appears in the sign I'il is lacking from Mrrl on and occurs
again only in a few cases of the Eleventh Dynasty.335 In the Old Kingdom and Middle
Kingdom the beard is usually present, but in Dyn. XI it is as often omitted as it is
present. 336
(4) The determinative for lJrst is originally e: (a coffin), as is usual in the Old Kingdom;
this gives way to JID (which represents m#p.t, a sledge with a coffin on it).337 The latter
sign is used with ~rs at Qasr es-Sayyad as early as it is at Dendera, or perhaps slightly
earlier (Kemi 6, p. 129). At Naqada the fonn Jm
is related to the transitional IHI, which
also occurs at the same site (Captite Name, p. 9) and in Dendera tomb 770. At other places
the coffin continues to be replaced by the m#pt-sledge until the end of Dyn. XI,338 although
the earlier alternative is generally resumed thereafter.
(5) The seated man undergoes a curious change. The older writing is 1ft, with both
arms bent, and with the toe of one foot showing behind. Later one ann is dropped at the
side (Jfo), as in the determinative of the man with a hand to his mouth (~),339
whereas the latter determinative is distinguished by being represented standing (~)
instead of seated (see page 77), a usage perhaps derived from Q1, vars. Qj}, Q~.340

Mri-Pt{1: (I) pI. 13, tr2. (2) pI. 10 A, rb4. (3) pI. 10, lb. (4) pI. 13, tr2 (and pI. IQ A). (5) pI. 10 A,
rb. (6) pI. 13, tr2. (7) pI. 10 A, b413. (9) pI. 10 A, It6. (12) pI. 10 A, b5, left of center. (13) pI. 10 A.
Ib3. (17) pI. 13, tr2.
lftpi: (I) pI. 11, r2t2. (4) pI. 11, r2t2. (5) pI. 11, r2t2; pI. 11 B, It (twice 1ft, once ~). (6) pI. 11,
r2t2. (11) pI. 11, r2t2. (12) pI. 11 B, It.
330 Two such exceptions are Nbtw, PD. pI. 11 (lb), and lfnw, pI. 11 (br2), both Dyn. XI.
331 Junker, Gtza 8, figs. 66. p. 141 and 70, p. 145; Gtza 9, fig. 21, p. 55, all probably Dyn. VI. Also
Captite Name, no. 3, perhaps slightly later.
332 Florence 1774 (Stele egiziane, no. 18); Louvre C 4 (copy of CU~re, as also the next); Louvre C 11;
C 12 (Khendjer); C 13; Dryoff-Portner, Miinchen, pI. 2, no. 3; pI. 4, no. 5; Hamm. pI. 14, Inscr.47;
Meir 2, pI. 6.
333 Clere-Vandier, nos. 20 (mostly, but also @). 24, 25, 27 (mostly, but also @); Berlin 1197; Hamm .•
pI. 31, Inscr. 114. A few Intermediate Period examples from Naga ed-Deir in Dunham, Stelae: e.g.
nos. 21, 38.
334 Hamm. Inscr. 69, pI. 17 (Dyn. VI); Bersheh, 2 pI. 13, col. 24 (also ILl in col. 11; Early
335 PD, pI. 15 (left). This detail is most evident in lines 11, 13. and 14. Also D 860 which, on the
basis of other palaeographical details, is to be dated as late as Dyn. XI.
336 The following examples are to be found in Clere-Vandier. Beard absent: 19, 22. 33 (Dyn. XI)
and 3,4,10 (Naqada), 13. Beard present: 16. 20, 24, 28p (Dyn. XI) and I, 6, 7, 8, 11. Both: 17,27,
32 (Dyn. XI) and 9 (Naqada), 14. The beard is sporadically absent on the Naga ed-Deir stelae: e.g.
Dunham's 5, 21, 61, 62, 78, 84; regularly in the tomb of Mry at Hagarsa, Athr. pIs. 6, 7.
337 Gebr. 2, pI. 7 (Dyn. VI). In the same tomb (pI. 13) t=:l is the determinative for IJrsw. For the
form of the sledge in greater detail, see ibid., pI. 7 and voI. I, pI. 10.
338 Clere-Vandier, 27E, T, tp; 33, line I. Bersheh 2, pI. 17. Akhmim coffins: Cairo Cat. 28001-28009,
28014. 2801 5.
338 The form ~ occurs once out of four cases in Mni's inscriptions (pI. 2 A, lb); see below, p. 89 (I2).

840 For Qi and Q ~ at Dendera, see below, p.89 (11). The variant Q~ occurs at Giza as early
as the reign of Pepy I (Urk. I, 217.15, 218.15) and at Hammamat (Q 1ft ibid., 149.16) and Naga ed-
Deir (Q ~ Lutz, Steles. nos. 21, 44). Frequent in the M.K.; e.g., at Abydos: (Dyn. XI) Courtiers,
pIs. 22-23; (Sesostris I) Sotheby Cat. 54 (Dec. I. 1930), pI. I; (Sesostris Ill) Rio de Jan. 2419, Archivos
80 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
I 4 5 6 7 8

Mni @ @fj] @
~ ~ ~ A tJC7
'llu)lll/R'i @ ® l88BJ
DD ~ /'=7 ID
'Idw I
~ m <El ,
~ f 1[ Zii ~

'Id", II
® m <a 2 1k ~ d tfZ:i&J ~

Tomb 770 (3 \Si m~ ~ Il ~ ~

v JI
~ [0l] ~
"'. J[

~ e t )1 ~ }[

@ID ~ ~'!o~

It ~ ~ /l ~ 11
(6) [illi]@1] ~ S ~ ~ d !7=7 ~

~ ~ ~ A
MTY'P/~ @
~ (j) ~

If/pi ("Beb,m")
© a Fig. 15
~ ~
The toe of one foot does not show behind ~, for now both knees are tucked up in front
instead of one. The second of these new features persists into Dyn. XI at Dendera,
apparently without exception, and it is common elsewhere. 341 The other feature (one arm
dropped at side) is infrequent later than the group represented by the lower part of the

do Museu Nac .• 25. p. 330. Since i

is sometimes replaced by ~. it is not surprising that ~ be-
comes ~.
au Eleventh Dynasty: Lutz. Steles. pI. 34. no. 66; Berlin 1197. line 3; Winlock. M.K. at Thebes.
pI. 2 (M/'ty). pI. 4 (lower text); Roumiantseff Museum 18 17 fIll 78 (Clere-Vandier. no. 17); D.
el B. Dyn. XI 2. pI. 9 (top center); many other cases. Intermediate Period: nearly all the Naga
ed-Deir stelae; e.g. Dunham. Stelae. nos. 2. 18. 53. 60.; many examples in Lutz.
c. Palaeographic and Epigraphic Indications for Dating 8r
10 11 12

13 14

t '(

fi] ~~ D n

R ~ p ~o Q

ns ~~1 mQ
~ if~0
~ y 5~
~ ~?

~oo 0

At c;J7 ~ 11
i]b y 6T
~o ~ ~4Z+ ~ II
A 7 t:Jt:
ft ~ 3i2t
~~~B ~ stela of Slb.s-i
A ~ ~
~£8() ;4 l<lc{f ~ j
/V ,,-, ~6e~ ;:iJP
~a~(5 ~ {t'<le} ~ n
;:J? G)~
~6 ~
~ ~?
Fig. IS

chart ;342 towards Dyn. XI at Dendera, the arm that hangs at the side may be merged
into the body (~) so that it is not seen at all,343 or (more frequently) both arms may be

8&2 The clear cases of ~ for the seated man det., besides those shown on the chart, are: PD, pI. 12,

tr2 (> Inl-lt./-i); pI. IS, b3r3; D 842. The last two are probably not far from Mrrl in date, especially
the one on pI. IS; also (to a modmed extent: i) two stelae of later date in Appendix B, nos. 2 and 3
(N/r-lw and Snnl) and examples at Naga ed-Deir that probably belong to the very end of the Old King-
dom (Lutz, Steles, no. 18, Dunham, Stelae, nos. 12,75; cf. Schenkel, Friihmitteliig. Studien, 98 [Gruppe
BJ). For further examples in a Dyn. XI Theban inscription, see ]NES 19, 267 (y); here, as in a Deir el
Ballas inscription of only slightly earlier date within the same period, Captite Name, 115 (i), {J} also
occurs in place of li:D. Consisten.tly in Mry's inscription, Athr., pI. 6; Sethe's copy, Urk. 1,267, wrongly
substitutes the normal form in some cases.
343 In PD: Iftpi, pI. liB, It3; >Inl-lt./-i, pI. 11 C, left center; Kd-lnl, pI. 7 A, b12.

82 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
omitted (a).344 Note that the seated man occurs in the fonn ~ several times in the
Dyn. VI inscription of $!bnl at Elephantine.345
The signs ~ and \.jj exhibit similar changes, though to a lesser degree. In only four Dendera
inscriptions does the seated woman determinative deviate noticeably from the usual form;
Mrl-PtJ:t and >Inl-it.f-l(PD, pIs. loA, 12) show the arms of the woman (in the group ii);
in both cases one arm hangs straight down as in the case of the man. Rdl-wl-lJnmw and
D 5734 show one arm (or two merged together?).346 At several other places it is rather
characteristic of post-Sixth Dynasty times, and on into the Eleventh Dynasty, that the
anns of the seated woman are indicated, though these other places do not make one of
the anns hang straight down.347 The "beating man" ~ is apparently influenced by the
fonn of ~ in the inscriptions of Mrrl and his successors, where it appears as }}.348
(6) The nonnal Old Kingdom form of l (e.g. Tl, pI. 135) has one projection at the
bottom; the later form has two long projections (~). Something of the sort is found at
Qasr es-Sayyad and Naqada (same examples cited above, no. 4).349
(7) In the later examples the feet of the ~, the! sign, do not extend beyond the hind-
most leg. This feature is also common elsewhere in the late Old Kingdom, the Intennediate
Period, and Dyn. Xl,350 Caroline Peck has called attention to the fact that this form of the
sign often has a rounded head, a peculiarity which also appears in the late Sixth and the
Eighth Dynasty Coptos decrees (although the feet are normal).351
(8) The handle of =" lengthens, and (more important) the shape of the bowl narrows off
at the end the handle is on: =;.. I have observed few clear cases of this peculiarity elsewhere
(Clere-Vandier, § 4.8), and it is not conspicuous at Dendera except in Mrrl's period.
(9) The base of lil, originally wider than the top, gradually assumes about the same
width (D) ;352 Old Kingdom examples of this are to be found at Giza. 353 The Mnl variant
with round bottom ([J) is otherwise rare at Dendera. 354
(10) The usual form f\ becomes .{\ ; the shape of the looped end is similar to the bottom
of several of Mrrl's signs (see below, p. 134). The forked tail is found frequently elsewhere
at the end of the Old Kingdom and later.35s It is common in Dyn. Xl,356
344 In PD: Bbi II. pI. 7 A. br2; pI. 11. rt2; Nbtw. pI. 11. lb. Ijnw. pI. 11. br2. D 6062. D 3030,
D 3128. E 16801. D 4506. See also Coptite Nome. p. 99.
34. Several (8) cases towards the end of Slbnl's inscription. Urk. I. pp. 139-140; this dates to the
reign of Pepy Il. whose pyramid is mentioned by name. ibid .• 140.10.
348 The Dendera cases of i: Mri-Ptb. pI. 10 A. left. towards center. t7; 'Ini-it.f-i. pI. 12. tr2.
Examples of 11: Rdi-wi-lJnmw. pI. 15. 1. lines 7. 8 etc; D 5734.
347 Later Coptos decrees. Urk. I. 298.2. 4; 303.7. 8 (the earlier Coptos decrees have the normal
form: ibid .• 294.5; 295+) Naga ed-Deir: Dunham. nos. 55. 73. 78; Lutz. no. 28; ASAE 25. p. 166.
Toledo Mus. stela of Ssn-nbt. Thebes: Ch~re-Vandier. nos. 7. 9 (Naqada). 14. Gebelein: BM 1671.
Mo'alla. IV. 7; V y. 3.
348 PD. pIs. 8. t. 8 C. br. 10. It2. 10 A. lt5. 15. b3r3; cf. Gardiner's sign list. A 25 (~).
349 Also Dunham. Stelae. no. 18. but not 63.
3.0 Clere-Vandier. nos. 2. 3. 6 (Naqada). 7. 18-19. 20. 22. 23. 26. 33. Nos. 8 (Naqada). 10. 25. 27,
28. 31 show t he feet behind the legs; nos. 15 (Naqada) and 16 have both forms. Examples of the
abnormal form among the Naga ed-Deir stelae: Dunham. nos. 60. 63; Lutz. Steles. no. 18. Also Coptite
Nome. nos. I. 2 (5). 6.
3.1 Decorated Tombs. p. 25; the cases cited from the Pyramid Texts in Pyr. Oudjebten. pIs. 10-II do
not seem very dependable (as Dr. Peck concedes). for the normal form predominates.
3.2 Other cases: PD. pI. 13 (center: "Hotepa"). pI. 11 B. r2t3. Both later. For the sign X. see
p. 120 and note 520.
353 E.g. Junker. Gfza 6. fig. 8. p. 41; fig. 28. p. 105; ibid. 7. fig. 47. p. 127.
3.4 Mni, burial chamber. PD. pI. 3. tI. The other example is an unidentified fragment E 17839. of
uncertain date. For this sign. see further below. p. 89 (9).
35. Tomb. part .• fig. 41. p. 37; fig. 47. p. 43; fig. 82. p. 73; fig. 90. p. 81. Teti Cem .• pI. 69. Athr .•
pIs. 6. 9. ASAE 36. p. 35 (Dyn. VI. Akhmim).
358 Clere-Vandier. §§ 18. 21. 22. 27 (00 6). 28 (p).
c. Palaeographic and Epigraphic Indications for Dating
(II) At an intennediate stage the end-pieces of iWWl are joined by a band through the
neck of the vessels; the end-pieces then become consistently shorter, and the connection
between them rarely appears. A few examples of the short end-pieces are to be found at
other places, most of them Dyn. XI or a little earlier.357
(12) The double rope between the two anns of the hoe ~ is not uncommon in the Old
Kingdom examples and occurs sporadically in the Middle Kingdom.358 At Dendera it is
almost entirely limited to a group that appears to be more or less contemporaneous (see
(13) This compartment compares horizontal writings of the group [ill;:: prit brw n.
(Since the group is not written horizontally in any of TlwtijRSl's stelae, an example is
given from a vertical column for this individual, as indicated by the arrow.) Several
points are to be noted: The arrangement of the signs is [ill;:: in Mni's inscriptions, as
would nonnally be expected, and the same arrangement is used by $nni and nearly all
who follow. In the Sixth Dynasty~ the group is written ~~ 359 (cf. [Q,~ at Zawayda,
in the adjacent nome of CoptoS)360 or ~~361 or ~~ 362. At Naqada the groups rp~:: and
~~ occur on the same stela,363 and another stela from Abydos or Hu has ~o .364 At a
later date there is the more peculiar variation LCU, which appears twice in the sarcophagus
of Bb (PD, pI. 37F). Note also that Mrr/', $n-ng,sw-i, and their contemporaries fairly con-
sistently reverse the usual order of bread first, beer second. 365 The bottom of G spreads
until the sign becomes ~,a fonn that is most common in Mrri's period, but also turns up
later occasionally.366 The Old Kingdom fonn of = is often short or round, and the finger
grooves are at the bottom.367 Mni and TlwtijRSl conform to the older model in both
respects.368 In general the late Old Kingdom Denderites, down to and including $nnl,

357 Deshasheh. pI. 29 (Dyn. VI). The following examples are Dyn. XI or slightly earlier: Dunham,
Stelae. nos. 67. 80; Clere-Vandier. nos. 3. 16 (fragment). Dendera D 3030, also close to Dyn. XI.
D 146 (which also has the connection through the necks of the vessels) and D 3357, less definitely
dated to the Intermediate Period. as Dunham's stela 40 definitely is. Cf. also PD, pI. 13. 1t2.
358 Some Old Kingdom examples: Mogensen. La Collection. pI. 93 (A 667), pI. 95 (A 678); Junker,

Gtza 9. fig. 78, p. 173; Davies. Ptah. I. pI. 13 (283). Middle Kingdom: JEA 4. pI. 8. line 8 (Dyn. XI).
359 'Idw I. D 6705. PD. pI. 6. t3r2. is nearly the same except for the addition of l j ; in Dyn. XI and
perhaps a little earlier the signs for fowl and oxen are regularly included in the group, but in Dyn. VI
it is very unusual to find even one of these after pri.t fJrw. And this seems generally true of the V.E.
provincial inscriptions before Dyn. XI. though the mention of fowl and oxen is fairly common at
Giza during the Old Kingdom (e.g.: Junker. Gtza 2, fig. 7. p. 115; G£za 3. fig. 14. p. 129; fig. 17. p.
135; Gi;;a 6, fig. 69. p. 191. etc.). An exception to the V.E. usage is [ill; ~I~~I~' de Morgan, Catalogue,
p. 149 S(Jbni). 380 Coptite Name. no. 8.
381 Ni-<nfJ-lft~r. D 1254 (see below. p. 112) as well as Bbi. PD, pI. 11. It.
382 Ni-ibw-nswt, PD, pI. 11 A, It3. This example was omitted from the chart because it is precisely
the same as the example from Bbi's inscriptions (see preceding note) in all respects except for =.
which is shifted slightly forward.
383 Cairo Cat. 1638: Coptite Name, no. 7.
384 Berlin 7765: lARCE I. p. 16; fig. 4; pI. 3.
885 All the persons mentioned below in note 370 (except Sn-sJi, for whom there is no evidence)
transpose the signs for bread and beer. the usual order (bread first) is retained in only four instances:
pI. 8, t, pI. 8 B, 1t2, pI. 10, lb. pI. 9, bl. The last is reduplicated as pI. 10 A. rt4. Beer also precedes
bread in some later examples: )1ni-it. I, D 6062 (but not pI. 12. Ib3. of the same person). )1ni-it. I, pI.12,
rb2; "Mera," pI. 11 C, t2r2; Nlrt-i~w, pI. 11. rb2; Cairo 20804. All these are Dyn. XI. There are other
examples of less certain date.
388 The base begins to widen out during the period of the transitional group: Bb£, pI. 11, tl, Ni-ibw-
nSwt. pI. 11 A, It3. Snni, pIs. 7 and 7 A. After Mrri's group the bread sign with exaggeratedly wide
base appears frequently, but not always: pI. 11, tr; Bbi, pI. 11 B, Ib2; so-called "Mera," pI. 11 C,
rzt2 (Dyn. XI), D 3493 (pre-Dyn. XI). D 6129.
387 E.g.: Junker. Gtza 2, fig. 7, p. 115; 3. fig. 30, p. 169; 5. figs. 25, 26. pp. 95.97; 7, figs. 8, p. 25;
12, p. 33; 8, fig. 56, foIl. p. 116; 10, fig. 53. foIl. p. 144.
388 Mni. pIs. I, 2, 2 A; Tlwti-Rsi, pI. 7 and Vniv. Mus. E 16020.

Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
have the notches at the top, and the sign tends to be elongated: =.369 Mrri's group again
places the notches at the bottom, but the sign is consistently longer than the examples of
Mni and TlwtijRSi.:r7O In the succeeding periods at Dendera and elsewhere the forms vary.:r71
(14) Here we are concerned with the writing of Anubis after the offering formula !ttp
di nswt. The later writing, showing the animal on a stand, is again attested for the early
part of Pepy lI's reign by )1bi (Gebr. I, pI. 18) as well as by his successor D<w jSmli
(Gebr. 2, pIs. 8, 12), whereas the later )1si has the earlier form (Gebr. 2. pI. 21 [lintel]).
Even earlier Sixth Dynasty cases of ~ are to be found on the larger architrave of
of Edfu (Urk. I, 253.10), and in Khentika, pIs. 7,13, etc. At Dendera the )Idw group con-
sistently uses the older form, while the later inscriptions consistently avoid it. The same
is true at Naqada.:r72
(IS) Wt "embalming," "embalmer" sometimes has the determinative () in the Old
Kingdom; with the possible exception of Mni and Tlwti, the first evidence for this deter-
minative in lmywt, the epithet of Anubis, is an isolated occurrence in the tomb of [)<w j
Smli, at least halfway through the reign of Pepy 11 (Gebr. 2, pI. 8). Here lmywt is written
+} ~ @, thus including the city-determinative that is typical of the older writing; the
same combination is attested by other examples vaguely dating to the end of the Old
Kingdom, while those that omit @ are generally even later.:r73
(16) The earlier form (cf. p. 18 above) is used exclusively in the Pyramid Texts, but ~
appears in the tomb of )1bl early in the reign of Pepy 11 (Gebr. I, pI. 18), while the early
form recurs in the much later tombs of )1si (Gebr. 2, pIs. 17, 18) and Mry <I at Hagarsa
(Athr., pI. 7). At Dendera, however, the earlier form is constantly found in the )1dw group,
while the later form is equally regular thereafter (except for a few cases where the corner
is omitted entirely). The writing g~ is a much more distinctly later development, which
will be discussed in connection with the date of Mni (p. 90 below [16]).
(17) The notched top of the iwn-sign is a late Old Kingdom departure from the tradi-
tional ~; it occurs occasionally at Giza and is exceedingly rarely used in the Dyn. VI
Pyramid Texts, one example being attested for Merenre, and one for Pepy 11. Earlier but
less distinct cases may possibly be seen in inscriptions of Pepy L:r74 At Dendera this feature
is usual from the time of Nfr-ssm-Ppy onward, although the crosspiece at the top is less
regularly added.

389 'I dw I, D 6705, pI. 6, t3r2 (inner detail missing or not visible in both cases). IJwti, pI. 7, br2,;
Ni-<n!J-Jft!w, D 1254 (see below, p. II2); Snljm-ib, 8: 230 (see below, p. lIlt; Bbi, pis. II, It,ll A,
It; Ni-ibw-nswt, pI. II A, It3 (inner detail uncertain); Wni, pI. II C, r2b2; Snni, pis. 7,7 A; Jftp.s-i
pI. 10, rb2 (seen from the original). ,
370 Mrrl, PD, pis. 8-8 C; Mrl-Ptll, pis. 10, 10 A; Sn-ntjSw-i, pis. 9, 10 A; WlIJi, pI. 10 (rb). To this
list should perhaps be added Sn-s!i, pI. II A, Ib4 (seen from,.photograph); this mastaba may be only
a little later than the others.
371 E.g.: Rdi-wi-Hnmw, pI. 15, line 22 (seen from photograph); 'Ini-it.f-ipl. 12, tr2. Both have the
notches at bottom; the first is well into Dyn. XI, the second not much earlier. The Dyn. XI fragments
from 23: 492 also have notches at the bottom of the sign. The following have notches at the top and
all date to the later part of the Intermediate Period: D 3335, D 3357, D 3333, D 1542, D 2288. D 860
has the form <=. The shape is mostly oblong, but also short (D 2288 and D 1542). The examples in
CU~re-Vandier are likewise of various kinds. Notches on bottom: nos. 6, 8, 9 (all Naqada). On top:
20,21,276. From top to bottom: 2, 19.
372 For the older version see Captite Name, nos. 1-9, excepting 4, where the opening of the offering
formula is lost.
373 Cf. Schenkel, Friikmitteliig. Studien, pp. 40, I07f., where it is pointed out that the combination
of the two determinatives also occurs at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom.
374 For the traditional form, see Davies, Ptak. I, pI. 12 (229, 233). For the form ~ see Junker, G£za
6, fig. 81, p. 212 (perhaps later than Dyn. VI); G£za 8, fig. 33a, p. 76 (late Dyn. VI). The occurrences
for Merenre and Pepy 11 are Pyr. 1744 and 810. Some of the writings of 'Iwn.t in the cartouches of
Pepy I (above, pp. 37ff.) appear to contain an iwn-sign of this form; see esp. Berytus I, pI. 3+
D. The Date of Mni (and T'wtijRSi) 8S
In conclusion it may be said that the early criteria that appear in the' Idw group and
Tomb 770 are remarkably constant not only at Dendera but also at nearby Gozeriya,
which has yielded stelae like those of 'Idw, and at Naqada, where the Old Kingdom in-
scriptions are particularly similar to those of Tomb 770. Except for the Gozeriya stelae,
these inscriptions are also characterized by the use of the phrase rn.f nfr NN. without
mention of the owner's other name. It is in the light of these facts that the dating of Mnl
and T Iwti must now be examined.

D. The Date of 1l1ni (and T'wti/Rsi)

In discussing M ni's date it is natural to begin with the assumption that he belongs to
the Old Kingdom. Like 'Idw I, who is incontestably that early, he is MI-J:twt in connection
with the pyramid cult of two Sixth Dynasty kings, in his case Pepy I and Merenre,
and his longer name Mn-<n!J-Ppy., (or ppy-mn-<n!J) refers to Pepy I or n, or to the
pyramid of the latter. Petrie and Griffith accepted this indication at face value375 and
in the original version of this study, after considering some disturbing evidence that
seemed to favor a later date, I hesitatingly agreed with their conclusion that Mni con-
cluded his life in the reign of Pepy n. In the meantime Klaus Baer and Wolfgang Schenkel
have again assigned Mni to the Sixth Dynasty, although Baer considers him to be some-
what earlier than I did,376 and Schenkel slightly later (after) IdW).377
My own conclusion was based on the difficulty of linking Mni's inscriptions with those
of 'Idw I or his successors, combined with some other considerations: while Mni's several
inscriptions present a disconcerting number of late features, these did not clearly fit into
the sequence of local peculiarities discussed in the preceding chapter, and seemed to be
offset by other details that showed a closer adherence to older traditions than is found in
the 'Idw group.378 More recently, however, it has been possible to assemble a further group
of Dendera inscriptions that similarly combine traditional features with a number of
details suggestive of the Heracleopolitan Period. Among this group (more fully described
in Appendix B) is the false door of a nomarch of the Denderite, Diospolite, and Thinite
nomes (U.E. 6-8) named 'b-iJ:tw, who very possibly came from Abydos as a representativt
of the earliest Heracleopolitan rulers. Although the structure of his false door is somewhat
more conspicuously late than that of Mni, it follows the same basic pattern, which occurs
375 PD, p. 5, "The next important tomb [after those prior to Dyn. VI] is the mastaba of Prince Mena";
p. 42, "a name compounded with that of the pyramid of Pepy II, and probably received in old age."
378 Baer, Rank and Title, pp. 226, 290 (no. 177A).
377 Friihmitteliig. Studien, 107-108. More recently, in MHT 35, dd5, he seems to suggest that a
somewhat later date is also possible; here the structure of the false door is rightly likened to MMA
12.183.8 (Appendix B, no. 2), although the most significant feature (the unusual breadth of the
crossbar) is not noted. The posthumous second volume of Borchardt's Denkmiiler des Alten Reiches,
issued in 1964, but only more recently available outside of Egypt, gives Mni's date as "Anfang Mitt·
leres Reich" (pp. lI8, 120, referring to Cairo Cat. 1660 [PD, pI. 2, r2b2] and 1662 [ibid., pI. I]).
Borchardt makes no reference to Petrie's publication, and the mistaken names that he assigns to
two other Dendera inscriptions (Cat. 1657 and 1658) plainly demonstrate that he failed to consult it.
This being the case, he was probably unaware of the titles referring to the Sixth Dynasty pyramid
cults in the burial chamber (PD, pI. 3), and was therefore free to judge the two monuments on their
own merits.
378 I shall omit most of the details given previously because they no longer seem pertinent. One
argument in favor of Mni's priority was based on his tendency to fill up the vertical space in horizontal
lines, and his reluctance to bring together a pair of short signs as, for example? g~ in the frieze of
'ldw II (PD, pI. 6, rt5). Another comparison involved the number of signs placed one above the other
in a horizontal line: M ni sometimes arranges three in this fashion, but prefers two. 'I dw I and his
successors occasionally pile up four signs, as is more frequently done in the inscriptions of Nfr-ssm-
Ppy jSnni, and quite commonly in those of Mrri and Sn-ngsw-i, who sometimes pile up as many as
86 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
twice again in the aforementioned group (and in a few cases at Meir and Deir el Gebrawi)
but is not otherwise attested at Dendera. The distinctive feature is the extension of the
crossbar so that it bisects the entire stela (item r below, and n. 386).
As in Mni's inscriptions, the newly assembled group of monuments uses the normal
form of @, adds the beard to &, usually shows the claws of ~ (both I and tyw) before
and behind the legs,379 has ""C.. with one line for the brace, and prefers the conventional
arrangement of m::.380 There are also a few details that resemble forms in the lower
part of the chart: the seated man assumes forms like those of Nfr-ssm-Ppy /Snni/MJ1 the
sign f\ has a forked tail in one case «b-i!z,w), and in ~ the ends are slightly shortened. 382
I formerly made the point that ~, as represented by Mni and TIWti/Rsi, correctly shows
a detail that is omitted by the other Denderites, namely a hind leg folded under the abdomen;
this too recurs in the new group, and the false door of Nfr-iw shows seven to eight ripples in
- -not so many as the examples of M niandT Iwti, which again adhere to Old Kingdom tradi-
tion in this respect, but more than are usual in the inscriptions of Ni-lbw-nswt/Bbi,
Nfr-ssm-Ppy /Snnl, and others of later date than these. The false door of <b-l!z,w also shows
the traditional curved form of ~,as does the frieze of M ni. M ni's preference for the tradition-
al form of <=="I is also followed, but there is no evidence for 1-1-; the inscriptions of N fr-ssm-
Ppy /Snni and his successors favor the later forms F=>. 383 and + +.384 A further enumeration
of palaeographic details will be reserved for the discussion of the group in Appendix B.
According to Klaus Baer's series of variable title sequences, Mnl should belong to his
period VI B (Tety to Merenre), but the same is true of the triple nom arch <b-i!z,w, who
shows the same sequence. 385 If Baer's evidence rules out the later half of the Sixth Dynasty
as well as the Eighth, it must be considered whether M nl is not definitely later than the
Old Kingdom, and in the case of <b-i!z,w that conclusion seems inescapable.
The same alternative seems to be imposed by the considerable number of late features
that occur on Mnl's monuments. Many of these were considered in the previous edition
of this work, and the list has subsequently been augmented. Besides the final points
included in the previous chapter (a for Anubis instead of ~ following !z,tp-dl-nswt,
~ rather than ~, the form of g with a notched top, and ~ as the determinative of
lmywt) the following may be listed:
(r) The extension of the crossbar across the entire width of the false door, as in the three
false doors described in Appendix B. The evidence from Meir dates to the very end of the
Sixth Dynasty, and the parallels from Deir el Gebrawi are stilllater.386
379 Nfr-lw: ~ as in Mni's inscriptions. 'I di and <b-lltw: nonnal ~ (tyw). ijtpl has the later fonn of
~, but nonnal tyw.
380 ijtpl reverts to something like the Sixth Dynasty p~ttern:

881 Nfr-iw: Jf>Snni: ~.

GI =.
382 'b-lltw and, to a very slight extent, 'I dl. ,
383 This occurs in the inscriptions of Nfr-ssm-PpyfSnnl and others associated with him, and is
used later, up to Dyn. XI, where both forms occur. For the transitional D 5449 see note SIB. The
sign is lacking in the Sixth Dynasty inscriptions because they do not follow nir '/ by the epithet nb pt.
This epithet does not become common before the late Old Kingdom, but it is found in the tomb of
'Ibi, Gebr. I, pI.23 (Urk. I, 143.11) early in the reign of PepyII, and in the tomb of his son,Q'w, Gebr.
2, pIs. 9, 11 (where the fonn is r==>o.); cf. also Lutz, Steles, nos. IB, 19, dating to the very end of
Old Kingdom (Gruppe Bin Schenkel, Friihmitteliig. Studien, 9B), and a Sixth Dynasty architrave
from Naqada (Coptite Nome, no. I and p. IB).
384 For Mni, see PD, pI. 4, fifth register. The form used by Ssm-n!r-ppyfSnni and later individuals

is ++: Snni, pI. 7 A, tr2; Bb, pI. 37, col. IB, pI. 37 H, col. 716; Sn-ngsw-i, pI. 10, It2. Cf. Coptite
Nome 55, where it is pointed out that this form is limited to V.E. Nomes 4-6.
385 Rank and Title, 226 (177 A); for 'b-lhw see p. 205 below, comment g.
888 Meir 4, pI. 26 (ppY-'n!J ltry-ib); Gebr. 2, pIs. 16 (' Isl) and 2B (Httl); Dunham, Stelae, no. 74. Cf.
Rusch, who cites Mni and the second of these examples, AZ 5B, p. 114, n. 3; type I, 2 on pI. B.
D. The Date of Mnl (and TIWtljRSl)
(2) Two other structural features of the false door are worth noting, although they are
of questionable value for dating. Schenkel compares the breadth of the central panel,
containing the offering scene, with that of later false doors at Dendera (note 377 above).
I t seems doubtful that the breadth of the panel is in itself so indicative of a relatively late
date as is the absence of a space on either side in the other cases (cf. p. 196 below). The
width of the panel on Mnl's false door is not very different from that of Wni of Abydos,
who died in the reign of Merenre (Cairo Cat. lS74). The use of inscribed side pieces and a
lintel, to provide an outer frame, is unusual at Dendera and is attested later than Dyn. VI
at Saqqara and Deir el Gebrawi. 387 A few earlier examples are evidently to be found at
both Saqqara and Giza,388 however, and the early and mid-Sixth Dynasty offering niches
of 'Isl and ~lr of Edfu show a somewhat similar arrangement. 889
(3) A censer with an armlike handle that appears above the offering table on the false
door, facing the owner, and is followed by the words 7. 1~ ~ooo "giving incense."

Only two other examples of a long-handled censer of any kind have been found to
antedate the Middle Kingdom, and both seem to be at least as late as Dyn. VIII. In Mnl's
case the censer also occupies much the same location that it often takes in Dyns. XI and
XII. This form of the armlike censer admittedly looks earlier than any others attested
thus far, and its location may well have been suggested by Old Kingdom offering scenes
where a large armlike hieroglyph representing I,<bt "washing" or J.mkt "offerings" similarly
confronts the owner. No other examples of this arrangement are known from Dendera
until the Eleventh Dynasty.390
(4) The presence of preceding mrr.Jn "as ye love" in the address to passers-by (PD,
pI. 2A, lb). This is known from texts dating to the very end of the Sixth Dynasty and
later at Saqqara, Naga ed-Deir, Qasr es-Sayyad, and Dendera. S91
(S) The phrase mrrw Cn!; m#rJ,w !;pIt (pI. 2A, lb) does not appear to be known from
any other inscriptions prior to the end of the Old Kingdom. Nfr-ssm-Ppy continues to
use an address to the living that concludes with [mrr]w wnn Iml!J[.sn!;r niwty], or
the like, as in other late Old Kingdom texts at Naqada and Dendera.S92 The later formula
is used not only by Mnl and Sn-nrJSw-1 (pI. loA, It), but also by cb-llJw, Nfr-lw, and Snnl
(Appendix B, nos. I, 2, 3) and by 'Inl-lt.f-l (pI. l2, rt2).
(6) A fragment of frieze inscription bearing the group "S~ (PD, pI. 2A, tsr2). Edel
restores [~] 'S H~ ~~] ~ ~ ® ~ [~~ lk, 1] combining pI. 2A, t3r 3;393 "[I was
an excellent] commoner / on earth; I am [an excellent] spirit [in the necropolis]." The
phrase nrJS-l~r is not frequently found in the Dendera inscriptions, however,394 and in
any case it seems unlikely that an official of Mnl's position would call himself a nrJ,s-
unless we assume that his title of IJlty-C is as meaningless as it is in the cases of Naga ed-

387 Teti Gem., pI. 69; Gebr. 2, pI. 16; for other extremely late Old Kingdom examples see Jequier,
Tomb. part., figs. 98, p. 87; 107, p. 93; Ill, p. 97; 119, p. 105; 135, p. 118; 138, p. 121.
388 Mar. Mast., 407-410 (where the frame is itself enclosed by a second torus moulding and cavetto
cornice); Junker, Giza 7, fig. 8, p. 25, fig. 107, p. 252.
389 Fouilles Edfou 1933, pIs. 8-9 and Cairo J. d'E. 43370.
390 This matter is discussed in lARGE 2,28-32, where it is still assumed that Mnl is no later than
the end of Dyn. VI; a particularly striking Dyn. XI example may be added to those mentioned ibid.,
p. 31, n. 13: Bosticco, Stele, no. 11 (said to come from Thebes).
391 Garnot, L'appel aux vivants, 61, referring to Vandier, Rev. d'Eg. 2, 45 (Naga ed-Deir) and LD,
114e (Qasr es-Sayyad, inscription on fa~ade of tomb of Tlwti, a later addition). Also a later Naga
ed-Deir stela, Cairo J. d'E. 55605. The same usage occurs at Saqqara on the late Dyn. VI false door
of Sbk-m-!Jnl, ASAE 55, p. 240, pI. 24a, and at Dendera in the frieze inscription of Sn-ntjsw-i (PD,
pI. 10 A, It) and another fragment of a frieze that is apparently later than the Old Kingdom (D 5447).
392 PD, pI. 7 A, rt 9; cf. D 5448 (PI. XIV below) and Goptite Nome, no. I and p. 17.
393 Edel, Phraseologie, 21.
3N A fragment of a frieze inscription (D 2453) has: ink ndtiIJr tp 11. The sequel is lost.
88 Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
Deir stelae, where it is claimed by most officials, including some that do in fact use the
phrase ink ng,s ilf,r.395 But the title was never used this unselectively at Dendera. It is
alternatively possible to restore [ink s'/:z, ilf,r] tp t!, which is also attested in the Eleventh
Dynasty, followed by a clause introducing the epithet ItJ mntJ, but in no case is the second
clause ever introduced by ink. 396 Perhaps a better parallel is provided by a fragmentary
Dendera architrave that has ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ "t 1 ... "an excellent scribe
upon earth, an efficacious spirit in the necropolis,"397 but it does not seem possible that
~ precedes ~ ~ here, or that there is quite enough room for it in the lacuna before ~.
In view of these difficulties it should be kept in mind that ink ItJ [mntJ] may follow a
phrase involving a threat to the descendants of evildoers and their property upon earth
(.:!), as Edel himself notes. 398 Even if the group 'S ~ is dissociated from this phrase,
however, the presence of n# is still indicative, for the other biographical formulae that
contain this word are likewise later than the Old Kingdom. The formula that occurs at
Dendera is ~:::;: ~:: ~ l ~ -:- 'S' ~ ~
! i! "I said what the great loved and the
small praised," as in the inscriptions of Mrri, $n-n#w-i, and Mri-Pt/:z,. Probably Mni's
fragment is to be restored similarly, as suggested by Sethe (Urk. 1,269.8) and SchenkeI.399
(7) The usurpation of spells from the Pyramid Texts in the burial chamber (pI. 3): ten
columns of inscription (Pyr. SO-S4a, Utterances 7Z-]8) referring to as many ointment
jars, each of which heads one of the columns. They are addressed to the "Osiris Mni" as
the royal texts address the "Osiris Pepy." This particular borrowing does not seem to be
attested elsewhere, but it may be compared with the similar use of the Osiris epithet in
connection with offerings at Saqqara, a practice that may possibly go back to the end of
the Sixth Dynasty.400 Here, however, the borrowing is much more literal, and may ac-
cordingly belong to the first use of Coffin Texts during the Heracleopolitan Period.401
(8) ~ (pI. zA, tSq); this differs from the form (j of )Idw II (pI. 6, bzr3), which is
more normal, and is not very similar to the forms used by Mrri's successors (e.g. &11';i
pI. 9, t). A closer parallel occurs in one of the Coptos decrees of Pepy II (~' Urk. I, z87.I7,
Cairo ]d'E. 4I49I). Two Dendera lintels of apparently later date also have similar forms,
however, and like M ni they show the writing :'j" J, with the unusual addition of a phonetic
complement. 402

395 E.g. Dunham, Stelae, nos. 62, 69, 78, 81, 84. At Moalla the son of the nomarch 'n~ty.ty uses the
phrase (Mo 'alia, 270), but the nomarch himself is always "a stalwart that has no other (like him)";
the Gebelein stelae that have the phrase ink nqs iIJr likewise belong to men of relatively modest rank
(BM 1671, Cairo Cat. 20001, Berlin 24032).
396 For examples see Cl€:re, Mise. Greg., 459-46I.
397 From location 8:725 x5, field photograph A 1007. The inscription has border lines at top and
bottom and looks later than the Old Kingdom.
398 The closest possibility in this case is Urk. I, 2I8.I4ff. It should also be observed that the state-
ment ink lh mnh does not necessarily follow such a threat: e.g. at the conclusion of the biography of
Slbni, the ;on o~f !fIJI-lb, at Aswan, at the beginning of a biographical statement on the architrave of
l ~ g (Hassan, Exeav. Saq. (1937-38) VoI. Il, Pt. I, fig. 40; still in press as this is written), and at
the bottom of the inscription quoted by Wilson, ]NES 13, 260 (not included in his copy).
399 Rev. d'Eg. 15, 67, where the sequence of phrases is also considered. Note that this sequence
confirms the restoration [dd.n.i mrrt 'li.w [!sstJ nqsw in the case of Mrri, PD, pI. 8, tr.
400 Cf. AZ 90, 35-38.
401 In Schenkel's opinion the use of coffin texts does not begin until the end of that period (Fruh-
mitteldg. Studien, 116-123); the earliest datable example known to him is 'ISyt, one of the minor wives
of Nb-[!pt-R' Mentuhotep (ibid. 121), who was buried shortly before the reunification of Egypt.
Still earlier examples are, of course, quite possible.
402 D 868 and 8: 221 Ax 7; the phonetic complement also appears in the sgm. t form of the verb,
Urk. I, 287.17 (quoted above), in the infinitive, ibid. 303.4 (Dyn. VIII), and in the phrase swt nbt w'bt
on Naga ed-Deir stelae which are perhaps no later (e.g. Lutz, Steles, nos. 18, 19, 37) as well as the
still later tomb of Mrw (Peck, Decorated Tombs, pI. 8; thought to belong to Dyn. IX, ibid. p. 127).
D. The Date of Mni (and TJwti/Rsi) 89
(9) lJ (pI. 3, It), mentioned in the preceding section, item 9. During the Old Kingdom
the sign for g is usually flat-bottomed, as is also usual in the inscription of Mni himself,
and in virtually all of the Dendera inscriptions of Dyn. VI and later; the only other
occurrence of the round-bottomed g at Dendera is on a frieze fragment of uncertain date
(E 17839). The round-bottomed g also turns up at least once at Deir el Gebrawi, early in
the reign of Pepy II (Gebr. I, pI. 4; a later example in Gebr. z, pI. z5).
(10) ~ (pI. zA, rtz). This example is apparently unique at Dendera; Mni himself
otherwise uses the normal ~ (pI. 3, lb; pI. 4, center left) as do ' Idw II (pI. 6, rt7) and
Mrri (pI. 8, tr). The abnormal form is particularly curious and interesting because it
turns up frequently at Gebelein and Moalla in the late Intermediate Period (as ~) ;403
cf. also!: !t "two red cows" in an Eleventh Dynasty Theban stela. Possibly an example
as early as Dyn. V is to be found in Re-Heiligtum z, pI. z5 (87), but it is not quite certain
that a hieroglyph is involved in this case.404
(ll) ~ instead of i (pI. zA, Ib,'lbz). The first form appears irregularly at Dendera:
it recurs in the relatively late frieze inscriptions of Sn-s# (pI. llA, rbz) and in the in-
scriptions of <b-iltw, Nfr-iw and Snni (Appendix B), but the normal form is used by 'Idw
III (pI. 13, tr3) and IJtpi (pI. lIB, It), the latter probably later than Mrri. q5JI occurs
once in the earlier Deir el Gebrawi tombs (Gebr. I, pI. 8), once at Meir (Meir 5, pI. zz),
and once on the false door of if.Jr of Edfu (overlooked in Urk. I, z5z.z, but see Garnot,
L'appel aux vivants, 57); another, later, example is in Siut tomb 3,1.
(IZ) ~ (pI. zA, Ib) may have been influenced by the preceding sign (ll) in the group
q5JIf- .} ~~, for the other four cases of ll! in Mni's inscriptions are normal (pIs. z, rztz;
zA, tzrz, tzr4, rt3).
(13) The form of ' .... , with the end separated, which Schenkel rightly attributes to the
later Naga ed-Deir inscriptions. 405 This feature is rare at Dendera, but it occurs on some
of the monuments in Appendix B, and on some stelae that distinctly belong to the Eleventh
Dynasty.406 The same separation occurs on the Ninth Dynasty false door of Wsr from
Khozam and on numerous stelae from Naqada, at least some of which are probably as
late as Dyn. XI.407 In the case of Mnl it is restricted to his false door (PD I, zA, brz).
(14) The sign with horizontal striations, as it occasionally, and only sporadically, appears

in some inscriptions that seem to antedate the Theban domination of the Coptite and Dende-
rite nomes: twice onone of the stelae of Nfr-tp-mriw-i (D 145), once on the stela of IJtpi (Appen-
dix B), once on the false door of W sr from Khozam, and more frequently in Eleventh Dynasty
inscriptions from Nagaed-Deir, Abydos, Dendera, and Thebes. 408 The sign 0 is also striated.
403 Gebelein BM 1671 (lEA 16, 195), cols. 5, 10, and cf. determinative of <nfJwt "goats" in col. 6;
both signs also appear in Berlin 24032 (Kush 9, 47), lines 2, 4; cf. ibid. p. 79. The Theban example
is Moscow 407!, from Dra abu'l Negga (Pamyatniki Muzeya ... Alexandra Ill, pI. I, line 3; also
Vestnik Drewnij Istarii 1952, pt. 3, p. 128ff.).
404 This attitude (one foreleg extended) is not infrequent in Old Kingdom representations of reclin-
ing cattle; e.g. Mereruka, pIs. 152,153, Wresz. Atlas 3,37.
405 Fruhmitteliig. Studien, p. 107, referring to § 39a, p. 102.
406 The false door of Nfr-iw, the stela of 'Idi, and probably the false door of <b-iftw. For Eleventh
Dynasty Dendera examples see PD, pI. 11, bn, rb2. See also Addenda.
407 Captite Name, nos. 13, 16, 20, 21, 26, 27, 29( ?), 30, 32, 36, 37, 40.
408 For Wsr of Khozam see Captite Name, 40-41. Naga ed-Deir: Toledo (Ohio) Museum News, no.
129 (Oct. 1951); Dunham, Stelae, no. 79. Abydos: MDIK 4, 187. Thebes: Clere-Vandier, nos. 18, 19,
27 (v), Cairo frag. T 4/11/24/2. Dendera: D 1542, D 2288, D 4508, D 4513, D 6062; fragments from
23:492; PD, pI. 12, bq. In many of these cases, and notably two that are well dated to the reigns
of Wlft-<nfJ Inyotef (Clere-Vandier, nos. 18-19) and Nb-ftpt-r< Mentuhotep (Gebelein reliefs, von
Bissing, Denkmiiler, pI. 33a, b), there is an excessive amount of meaningless detail throughout the
inscription; cf. the detail in the openwork copper inscription of Mry-ib-R< Khety, the founder of the
Heracleopolitan Dynasty (Petrie, Hist. I, fig. 85, p. 132), although here the sign 0 is not itself affected.
This style probably did not continue long after the re unification of Egypt.
go Part V. Introduction to Dynasty VI
(IS) The use of = as a determinative for land in ~ = (PD, pI. zA, rtS) and:: (pI. zA,
lbz). The same determinative appears in the inscriptions of Nfr-ssm-PpyfSnnl (PD,
pI. 7A, rq), Sn-ndsw-l (pI. IOA, rt) and Sn-#l (pI IIA, rb) as well as others of later date,
down to the Eleventh Dynasty, at Dendera, Naqada, Thebes, Gebelein, and Moalla. 409
The Coptos decrees of Pepy II use = instead of the older land sign =, as do other
Sixth Dynasty inscriptions; the Eighth Dynasty decrees replace = by =, which first
begins to assume the Middle Kingdom form n in Theban inscriptions after the reunification
of Egypt in the reign of Nb-Mt-r< Mentuhotep.410
(16) The writing ~; in pI. I, zA, Ibz, 3, which is rarely -if ever-attested in the Old
Kingdom, but gradually becomes more common thereafter. The earliest occurrences at
Dendera are to be found on two stelae of women that evidently belong to the period of
Nfr-ssm-PpyfSnnl (PD, pIs. 7A, 1t3, 10, rbz), but most of the Dendera examples belong
to the Eleventh Dynasty, as do those from Naga ed-Deir; at Thebes the earliest dated
occurrence is on the stela mentioning the Great Overlord of Upper Egypt 'Inl-it.f (Stras-
bourg 345, Clere-Vandier, no. II).4l1
A good many of these details might individually be explained away, and I have attempted
to indicate that possibility whenever relatively early evidence is available. But taken
together, they undeniably favor the later alternative for Mnl's date. A few other points
are also worth mentioning, since, although they would not be considered late criteria at the
Memphite cemeteries, they are not in keeping with Sixth Dynasty traditions at Dendera
and in the neighboring nomes of Upper Egypt:
(I) The presence of a line bordering the frieze inscription at top and bottom. As Petrie
noted, this feature is absent from the frieze inscriptions of Dyn. VI at Dendera, including
those of Nl-lbw-nswtfBbi and Nfr-ssm-ppyfSnni, whereas Mrrl and his successors have
such borders. These borders are sometimes, but not always, absent at the Memphite
cemeteries,412 and they are present on the Sixth Dynasty frieze inscription of 'ldy at
Abadiya and on a later example at Naqada. 413 On the other hand the drum lintels of
Mnl and TlwtifRsl agree with Sixth Dynasty Dendera examples in omitting framelike
borders, whereas those of Mrrl, and Sn-nq,sw-i have them.414
(z) The mention of both names when one of them is introduced by rn.f nfr. This is the
normal usage in the Old Kingdom, but Sixth Dynasty individuals give their "good name"
409 Dendera: PD. pI. 13. Ib; IS. 1. line 10. For Dyn. XI examples from Naqada and Thebes see
Coptite Nome. p.IOO. Examples in the Dyn. IX tomb of <nbty.fy: Mo<alla I~ 2; II~ 2; III 9; etc.
Gebelein: JEA 47. 7. line 10.
410 Earlier Old Kingdom usage (as det. of Iltt): Urk. 1.12.10; 116.1; 140.9. Coptos decrees of Pepy
II: Urk. I. 282.3; 286.13. A successor of Pepy II: = in at least one case. Weill. Decr.• pI. 11. line 8
(= Urk. 1.294.8); the other examples in this decree are unclear. Later usage in Dyn. VIII decrees:
295.17; 296.1; 304.16; 305.8.12. Eleventh Dynasty examples sometimes add interior detail representing
vertical ripples of the mr sign (=::::I): Clere-Vandier. no. 24.2. 10; Captite Name. no. 45. Early examples
of n: Clere-Vandier. nos. 31.9; 32.6; JEA 4. pI. 9. lines 9. 12. The evolution has no connection with
variations in = as the determinative of bil.
m Wb. 3. 5 says the writing is old. but provides no particulars; Lacau. AZ 51. 58. takes it to be a
Middle Kingdom modification of the older writing. Other examples at Dendera are PD. pI. IS. left,
line 22 (cf. pI. 25B); also stela of Snni (PI. XXVI below) and lintel of I;ltpti. D 924; Cairo Cat. 20804;
MFA98.I043· AtThebes: Clere-Vandier. nos. IS. 19.27'('(. At Nagaed-Deir: Dunham. Stelae. nos. 56. 58;
also JAGS 76. 110. See also AZ 90. pI. 6. foIl. p. 36; Clere. Misc. Greg .• 455; Louvre CI5.
412 Giza examples without borders: Junker. G£za 4. pI. I; G£za 8. fig. 51. p. 113; G£za 9. fig. 72. p. 160.
With borders: LD 2. pI. 26. and frieze inscriptions of the Sn{jm-ib complex excavated by Reisner.
including Nbbw (G 2381).
413 'Idy: Diosp .• pI. 25; BM Hier. Texts 12, pI. 42 (I) mistakenly omits the lines. For the Naqada
example see Captite Name. no. 22.
414 The most certain Sixth Dynasty examples are those of Ni-<nb-I;ltltr at pendera (PI. XI a) and
'Iti at Gozeriya (PI. XXIIIa). Examples with a frame: Mrri. pI. 8 B. lb; Sn-ndsw-l. pI. IoA.lt2;
Sn-sti. pI. 11 A. Ib5; )Ini-le.f.i. pI. 11 C. rb.
D. The Date of Mni (and TlwtijRsi) 9I
only, in accordance with the usage current in Dendera, Naqada, and Thebes. Nfr-ssm-
Ppy/Snni and those of later date continue the normal procedure (see above, p. 76). An
exception is the Sixth Dynasty Sngm-ib, rn.f nfr '/- (Pl. IX).
(3) ~.Cl ~ (pl. zA, t), with the usual bovine ear; this is replaced by a human ear ('I )415
in ' Idw II's frieze (pl. 6, rzts) and on another piece of frieze inscription of uncertain date
(E 17839); cf. above, p. 89 (9). In Mrrl's time, the human ear is also found in the frieze of
Mri-Pt[l, (o? pl. loA, It6)418 and in a somewhat later frieze inscription (Petrie's drawing,
pl. IS, bsrz, shows the animal ear, but the original in the University Museum clearly has
the human form 0). A still later example, and the last, also appears to have the human
form (1I' pl. lIB, rt3), although this is less certain.
The one feature that establishes a definite relationship between the monuments of Mni
(and Tlwti/Rsi) and those of the other Denderites is the composition of their stelae. In
this particular they most closely resemble some of the stelae of Nfr-ssm-ppy/Snni, who
can hardly be earlier than the ver,:! end of the Old Kingdom (Dyn. VIII); cf. p. 63 above,
and Fig. 14. Some of the details in Mnl's inscription seem to favor a still later date-
particularly the determinative ~ in lmywt, the striated 0, and the divided form of 01.
It is true that the design of his false door is not so conspicuously late as the comparable
one belonging to the triple nomarch 'b-i[l,w, but it nonetheless seems advisable to assign
him-and the stylistically related Tlwti/Rsl-to the Heracleopolitan Period (Dyn. IX).
With these I would also place the mastaba of Mrw; this was adjacent to the larger one of
Mnl and may have necessitated the rear entrance of the latter, which gave access to the
stairs leading to the roof. Mrw's tomb yielded some model implements of copper, as did
that of Mni, and two pottery jars (PD, pl. 16, no. 31 and one similar to 30), both of which
resemble jars from the tombs of Nfr-ssm-Ppy and Mrri (PD, pIs. 16, rb; 17, t). The right
side of the stela of an anonymous imy-r pr (MMA 98-4.68) closely resembles those of
Tlwtl/Rsl and must also be included in this group (see p. 175).
The references to Sixth Dynasty kings in Mnl's "good name" and titulary do not con-
stitute a serious objection to the date that has been proposed for him and for the others
whose tombs and monuments are evidently contemporaneous with his. The mention of
Pepy in his "good name" may be compared with the name 'n!J-n.s-Ppy on the stela and
coffin of a woman who was evidently buried at Naga ed-Deir as late as Dyns. X_XI.417
A title referring to a Sixth Dynasty pyramid occurs in the titulary of St-kl at Aswan,
whose tomb is so similar to that of 'n!Jty.fy of Moalla that the same date seems indicated
for both, most probably Dyn. IX; St-kl is "inspector of priests" of the pyramid of Pepy II.418
And an Abydos stela that is evidently later than the Old Kingdom bears the same title in
connection with the pyramid of Merenre. 419
Mnl's titulary will be considered more fully in the individual discussions of officials
belonging to the Heracleopolitan Period (pp. 170ff.).
us The only Old Kingdom example of this that I have been able to find outside of Dendera is
Hassan, G£za 2, fig. 219. The ear in the name ~slC ~ ~ is thought by Hassan to be human (ibid.,
p. 191).
m Checked by Clere on the original, Chicago Or. Inst. 4935.
417 lAOS 76, 100-105, and Dunham, Stelae, no. 22.
418 Excavated by Labib Habachi. The tomb is compared with that of <nbty.fy by W. S. Smith in
Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, 84-85.
418 Cairo Cat. 1619 (Mariette, Mon. d'Abydos no. 533); for another possible example, involving an
imy-r sn< (Berlin 7765), see lARCE I, 10-11, 16--17.
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
A. Dynasty VI
Titles, in the order in which they are mentioned in the following discussion (for D 6705,
see PI. V below).420
(I) ~=1- D 6705, pI. 5 A, t

(3) ~ =
(2) ~=1- j } > = pI. SA, b, b3
~ :! ~ ~
(4) ~ ~ pis. 5, 5 A
- ~ ~ =" :B ~] :- c::> ~ pI. 5 A, rt3 + It4

(5) ~) == if 111 g pI. 5 (twice)

(6) Co \' ~ ~) == ~ 111 ~ pI. 5
(7) + C> A D 6705
(8) IfV D 6705
(g) "Jm ~ D 670 5
(10) ~ lO! rftJ D 6705
(n) 10 ~ D 67 0 5
(12) ~ => =
(13) [!.] r ~ .El ~ =~ D 6705
Cl! ?] pI. 6, It
Other titles:
(14) r~ ~ pI. 6, It, pis. 5, 5 A, D 6705
(IS) l flli J pis. 5, 5 A, D 6705
(16) ~ ~ pI. 6, r2t3
(17) ~ pI. 5 A, pI. 6, rzt3
(18) 1~ pI. 5 A, pI. 6, It, D 6705
(I g) ~ ~ pI. 6, It, pI. 5 A, rb3 (and in no. 3 above), pI. 5.
The style and content of >Idw's reliefs, paintings, and inscriptions leave no doubt that
his tomb was inscribed and decorated as early as the reign of Pepy H, whom he served as
1JIi,1-fi,wt of that ruler's pyramid estate. According to Klaus Baer, the sequence of titles
corresponds to the chart for his Period VI C (including the first IS years of Pepy H),
although it must be conceded that there are some disturbing irregularities, particularly
in the case of the intact stela (D 6705), where the sequence is difficult to reconcile with
420 Dendera 6705 is the only stone found intact. It is about 85 cm. long between borders, and the
total length is more than a meter (originally 1.20 m., according to the Field Register). The niches
are each one meter wide, and the inscribed portion easily fits within this space. Petrie's fragmentary
stela PD, pI. 6, It, (Univ. Mus. E 17320) was almost identical in size.

94 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
any of Baer's patterns; if one is forced to make a choice, the closest comparison for the
stela is provided by his chart for Period VI E (years 35-55 of the same reign).421
The most imposing of ' Idw 1's titles, (I) "overseer of Upper Egypt," is held by at
least IS nomarchs of the Sixth Dynasty. As Kees has long since pointed out, the earlier
officials who are distinguished thus, at the end of Dyn. V, are known from the Residence
and are connected with the central administration (Prov. Verw. I, p. 88). By the reign of
Pepy Il, the title has come to be held almost exclusively422 by nomarchs, however; the
number of overseers of Upper Egypt known at this period makes it probable that many
of them had control of far less than the entire southern half of the country. My initial
remarks on this question must now be reconsidered in the light of Goedicke's more recent
discussion in M I 04, 1-10. After showing, as I had, that the Coptos decrees confirm the reality
of this official's powers, he indicates that the Eighth Dynasty Smliand his son 'Idiwereap-
pointed as overseer of Upper Egypt on the same day, one having jurisdiction in all 22 nomes,
the other in N omes I -'J only and subordinate to the first. Combining this evidence with the case
of Ppy-'nfj ltry-ib of Meir, who once calls himself "overseer of Upper Egypt in the Middle
Nomes" (U.E. 10-14: Meir 4, pI. 4A) and sometimes simply "overseer of Upper Egypt" (ibid.,
pIs. 6, IS), Goedickereasons that therewerefourcoexistent officials of the kind-one having
control of all Egypt, the three others subordinate to him and controlling the southern, middle,
and northern thirds of the same territory (cf. above, pp.65ff.). This theory is extremelyattrac-
tive, although the evidence advanced in favor of it admits the possibility that a nomarch hold-
ing the title of overseer of Upper Egypt could have jurisdiction over a still smaller region,
which might even be limited to his own province. In any case, however, this would not mean
that the title was purely honorific, but only that it was more limited in geographical scope.
A rather uncertain piece of evidence for the possibility that has just been considered is
the use of the title ~"':} in the biographies of of Edfu and the later Hnlf,w of Deir
el Gebrawi. Contrary to my previous opinion, I must concede that this means only "over-
seer of Upper Egyptian grain" and not "overseer of Upper Egypt," yet it almost certainly
derives from the second title, and both and Hn~w mention it in connection with their
function as nomarch. If.;r, who also has the normal form of the title ~ =>:to
(Urk. I,
252.9), says "the majesty of Merenre caused me to travel upstream to the nome of Edfu
as sole companion, overlord of the nome, as ~ ': :J. and overseer of priests" and shortly
thereafter adds, "I measured out Upper Egyptian grain ('::J.) of my funerary estate for
the hungry man whom I found in this nome" (Urk. I, 254). And Hnlf,w states that he was
"overlord and ~ :=:=::tolft in this nome" (Gebr. 2, pI. 24.16).423 A second Hn~w of Deir el

m The sequences in the burial chamber (PD, pI. 5A b, b3) generally conform to the pattern for
VI C: !uty-', imy-r sm'w, s(jlwty bUy, [!lI1 !twt, smr w'ty, br)6 !tbt (Rank and Title, no. [SIJ, pp. 207,
225). But the same inscription also shows the sequence s(jlwty bity, Ml1 !twt, smr w'ty, bry !tbt, imy-r
sm'w (PD, pI. 5A, t), as Baer acknowledges, and D 6705 has spsw nswt, smr pr, SIb '(j-mr, ny nst antt, wr
mdw sm'w, imy-r s'w tpt, !tIp !twt, smr w'ty, bry !tbt, imy-r sm'w; Baer's series VI E agrees with the
order of the first five titles and the last four titles, but transposes these two groups. The titles SIb 'd-mr,
ny mt anti and wr mdw sm'w also come after the last four titles in all of the other sequence patterns
except VI F, which places bry-!tbt at the very end.
422 One exception is mentioned by Kees, Prov. Verw. I, p. 93: $n'y, Tomb. part., pp. IOS-109.
423 In a Naga ed-Deir wall inscription that probably belongs to Dyn. VIII ('Inl!Yt-~!1r, good name

~ ~ ::; cf. Sayce, Rec. trav. 13, 64), the owner has the titles ~ => :: ~ 0~ -=- t ~ ~ =>
~ ~.The list begins with "overseer of acacia trees," concludes with "overseer of the herd of the desert,"
and the centralitem clearly means "overseer of Upper Egyptian grain." This example, unlike the others,
is identified by the corn-measure determinative and is probably a secondary departure from the
original use of the title which had its origin in ~ -=-:to.
It may be added that the Intermediate Period
title ~ '::J. cited by Sethe, Urk. I, 254, note b, is probably an epithet "great of U.E. grain;" cf.
~ r1J. ~ oooJ~ (~I (C. R. Williams, Mentu-weser, line 15).
A. Dynasty VI - 'IDW I 95
Gebrawi more explicitly relates the office of "overseer of Upper Egypt" to his own nome,
since he styles himself both ~-=~ (Gebr. 2, pI. 28H) and ~=>E3II ~ (ibid. [a] where
IE3 is SPit "nome," as in the inscriptions of the first Hnlf,w: Gebr. 2, pI. 24. r6, pI. 25. r, r8).424

It is true that this last example may be of too late a date to have much bearing on Sixth
Dynasty administration.
From the earlier Coptos decrees the post of overseer of Upper Egypt can be seen to be
a key office in the administration of Upper Egypt under Pepy II-in the period within
which 'Idw I lived, that is; the decrees are dated to the 22nd and 44th years of Pepy's
reign. 42s At,least one of the responsibilities of the overseer is to issue the order for corvee
service with the lists of men to be levied;426 the nomarchs and other officials (greatest of
the Upper Egyptian tens, overseers of phyles, and so on) then make the required levy in the
districts under their controI.427 Another indication of his activities is seen in the tomb
chapel of Ppy-(nfJ l;try-ib, who, as mentioned earlier, is "overseer of Upper Egypt in the
Middle Nomes" and in that capMity is shown "making the tax (Mt irw) of cattle and
goats of the Middle Nomes" (Meir 4, pI. r6).
Regardless of how far his powers extended beyond Dendera, then, '1 dw was undoubtedly
in a better position to command the resources of his own nome than his predecessors had
been. And he seems, in fact, to have expressed this idea in the inscription on his cornice,
as far as the few surviving fragments indicate. The following three phrases are given in
the order in which Petrie presumably found them.
(r) ~ '<:7 ~ } ~ ~} ~ ~~~ (pI. 6, rt3) "All" of something is apparently said to be
"excellent and splendid," and there follows a listing of "bulls, goats, copper .... "428
This fairly certainly belongs to an account of the wealth'I dw acquired. Bulls and goats,
together with donkeys, are foremost among the items listed in later accounts of this

(24 A similar unusual addition to a well-known title occurs on a late Old Kingdom stela from Naga

ed-Deir: 1- -~ ~ (Wainwright, ASAE 25, 165 and pI. 2).

(25 Urk. I, 280.14, the year after the 11th cattle counting; Urk. I, 284.4, the year after the 22nd
counting. The reckonings by regnal years are minimal; they may also be 23 and 45.
(28 Urk. I, 281.7ff. "As for any overseer of Upper Egypt who will make the srw of them (the people

of Min's temple) at the office of the House of Documents of the King (etc.) .. .in order to set them in
any work of the king's domain .... " The Srw document (~ =- ~~, var. ~ => ) '-11) is probably to be
understood from the verb srwi "to remove" (note that the infinitives of some caus. 3ae inf. verbs are
masculine: Gard. Gram. 3, § 285; Edel, Altiig. Gramm. § 692). The last does not have the determinative
'-11 in the writings given in Wb. 4, 193, but a Middle Kingdom example with '-11 does occur in Cairo
20539, I b, 20. The document would then be understood as one that orders the "removal" of men for
corvee; "order for conscription" is the translation given in the following passage:
"As for any order for conscription applying to the nome which is brought to (ar) the overseer of
Upper Egypt to do things according to it, after it is brought to the magistrates ... " (Urk. I, 281.17ff.).
&27 Ibid., 281.11 ff. Censure is made of any of these officials "who will levy (according to) an order
for conscription which is brought .... "
428 The sign translated "copper (bi/) has been checked on the original (MFA 98.1038) by Bernard
Bothmer and W. S. Smith, and the following tracing has been made by Suzanne Chapman:

The shape of this by no means suits the normal Dendera form of the sign g; even the two rare examples
of g with a rounded bottom have a quite different contour (note 354). 'Idw 1's sign is much the same
as in Gebr. 2, pI. 19 (whereas the earlier tomb of ' Ibi at the same site uses 0 000; Gebr. I, pIs. 13, 14).
The sign in one of the Coptos decrees of Pepy II is almost exactly the same in shape: :?' Weill, Deer.,
pIs. 2, 6. Cf. Junker, "Die Hieroglyphen fUr 'Erz' und 'Erzarbeiter'," MDIK 14, 89ff., and for the
later versions of the sign at Dendera see WZKM 57, 61.
96 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
kind ;429 copper is also mentioned in such accounts, although it appears also among the
items paid to the craftsmen who do the work on the tomb. 430
The remaining two passages are much more understandable:
(2) ~ }o~ ~ ~ I1: :::: ~ @J (pI. 6, rt4) " ... others upon whom this office of
'chancellor of the King of Lower Egypt' has devolved ... "431
(3) ~~ ~ ~~A A A ~ ~ ~ ~I (pI. 6, tr2, t2r2) " ... in (as?) that which my
ancestors possessed (?) therein432 (i.e. Dendera ?), those who were before me ... "
It seems probable that these phrases referring to 'Idw's peers and predecessors con-
clude a boast (or boasts) that 'Idw outdid them in some way.
'I dw's tomb affords tangible evidence of the resources he had at his disposal. As Petrie
says, it "is the largest and most elaborate in the cemetery" (PD, p. 8). The fact that this
mastaba was equipped with stone facing to some extent433 and with well-executed wall
paintings,434 the only example of this type of decoration found at Dendera, may be another
indication of ' Idw's wealth. His wealth is also indicated by the large number of wooden
figures (more than 36 of them) that Fisher discovered in the serdab, and by their fine
workmanship. Some of the figures are half life size, and presumably represent' I dw himself;
these were carefully fitted with inlaid eyes, but the eyes are almost all that is left of the
group, virtually all of the wood having been destroyed by white ants. 435
The addition of (2) n bw mic to 'Idw's title "overseer of Upper Egypt" may emphasize
that the title is meaningful,436 or it may mean that' Idw, as overseer, held office "rightly"
or "rightfully." The phrase is apparently used with a title in only one other instance; the
vizier Ppy_cn!J IJry-lb of Meir, who controlled the Middle Nomes, also appends n bw miC to
"overseer of Upper Egypt."437 The word miC alone is added to the same title by Wnl, who

U9 E.g. Snni, PD, pI. 7A, t2r3; N!!tw, pI. 11, lb; pI. 11, rt; Iftpi, pI. 11 B, t3r~.
430 In an account of P,roperty acquired: PD, pI. 11, rt; pI. 13, lb; probably Sn-nif,Sw-i, pI. 10, rt2.
Payment to workers: Sn-nif,Sw-i, pI. 9, br; Sn-sji, pI. I l A, Ib4; IftPi, pI. I l B, rt2; IftPi, pI. I l B,
t3. Gift to needy: D 3128 (Cairo J. d'E. 46048).
431 This statement was very likely like one made by ~ Ir of Edfu: -J...- ~ ~ . . : ~ r
0 } ~ ......JJ ~
:it :: ::!!....n}
~ ffiIIIll "This is not, indeed, what I found in the hand of the overlord who was in this
nome before me" (Urk. I, 254.10). For similar statements of somewhat later date, see Mo'alla, p. 196.
It is less likely that the statement of )1dw began -.A- 00 ~ g: - "never was the like done for ... "
(see Janssen, Trad. Autobiogr. I, VI H 9, I l , 20, 23), for the latter phrase would be more expected
at the court than in the provinces. For the writing of ilt cf. Medum, pI. 20.
432 W n.t n is taken as perf. participle ofiw n "to belong to," Gard. Gram. 3, § 114.1. It is also possible,
however, that the passage is to be interpreted as wnt.n it.w.i im "that in which my ancestors were,"
the form being perf. relative.
433 Mentioned above, p. 95. There is no question but that the passageway was faced with stone
slabs (Diary 2, p. 132). Fisher concluded that the blo()ks of dressed limestone at the corners of the
mastaba (two were actually found, at the northeast and southwest corners) were "evidently a part
of a scheme of stone casing of which there are other evidences in the main doorway" (ibid., p. 133;
cf. also p. 145.).
434 PD, pI. 5; W. S. Smith comments, HESPOK, p. 219: "This is well drawn in the old conventional
style and, apart from the odd detail of three men, each of whom carries a large fish on his head, presents
no marked characteristics." Traces of wall painting were found not only in the room that contained
the fishing scene (into which the entrance passage opens), but also in the room south of this; Diary 2,
p. 135. The scene depicting the owner spearing fish from a boat is common, but it is worth noting
that it occurs also across the river at the site of Gozeriya (p. 189 below).
436 Fisher calls this serdab "room 24"; it is within the northeast corner of the mastaba and "ap-
parently is the continuation of the stairway space." This room is not indicated on Petrie's map. The
statues were found at the east end, in debris (Diary 2, pp. 144-147).
436 Kees, Prov. Verw. I, p. 91, note 2, excludes this possibility: "der Zusatz 'richtig' (ml' oder n bw
ml') [hat] nichts mit wirklicher Amtsfiihrung zu tun." See next note.
437 Meir 4, pis. 6, 15. That n bw ml' means "actually" in his title is possibly indicated by a state-

ment in his biography (pI. 4) ~ ~ J } > I=l-A- :::J r ~:: ~ 7 "I speak truthfully; I have
A. Dynasty VI - 'IDW I 97
certainly controlled all the Upper Egyptian nomes ;438 other cases are Ppy-n!Jt of Abydos
and Ppy_cn!J of Meir, who are also viziers, and NI-cn!J-Ppy km of Meir, who is not. 439 None
of the other titles of these six is followed by a phrase containing ml( or the word ml(
itself. Tlwtl of Qasr es-Sayyad,440 and ' Ibl and [)(W 441 of Deir el Gebrawi use ml( after
other titles besides "overseer of Upper Egypt," and in these cases the addition is perhaps
of less significance. 442
It must be considered which nomes other than U.E. 6 may have been under 'Idw's
control as overseer of Upper Egypt. Unless he controlled all of Upper Egypt, it is unlikely
that he had jurisdiction as far north as Nome 8, since Abydos was an exceptionally
important administrative center in its own right.m The 7th Nome poses more of a problem
than Nome 8. Two overseers of Upper Egypt were buried in this district at Qasr es-Sayyad,
one the above-mentioned TIWtl, the other a son named 'Idw. 444 Both undoubtedly belong
to the reign of Pepy II and might well be contemporaries of ' Idw of Dendera; like the
Dendera nomarch, they are associatoed (as s"/:14 J;mw-nJr, not J;1!1 J;wt) with the pyramids of
Merenre and the two Pepys (Kemi 6, 87; ,Idw, p. Ill). On the other hand, there is a
possibility that some sort of kinship existed between the Tlwtls and 'Idws of Nomes 7
and 6 (see p. 57 above); other names known from these two nomes are likewise similar,
and the Abadiya mastaba described earlier (ibid.) is a striking testimony for the close
connection between the two provinces. If 'I dw controlled any territory beyond that
which he governed as nomarch, this area very likely included Nome 7. An equally close
connection is indicated between Dendera and Naqada, in U.E. Nome 5 (pp. 64-65). From
N ome 4, only a single overseer of Upper Egypt is known, and, like the late Sixth Dynasty
nomarch ' Iby of Thebes, he also has the title "overseer of the two granaries."445
Undoubtedly there may have been several other overseers of Upper Egypt, of whom
no record has survived, but as far as the present evidence indicates, there is no reason
why 'Idw cannot be fitted in among the known claimants as the possessor of authority
over several nomes adjacent to his own. At first glance, one might take the words "of
the nome," which are appended to the well-known title (12) "overseer of the phyles,"
not said it boastfully." The fourth sign is more likely than the ~ which Sethe proposes (ibid., pI. 4 A),
for the horizontal stroke belongs to a sign that continues towards the right. For the arrangement of J}
cf. the first col. on the opposite side of the inscription. This reading was suggested by Dr. Anthes.
Compare Gebr. 2, pI. 25, line 24, where m bw ml' is appended to the narration of Hn~w's achieve-
ments, followed by n gd.l grgim "I have not uttered falsehood therein."
438 Urk. I, IIO.2; Mar. Mon., p. 90, no. 529 (Cairo Cat. 1574: false door).
439 Mar. Mon., p. 91, no. 531 (Cairo Cat. 1573); Meir 5, pp. 16 and 1. Also the later triple nomarch
'b-i~w (Appendix B, no. I).
uOK'emz'6 ,p. 100. H e IS ~~
. --JJ --JJ p. 10 8 .

Ul 'lbi of Deir el Gebrawi appears to call himself an ~ 1- ~, Gebr. I, pI. 23 and Urk. I, 142.13.
Other titles with ml': Gebr. I, pIs. 8, 13, 18, 19. J)'w, ibid., 2, pIs. 6, 7 etc.
442 Cf. the phrase+ A > .:.: ---
D 1< ~ "a noble of the king who is true in respect to his office," on
a later false door from Saqqara (Quibell, Excav. Saq. [I905-1906J, pI. 14).
U3 See above, p. 69. The presence of an overseer of all Upper Egypt is exemplified not only by Wni,
but probably also by Jjwi of Abydos, who is mentioned in a Coptos decree dating to the 22nd year
of the reign of Pepy n (Urk. 1,280.16). The Dyn. IX inscription of 'n!Jty.fy of Moalla seems to indicate
that this state of affairs continued for some time (Mo'alla, n 8 1-2; cf. pp. 20If. below).
444 Kemi 6, p. 100; 'ldw, p. 108; who is presumably the same as the nomarch 'IdwjSnni, ibid.,
445 Winlock, M.K. at Thebes, pI. 1. This official, Wnis-'n!J, may date to the reign of Pepy n. It does
not seem possible that he is to be identified with Wni of Abydos, as Kees (Prov. Verw. I, p. 89) has
suggested. On the other hand, the same name and titles (except for ~ <=> ,Q,,Q,) are known for
the owner of a Saqqara mastaba (ASAE 40, 687); the absence of ~ ,Q, ,Q, in the offering chapel of
the latter has been confirmed by Mr. John E. Millar of the Chicago NatI. Hist. Mus. For 'Ifty, see
ASAE 4,98.

98 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
to deny this possibility. Since none of the nomarchs-overseers of Upper Egypt yet attested
is called "overseer of the phyles of Upper Egypt," however, mention of "the nome" in
this connection does not necessarily indicate that 'Idw's powers as overseer of
Upper Egypt were correspondingly limited. Only one other nomarch is called "overseer
of the phyles," ,Ilty of Thebes, and the title is likewise restricted to his nome (ASAE
Another title of ' Idw I, (3) "He who is privy to every secret word brought to the nome,"
likewise refers to the Dendera Province only, but I do not think the scope of 'I dw's
administrative powers as overseer of Upper Egypt is necessarily delimited by this title
either. The same distinction is shared by the Denderite nomarchs Tlwti (Fig. I7, PI. Xa)
and Ni-ibw-nswtfBbl (PD, pI. Il, It), as well as by the Theban nomarch 'Ilty (ASAE 4,
p. 99) and his son ijnti (note 307 above), none of whom is known to be an "overseer of
Upper Egypt." In each of these cases "great overlord of the nome" precedes, and it is
likely that the phrase in question is simply an amplification of this: "great overlord of
the nome who is privy to every secret word .... "
The very common title (4) "chancellor of the King of Lower Egypt" would not require
special mention here were it not for the fact that, in the passage quoted a little earlier,
'I dw uses it to refer to his peers or predecessors. By "common," I do not mean to say that
this title is an inferior one; on the contrary the "chancellors of the King of Lower Egypt"
at this period are usually officials of high rank. M6 It has been pointed out earlier (above,
p. 72) that the Old Kingdom nomarchs at Dendera generally have this title, while only
the latest of them, who combine the offices of "great overlord" and "overseer of priests,"
are usually lt1ty-< as well. It is doubtless this class of officials, rather than the office itself,
which'Idw had in mind.
'I dw' s connections with the Residence and the Crown are conspicuously evidenced,
first of all, by his title (5,6) i ~ of the pyramids of Pepy I and 11. The nomarchs at
Deir el Gebrawi (U.E. 8 and I2) and Qasr es-Sayyad (U.E. 7) also hold various titles in
connection with the pyramids of Merenre and Pepy I and 11, but in only one instance is
the title MI ltwt. 447 It seems doubtful that the wider use of lt~/ltwt by itself in the in-
scriptions of nomarchs and other provincial officials (see above, pp. 72 f.) is to be referred
to the administration of the pyramid estates, and I should hesitate to assume that lt~1
ltwt has this meaning even in the few cases where the nomarch who has the title is also
said specifically to be lt~/ltwt of a certain pyramid. m He also has the common Sixth-
Dynasty title (7) spsw nswt "noble of the king," which is known for only two other

446 See the tabulation of titles in Murray's Index, pIs. 59ff. Nearly all the "chancellors of the King
of Lower Egypt" are also fllty-'. In the list of Wnl's army, !uty-' comes first, and "chancellor of the
King of Lower Egypt" follows (Urk. I, I02.3.).
447 Qasr es-Sayyad: 'ldwand TiWti (Kcmi 6, 87 and Ill). Deir el Gebrawi:. 'Ibi and !)'w (Sm,i)
(Gebr. I, pIs. 4, 17, 18; Gebr. 2, pis. 5, 9, 10, I2). These four nomarchs are variously sfig fimw-nlr, imy-~t
fimw-nlr or ~nty-s of one or more of the Dyn. VI pyramids. 'Ibi is also MII-fiwt of a pyramid (Gebr. I,
pI. 7). Ggi, nomarch of V.E. 8, but buried at Saqqara, is sM fimw-nlr of Merenre's pyramid (Cairo Cat.
I455). Dltl, nomarch of V.E. 7, is imy-r sn' of Merenre's pyramid (fARCE I, p. 16 and fig. 4).
448 The evidence does not seem sufficient to support this assumption, though it is not in itself im-
plausible. The list of fiw.wt "estates" in Sneferu's valley temple shows that all the nomes contained
territories that yielded produce for the cult of this king's pyramid, and most of the V.E. nomes may
likewise have supplied the pyramid cults of Dyn. VI from estates of this kind; in such cases the
nomarch might logically have had the responsibility of accounting for the produce from the pyramid
estates in his nome.
It is also doubtful, however, that a nomarch who is MII fiwt can be assumed to be fi~1 fiwt of a
pyramid on the ground that he is associated with the pyramid cult in some other way; note that Ggi,
who is sM fimw-nlr of Merenre's pyramid (Cairo Cat. I455) does not claim the title MI fiwt on any of
his several monuments, and this title is usually conspicuous if it appears at all.
A. Dynasty VI - 'IDW I 99
nomarchs. 449 In the other cases where this title does occur, it is apt to be combined with (8)
smr pr "companion of the house," as in 'Idw's titulary.450 'Idw is also (9) "judge and border
official" (10) "who belongs to a preeminent place,"451 and (rr) "greatest of the tens of Upper
Egypt." These titles are held by some, but not many, of the nomarchs, and appear to
refer to the administrative duties of officials operating from the Residence. m It may be
significant that four out of six of the Sixth Dynasty nomarchs who hold the first of these
titles (or all three titles) are overseers of Upper Egypt; two of these are the very important
~ 11 of Edfu and Ppy- 'nfJ of Meir. 453 Since it follows the title 1- ~ and the foregoing group,
the title (12) "overseer of the phyles of the nome" is probably also to be included among
those functions of 'I dw that represent provincial duties performed directly in behalf of
the Crown; such titles probably go back to a period of provincial administration at the
Residence prior to assuming office in the nome. The connection between titles rr and 12
is discussed further in ]NES 'I8, 265f.
None of this last group of titles is mentioned in the inscriptions of >Idw's burial chamber,
and Mnl similarly appears to emphasize his provincial duties in this part of his in-
scriptions,454 though he there gives his titles as i ld of the royal pyramids.
The title "he who is privy to the secret of [the words of the god]" (13) is the most likely
of three possibilities that occur at Dendera. The stelae of tomb 770 follow l;try-sstl by
both U and 1 §j, but the first (PD, pI. rr, It) may be an error and the second (PD,
pI. rrA, It3) seems unlikely because the 1 would be far enough forward that some trace
of the top of it should be visible. For the suggested restoration see p. rr6 and n. 508 below.
As Fig. 16 shows, the stela on which the aforementioned title occurs is much the same
as D6705 (PI. V), but the figure presenting a jar evidently heads the procession of offering-
bearers instead of bringing up the rear.
The little that is known about' Idw's family is agreeably large in comparison to what is
known of the families of most of the Dendera nomarchs; they are pictured beside and
below the nomarch in the painted scene within the tomb. The son who stands before>I dw
is presumably the elder of the two, and has some of the same titles that accompany the
figure of 'Idw himself: M,1l;tWt, #Iwty blty, smr w'ty, and bry-l;tbt. His name appears to be
l&}, but the copy does not indicate obliterated areas and it is fairly probable that
l&} [ o ~] is to be read. Since Tlw might also represent an abbreviated form of Tlwtl
449 The other nomarchs are Ggi, who is J:try-tp 'I of the Thinite nome, but was buried at Saqqare
(Cairo, 72); and ppy-'nfj (Meir 5, p. 17). A lesser Old Kingdom official of the Thinite nome also has
this title (Lutz, Steles, nos. 48-53), but only the feminine form is known at Naga ed-Deir on later
stelae (ibid., no. 30; Dunham, Stelae, nos. 53, 75), and the latter is found once at Dendera: D IOn.
Cf. the references in lARCE 3, p. 25, n. 4; apparently the Dyn. X example quoted above in n. 442
is not to be regarded as a title, but rather as an epithet.
&50 See de Wit, Chron. d'Eg. 6I, 89ff.
451 Following Junker's interpretation as (nj)-nst-fjntjt (Gtza 7, 199-200). In Saitic times this phrase
does seem to have been used as a separate title (see Wb. Belegst. 2, 323.14), but in the Old Kingdom
it is regularly connected to 10\ 1-
~ or ~ (cf. Murray, Index, pIs. 59ff.), and in titularies of that
period it may be simply a genitival addition: "of preeminent seat."
'52 For the nomarchs in question, see the following note. The frequent occurrence of these titles at
the Residence may be seen from the examples listed by Murray, op. cit.
'53 !fIr, Urk. I, 253. ppY-'nfj, Meir 4, pI. 4 A. The third "overseer of Upper Egypt" is Mrw, Sh.
Said, pIs. 19, 2I. 'Isihas both titles (Gebr. 2, pI. 2I), but there is no evidence that he became "over-
seer of Upper Egypt." Bbi, a Dendera nomarch who dates to the end of Dyn. VI, is both [h:;;] 5'
~ ~ and 1- ~ (tomb no; PD, pI. 11 A, tr2), and probably was not an overseer of Upper Egypt.
The title 1- ~ is also held by !fIr of Edfu (Urk. I, 253.6).
'54 Note also /flgy of Naga ed-Deir, who is called "great overlord" in the inscriptions around the
rim of his coffin pit but not in his chapel (N 89; from information provided by W. S. Smith. Cf. 1 AOS
74, p. 33, n. 64)·
100 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials

Fig. I6
(cf. Tlwti and Ill, Captite Name, nos. 14, IS), it is in any case possible that the elder son
is to be identified with the IJwtl who occupied the smaller mastaba behind 'Idw I's
(p. IIO below) or with the nomarch IJwtl (p. 103). He is obviously more important than the
second son ' Idw, who is shown behind his fatherin the painted scene. The younger'I dw lacks
the titles J:t~/ J:twt and sg,Jwty blty, which his brother possesses, and on the other hand has the
lesser and more specialized office of a Wi = ~ "scribe of a boat 'side' {?)."455 The two sons
are probably also represented in the two figures who stand behind' Idw, their arms bent
in respect, on the only one of the stelae that has been completely preserved (D 6705).
Two women are pictured and named in the fresco scene, 'Idw's wife Bbl and a second
woman whose relationship to 'Idw is not specified and whose name is obliterated except
for an initial J{?) and }.{ ?). Evidently neither of these is to be identified with the MD.
whose stela was found in a chamber north of the one containing the fresco (pI. 6, 1t2, and
p. 8). Her relationship to 'Idw is not given either, but on the basis of style there is no
question but that she is a contemporary, or near contemporary, and some relationship is
accordingly to be assumed.
Titles, in the order in which they are mentioned in the following discussion:
(I) :2. ~ <::> ~~~ c>.A pI. 7, tr2

(2) [-= ~ I ~J -=- m}. c> er] -= Ii llo pI. 6, rb2; cf. pI. I~I A, rt6
455Grdseloff, A SAE 42, 26, reads gs in this title instead of im(w) , on the basis of a title IlIl!J c> 1111
~f found by Hassan (G£za 2, P.99 and pI. 29). Hassan compares the use of gs meaning "group,"
Wb. 5, I96.I2, I3. Whether Grdseloff's interpretation of ~ as a group of boats is correct or not, the
fact remains that the writing ~ for "imw boat" given in Wb. I, 78.8 is evidenced only in the title
under discussion (see Belegst.). Futhermore the combination of =and ~ appears in another title
in such a way that = must surely represent gs: ~ ~ ~ ~ -;:it:it:it(Teti Cem., p. I34). Gunn
translates "Overseer of the Two Sides (of rowers?) of the Boat of the Physicians of the Great
tIl= .
Many examples of 11I1!J ~ are known: BM I28, Hter. Texts I2, pI. 34; Tomb part., pp. I2I-I25;
Pyrs. des Reines, fig. 34, p. 57; Cairo I525; ASAE 8, p. I52 ([WiJ
~); Meir 5, pI. 24; Cairo 72 and 75;
Meir 5, p. I6. Most of these officials are also "overseer of the tenant landowners of the Great House."
The last two of them are an overseer of U.E. and nomarch, respectively, and the preceding two
are officials subordinate to a nomarch.
A. Dynasty VI - 'IDW II 101

Other titles:
[~]!lu pI. 6, rbz, lbz
T~ pI. 6, rbz, Glasgow '13-100 p.
~ ~ ~ pI. 6, rbz, lbz, pI. 7, tr, trz, Glasgow '13-100 p.
X.1llJ pI. 6, rbz
~0- p.
..-=[01] 1 6, lb z.
)Idw II's title (I) "overseer of the noble places of the Great House" is not evidenced
otherwise at Dendera, but it is well known from Memphite inscriptions. 456 It is by now
apparent, however, that the titles that refer in some way to the Crown do not follow a
set pattern. Only one other title (or epithet) among those preserved is really out of the
ordinary: (z) "vigilant as to that which the officials order." This precedes precisely
the same sequence of titles in the very similar inscription of N i-ibw-nswt, who is of slightly
later date (pI. I I A, rt6). Otherwise nothing very close to it has yet turned up earlier than
the Middle Kingdom, when phrases occur like ~ 0 '1' ~ .;, ~ "vigilant concerning that
which is ordered to him."457 The Dendera title differs from the later parallels chiefly in
identifying those who give the orders as the "officials"-the sr.w. Since the sr.w primarily
figure as agents of the king in the inscriptions of this period,458 one might interpret) I dw's
zeal in serving them as an indication that he did not have so clear a hand in the management
of the nome459 as )1dw I did. But this difference, if it is valid, is not very conspicuous in
the size and style of their tombs, which are of rather similar design, that of )Idw II being
rather less elaborate, but only a little smaller. And)I dw II appears to refer to "those who
were before" ([~ +]} .d')) him in much the same way as)I dw I speaks of his predecessors
(pI. 6, lzb3; cf. Urk. I, Z71.12).
Besides the two stelae illustrated in PD, pI. 7, each of which presents the inscriptions
in vertical columns, without dividing lines, there is a fragment in Glasgow that apparently
belongs to a third stela of rather different form (PI. Vla).460 This shows the titles [Mu]-
/:twt, smr [w']ty in one horizontal line and the name) I dw in a second line beneath, again
without dividing lines.
The three pieces of inscription in vertical columns are of interest not so much for their
content, which is restricted to funerary formulae, but for their position in the tomb.
Petrie found these somewhere along the front of the mastaba and concluded, perhaps
from their position when found, that they belonged over the door (PD, p. 10). Considering
the combined breadth of the first and third pieces, which belong together, no other possibi-
456 E.g. Teti Cem., 133, 152; James-Apted, Khentika, 9 (no. IS); Hassan, Giza 4, fig. II6, p. 165.
Cf. also ~ ~ t~ ~ ~ ~ A - ::. "one who judges in the noble places of the Great House," Junker
Giza 6, fig. S3, p. 215.
457 See Janssen, Trad. Autobiogr. I, p. 27; the example quoted is Louvre C 172.
458 The sr.w are characteristically officials of the Residence or nome officials who have authority over
other nomes delegated to them by the king. Thus an individual of the Old Kingdom claims to be
"revered with the king and with his sr.w" (Hassan, Giza 3, fig. 69, p. So). Smli of Coptos (Dyn. VIII),
in being informed of his son's appointment as overseer of Upper Egypt, is told: "My majesty has
commanded that he shall officiate (srr./), that he shall act exemplarily in these nomes (1-7) according
to your order ... " (Urk. I, 301.3, 4). A Coptos decree of Pepy II indicates that the sr.w handled the
order for corvee before the overseer of Upper Egypt obtained it (above, end of note 426).
459 Compare the prouder claims of the later Count Mry '/ of Hagarsa, who boasts that he is d:J ~

[}] ~ i Ii i:S sic? "one whose words

6.9) and the vizier Mrr-wi-kd, who is ~ ~
p. 135, no. 71).
(that which he says) are listened to by the sr.w" (Athr., pI.
~ <=> Ii :it:it:it
"one who orders the sr.w" (Teti Cem.,

460 Art Gallery and Museum, Kelvingrove, Glasgow, no. '13-IOOP. Note that the name "Adu II"
is inscribed by a modern hand on the broken surface, probably written by Petrie or one of his assistants
shortly after it was excavated.
102 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
lity seems likely. The breadth of these two pieces exceeds that of the niches or the space
on either side of the entrance.461 Architraves composed of an inscription in vertical columns,
with dividing lines between the columns, are known from the Memphite cemeteries, but
they are uncommon in the second half of the Old Kingdom. In nearly all of these earlier
cases the columns are very short, and the inscription is mainly restricted to titles, though
a brief offering formula precedes the titulary.462 At Dendera itself there is the inscription
of exactly the same kind from tomb 770 (pI. I I A, lt and rt6). Unfortunately, nothing
is said about the exact position in which the stones from this tomb were found, but it
would seem that they also constitute an architrave. Although the mastaba of '1dw II
lacks the usual recessed area into which an architrave was fitted above the door, tomb
770 does have this feature.
A fragment shown in PD, pI. 6, lbz, and described by Petrie as a "corner-piece" is, in
company with the aforementioned architrave, considered to belong to "an inscription
from the doorway." Since this joins the pyramidion illustrated by a line drawing in
pI. 13, rtz, it is evidently an obelisk of about the same size as those associated with other
tombs, particularly at Saqqara. Petrie's statement suggests that a pair of them flanked
the entrance of 'Idw's tomb, like the uninscribed pair at the rock-cut tomb of Mllw and
SJbni at Aswan. 463 To judge from the orientation of the inscriptions on two adjacent
faces, the obelisk that is partially preserved went on the left side. 464
The limestone statue of 'Idw II (pI. 7, It; MMA 98.4.9 and PI. VII of this volume)
deserves some comment if only because it is the one fairly complete example that has been
recovered from the mastabas of the nomarchs. William C. Hayes's pronouncement on
this scarcely seems too harsh, that it "shows the ultimate degradation of the sculptural
tradition of the Old Kingdom."485 It is a fairly imposing representation, however, on as
large a scale (about one-half life size) as many limestone statues that are as early as Dyn. V.
The wig derives from the type consisting of overlapping rows of short locks, but in this
case the shape seems to be partly assimilated to the wider shoulder-length wig, and more
particularly those Sixth Dynasty examples of the latter that show a slightly flaring
contour.466 Two somewhat smaller figures from Edfu are rather similar in this respect,
and are otherwise scarcely superior to'ldw's statue in worksmanship.467 The triangular
shape at the center of the short half-goffered kilt represents long strands of beads attached
m The first and third pieces (which join) make up 10 columns, with a breadth of about 90 cm.
This is too much to fit in the space between the door and the nearest niche on either side (75 cm.,
60 cm., to judge from the plan, pI. 29).
462 The earliest example I have noted is from "over the west side of the chamber" in the tomb of
R'-lttp, Petrie, Medum, p. 24 and pIs. 9 and 10. This has only titles and the name. In Junker, Gtza I,
fig. 57, p. 238, there is an architrave of at least 13 short columns which does have the offering formula;
it was originally placed over the entrance of the mastaba;-while another of the same type surmounted
the false door within. For a like example from over an entrance, see Junker, Gtza 2, fig. 24 B, p. 175.
The other architraves of this type known to me are from above false doors: Junker, Gtza 2,
fig. 28, p. 182; Gtza 3, fig. 27, facing p. 166; Gtza 5, fig. 4 B, P.29. A fragment of what may be an
architrave from above a false door, G£za 8, p. 115. has longer columns than the foregoing, and is of
later date.
463 Wresz., Bericht, pI. 47. Other examples of obelisks flanking an entrance are to be found in the
unpublished tomb of KI-£rr at Saqqara, as well as Jequier, Pyrs. des Reines, 4 and 43; Mon. fun. Pepi
11,3, pp. 69-70; Junker, Gtza 11, pp. lID-Ill.
464 More commonly only a single face is inscribed, or all four faces, but one other example like that
of 'Idw is known, inscribed on two adjacent faces, and the orientation is precisely the same as in the
present case: Cairo Cat. 17010; enough of one of the other sides of 'Idw's obelisk is preserved to
conclude, from an examination made in the Bristol Museum, that it was blank.
465 Scepter, I, 113. The MMA acc. no. is 98.4.9; existing height 60.5 cm.
m For references see AJA 66, 65, to which may be added Hassan, Gtza 3, pI. 5, and Gtza 7, pI. 56
bis (the latter an exceptional early Middle Kingdom example).
467 Fouilles Edfou 1933, p. 17 and pI. 13 (3-4).
A. Dynasty VI - TIWTI r03
to the belt; the beads are alternately blue and red. 468 Traces of paint below the neck show
that )Idw wore a broad collar, although its precise form can no longer be distinguished.
His right hand is clenched, with the usual rounded shape at the center; the thumb is
badly damaged, but it evidently lay on top of the other fingers and was not provided with
a support of "negative space." An extremely unusual feature is the seat, which is not an
indeterminate block of stone, as would be expected, but is a high-backed chair with straight
legs, painted with irregular black stripes on a yellow(?) ground to imitate wood. Examples
of chairs (other than those involving royal thrones) are rare after the Archaic Period,
but one might compare the relief band, suggestive of legs and seat, that sometimes occurs
on the sides of the blocklike support on which Old Kingdom seated figures were placed;
this usually frames an inscription, or reliefs representing the owner's family, but in at
least one such case a broad back is provided that reaches just below the shoulders, so that
the ensemble is virtually the same as in the case of )Idw's statue. 4G9 It therefore seems
unlikely that his seat, although it w~s undoubtedly regarded as a chair, was patterned
on a piece of furniture in daily use; it more probably derives from the structural elements
found in earlier statuary.
Titles, in order of occurrence:
(1) ~ rJu pI. 7, br2
(2) i ~ pI. 7, br2, E 17749
(3) r ~;t; pI. 7, br2, E 17749
(4) llTh J pI. 7, br2, E 17749
(5) ~- ~ pI. 7, br2
(6) 90 _
0 I
[ 9 n =tr. ~ -] n=
=>I' of) ~ _ U0
[=] ~ [0] 'iI
of) ~ ~ JJ
= -= [IIIIIIBJ El7749
0 0 I

One of the four stelae that Petrie attributed to Tlwtl/Rsi (pI. 7 br2) is clearly distin-
guishable from the others in composition and general style, and in the details of the signs
and relief figures, although the format of the stones and the scale of the figures are more
or less the same. Three more stelae have come to light which conform to the style of the
remaining three: the lower half of one is in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (MFA 98.1036) ;
another one, intact (E 16020), and a small portion of a third (E 17844)470 are in the Uni-
versity Museum (PIs. XVII-XVIII). Of the five of these that are sufficiently preserved
to show the general composition, all but one follow the arrangement of Mni's stelae (type
F in Fig. 14, p. 63 above); the exception, pI. 7 (lb), has a seated instead of a standing
figure, and the horizontal line at the top is continued at left to fill the space that has
been gained. In all cases, however, the patterning of the kilt and, to a lesser degree, the
468 This detail is illustrated by Borchardt, Slat. I, pp. 43, 91 (Cairo Cat. 47, 119), in both cases
similarly combined with the half-gofIered kilt.
469 Bull. Brooklyn Mus. 13, no. 3 (1952), 13. For the frame on the block alone see Cairo Cat. 65,
which apparently resembles the case mentioned by W. S. Smith, HESPOK, 56, but has a pattern
usually associated with borders; in Cairo Cat. 65 and 181 incised borders of this type enclose an
inscription. On Cairo Cat. 376 the border is itself inscribed with inscriptions and encloses reliefs; it
is broad at the top and front but extremely narrow at the back, so that the legs of a chair could hardly
have been thought of in this case; cf. also the thin border around reliefs on Cairo Cat. 21. In none of
these cases is the blocklike seat painted to imitate wood, and although a few examples with plain
sides are sometimes painted in this manner (e.g. Cairo Cat. 25, 380), a red and black imitation of
granite is more common. For the high back cf. Cairo Cat. 3. 4, 53, and especially 87, which has a back
of the same height as that of 'ldw's statue, as well as 44 (a lower back).
410 E 17844 was assembled from unnumbered fragments in the Egyptian section storeroom, which
were worked over in the summer of 1950.
104 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
scepter of the relief figures of Tlwti are substantially the same as they are in the case of
Mni. Like him, Tlwti uses the later writings ~ and +}
~471, and he has the same
form of the group ill = and very similar forms of the signs db and ~. The rear legs
are likewise indicated beneath the abdomen of the bee, as Mni shows them.472 The vertical
writing of iml!Jw ends with the group ~; this occurs in earlier Old Kingdom inscriptions,
but at Dendera it is otherwise found only in the inscriptions of Mni, and of an imy-r pr
who is a contemporary of Tlwti. 473 The pendant part of the sign C!I") is separated (EI6020),
although it is not so completely separated as in Mni's form of the same sign. The vertical
writing of the name Tlwti transposes ~ and ~ in the group ~ ~.
The stela that is so different from the others of T!wti differs in precisely these points
that have just been listed, as far as they are evidenced at all. No horizontal line surmounts
the columns of inscription; the kilt lacks the criss-crossed pattern shown in the other
T!wti stelae, and the head of the scepter has the unusual form (==t:==J), which is found
on the one intact stela of 'ldw I, D 6705, and on another stela of similar arrangement,
which belongs to a certain Sndm-ib (below, pp. III f.). The writing of prU !Jrw has 0, is,
and =; /.ttp is ~ instead of ~; f occurs instead of the less usual Y of Tlwti/RSi;
)t is written thus, without indication of the spur (];I); in ~ the edge of the leaf is concave
instead of straight; the bee is without any indication of the rear legs; and the sign ~
shows the older form, instead of the one used by Mni. Some of these features-thescepter,
~, and ~ in particular-suggest that the stela of different style is not far removed
from 'ldw I in date. There is even greater similarity to the stela of S!Jt-l}tp (pI. 6, lt2),
which was found in one of the rooms inside 'ldw's mastaba; the general arrangement, the
style of the signs, even the quality of the stone, correspond so closely that it must have
been made within a short time of the manufacture of the first, and made by the same
craftsman. Particularly characteristic is the style of relief, which is produced by cutting
down only that part of the surrounding area of stone that is immediately adjacent to the
outline of the figure. In the other stelae of T!wti the background surrounding the figure
is cut back much more deeply and to a more uniform level. The stelae of 'ldw I show
something of the same labor-saving technique, as does the distinctive stela that bears the
name of Tlwti, and this style is characteristic of several other Sixth Dynasty inscriptions
at Dendera and Gozeriya (PIs. VI, VIII, IX, XX-XXIII, and PD, pI. 10, r2b2).474
An important addition to the aforementioned evidence has been made by an assemblage
of 20 pieces that were found scattered among a number of unregistered Dendera stones in
1950 and were subsequently reconstructed as illustrated in Fig. 17 and PI. Xa. 475 This
reconstructed stela (E 17749) is of particular interest because it resembles the one stela of
T!wti that has been differentiated from the rest; not only are the style and arrangement,
the shape of the scepter, and the details of the signs the same, but the content of the
inscription is the same too.

471 The form of this is not easy to make out in P D, pI. 7, bl; E 16020 has \J.
472 In E 16020 this detail is exactly the same; in PD, pI. 7, br, both rear legs are shown.
473 Many examples may be found in Mereruka: e.g. vol. I, pis. 46, 100. The examples in Tlwtl's
stelae are: pI. 7, Ib, E 16020. The inscription of a contemporary of Tlwti is in New York, MMA
98.4.68 (PI. XIX a).
474 This technique is attested earlier at Giza (HESPOK, 162-163) and later at Naqada (Captite
Name, SI).
475 The upper left corner was found only after the other pieces had been assembled, when it became

apparent that a name was to be expected at this point, and that the name might well be ~} Q~. The
quality of limestone and the fonn of the signs agree perfectly with the other fragments; the proportions
also agree; the top of the figure's head appears on the corner piece precisely where it should be expected.
A. Dynasty VI - YWT'I I05

Fig. 17
Every detail of the inscription of E 17749 can be restored except the lacuna between rn.J
and the name. Rn.J nfr, .;:: [~J, would seem the likeliest possibility, since the use of rn.J nfr
with the "good name" alone, as well as with the other name preceding, is known for this class
of stelae, and the first usage is particularly well attested. 476 Unfortunately the restoration is
not beyond question, since the sign! would take up precisely the same space as ~ ; and, although
there is little or no evidence for the phrase rn.J <I at Dendera,477 two inscriptions do have
rn <I (without suffix) + name, without mention of the other name (see below, p. 1I7).
If rn.J [nfr] is restored before the name of Tlwti on the reconstructed stela, then this
and the other stela of similar style and content must belong to a different individual from
the one who is represented by the other inscriptions, for Tlwti is accompanied by the
"good name" Rsi on a drum lintel that is palaeographically associated with the more
numerous group. For the use of Tlwti as the "good name" in the earlier case and not the
later, one may compare the use of 'Idw as a "good name" on the stelae of the Sixth
Dynasty nomarchs, and the fact that the same name 'Idw is accompanied by the "good
name" W!ui on the stela of a later overseer of priests (PD, pI. 10, rb).478 The existence of
'78 See above, note 320, for a list of Dendera examples. Of the two stelae that are stylistically
similar to I/w~i's E 17749, that of Sat-MP (pI. 6, It2) has the "good name" preceded by rn.s nlr alone,
while that of Sn{jm-ib (below, p. 112) precedes the "good,name" by the other name and rn.1 nlr.
'77 It occurs, apparently mistakenly, before the name Snni, which is otherwise said to be the "good
name" of Nlr-ssm-Ppy (pI. 7 A, Ib4).
'78 Cf. also the use of the name ljnw by two individuals (perhaps related) who made their tombs
at the temenos wall of Mrr-wi-kd's mastaba:
U ~.Jt ~ ®_.Jt Teti Gem., p. 186 (for location, see p. 42);

!. 0 }. ~ ~ = ~Q A ibid., p. 216 (for location, see p. 42).

Io6 Part VI. The N om arch and Other Officials
two Tlwti's is also indicated by the fact that the stelae derive from two adjacent mastabas,
the southern one excavated by Petrie, the other partially cleared by Rosher after Petrie
had finished his season's work (Fig. 18).479 Although Rosher found an intact stela of

Fig. 18
Ilwti/Rsl in the northern mastaba, while Petrie found one of the stelae of Sixth Dynasty
style in his, it is probable that the southern tomb, containing the bulk of the Ilwti/Rsl
inscriptions, is to be attributed to that individual and that the second Ilwti is to be
assigned to the other tomb. In view of the proximity of the two mastabas and the fact
that they were reduced to ruins only a foot high, it is not surprising that two stelae
eventually found their way into their neighbor's area.
A further complication is introduced by the fact that the northern mastaba also yielded
a small calcite offering slab (E 3615), which is inscribed for a nomarch named Mnl
(Fig. 19 below, and pp. I07f.). But there is good reason to think that this was not the
place where it was originally deposited, and it does not necessarily bear any relation to
the mastaba attributed to Ilwti.
The two stelae of Ilwti that have been distinguished from those of Ilwti/RSi bear
very nearly the same series of titles. The one found by Petrie identifies him as #,Iwty-
bUy, MI-&,wt, smr-w'ty, !:Jry-&,bt, &,ry-tp 'I n SPit, while the other omits the initial sg.lwty-

479 From Rosher's records. This tomb is indicated by a dotted outline in Petrie's map, pI. 27; and
is labelled "Zauta (R) [osherJ," whereas the adjacent tomb on the south is called "Zauta Resa."
Apart from the rather incomplete plan, the only records made by Rosher that I have been able to
locate are some brief notes inserted in a packing list which he prepared when his finds were shipped
to Philadelphia. Though the University Museum's A.E.S. (American Exploration Society) Register
enters two pieces (AES 304, 310) as "stela of Zauta (perfect)," E 16020 is the only intact stela of
Ilwti in the Museum, and only one stela is mentioned in Rosher's list. Neither of the two AES numbers
can be found on E 16020, but it is evidently the stela that is described in Rosher's list:
"A stela was found bearing Zauta's name-The mastaba had been used for late burials. It adjoined
or was perhaps a continuation of another mastaba with same name found by Prof. Petrie."
The northern structure cannot well be a continuation of the southern mastaba, however, for the plan
of the latter shows it to be complete in itself; the position and proportions of the offering chamber
would be amiss if the length of the fayade were greater. It will be seen that this point is confirmed by
Rosher's own plan of the second tomb.
A. Dynasty VI - MN'I I07
bUy and expands the last title: "great overlord of the nome [who is privy to the
secret] of every secret word brought to [the nome]." This addition also occurs in the
burial chamber of ' Idw I, and is discussed in the section dealing with that nomarch. The
omission of (tlty-( from the titulary is not unusual since 'Idw, who occupied a special
position as "overseer of Upper Egypt," is the only Denderite nomarch who held the rank
before it became customary for nomarchs simultaneously to possess the title "overseer
of priests."
Although the mastaba presumed to belong to IJwti is relatively modest in size, having
only ten niches along the fac;ade as compared with eleven in the neighboring tomb attri-
buted to IJwtl / RSl, the entrance passage and offering chamber are said to have contained
"stone lining slabs." A pit two feet deep was cut in the desert rock just east of the offering
chamber, but the actual burial shaft seems to have remained undiscovered. Rosher's
plan (Fig. 18) does not inspire confidence that he examined the entire area covered by the
mastaba. The shallow pit may be a $econdary burial, as in the case of a secondary pit of
about the same depth in the mastaba of IJwti B (PD, p. 7).

The only inscription of this nomarch that has come to light is the small calcite offering
slab (E 3615) of which a facsimile is shown in Fig. 19: "may offerings go forth to the Sole

1 2 3 4 5 CM
Fig. 19

Companion, Great Overlord of the Nome, Mnl." This may seem hardly worthy of a
nomarch's funerary equipment; its diminutive size (as well as the material) is readily
explained, however, if it is compared with the class of objects that were customarily
placed, not in the offering room, but in the burial chamber. Such objects often include
calcite tablets, about the size of Mnl's slab, inscribed with the names of the seven ritual
oils, and small l;tp offering tables of metal480 • I have found only one case where a calcite

480 Some examples of the calcite tablets are collected by Junker, Gtza 7. p. 187. For the metal
offering trays see Hassan. Gtza 3. p. 12 (length 18.5 cm.); BMFA II. 59 and 61; PD. pI. 22 and p. 7.
108 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
offering slab of comparable size was found in a shaft burial ('I-kJw-PPy, at Qatta),481 but
a somewhat larger one is known to come from the burial chamber of Mrr-wl-kd;482
another, in the Metropolitan Museum, is slightly smaller than Mrr-wl-kd's and may
similarly have come from the burial chamber of its owner. 483
It has already been noted, in the preceding discussion of the two adjacent mastabas
attributed to DwtijRsi and the nomarch IIWti, that Mni's offering slab was found in the
offering chamber of the latter (the northern mastaba), within a "small pit containing
bronze fish-hooks etc." The position of the pit was near the false-door niche, but not
immediately in front of it, and it does not seem possible, judging from Rosher's map and
description, that the small calcite slab served the purpose of the larger slabs in the shape
of ~ that frequently marked the offering place in chapels.484 Thus there is little likelihood
that it was found near the place where it was originally deposited. One can only surmise
that it came from one of the nearby Sixth Dynasty tombs (cf. p. 109 below, no. I).
Although the inscription may seem too crude to have been made for an Old Kingdom
nomarch, it does not necessarily reflect on the quality of any other inscriptions that he
may have possessed. An instructive comparison is provided by the crudely inscribed basin
of >Iny and his beautifully finished niche-slab. 485 One can hardly expect so small a monu-
ment to provide much evidence for the date, but at least two indications point to the
Sixth Dynasty. The somewhat unusual arrangement of the group Ljl ~ - occurs in the
tomb chamber of >Idw I (LfJ ~ ::., pI. SA, rb4), and the form of [J, the sign for bread,
is found on the Sixth Dynasty stelae of Ilwti (pI. 7, br2).
The fact that the title ftry-tp 'I n SPit is preceded only by smr w'ty does not mean, of
course, that he had no higher rank than that.

The Other Tombs and Inscriptions of Dyn. VI

If all the nomarchs who have been reviewed individually in the preceding pages belong
most probably to the reign of Pepy II, the same date is indicated for a certain number of
individuals who are of lesser importance or about whom much less is known; some further
nomarchs are doubtless represented among them. With the exception of number 4, the
first seven tombs catalogued below lie within the same region as the four tombs that have
just been dealt with (area 18 and the southern half of 20 on Fisher's grid). Petrie links
most of these seven additional tombs to one or another of the aforementioned four; his
remarks should be consulted for details. Items (8) and (9) in my list disagree with Petrie's
dating, and I have eliminated two tombs that he mentions in his section on the Sixth
Dynasty tombs, but elsewhere assigns to a later period.486 I have also eliminated some
481 Cairo J. d'E. 88867, excavated by the Egyptian Dept."of Antiquities in the season of 1948-49.
482 Teti Cem., pI. 12 C and p. 26. As far as can be seen from the scale in the photograph, the length
is about 46 cm.
483 Scepter, I, pp. II6-II7: "An alabaster offering slab or model offering table in the form of the

hieroglyph ~ ... " (MMA 11. I So. I E). The same tomb yielded another calcite tablet with hollows for
the seven ritual oils; this object (MMA 11.ISO.1 A) certainly came from the burial chamber, and it is
likely that the two tablets were found together. The length of the offering slab is 39 cm.; width 2S.8 cm.
484 Examples are collected by Hassan, G1za S, 180-188.
485 For the basin see Lutz, Steles, no. 9; for the niche slab see Reisner, Hist. Giza Necrop. I, pI. 20 (b).
486 Two mastabas to the north of 'Jdw II, PD, pp. 10 and 18: (I) "Merru" (pI. 7 A, r3b4), which is
not a name, but an imperfective active participle in an address to passers-by, "0 revered ones upon
earth, who wish that their state of reverence (be with their local god)"; the absence of border lines
on this segment of frieze and the general appearance of the inscription suggest that it might be as
early as the time of Nfr-ssm-Ppy, who uses the same Old Kingdom formula on his frieze (pI. 7 A,
rb4). (2) Dgit (pIs. 7 A, 12b3 and 6, br2); it is difficult to date the lintel on which this woman is men-
tioned, but two other pieces inscribed for a man, and said to come from the same tomb (bottom of
pI. 6), are evidently as late as Dyn. XI.
A. Dynasty VI - The Other Tombs and Inscriptions of Dyn. VI rog
other tombs that were included in the original edition of this work, either because they now
appear to be definitely later or because the evidence for their date no longer seems suffi-
ciently conclusive. 487 The remaining items in the list represent the few stones found by
Fisher that appear to belong to the Sixth Dynasty material.
Only seven titularies of men are even partly preserved, and no less than four of these
(9, Il, 14, IS) have the title ..:2. 1- ~ {ill "royal chamberlain of the Great House" (pr-Cl restored
in the case of no. 9), as does an anonymous contemporary at Gozeriya (PIs. XX-XXII). One
of them (rr) is also "inspector of lzm-njr priests" and two others (8,13) are "lector priests."
(I) Mastaba north of and adjacent to the mastaba of Tlwti B (PD, p. 7; plan
pI. 28). A burial (not the main one) contained a mirror and several stone vessels (PD,
pI. 21, tr2), including some calcite and limestone vases of Sixth Dynasty type as well as
some vases and dishes of diorite that might be of earlier date. 488 If this tomb is actually
as early as the Sixth Dynasty, it might possibly belong to the nomarch Mni, whose small
calcite offering slab found its way into the chapel of the mastaba behind it, having been
removed from his burial chamber.
(2) Tlwti B (loc. cit.). The date is only rather doubtfully indicated by the preceding
tomb, to which it is linked. The stone on which the name was found is not described or
illustrated.489 It contained a later burial with a scarab (unillustrated) said to be of Dyn. XII.
(3) Tomb south of and adjacent to the preceding (loc. cit.).
(4) Tomb 524 (PD, p. 8; plan, pI. 28), some distance from the area where most of the
Dyn. VI tombs are concentrated, but not far from the mastaba of Ni-ibw-nswtfBbi.
A Dyn. VI calcite vase (pI. 20) was found within the pit. A mirror (ibid.) was also found,
suggesting that the owner of the mastaba was a woman, or that it was perhaps shared by
a woman and her husband.
(5) ,Idw III (PD, pp. Iof.; plan, pI. 30). The fragment of a single stela from this mastaba
(PI. VIe; PD, pI. 13, t4r3) is of much the same pattern as the stelae of 'Idw Il, except that
the figure of the owneris in the style of' Idw 1's reliefs; cf. PI. V. Both' Idw Il and III omit
dividing lines between the columns of inscription. The frieze (group, pI. 13, tr3) lacks
border lines, as do the other earlier examples, including that of ' Idw Il. One fragment of
this addresses the passers-by: "0 (ye) who live [upon earth]." Another refers to "all its
(Dendera's) [good] festivals," probably in conclusion of a list of feasts on which the owner
desires offerings. A third has ilf,r.w, recalling a phrase in a section of 'Idw 1's frieze (see
above, p. 95). On the stela fragment the name is preceded by [r]n.f nfr, probably without
mention of a second name, as in the inscriptions of 'Idw I and Il. No titles are preserved.
(6) 'Idw IV (PD, p. rr; plan, pI. 35). Since this mastaba was "probably greatly altered,"
the dating of it is less certain, but the name 'Idw found on a fragmentary door lintel
(pI. 13, below 'Idw III fragments) seems to belong to the same family as (5).
487 These are: (I) "Meru" (loc. cit.), whose tomb is adjacent to that of Mni (see p. 91 above); (z)
lintel of Count Bbi (PD, pI. 1Z, Ibz), the date of which is not necessarily indicated by the absence of
a frame around the inscription; (3) the right side of a stela, MMA 98+68, which resembles the stelae
of TlwtijRsi (p. 175 below, and PI. XIXa).
488 A grave at Badari similarly yielded a group of stone vessels (no. 3143; Qau-Badari I, pp. Z9-30),
one of which was a diorite bowl thought to be of earlier date (ibid., pI. z6 [5J), another of which was
a Sixth Dynasty globular calcite vase (ibid., pI. z8 [155J) like the one shown at the top of PD, pI. ZI,
trz, and a third an elongated calcite vase of more conventional type (Qau-Badari I, pI. z8 [lz7J). Pottery
(not illustrated) was also found in this grave, which Brunton dates to Dyn. VI. The globular calcite vase
was also found in a Sixth Dynasty tomb (no. 70) at Mahasna (Garstang, Mahdsna-Bet Khalldf, p. Z9
and pI. 34, ltz). It should be added that diorite bowls continued to be made in the Sixth Dynasty, as
shown by the forms in Jequier, Pyrs. des Reines, z8-30 (cf. also the globular calcite jar ibid., P.3Z).
488 This cannot well be the fragmentary lintel shown in pI. 13 (rzb3); the framing border would be
unexpected for a Dyn. VI lintel, and the workmanship is cruder than is otherwise known from Dyn.
VI at Dendera.
HO Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
(7) Tlwtl A (PD, pp. IIf.; plan, plo 30). Petrie suggests that the tomb is as early as
Dyn. VI, and this may well be so, for it lies directly behind the mastaba of )Idw I, and it
yielded some brown-red, thin and highly burnished pans (plo 16 [IOJ)490 that do not seem
to be of much later date. Possibly the owner is to be identified with the TJw[ti] who is
the elder son of )Idw I; see above, p. 100. The stone on which the name appears is un-
published (cf. note 489).
(8) Nb.l-pw-IJr. A corner of the stela of this man, who is a lector priest, and "his [wife,
his beloved,] the r!J.t nswt, [4-] ~]491 priestess of Hathor, Mistress of Dendera, Ijwl" was
found by Petrie in a tomb identified as "Beba 6."492 The position of this is just southwest
of a mastaba that will soon be discussed, tomb 770, probably dating to the very end of
the Sixth Dynasty. The other pieces from the "Beba 6" tomb are distinctly later, and at
least as late as the Mrrl group.493 The details that most clearly mark the Nb.l-pw-IJr stela
as being of Sixth Dynasty date are the form of @ and ~; also the style of relief (like
the stelae discussed immediately below, nos. 9, 10, II). Below Ijwl's title and name, her
head and shoulders are scarcely visible, en creux. The wig seems to be much the same as
in the second of the next two stelae discussed below (10), but it possibly reappears below
the shoulder on the area now lost.
(9) Rdw-ll:z,w. The name belongs to the wife in a stela representing a seated couple
(plo 10, b2r2; no location is given by Petrie). She has the title r!J.t nswt, he the title !J,ry-tp
nswt [pr (/ (?)], but his name is lost. On the right, the small figure of a man thrusts a jar
towards the husband (Fig. 20a), a detail that apparently led Petrie to say that the stela is
"probably the same" as his Class 4 (end of Dyn. XI) (PD, p. 21). It is true that the motif
of a small figure who extends a drink to the owner's face is characteristic of the Eleventh
Dynasty, but the closest parallels for this particular example are provided by reliefs of
the Old Kingdom. The lower architrave of If.Jr of Edfu (Cairo ]. d'E. 43370; Fig. 20b)
shows the jar being offered by a small offering figure who is located before the owner's face,
and there is a scene in the mastaba of PtlJ-lJtp at Saqqara,494 representing an individual in
a boat who is served from the same type of jar by a youth, and who steadies the jar in
much the same way as his Denderite counterpart (Fig. 20C). In PtlJ-lJtp's scene the servant
is depicted on the same scale as the person served, and does not "float" in midair as the
servants do at Edfu and Dendera. The small "floating" figures of servants that appear on
reliefs of the late Old Kingdom at the Memphite cemeteries often hold an open censer
before the face of their master.495 On the stelae of provincial Upper Egypt the small
servant figure becomes very characteristic towards the advent of the Eleventh Dynasty,
and in nearly every case he offers the owner drink (see esp. Clere, Rev. d'Eg. 7,23ff.).
The large jar is usually not offered directly, however; a small bowl is held to the owner's
mouth, and the jar, if it is pictured at all, contaihs the supply from which the bowl is
490 Cf. Junker, Giza 7, fig. 103, p. 245.
491 Seen on the original, in the Univ. Mus. (E 17868).
492 Ibid., p.20. The stela fragment is not explicitly mentioned here, but it is grouped with the
later stela of Bbi T (also labelled e) and his son Sbk-n!Jt on pI. ID A, lb, and on pI. 15 a line-drawing
of it is captioned "Khua, Tomb Beba e."
493 The forms Jl and ~ (pI. 15, r3b3) suggest Mrri's period; see above, pp. 77, 79ff. The name Mnlw-
~tP does not appear on these fragments, however, as Petrie says on p. 20 and in the caption "Mentu-
hoteptombBebae" on pI. 15. The inscription in question reads:::: . : ~ [~J "that what they made
might remain" and is the conclusion of a statement concerning the payment of the workers (cf. pI.
11 A, lb).
494 Paget-Pirie, Ptak., pI. 32. Cf. Mereruka, pIs. 42, 43; a similar scene, but a bowl is held to the
recipient's mouth, rather than a jar. Both the bowl and the jar appear in Mohr, Mast. Hetep-ker-akkti,
figs. 18 (the most similar case), 21, 30.
495 E.g.: Junker, Giza 6, fig. 82, p. 213; Giza 7, fig. 48 A, p. 131; fig. 51, p. 137; fig. 53, p. 140; Gba
9, fig. 75, p. 165. In the last case it is the eldest son who offers incense.
A. Dynasty VI - The Other Tombs and Inscriptions of Dyn. VI III


Fig. 20

filled (ibid., fig. 2, a-n). The Rdw-i/:tw stela, together with that of Wti, described below,
apparently contains the earliest fonn of the motif at Dendera.
(10) Wti (D 1077; PI. VIII). This woman is "noblewoman of the king," "known to the
king" (r&.t nswt) and priestess of Hathor. Her monument confirms the dating of Rdw-
l/:tw, for the style of the two stelae is exactly the same, and in this case there are several details
in the more completely preserved inscriptions that point to the late Sixth Dynasty. The
J:r,tp-di-nswt fonnula has the /:ttp-sign under Anubis, and the place-determinative after
imywt; the tp-sign has the beard, and the inner detail of the place-determinative has the
fonn @. Rn.s nfT precedes the "good name" without mention of a second name. For the
form and arrangement of the table with broad loaves above it and jars before it the Sixth
Dynasty stela of 'Ini-kl.fmay be compared (Coptite Nome, no. 8).
This stela comes from a point south of the area where most of the mastabas of the
Eighth Dynasty are grouped (loc. I3:033AjxI6, shaft).
(n) Sng,m-ib. The stela of this individual, who has the titles r ~ and .:2. t ~ 111,
was found by Fisher in his area 8: 230, east of the main Sixth Dynasty area and north
II2 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
of the Dyn. V group of Nl-lbw-nswt (the stone was too fragile to be removed; PI. IX shows
a field photograph). It is clear from the arrangement, the style of relief, and the forms of
several of the signs that this stela is to be classed with those of SfJt-! and the Ilwtl who
may be the son of 'Jdw I. In one respect, however, it is different; contrary to the usage
found in other inscriptions of the same period, rn.f nfr is preceded as well as followed by
a name (the second name begins with ~ ~).496
Snfl,m-lb's chief importance lies in the fact that he is a lesser supervisor ("inspector")
of priests, a s/:14 !; no temple administrators are otherwise known from this period
at Dendera. The same title occurs on two Eleventh Dynasty stelae (D 860, E 17737), in
one case preceded by smr w'ty.
(12) Ni-'nfJ-!Jt/:tr. The tomb of this woman lay only about 9 meters east of 'Idw I's
mastaba (loc. 18: 091). It was evidently so completely destroyed that a detailed plan
could not be made, but it yielded a lintel (D 1253; PI. XIa) and offering slab (D 1254;
PI. XIb) with the name and title (rfJt nswt) of the owner. The left end of a drum lintel,
D 1255, without framing line, was also found; the inscription ends with ~ ~ ~ ~ probably
"the revered' Jlfr." The forms of the hieroglyphs in N i- (nfJ-!Jt!z.r's inscriptions indicate a date
not far removed from that of' J dw I. The arrangement of the group prl fJrw n on the offering
slab is a little more like that of tomb 770 than that of'J dw I, but tomb 770 has different forms
of the /:ttp-sign and ~ "Hathor;" both of these are the same as ' Idw I uses. The sign Dj
is the same also, and the bread sign Q is otherwise known only for' Jdw I at Dendera.
(13) IJlr. The common Old Kingdom name IJlr is found only once at Dendera, on the
base of a limestone statue which is almost entirely destroyed (D 1246; PI. Xb). The title
IJry-! "lector priest" precedes the name. Fisher discovered this fragment a short distance
south of Ni-(nfJ-!Jt/:tr's tomb, just at the edge of the Sixth Dynasty area (loc. 8:782BjxI).
From the surviving portion of the statue, the attitude is seen to be rather unusual: the
right knee is cocked up before the figure, while the left leg is also bent, the calf lying flat
on the ground. At least one other statue of precisely the same type is known from the
Sixth Dynasty, and there are others from this period that are more or less similar. 497
(14) Snbl. A lintel, without framing line, and bearing the name of a .:: 01lli Snbl, +
appears to have been found near Ni-(nfJ-!Jt/:tr's tomb (D 1242; PI. XIIa). The location is
not recorded, but the preceding item in the Register is from 8: 880. Aside from its location,
the style of the lintel and the title would also agree with a Sixth Dynasty date. A further
indication is provided by a lintel(?) with the old writing ~, which follows D 1243 in
the Dendera Register,498 and is perhaps to be associated with it.
(15) E 17833, location unknown. A more fragmentary lintel that similarly lacks a
framing border (PI. XIIb) is probably to be restored thus:

498 S:f. Sn!Jm-ib, rn./ n/r~ ~ ~ Junker, Giza 11, fig. 33, p. 55. >Inty also occurs as the "good name"
of a Sn!Jm-ib, but this name is not usually written with an initial ~ in the Old Kingdom.
497 Cairo 120. Borchardt (Stat. I, P.92) attributes this to Dyn. VI. The provenance is uncertain:
"Saqqara 1885 (?)." W. S. Smith, HESPOK, p. 87, agrees with this date, and mentions other examples
of more or less the same type (pp. 87, 89). One of these (Cairo J. d'E. 53150) has the feet together
flat on the ground, one knee up in front while the other knee falls to the right without touching the ground
(Junker, Giza 11, pI. 10 and Aldred, O. K. Art, pI. 49). Another (Cairo J. d'E. 41978) is much the same,
but the left leg lies on the ground (Reisner, Mycerinus, pI. 63, no. 43). A third comes from Naga ed-Deir,
and is badly broken; it is apparently like Cairo 120. The attitude is also known in the Middle Kingdom;
cf. BMMA 17 (1959), 145-153 and Herma van Voss, Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux 13, 317-321.
498 The only record of D 1243 is the hand copy in the Register.
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - Introductory Considerations II3
"the Royal Chamberlain of the Great House )Iti." It is hardly possible that the second
sign of the name is ® rather than "'. This lintel is probably earlier than the end of the
Old Kingdom although it is not very neatly incised.
(16) D 2607. The right side of a stela, found by Fisher in the area behind the "Beb
Mastaba," at the eastern end of the cemetery (loc. 13: I63D, field photograph PI. XIIc).
Two registers of offering-bearers advance towards the owner, whose legs are visible at
left. It would seem that the date is as early as Dyn. VI; the forms of the signs point rather
uncertainly to this period: the sign beneath Anubis is apparently meant to be cb, and
tp seems to have a beard. For the loaves and jars placed before the owner, the stela of
Wti (no. 10 above) may be compared. 499 The combination(?) of offering stand and low
table is less usual, however.
(17) A fragment from very nearly the same location as no. II above (S : 23IX, PI. VI b)
bears a few signs including A,
which closely resembles the form used on a stela of 'Idw
II, PD, pI. 7, tr 2. The arrangemen. of the signs in two columns, without a dividing line
between them, again recalls' I dw's stela, as well as the stela fragment of 'I dw III (PI. VI c).
Perhaps the sign Abelongs to a title such as ~ ~ J J J '" A '"
in the first of the afore-
mentioned stelae, which might explain the crudely incised addition of", behind the seated
figure; or the title may be part of t '" A,
as attested on the intact stela of 'Idw I (PI. V).
The other signs evidently form part of a composite title that is to be restored [~J ~ *
~ [~~J "boundary official of (the people of) DP and of (the estate) 'Star of Horus
Preeminent of Heaven'." In support of this restoration one may compare ~ ~ .}@:*
~ ~ ~ (Hassan, Giza 2, fig. 219, foIl p. 190) and a similar sequence of these two titles
in the Sixth Dynasty inscriptions of Mry-Tti (Daressy, Mera, pp. 565, 569).
(IS) The left end of a stela or architrave (Univ. Mus. E 17313) that presumably comes
from the excavations of Petrie or Rosher, but cannot be assigned to any particular tomb
(PI. XIII). It most closely resembles the incised stelae of Ni-ibw-nswt/Bbi, and especially
PD, pI. IIA, lt2, but may be somewhat earlier. The remnants of inscription apparently
refer to the woman: I suggest that the initial signs belong to the title rlyt-nswt arranged
thus: ~ ~. Her name would then contain the signs ~ ~ or ~ ~. The horizontal
traces on each side of these signs, and at a slightly lower level, are evidently a dividing line
that is interrupted because the head of the woman is slightly higher than that of the man.
A point of particular interest is the rearrangement of the arms. Originally the man's right
arm was sharply bent, and the woman's right hand grasped it; subsequently both right
arms were extended towards an offering table or a procession of offering-bearers, and
plaster (of which no trace remains) was probably used to erase what remained of the
original, and less conventional, arrangement.

B. Dynasties VI-VIII
Introductory Considerations
The location of tombs belonging to the small group labelled "transitional" represents a
somewhat uneven withdrawal from the western area that was favored by the Sixth
Dynasty. Although the architrave fragment D 544S was found no further east than nos.
II-I2 in the preceding pages, tomb 770 is much more distant, at the easternmost end,
while Njr-ssm-Ppy /Snni selected a point midway between. The mastabas of the succeeding
period of Mrri are concentrated in the area just south of 770. Some tombs in the eastern
part of the cemetery have already been mentioned as belonging to the Sixth Dynasty-nos.
499 For loaves of this type on a stand and tray, see Hassan, Gtza 6, Pt. 3, fig. 195, p. 199; Junker,
Gtza 6, fig. 62, p. 177.

II4 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
(4), (8), (10), and (16) above. These are perhaps no earlier than tomb 770, but it is also
possible that less important persons began to make their tombs on the eastern side while
the nomarchs and those associated with them were still buried on the west.
The most important feature of the transitional period is that the nomarchs now combine
the titles of /:try-tp (I and lmy-r /:tmw-nlr; they are "great overlords" and "overseers of
priests." In the succeeding period the title /:try-tp 'I disappears, not to be heard of again
at Dendera except in association with or in reference to other districts, and for a time the
highest officials are distinguished chiefly by the title "overseer of priests." The last are
/:tlty-(, as are some, but evidently not all, of their predecessors. Thus a sequence of at
least ten consecutive officials, extending through the reign of Pepy n, and through
most of the Heracleopolitan Period, may be subdivided into three consecutive groups of
(a) four nomarchs called "great overlords"; (b) two or three "great overlords" and "overseers
of priests"; (c) four "overseers of priests," in whose time the no me was evidently governed
by officials such as (b-l/:tw, the "great overlord" of the Thinite, Denderite, and Diospolite
nomes, presumably a representative of the Heracleopolitan rulers, and '!nl-lt.f(/, the
Theban "great overlord of Upper Egypt."soo A more detailed list of these officials will be
provided in the summary, pp. I87f. below.
N'!-'!EW-NSWT/EE'! (Tomb 770)
Titles, in the order of their appearance in the discussion that follows (E = BM, N =
N l-lbw-nswt) :
(I) ~ ~ .!.
~~~ ~~~~ ~-= 1. :;:
~ E, pI. Il, It; cf. pI. 13 (center [~~)
(z) ~ <=> ~ B, pI. Il, It; N, pI. II A, It3
(3) i ~ pI. II A, trz, E, pI. Il, It; N, pI. II A, It3, rt6; cf. pI. 13, cent er
(4) [}rn. ~J 5 Ii:l rftl pI. II A, trz
(5) t ~ pI. II A, trz
(6) ~ N, pI. II A, It3
(7) [=:>1r! ~ =:> ~ } ~ <=> :it: N, pI. II A, rt6

(8) ~ ~ B. pI. Il, trz
(9) .!. [~ ~1 =11:@ N, pI. II A, It3
9 n= "Q,. IsicH E I I
(10) =:>1' II ~=~='="u ,p.Il, t
Other titles:
~ @ E, pI. Il, It; N, pI. II A, rt6
~ ~ ~ pI. II A, trz; E, pI. Il, It; N, pI. II A, It3, rt~; cf. pI. 13, center
J~ J pI. II A, trz, E, pI. Il, It; N, pI. II A, rt6
Although the stelae and other inscriptions from this tomb appear in most particulars
to belong still to the Sixth Dynasty, various details here and there betray its lateness
within this period. As may be seen in the tabulation of hieroglyphs, Fig. IS, the M-sign
has the later form and the nst-sign is closer than the previous forms to the shape found
in Mrrl's time. For the first time, the feet of the aleph bird are not shown behind the legs,
and the ends of the lJnt-sign have become slightly shorter. In the inscriptions from tomb

500 For the nomarch of U.E. nomes 6, 7, and 8, 'b-lltw, see Appendix B, no. 1 (Fig. 40 and PI. XXIV).
The "great overlord of Upper Egypt" '[ni-it.! '/ is mentioned in the inscription of a Dendera priest
(note 571 below, and PI. XXIX). Another Dendera inscription, dated to a king Intef, mentions a great
overlord of the Oryx Nome (U.E. 16); the fragments of the latter were discovered by Fisher and
registered by him only by the location, 23: 492.
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - N']-'IBW-NSWT/BB>] IIS
770, and in those of Nfr-ssm-Ppy's tomb, the mr-hoe has a double cross-piece, whereas a
single cross-piece appears in nearly all the inscriptions from Dendera before and after this
transitional period.
It can hardly be doubted that tomb 770 is earlier than the mastaba of Nfr-ssm-Ppy
in respect to palaeography (@, :it, =', rn, ~,h.), style of architrave (like that of>Idw Il),
and composition of stelae (like those of >Idw I). The points of resemblance to earlier
prototypes will be considered presently.
Two names are linked with the titles (I) "great overlord ofthe nome" and (2) "overseer
of priests" in tomb 77o-Bbi and Ni-ibw-nswt. The first of these titles is not known for
N i-ibw-nswt, but in view of the close correspondence between the titularies associated
with the two names, there is no reason to think it was lacking. It will, in fact, be demon-
strated presently that these names almost certainly belong to one and the same person,
but this point will not be assumed in discussing the titularies. The possession of the titles
(3) Jil!,J J:twt and "overseer of priest~" by one individual is unusual, the other occurrences
apparently being limited to TJwti of Qasr es-Sayyad (a doubtful exception)501 and IJ Jgi
of Naga ed-Deir.502 This is perhaps to be considered a "transitional" feature; in any case,
the title J:t~J J:twt is not held by any of the later nomarchs or overseers of priests at Dendera
(cf. above, pp. 21, 73).
Bbi has several titles in common with >Idw I, including some that are less usual:
(I) "great overlord of the nome who is privy to every word brought to the nome,"
(4) "[judge and border official] of preeminent seat," and (5) "greatest of the tens of Upper
Egypt." The most conspicuous difference between the offices associated with the two names
is that BM is not said to be an "overseer of Upper Egypt." Bbi lacks the title (6) J:tJty-(
too, but the omission is more likely due to accident, since it precedes the name of Ni-
ibw-nswt. Like >Idw Il, Ni-ibw-nswt is called (7) "vigilant as to that which the nobles
order," a phrase which has been discussed in the section devoted to the earlier nomarch.
BM's connection with the crown is expressed by a title that occurs frequently, but is
not attested for any other nomarch at Dendera: (8) "he who is under the head of the king,"
or "chamberlain." This is known for a scattering of nomarchs in other places. 503
The title (9) "privy to the treasure of the god" has been discussed in lARCE 3, 26.
Although it originally seems to have referred to the king, as indicated by the variant
1. r~ t@' it is frequently associated with temples at the end of the Old Kingdom
and later: at Deir el Gebrawi two of the later officials identify the treasure as being "in
the houses (pr.w) of M'm," the cult cent er of the god Anty, and "in> I Jkmt, " the cult
center of the goddess M Jtit; a graffito at El Kab similarly adds "in the upland temple"
(J:twt-njr J:trt) and at Naga ed-Deir it is "in the chamber of offering" (?~ 0.:;: ?), or is
attributed to the god Min. A similar connection is also indicated by a related title ~ 1
~ ~ ~ X~;; "scribe of the treasure of the god in the mansion of Ptah."504 In all these
cases njr evidently refers to the local god rather than to the king. At El Kab, in addition
to the example cited, the other graffiti normally precede the title in question by a priestly
title. 505 The same is true of isolated occurrences at Meir, Giza, and Wadi Hammamat. 506
501 For Mu ltwt, see Kemi 6, p. I l l . The title "overseer of priests" is attributed to Tlwti in one of
the later inscriptions carved on the fat;ade of his tomb: Prisse, Mon., pI. 5; he does not himself claim
this office, however.
502 Tomb 89, inscription on rim of coffin pit; from data provided by W. S. Smith.
503 'Ilty of Thebes, ASAE4, P.99; 'Isi/IJm-R<, Gebr. 2, pI. 17; Iflrof Edfu, Urk. 1,253.6, and others.
504. False door, Univ. Mus. E 14318. All the preceding references are cited more fully in the afore-
mentioned article, which concerns the titles of the false door.
505 L. Stern, AZ 13, pI. I, facing p. 72.
508 Meir: ASAE 13, p. 170 (sltfj ltmw-nJr). Giza: Hassan, Gtza 6, Pt. 3, fig. 9 on p. 14 (imy-at ltmw-nlr
of a pyramid cult). Hammamat: Urk. I, 259 (sltfj ltmw-nlr).

II6 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
At Dendera, Snni is "lector priest, who is privy to the treasure of the god" on one stela
and "lector priest, who is privy to the god's words" on another; and two stelae of Mrri
similarly combine "overseer of priests, who is privy to the treasure of the god" and
"privy to the god's words, overseer of priests." There can be little question, then, that a
meaningful connection is to be seen in the sequence "overseer of priests, who is privy to
the treasure of the god" as it also appears in the titulary of N i-ibw-nswt. In his case the
title "overseer of priests" is alternatively followed by (IQ) [l,ry sstl n wq,'-mdw "who is
privy to the judgement." There is but one occurrence of the phrase, however, and although
it is well known from the Memphite tombs of magistrates,507 none of the other Upper
Egyptian nomarchs appears to have this distinction. It therefore seems possible that
[l,ry-sstl n mdw-nlr was intended, as in the inscriptions of Snni and Mrri, and that U
has inadvertently replaced 1 1. 508
Contrary to my previous c;;clusions, I doubt if those called ~ r~ 1~ are in any sense
equivalent to the 1liD who replenished the royal treasury through expeditions that
brought back wealth from foreign regions. The Denderite priests who were "privy to
the god's treasure" had nothing to do with expeditions, but were simply concerned with
the property of the local temple.
The ownership of tomb 770 presents some problems. Petrie calls this "the Four Name
Mastaba," and notes that it "is very peculiar in having four chambers about equal, and
four or five names occurring in its sculptures; doubtless they are all of one family, but
such compound tombs are rarely found" (PD, p. IS). The attribution of the tomb to
four owners appears more explicitly in the labelling of Petrie's ground plan, where one of
the four names is placed beneath each of the chambers (pI. 30). A similar string of four
chambers is found, however, in the mastaba of the earlier 'Idw I (pI. 29), and in both
cases there is but one niche, in the southernmost room, for a false door. 509 Were it not for
the evidence of the inscriptions, then, there would be no reason to think that 770 had
more than one owner. And the inscriptions by no means clearly indicate a joint ownership.
The other two names, besides those of Bbi and Ni-ibw-nswt, are an 'Ii-m-[I,tp, mentioned
without titles on a lintel of a type that is more usual later (with framing border) (pI. 13,
r2t2), and a Sn-Sii (PD, p. 14), whose name was evidently found on an inscribed piece of
stone not represented in the plates. A fragment naming a man's wife Bb and his daughter
'n!;.s-n.i (pI. 14, It) is clearly of later date, as Petrie suspected it was (PD, p. 14). Another
fragment (pI. 13, r2t3) is certainly contemporaneous; note @ and the form of =.. This
mentions an "overseer of a crew (is.t) ," and accordingly seems to belong to someone of
modest rank. The reading of "Sebek-em ... " as the name (after [::=~ is doubtful, *)
since the crocodile (assuming that it is such, and not ~) would hardly be followed by
'=" as a phonetic complement of "Sobek."
Nothing is said by Petrie concerning the quarter of the tomb from which the various
fragments came,510 and perhaps they were too scattered for such a statement to be of
any value. In any case it is impossible to make any further statement about 'I i-m-[7,tp
and Sn-#l-whether they were allotted a considerable share of the mastaba or had lesser
507 E.g. Mar. Mast., 217, 248, 424-425; LD 2, pI. 84.
508 At the Memphite cemeteries the group is usually written ~ or the like (see Gunn, Teti Cem.,
132) but the order may also be "}J (Khentika, pI. 13 [79J), and this is found in the inscriptions of
Njr-ssm-ppy/Snni, who has ~ (PD, pI. 7 A, rzb5) and Mrri, who has ~ 1 "r (PD, pI. 8, br). The
sequence ~ also occurs in the Middle Kingdom and later (Wb. Belegst. 2, 181.5).
509 Cf. also the rooms of this kind in the mastabas of Bb (PD, pI. 31) and Sn-sji P (pI. 32).
510 Unless the assignment, beneath the plan of the tomb (pI. 30), of a name to each of the four
chambers is based on the distribution of the fragments.
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - N'I-'IBW-NSWT/BB'I II7
burials, or whether they were contemporaries of Bbi and Ni-ibw-nswt; it is also possible
that the evidence for their names is intrusive and does not belong to this mastaba at all.
Even with these questions put aside, the ownership of the mastaba is not easy to establish.
If Bbi and Ni-ibw-nswt represent two nomarchs who shared a mastaba, one might compare
the Deir el Gebrawi tomb in which both [)'W and his father Itw/SmJi were buried. 5ll
Unfortunately Bbi follows the example of 'Idw I in not naming the children represented
behind him on his stela (pI. Il, It) so that it cannot be learned whether Ni-ibw-nswt might
have been his son. And it is equally possible, of course, that the relationship might have
been the other way around, if such a relationship existed at all.
n seems far more probable, however, that the tomb belongs to a single individual. The
style of the hieroglyphs in the inscriptions associated with the two names is in all respects
the same,m and, allowing for the incompleteness of the evidence, the titles that precede
either name are very similar. There is, in fact, no reason to think that the inscriptions
belong to two persons aside from the fact that two names appear upon them. And there
is a persuasive indication, in a damaged part of one of the inscriptions, that the two
names complement one another. On one of the stelae attributed to BM (pI. Il, It), the
name is preceded by rn.f nfr, without mention of another name, as is usual at Dendera
and elsewhere towards the end of Dyn. VI (see p. 76 above). Rn.f nfr does not
appear before either of the two occurrences of the name N i-ibw-nswt, whereas the phrase
rn (J does seem to precede in one of these two cases. The phrase in question is at the top
of a fragment with three columns of inscription, pI. Il A, rt6. The first two columns may
be restored from the corresponding columns of the architrave of 'Idw II on Petrie's pI. 6;
the top edge is seen thereby to lack only the height of the <=> which is to be supplied in the
first column, or the upper part of the wings of the bee in the second column. I would
restore <= at the beginning of the third column. Two low flat signs follow; the contours of
- are visible along the upper edge of the first, and the second is hardly to be explained
as anything but ~. I see no other possible interpretation for these remnants than [rJn </
"great name." This form is exceptional; one would expect either rn.f<, before the name,
or rn <J after the name. 513 A clear occurrence of rn <J before the name is known, however,
from a Dendera inscription of the later Intermediate Period (D 545) :

~I~>"}1.1!~~~ O~~
"one revered with the great god lord of heaven, the great name (being) Nfr-tp-mrJw-i."514

5ll The particulars of this joint ownership of the tomb are given by the son himself, Gebr. 2, pI. 13
(Urk. I, 145-147).

512 The most striking similarity is exhibited by the writing of prit-tJrw n; note also the signs WB..,

>, IiU in pIs. 11, It, and 11 A, It3.

513 In Cairo Cat. 1385, 1386, rn 'I is opposed to rn nljS. The accompanying name need not be specified,
as either rn n!!s or rn.f nfr, however: Junker, G'iza 8, fig. 38, p. 88 (read rn 'I, not rn.f 'I as stated on
p. 89; cf. pl~ 15 A). Rn.f 'I occurs at least once at Dendera, probably mistakenly, (pI. 7 A, Ib4), preceding
the name Snni, which is also the "good name" of the same individual. For another case where it
precedes the name, see ASAE 43, 499. Rn.f 'I follows the name on an offering slab belonging to KI-irr
(seen in the photographs of the Egyptian Dept. of Antiquities at Saqqara).
514 The transliteration presents some difficulties, but there can be no doubt that the group ~ 0 ~~
constitutes the name, for it occurs on three other inscriptions belonging to the same person: E 17840,
D 146, and D 145. On the last of these the name is followed by the epithet il}r.t. The second sign
resembles the jar 0 in prit-tJrw as it is written in D 145 and D 146, and was accordingly read ttJ in the
original version of this work (comparing Nfr-ttJ in Meir 3, pI. 11, left). It now seems much more likely,
however, that this and the following sign refer to tp-m!!w, the first day of the ten-day week, which is
frequently mentioned in offering formulae of the Old Kingdom and later. The same form of the sign
o appears on a contemporary architrave fragment (D 605) in tp-rnpt.
IIS Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
The case for combining the two names is further strengthened by the fact that they are
again associated at Dendera, with Bbl (var. Bb1lt-r) as the "good name" of a Nl-Ibw-nswt
(pI. 8, t, rt2). The individual who possesses these names is also a great overlord and over-
seer of priests, and since he is only known through the inscription of another individual,
it must be considered whether the owners of the two pairs of names are not to be identified.
The inscription naming the second N l-ibw-nswt derives from the mastaba of M rrl, who
apparently refers to him as his father and predecessor (below, pp. 142ff.). Mrrl's inscriptions
are distinctly later than those of tomb 770, and to this extent the sequence is satisfactory.
The relatively close proximity of the two mastabas also favors the possibility that Mrrl
inherited his title from the owner of tomb 770. This conclusion must be reconciled, however,
with the fact that another nomarch and overseer of priests, named Sn-s#, is mentioned in
the tomb of Snnl, whose tomb was evidently decorated after that of Nl-Ibw-nswt and
before that of Mrrl. Since it is quite possible that the mention of Sn-s# refers to circum-
stances that occurred long before Snni's death, it might be assumed that this nomarch
was the predecessor of Nl-lbw-nswt. One might equally well suppose, however, that
Sn-sji and Mrrl were both sons of Nl-Ibw-nswt, and that they inherited from the latter in
turn. The second possibility might also explain the occurrence of Sn-s#'s name in the
tomb of N l-lbw-nswt, but it must be emphasized that this piece of evidence remains
uncertain since it is not adequately published. Nor is it certain that Ni-lbw-nswt had two
sons; none of the subsidiary figures on his stelae is identified in any respect, with the ex-
ception of his wife lJnwt.Sn. Thus, although it remains possible that Sn-stl's tenure inter-
vened between that of the father and son, perhaps during the minority of the latter, there
was not necessarily a blood relationship between the three.
Some of the stelae appear to imitate those of ' Idw I, not only in adopting the motif of
a row of servants bearing offerings, which is known elsewhere in the southernmost nomes
(see above, p. 60, n. 24I), but in more specific details. One borrowed feature is the pair
of figures placed one above the other behind the owner, and doubtless representing two
of his children, in this case a son and a daughter (pI. Il, It, as compared with PI. V of this
volume); the son holds his arms in the same manner as the lower of the two sons on
'I dw's stela. And the offerings presented by some of the servants (or sons?) are again like
those on 'Idw's stelae, both in arrangement and in the way they are carried (pI. I I A, tr2,
as compared with pI. 6, tl and PI. V below). The reliefs and inscriptions of NI-Ibw-nswtfBbl
also display a striking degree of resemblance to the late Old Kingdom stelae and archi-
traves from Naqada, in the neighboring Coptite nome. 515 In his day there was evidently a
particularly close contact between Dendera and Qus, the city to which the Naqada
cemetery belonged. The distance between the two cities is about 30 km. by boat.
The size of the five stelae varies considerably (as lit does in some of the other mastabas
at Dendera).516 In the case of the two that are more completely preserved (pI. Il,lt and
pI. I I A, lt3), the breadth of the inscribed area appears to fit easily into the niches; these
are about 90 cm. wide, according to the scale of Petrie's plan. The largest piece (pI. I I A,
tr2), on the other hand, may possibly be an architrave. It can only be assumed that the
other two pieces (Il, tr2; I I A, lt2) do not greatly exceed the most complete ones in
Very likely the inscription in vertical columns (pI. I I A, It, rt6) is to be identified as an
architrave, as is the very similar one of 'I dw Il, but it is difficult to say whether its original
position was above the entrance or above the false door within the southernmost chamber.
515 A detailed comparison is given in Coptite Nome, 8-9.
m Cf. the stelae of )1dw I1, pI. 7, rt, trz; Snni, the narrower stelae pI. 7, rtz, Ibz, plo 7 A, Ib4, and
those on pIs. 7, 7 A, which are wider; Mrrl, the various stelae on pIs. 8, BB.
Unlike the mastaba of'1dw Il, the entrance is recessed, and it seems probable in any case
that an architrave of some kind occupied this space.
The two groups of fragments of frieze inscription on Petrie's pIs. II A and 13 appear
to vary in size as much as the stelae, especially in the amount of margin left at top and
bottom: although there are two or three differences in the signs (i ' @ are similar; ...6-,
""<t::.. and LJ are unlike), I am not sure these pieces necessarily belong to different persons
or tombs. But one piece, at the upper right on pI. II A, is so completely different from the
other fragments of frieze inscription from tomb 770 that it is certainly to be excluded
from the rest; note the presence of border lines, and the form of the signs ~ and ~.
Nothing has been said of the autobiographical statements on the architrave and frieze
because these consist almost entirely of conventional phrases, most of them used by
earlier nomarchs at Dendera.517
D 5448
The fragment of an architrave registered under the number D 5448 (PI. XIV) is discussed
almost solely for palaeographical considerations. As in the inscriptions of tomb 770, the
Anubis sign surmounts ~ rather than the = preferred by Snni, and IlJ has not yet acquired
the long "tail" characteristic of the form used by Snni and the group that follows him.
Another early feature is the beard of !:Y, which is found in the inscriptions of Snni's
mastaba as well as tomb 770.
One indication of relatively late date is also shared by tomb 770 as well as Snni; the
feet of the aleph-sign do not extend behind the legs. Note also the rather peculiar fact that
the seated woman in line 4 and the god-determinative in line 5 are much shorter than the
other signs, as on one of the fragments of frieze inscription from tomb 770, pI. II A, rq.
Two later forms are shared by Snnl but are not known for tomb 77o-the town-sign and
the sign for WI. The version of the latter on D5458 resembles the form used by Mrrl more
closely than Snni's does. The two cross-bars of the mr-hoe are scarcely known otherwise at
Dendera except in the inscriptions of tomb 770 and Snnl.
It is clear that D 5448 belongs to the "transitional" period at the very end of Dyn. VI
or later. The point where it was found is not very far to the east of the Dyn. VI area,
however; it is by no means so far removed from the latter as are the mastaba of Snnl and
tomb 770.518
An interesting detail is the appearance of mln in the phrase U.n.l min m nlwt.l "I came
today from my city." The same feature occurs in lfr-hwl.f's biography at Aswan (Urk. I,
12I..II). The address to the living follows Old Kingdom tradition as does that of Snnl
(cf. p. 87 above, no. 5).
NFR-S$M-PPY/SNN'1, contemporary of the nomarch $N-SI'1
Titles of Snnl, in the order in which they are mentioned below:
(I) ~ <=> ~ I ~pI. 7, t2r2, var. ~ <=> ~I~ Bolton stela.519
(2) ~ <=> ~ ~ pI. 7, rt2
517 The statement "I gave bread to him who was hungry," and so on (pI. IIA, tl) is not found
earlier at Dendera, but this difference does not seem significant, for such statements occur at other
places at least as early as any of the Sixth Dynasty nomarchs at Dendera; Gebr. I, pI. 23 (architrave,
right, line 4); Urk. I, 254.13.
518 The location on Fisher's grid is 8: 723, which is about as far north of the "Gallery tomb" as
the latter's length. Another piece from the same location (8:723A X2) has nothing but the words
"great god lord of heaven." In this phrase the pt-sign has the later form p==:".
519 PI. XVI of this volume. The erroneous writing is explained by the presence of two flint nodules

beneath LJ, which occupy the position of the loaf and bottle in the preceding group
led to the assimilation of from that group.
rn, and evidently
120 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials

(3) .!. r ~ I ~ pI. 7 A, rzbs

(4) X1& J pI. 7, Ibz, pI. 7 A, Ib4, rzbs, rbz, rb3
(S) .!. r ~ I@ pI. 7 A, rbz
(6) ® ~ g ~,;:g l' pI. 7, ltz
Other titles:
~ @ pI. 7, ltz, rtz
r ~ ~ pI. 7, tzrz, rtz, Ibz, pI. 7 A, Ib4, rzbs, rbz, rb3, Bolton stela
Titles of Sn-Sji:
~ pI. 7 A, lzt8
~ pI. 7 A, lzt8
~ -= I ~ pI. 7 A, lzt8
[~J ~ ~ t pI. 7 A, t3 rz
~ ~~ pI. 7 A, t3 rz
Though not a nomarch, Snnl is in a number of ways one of the most interesting in-
dividuals who are known from the Dendera cemetery. In the first place, his inscriptions
provide a more complete and satisfactory palaeographic link between the older and later
traditions than do any of the others. The signs ~, p and C?'\, are very nearly the same
as in the time of Mrri and his successors (see the chart, Fig. IS); ~ appears to be a
transitional form, as is .f"'\.... The frieze inscription shows the later form &££~, while one of
the stelae (PI. XVI) has the normal rWWl; similarly the frieze inscription shows ~ with the
crest that occurs in early inscriptions, combined with the later absence of any rearward
extension of the claws, whereas the same stela seems to lack the crest but has the traditional
prolongation of the feet. It is not certain whether the last detail derives from older usage,
however, or whether it is influenced by a similar but abnormal prolongation of the feet
of ~. This feature occurs on the stelae (PD, pI. 7) and at least one segment of the frieze
inscription (PD, pI. 7 A,rt6, same as rtlo), and the form that it takes on the aforementioned
stela in PI. XVI suggests that it may be related to the baseline placed beneath the feet of
birds and quadrupeds in the inscriptions of M rri, Sn-ng,sw-i and others of their period (p. 13S
below). The sign !i) belongs to the older tradition, for it has not yet lost the beard, and so
is =, the form used by Snni's predecessors (Mrrihas G~), and M, which nearly always
has sloping sides in the time of Mrri and his successors. A less conclusive link with the
earlier inscriptions is the form of ft, which later is increasingly apt to have three cross-
pieces instead of four, and the normal form of kd, ~
which later resembles is (p. 133 and
n. S81 below). The hoe (~) is of the type that is confined to this transitional period
at Dendera. Quite exceptional is the sign for g (X). 520
While the forms of hieroglyphs characteristic of the post-Sixth Dynasty are more con-
spicuous in Snnl's inscriptions than those that connect him to the foregoing period, the
connection with his predecessors is reinforced by the absence of border lines at the top
and bottom of the frieze, and by his use of the Old Kingdom "address to the living" (see
above, p. 87 [sJ)·
That Snni is not a nomarch may be concluded from the absence from his titulary of
such titles as "hereditary prince, count" (iry pet, l:tlty-(), "overseer of priests," and "great
xX r
520 This form occurs also in the name 0 "Gazelle:" Cairo 20256 (early M.K., no provenance). It
apparently represents the converging sides of lO\, with top and bottom omitted. Cf. the form 1\ in
Strasbourg 344 (Captite Name, no. 16).
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - NFR-SSM-PPYjSNN1 121

overlord of the nome," all of which, on the other hand, appear to be held by a certain
Sn-s# who is mentioned in Snni's frieze inscription. 521 It is hardly possible that one or
another of these important titles would not appear on any of the seven intact stelae that
bear Snnl's name if he had actually possessed them. The nom arch named Sn-s# has the
titles "[herdsman of] the ,tntt-cattle and overlord of the nome" before his name on one
piece of Snnl's frieze (pI. 7 A, t3r2); the other titles mentioned above-lry p<t, J.tlty-<,
and "overseer of priests"-are found, without context, on another piece (pI. 7 A, t812),
but they are certainly to be connected with Sn-s#'s titles rather than Snni's, for it has
already been noted that the titles "overseer of priests" and "great overlord" are combined
at this period, and that only overseers of priests are known to have been "herdsmen of
the ,tntt-cattle" at Dendera (pp. 26f. above).
Snnl's titulary is more extensive and varied than that of any other official below the
rank of nomarch who is known from the Dendera cemetery, and some of his titles are of
considerable interest. The most important of these titles is probably (I) "overseer of the
pr.w sn'." A somewhat similar office is held by a Thinite nom arch at about the same
period (]AOS 74, p. 32, n. SI) and, somewhat later, by )Idi of Coptos, who was (tlty-' and
"overseer of priests" when he received the title (Urk. I, 295.2). Wni of Abydos
began his career with this office (ibid., 98.13). In all three cases, however, the singular
of pr-sn' is used,522 rather than the plural; Snni's title appears to be exceptional in this
respect, being duplicated in only one other Dendera inscription, dating to Dyn. XI
(D 3493).
Another Dendera official, who is close to Dyn. XI in date, also is "overseer of the depart-
ment of stores," in the singular (pI. 12, It2). Presumably the title involving a plurality of
pr.w-sn' refers to "storehouses" rather than "department of stores," and it definitely has
this meaning in a non-titular context (p. 168 below). It is not clear whether the "store-
houses" involve a lesser responsiblity; in one case, at least, the reverse seems true; a
Memphite offering scene from a false door shows a man with the title ~ -:- ~ ~ (var.
~ ~ ~ ~) with his wife, who has the higher rank of imy(.t)-r in conjunction with ~
(Cairo Cat. 1513). As in the case of the related J:tlf,IJ:twt (see below), it is impossible to
determine what pr sn' refers to without further specification. Some allusion to Snnl's
duties as "overseer of the departments of stores" is probably made, however, in the
following passage from his fragmentary frieze inscription (pI. 7 A, rt4):

" ... a) these officials (sr.w) b) in the wplt of the field in the presence of the council .... "
(a) The} could be nw "of the," or may be the end of a Sdm.n.f form plus wi "me"
with sr.w as subject.
521 It is certain that this name does not represent the owner of the tomb from which the frieze
derives, the more so as Snni's name also appears in the frieze inscription. And there is no reason to
think the two fragments inscribed with Sn-Si'l's name and titles come from another tomb. The size and
style of the stones and of the signs inscribed on them agree in all respects with the other segments
of the frieze.
522 Another example: LAAA 4, p. l I I ; a stll] of priests at Akhmim. Others, Murray, Index, pI. 21
(center). I have come across many more cases, and all of these likewise have "department of stores"
in the singular. At least one later Denderite has the title in this form - the Eleventh Dynasty 'Ini-
it.t-i (PD, pI. 12, tr, It 2). A late Middle Kingdom official whose father is a "district overseer (imy-r w)
of Dendera," has the title d - :5 (Cairo Cat. 20678); here imy-r pr doubtless is to be taken as
"steward", as in the case of Cairo Cat. 20501 (see Captite Name, p. 59, n. I and inscr. no. 41). See
also the nameless lintel in PD, pI. 13 (rt 5).
122 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
(b) For the reading sr.w, cf. the Ii ~ of two other fragments of the same frieze, pI. 7A,
tr2 + rt4 (this page, below). Wb.4, 188, gives this writing only for the Middle Kingdom
onwards. But it occurs as early as the Coptos decrees of Pepy II, where ~ <=> Ii lft and
Ii lft are used in statements that are exactly parallel; cf. Urk. I, 287.6,7 with 291.17-
292.3. For the role of the sr.w in the provincial texts, see note 4S8 above.
The connection with the pr-sn( appears from a similar passage ip one of the Coptos
decrees, the one that appoints 'Idi "overseer ofthe department of stores" (Urk. I, 293.ISff.).
This decree concerns a foundation established by Pepy II which is called "the house
'Min makes Nfr-kJ-R( to flourish' of the department of stores."523 The "house" (ltwt)
represents the most inclusive category of the estates that supply the department of
stores; the same term appears in lt~J ltwt, and it is discussed above (p. 73) in connection
with that title. Unfortunately the Coptos decree is only partly preserved; the remaining
portion first orders that "it shall be given entirely in the wpit of the magistrates" (Urk.
I, 294.7) and later speaks of "making wpit of the field of this department of stores together
with the overlord, the chiefs of towns, the council of the fields, with mni.t-necklaces,524
[slaughter of oxen, fowl, etc., like] the good feast of the god."525 All this is not a little
obscure, since the meaning of wplt in this connection is uncertain. The presence of the
council and other officials indicates that it has to do with a matter that is of considerable
importance, and one that is done with a certain amount of ceremony. According to
Goedicke, a "division" of fields is involved. 526 Possibly a special commission might have
been required annually to make an official check on boundaries between fields after the
flood had removed many of the old markers. 527
"Thesenobles" are mentioned in another fragment, with "these" expressed by nn n
instead of ipn:528

"[I did not ... any] persons to these officials, but .... "529 The writing V -= is found
elsewhere in 5nnl's inscriptions (see below). Wpw r would call for a preced~g negative,530
n Mm.! or n sp Mm.!; the n preceding rmJ is unlikely part of a sd,m.n.! form. 531 Possibly
this is the genitival n, and one might compare the construction and sense of the following
statements :532
523 Ibid., 294+ Cf. 289.4, where this "house" is first named in a decree of Pepy II himself.
524 Undoubtedly the necklace well known from later periods: Wb. 2, 75.18.
525 The lacuna must have contained much the same items as in the Coptos decree, Urk. I, 295f., in
which the "scribes of the field" of several nomes are instructed to "visit the country (sat)" with Smll;
this wpit, as it is again termed, is similarly accomplished "with mnlt-necklaces and sndw-garments,
slaughter of oxen, fowl, like the good feast of the god" (ibid., 296).
526 ]NES 15, 30.
527 The term might then be the infinitive of wpl "distinguish" in the sense of "making inventory";
cf. Wb. I, 303.1, a wpit meaning "itemized account" (M.K., N.K.). This would more or less agree
with Helck's translation "Dberpriifung" (Beamtentitel, 81).
528 PD, pI. 7A, tr2, and rt4. Here I must acknowledge my indebtedness to J. J. Clere, since the
idea of combining these fragments had not occurred to me before I found it in his copy of the text;
the responsibility for emendations is my own, however. For the writing
529 For wp-r see now Edel, Altiig. Gramm., § 815.
++ see above, note 384.

530 As in Urk. I, 12.14; 100.16; 101.5; 162.10; 210.17; 213.4, 7; 233.12; 283.10; 287.11; 292.2;
305.18. I have found no exceptions.
581 Janssen, Trad. Atttobiogr. I, p. 157, gives only one example of n Stjm.n.f with the first person

singular suffix-pronoun for the Old Kingdom (BM 1186, Hier. Texts 12 , pI. 12).
532 The same statement is perhaps to be found in the early Dyn. XI Dendera fragment published

by Daressy in ASAE 18, 186 (seen from the original): !..-- &'7 [-lft] 1....... 1~· For '7 -- i l

see also [ ....... ;0]}.?? = ::'7 - :: lft ~ Deshasheh, pI. 7, col. 2. And cf. }: ~ T .J ~
i;: as an epithet, Hatnttb Gr. 17. 10; 20.15.
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - NFR-SSM-P PY/SNN'I I23

::;: &"7 J~;: [- Jit -- [1J it [::J pI. I I B, rt3


- it -1 -=- it == pI. I I B, It3


"I did not give a bad report of a man to one more powerful than he."633 Another of the
fragments from $nni's tomb may likewise contain a statement of this kind (pI. 7 A, tr).

~ I J'i~-~~~~
~ n - V -=- ~ "'~ -=-
[I(?) did not ... ] which was bad, but I(?) pronounced a(? the ?) name "
A second administrative title of $nni, (2) "overseer of scribes,"534 may have concerned
his activities in the pr(.w) sn'. This is not unexpected in the titulary of a secondary
provincial official, whereas provincial officials of the highest rank (Le. nomarchs) rarely
include "overseer of scribes" among their titles; to my knowledge, it is claimed by only
one, the Overseer of Upper Egypt Mrw of Sheikh Said. 53s
A third title (3) "privy to the sesret of the words of the god" is preceded by (4) bry l:z,bt
"lector priest" and presumably relates to this function, since lector priests are often said
to "know every secret of the words of the god."536 Another title (S) also refers to $nni's
office of lJ,ry-l:z,bt, which it again follows: "lector priest, who is privy to the treasure of the
god." As pointed out earlier (pp. lIS f.) this title undoubtedly refers to the wealth of the
A further connection with the local cult is indicated by the group (6) '® ~ ~ ~
~g 1", which is to be taken together: "Carpenter of N!Jn who makes the bark of Hathor,
Mistress of Dendera." Griffith, however, takes the final words as a separate title: "making
the voyage of Hathor" (PD, p. 47). There are several difficulties in the way of this trans-
lation, though it cannot be proved impossible. The least objection is that I cannot find
an example of the verb iri in this connection at so early a date,537 whereas iri is definitely
used to express the idea of manufacturing boats. 638 More important is the improbability
that the word for "journey" would be expressed by the picture of a boat alone. Finally,
there is the title ,®,539 which strongly suggests that the more literal translation is the

533 Is here means "statement," sometimes in the sense of "Richterspruch" (Wb. 5, 403.1I). I take

this passage to be another way of saying: -A..;; } it t

~ ~ ~ -=- ~:::: ~ ® ~:: "I never said
anything evil concerning anybody to a superior" (Urk. I, 201.5 and frequently: Janssen, Trad.
Autobiogr. I, VI H 8, 29, 30, 31, 33, 70). The last is Middle Kingdom; other statements of similar
meaning from this period are: ibid., 43, 63; cf. also 19.
5M Perhaps to be read "overseer of document scribes"; for this form ofthe title see ]NES 18,259-260.
535 Sh. Said, plo 19; the title "overseer of Upper Egypt" is on plo 21. Also an "overseer of the nomes

of Memphis and Letopolis," Junker, G£za 8, pp. III-1I3 and 173· Titles such as ~ -=-:t W!0 ~
are more frequent (e.g. Meir 4, plo 4A, I).
536 See Edel, Phraseologie, § 22 H. Wb. Belegst. 2, 181.5 seems to suggest that in Snni's case, as in

PD, plo 8 and Bersheh I, plo 8, there is a connection between !try sstl n mdw nlr and !Jry-!tbt. The con-
nection is well founded (cf. Junker, Gtza 7, 236), but it should be pointed out that the title to which
!try-1stl n mdw-nlr refers in PD, plo 8, is the following imy-r !tmw-nlr; in this case, however, the meaning
is much the same (cf. p. 1I6 above). At least two Old Kingdom titularies apparently do not include
!Jry-!tbt at all, and in these cases the other title takes the form !try-1StI mdw nlr.! and may refer to
the king (Mar. Mast. 185, 214).
537 The earliest occurrence of iri in the sense of "making" a journey quoted in the Wb. Belegst. is
Urk. 4, 742: ririt !JnU.! "to make his (Amun's) journey"; this dates to Tuthmosis Ill. For this and
later occurrences see Wb. Belegst. 3, 375.6. Ibid. 4, 309.12 cites a Dyn. XIX occurrence of iri with 1lJdwt.
538 Urk. I, 108.14 and especially 298.8, where a divine bark is concerned: Q}t} - (1)&& '=":-
¥-1\ - ::J ....
~ "My Majesty has commanded that you cause to be made a bark of 'The Two
Powerful Ones' of - - cubits (in size)." This refers to the pair of gods who presided over the Coptite
539 There is no question but that the sign is "0""-0. ; the projection at the other end of the axe is accidental,
as can be seen on the original, which is on exhibition at the Oriental Institute, Chicago (no. 5027).
I24 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
correct one. Though I cannot explain the function of N!Jn in this title, there is little
question that the md1:tw actually means "carpenter" and is not merely an honorific of
some sort, for ® is found in the titularies of individuals who have several other md1:tw-
titles, including md1:tw of a divine bark. Mo These conclusions are borne out by the titulary
of a later Snni, possibly a descendant of the Snni who is under consideration (Appendix B).
He is :t if::. ~ ~ 9~ ~~ Ii ~ "royal carpenter, overseer of the oarsmen of the
boat of Hathor and Horus( ?}, eldest of the dockyard." For the interpretation of these
titles see pp. 209-21I. One might also compare the Eighteenth Dynasty stela of'IwnJ,
who calls himself lli - :: ~ - m=t t
~ "great craftsman of carpentering the barks
of all the gods of Upper and Lower Egypt"; he identifies these boats and concludes by
promising those who read the stela that "these gods for whom I carpentered barks will
praise yoU."MI
Another relatively late reference to the bark of Hathor is evidently to be recognized in
M ni's title t ~ ® J ~ g, the !JbJt-boat being elsewhere associated with the local goddess
(pp. 172 f. below). The symmetrical prow and stern are somewhat unusual, since the stempost
is usually more vertical and the stern post more sharply turned inward, but this detail is
not always observed in hieroglyphic forms.M2 Furthermore, although the form of the
posts is not very clear in Snni's rather similar hieroglyphic representation of a boat, the
ends of Mni's boat frequently show a curved inner contour, like the bladelike, nearly
symmetrical ends of a model boat found at Saqqara (Fig. 21}.543 The model is evidently

Fig. 21

quite different from the boat represented in the tomb of SnrJ,m-ib at Giza; although this
too has symmetrical bladelike stem- and sternposts, it is identified as a s11 "barge," and
evidently has a broader prow and stern. 544
One of the ceremonial incidents listed in the funerary texts of Bb's burial chamber
(cf. p. 172) is ~:: I:iY ® J ~ "" \J..f, which has generally been taken as Sisw !Jblt "raising
up the !Jb/t-bark."M5 The unusual determinative puts this interpretation in doubt, and at
540 ASAE 37, fig. 3, p. IIO; the individual concerned also is "overseer of all craftsmen." ASAE 28
p. 139 (= Urk. I, 231); five other titles with -0--., including -0--. ~ ~. This last is nwd(.t}, bark of the

god Ssmw, Wb. 2, 225.15. The title ~ is also evidenced, Sh. Said, p. 33. Cf. Helck, Beamtentitel, 75,
n. 61; Allam, Hathorkult, 53.
541 BM 1332: Edwards, Hier. Texts 8, 39-40. Cf. also Wolff, Fest von Opet, 63, inscr. 32, where

Mut appreciatively says to the king -0--. X}. ~ : : - }.

carpentered a portable bark for me anew."
[1~ ~ ~J w ~~ }..: "thou hast

542 E.g. ASAE 43, fig. 67 on p. 500.

543 Cairo J. d'E. 63184: Teti Cem., pI. 49 (upper left). From the edge of the mouth of shaft 240 in
the Sixth Dynasty tomb of Kd-m-snw.i.
544 LD 2, 76e, Urk. I, 66.17.
545 PD, pI. 37, line 20. In the original version of this work I accepted Griffith's translation, ibid.,
p. 57, as does Allam, Hathorkult, 54.
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - NFR-SSM-PPY/SNN'I 125

the same time recalls the verb ~:: ~ in Urk. 1, 109, describing something done to
wood that is supplied by Nubians for the construction of a boat. Possibly the initial three
signs are ~ ~ and ~::' respectively, both arrangements being attested in Old King-
dom writings of #1 "pull."546 Bb is probably not far removed in date from the later Snnl
who is "overseer of oarsmen" of the sacred boat, and we know from New Kingdom reliefs
that the function of the oarsmen was to tow the bark to its destination. The clearest
representations, those of Haremhab at Luxor, representing the Feast of Opet, show the
bark of Amun being pulled along the river by hawsers from galleys as well as (on the
upstream journey) from the shore. The men in charge of the operation are described as
~ I it !~ 0 } it! :: ; ~ l...:..a ~ t ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ } ~ ~ ~ "the corps of oarsmen who are

pulling the prow rope of the bark."547 To complete the overland part of the journey the
boat was slung between two poles that were hoisted on the shoulders of numerous bearers,
an action which might reasonably be described as ~::~, although this use of the word
does not seem to be attested, whereas ~ ~ is known to refer to the towing of sacred boats. 548
The bark of Amun was similarly towed across the Nile by galleys to celebrate the Feast
of the Valley, which was apparently inaugurated at the beginning of Dyn. XII.549 Even
earlier than that, shortly before the Eleventh Dynasty, a scene on the west wall of <nYty.jy's
tomb chapel at Moalla represents ~ <::::7 [:-; l :: [~J "every voyage of Hemen" (the
local god).550 Unfortunately much of the paint has been lost in this area, but there are
a pair of galleys, from one of which a line is being thrown to the other.551 These may be
towing the bark of Hemen, for the scene continues on the adjacent south wall, where a
rope extends from another boat that has a prow of distinctive form.m As shown in Fig. 22,
this resembles the vertical, mat-covered prows of the barks associated with Horus and
Sokaris, with whom Hemen U::~) is associated in the Pyramid Texts, and the barks
of Re. 553 The objective of Hemen's voyage is uncertain, but it was attended, or preceded,
by the harpooning of a hippopotamus and the slaughter of cattle.
In the case of Hathor's bark, there is reason to think that it may have been towed as
far as Edfu, to participate in the well-known festival that is described in much later texts
(P.43 above). Horus the Behdetite, whose temple was the goal ofthis journey, is mentioned
on an Eleventh Dynasty stela that is probably not much later than the reunification of
Egypt,554 and by the second reign of the Twelfth Dynasty he is known as "Lord of

546 Tresson, Inscr.Ouni, 37, reads the word in Urk. I, 109 as ~ g ~, for which he proposes the
meaning "heap up." Sethe notes, however, that of, does not seem possible. He also rules out --+--, but
it should be noted that the loop at the center is often scarcely indicated in Old Kingdom examples;
in Sk. Said, pI. 19 and Davies, Ptak. 2, pI. 22, it resembles - , and in Gemnikai it is reduced to =
(e.g. VoI. 2, pI. 9). The group ~ ~ is more usual in the Old Kingdom, but ~ ~ occurs then as well
as later (e.g. Gemnikai loc. cit. and pIs. 17, 18; 2, but not pI. 36; cf. also n. 548 below).
547 Wolff, Fest von Opet, pI. I and p. 56, inscr. 14.

Dict. p. 225 translates "tow." There is also the personal name r=

548 Wb. 4, 351.10 and 16. Also the expression 51' s~dwt (Lebensmtide 70) which Faulkner, Concise

~.J\ Y
(var. ~ ~ Y) which
occurs on two stelae of the same person, probably as late as Dyn. XI (Dunham, Stelae, nos. 14, 63);
this evidently parallels the suggested interpretation of Bb's ~ : : tiY. The coffins from the same tomb
show a variant (or second name?) ~ ~ (ibid. p. 28), but the meaning of the name on stela 14 seems
549 Foucart, La Belle Fete de la valUe (B/FAO 24), and \Vinlock, M.K. at Tkebes, 88-90. For other
voyages of sacred barks in the Middle Kingdom see Wolff, Fest von Opet, 72-73.
550 Vandier, Mo'alla, p. 263 and pI. 40.
551 Ibid. pp. 151-152 and pI. 41.
552 Ibid. pp. 152-153. My drawing is reproduced from Vandier's fig. 77.
553 Pyr. 1013; cf. Vandier, Mo'alla, 9, and for the forms of the boats of Horus, Sokar, and Re, see
Anthes, AZ 82, 77-89.
554 Cairo 20804: a woman "whom the gods of Dendera love and whom ~ ~ ~ ~ @ praises."
I26 Part VI. The Nomarchs and Other Officials

7 \

Fig. 22
Dendera."555 Horns is also said to be "in Dendera" on an offering slab of the Sixth
Dynasty, but, in the absence of further identification, it is difficult to say whether the
Behdetite is involved here (p. 27 above, and PI. IV). It remains possible that the travels
of the Denderite goddess were initially a more local affair, confined to visits to one or
more temples in neighboring nomes. As early as the Old Kingdom her priestesses are
found as far south as Thebes and as far north as Hemamiya, in V.E. Nome 10 (see above
pp. 24, 29). No evidence of this sort has yet been found at Edfu, however. An even more
local journey is mentioned in the late texts of the Dendera temple, namely the visit of
Harsomtus to his cult center, which was probably situated on the other side of the river:
n e 9 0 9! n<=> -..>;1 .11. __ ~
11 ---0 I --. Jf1 11 .dJ> ~ ~
~ t -- <=>.c:::. 9 <=> 9
@ c:::::> .0I I .0 !e@ e -
~ c:::::J - - .
-'--lI-'" _
0 "this noble god is brought

forth in procession to make the voyage of his goodly festival to the divine region
of ijldl, on the new moon festival of Pakhon."556 As noted earlier (p. 14), the association
of Hathor and her son Somtus is attested well before the end of the Old Kingdom, and
Somtus is called "lord of ijldl" in the Dendera shrine of Nb-J.tpt-r< Mentuhotep.
As may be seen from the foregoing, the surviving pieces of 'snni's frieze contain several
passages of autobiographical character, which give a more concrete and circumstantial
account of the owner's activities than do the stereotyped phrases of the older inscriptions,
but for just this reason are much more difficult to emend and translate. Two of the more
complete statements are extremely obscure:
PD, pI. 7 A, t4r2 ~.} 4- ~ ~ ~ "" 9 ~ [~J. This seems to begin lw grt Si.n.l st. It is
strange to find the land-determinative after a verb, but I see no better possibility. Con-
ceivably ~ ~ may be an abnormal writing of the common verb ~ ~ (cf. = in Gemni-
kai 2, pI. 9 and footnote 546 above); if so the resultant, very tentative translation would be:
"I pulled it, upon the west (of ... ?)." It is difficult to say if Sil(?) could refer to 'snnl's
shipbuilding activities; st cannot refer to masculine !Jt "wood" (cf. Urk. I, 109.2), but it
might refer to the towing of Hathor's bark.
PI. 7 A, t2r3 ~ ~ !Ii n£: ~ :fI ~ XJ (bI ~ a~· The first words are clearly "I built
555 On a pillar from Karnak (Cairo J. d'E. 36809), Sesostris I is embraced by Horus, who is identi-

fied as ~ ' 7 g':; (Encycl. photo de l'art ["ter']. pI. 69). A round-topped steIa that may well be equally
early (Univ. Mus. E 15996) invokes offerings in the name of Osiris, Hathor Mistress of Dendera. and
~ ~ g @ ,i.e. "Horus the Behdetite and Denderite." .
558 Diimichen, Bauurkunde, pIs. 13-14. lines 19-20.
B. Dynasties VI-VIII - NFR-SSM-PPY/SNN'I 127

this tomb," but the meaning of the following words is obscure, despite the familiarity of
each of them. Mlw<ty is literally "like one (referring to lspn; or someone?) unique,"
m!tb presumably means "in festival," and s~t is perhaps another Srjm.n.f form followed
by 1r>.IEi\ with the meaning "(its) bricks were formed" (Wb. 4, 263.13 "seit M. R").
Another, less complete, but more understandable, fragment describes ~ ;;'.1;;; ~ "\ ~
~ i T Vfl i11l i ~ ~ "sml-territory filled with bulls, goats, donkeys, ac[acia trees( ?)].
.... "557 The sml-territory appears to be associated with llJ,.t "field" on a Gebelein in-
scription of the Intermediate Period. 558 It is not known elsewhere with the determinative
~, which, in this case at least, would suggest that the sml was apart from the cultivation
proper and was perhaps the marginal region that "unites" the cultivation and desert.
Another fragment perhaps follows this one, after an interval. 559 It mentions "ksb.t-trees"
and then begins a new sentence (iw grt . .. ). Two other varieties of trees-llJ,w and nrJ111r-
are listed on a piece that is not to be connected with the foregoing (pI. 7 A, lzt4). Although
the planting of sycamores is frequently mentioned in the biographies as a matter of some
importance,660 Snnl's inscriptions seem exceptionally arborous. The acacia might be ex-
plained as a source of material for various building operations, including the making of
Hathor's bark,561 but the other three species are fruit-bearing, and their wood is not
known to have been used for construction. 562
Even some of the more conventional statements of Snnl's fragmentary biography are
of interest. One is ~ [~~] ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (pI. 7 A, l2tS) which appears to be
"[I am ... one belov]ed of his city, the son of one beloved of [his ?] city." This translation
assumes a reduplication of the final t in nlw.t.f (see Gard. Gram. 3 , § 62, Edel, Altiig. Gramm.
§ 210). Less likely is the possibility that::"" is to be read It.f,563 which would result in the
translation "[ ... one belov]ed of the city of his father, the son of one beloved ... " etc.
Another fragment mentions the king ~ [~ ~] !. > ~ t [..: ~ perhaps combining
C> [ }]

lm!~ ~r NN with the epithet ni mrw.t "possessing love," as in the inscriptions of )[bl of
Deir el Gebrawi. 664 Finally, there is a fragment which may refer to his nomarch (pI. 7A, rt6):
[g ml~ ~~} ~fil ~j,::2.} I
"[I gave toe ?)] him I loved like him I hated. (Someone) sent me [on a commission( ?)]."
The beginning of the line is restored from pI. I I B, tr. The emendation m lpt "on a com-
mission" is extremely likely;585 this, at least, is certainly the sense of the passage. No
lacuna is indicated at right because this particular segment of the frieze goes no further.
The next segment may well be that which contains the titles and name of Sn-stl (pI. 7 A,

657 PD, pI. 7A, t2r3. For the filling of territory with cattle cf. Gebr. 2, p. 24, lines 12-13, and the
passage cited in next note. I cannot think of any better possibility than sn [g] to complete the last
sign; sn.w (Wb. 4, 502.13) is less likely, and sn tl most improbable.
568 Cairo Cat. 2000I,lineIo, as presented in Melanges Maspero I,p. 144: ~ ~ 'I ~ ~ ~ ~~~ A
"an IMt]-field and a sml-field filled with all kinds of wealth." Vandier compares Wb. 3, 451.14; the
reading sml is suggested by Clere on the basis of the Dendera passage. Schenkel, MHT, p. 140(f) ,
refers to a possible parallel (~~ 1-) in the inscription of I>fd-.{:l'PY (Siuttomb I, 305) as interpreted by
Gardiner and Reisner, JEA 5, 94.
559 PD, pI. 7 A tr. It cannot follow immediately, because of the Q in the preceding section, and
the lack of continuity in the lower line. Since the right end of tr and the left end of t2r3 are apparently
intact, one section probably intervenes.
680 E.g. Urk. I, 121.16 (Edfu); ASAE 36, 36 (Akhmim); PD, pI. 10, rt2 (Dendera). Cf. p. 160 below.
681 Wb. 4, 520.II and Lucas', p. 442.
582 Wb. I, 120.7,9; 2, 378.2, 4; 5, 141.1.
663 For this writing of it.f, see Janssen, Trad. Autobiogr. I, II Aw 26,31, and the same writing with
det: ibid. 21, 27. Also Urk. I, 253.2 (!fIr of Edfu).
564 Gebr. I, pIs. 8, 13, 23 (architrave, left 6; and below this).
585 Several examples are quoted in Coptite Nome, 63.
128 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
rzt8 + t3rz; see above, p. IZI), and if so, this nomarch was the one who sent Snni on
some business. Griffith was of the same opinion (PD, p. 47).
It has already been pointed out that Snni's mention of Sn-sji may refer to incidents
that took place many years before he built his tomb. If so, Snni presumably lived through
most-if not all--of Ni-ibw-nswt's career as nomarch, since the tomb of Ni-ibw-nswt was
apparently decorated before his was. But a simpler solution is afforded by the possibility
that Sn-sji held office during the minority of the later Mrri (cf. p. II8 above).
Some observations have already been made concerning the style of Snni's mastaba
(above, p. 56) and stelae (above, pp. 63f.). The style of the frieze also calls for a few words
of comment, in particular the three fragments that are distinguished from the others by
having a double line of inscription (pI. 7 A, tr). It is possible that these constitute a long
architrave from above the entrance, on the order of that of IjtPi, pI. II B, rt4, but even
greater in length and made up of as many as five or six sections; the length would prob-
ably be sufficient to fill the breadth of the outer part of the double entrance-niche. 566 On
the other hand, the height of these pieces is the same as the segments of frieze that contain
a single line of inscription, and it is possible that they were fitted on to the latter.
Some notice should here be taken of the two stelae that were found in Snni's mastaba,
but belong to other persons: Mn-nfr-Ppy (pI. 7, 12bz) and Sn-it.s-i (pI. 7 A, It3). In both
cases the disposition of the figures and the lines of inscription are unlike those of Snni's
stelae and the stelae of his period in general, but the hieroglyphs of Sn-it.S-i, at least,
suggest that she is a contemporary of Snni. Probably Mn-nfr-Ppy is a contemporary
also, to judge by the details of the kilt, and the use of the traditional determinative
f ,}~, although the signs are less conspicuously similar. The stela of the latter presents
some rather peculiar features, even allowing for the fact that a corner was broken off
before the inscription was begun, giving the composition a very lopsided appearance:
note the exceptional writings ~, in lJtp-di-nswt, and 8, in Ppy-mn-nfr; and the small
figure (a son?) who has a staff and scepter, while the principal figure has a staff alone. To
judge from the direction of signs in the names, it is this son(?) who is named Snb-it.i,567
while Mn-nfr-Pp y568 is the name of the owner, and his "good name" is r[~lJ[rl~
SJb.s-i (? cf. PN z, 314.10).
Another stela, belonging to a woman named Ijtp.s-i (pI. 10, rbz) and found in a pit
about 70 meters due south of Snni's mastaba (map, pI. 27), is unmistakably made by the
same hand that fashioned his stelae. Petrie has already observed that "this panel ... is
so closely in the style of Senna that it must be the same age or very shortly after"
(PD, p. 14).

C. Dynasty IX and Later

Introductory Considerations
In the reign of one of the later rulers of Dyn. VIII, the scribes of fields of the Denderite
Nome were ordered to "visit the country" (hJi r slJt) with the Vizier, Overseer of Upper
Egypt and Nomarch of Coptos SmJi, and to "act with him in one action" (Urk. 1,296.1
566 The scale of Petrie's plan, pI. 30, indicates that the outer entrance niche is 2.10 meters wide;
the inner one is half this width. The most complete of the three pieces on pI. 7 A is about 32 cm. long;
the inscription is certainly considerably more than three times this length, hence too long for the inner
niche. There would be space for five or six sections of 32-40 cm. across the top of the outer niche.
567 For the reading cf. PN 2, 357 (to PN I, 132.3). The statement in PN I, 132.3, that this is the
"good name" of l'vIn-nfr-Ppy, does not seem correct.
566 In PN 2, 357 (to PN I, 132.3) Ranke suggests "fur *pjpj-m-mnnfr (Konig-Phiops ist in Mem-

phis) ?". Mn-nfr is probably not attested as the name of the city until Dyn. XVIII, however, cf.
Gardiner, On. 2, 123* (For a late Dyn. VI occurrence of 'Inb as the name of Memphis, see Urk. 1,139.3).
C. Dynasty IX and Later - Introductory Considerations I29

and n). This order applied equally to the scribes of Coptos itself and to those of the next
three nomes west and north of Dendera: Diospolis Parva, Abydos, and Akhmim.569 On the
same day other decrees went out from Memphis advancing SmJi's son 'ldi to the rank of
overseer of Upper Egypt in the seven southernmost nomes, up to and including Dendera
and Diospolis Parva (Urk. I, 299.6,7; 300.17-301.8); this territory evidently constituted
the "Southern Region" (above, pp. 68, 76).
Posener has described Coptos at this time as being the "point d'appui meridional de la
royaute, apres l'eclipse d'Abydos" (Bibl. Or. 8,169). The prestige of the Thinite nome was
not completely eclipsed, however, for 'n!Jty.fy of Moalla would not otherwise boast, in
the period prior to Thebes's supremacy, that he "made the council of the overseer of
Upper Egypt who was in the Thinite no me come to consult with '" the Count, Overseer
of Priests and Overlord of the Hierakonpolite Nome, l;ltp" (Mo'alla, lB, 1-2). Further-
more there is a distinct possibility that the Overseer of Upper Egypt (b-i/:tw, who evidently
belongs to the Ninth Dynasty, was,a native of Abydos and come to Dendera to govern
both his former and adoptive territory as well as the intervening province of Diospolis
Parva (pp. 203 ff. below). However this may be, he definitely claims to be great overlord of
these three nomes, and his authority as "overseer of Upper Egypt" was undoubtedly
extensive. The presence of such an official at Dendera would readily explain why Mrri
and his successors no longer combined the functions of nom arch and overseer of priests,
but had only the latter title-a title, moreover, that the triple nomarch does not himself
claim. 570 When the power of Thebes su bsequentl y became ascendant, the Denderite overseers
of priests evidently acknowledged the authority of the" Great Overlord of Upper Egypt
'Ini-lt.f(J," whose claim to this title is acknowledged in a biographical fragment from the
local necropolis (PI. XXlX).671
It does not seem likely that the title of nomarch was ever reclaimed by the overseers
of Hathor's priesthood once it had been lost; in any case, it does not occur in the in-
scriptions of 'IdwjW/:tJi, who is evidently Mrri's successor, or in those of Mrr, who is
probably still later. Nor is there any other evidence of a nomarch of Dendera. I therefore
believe that the titulary of Mrri's predecessor (and presumably his father), which does
combine both titles, is to be regarded as a link with the preceding transitional period that
corresponds to the very end of the Memphite Old Kingdom, including the Eighth Dynasty.

569 Ibid. 295.18. The order in which the nomes are listed (8, 5, 9, 7, 6) is perhaps to be explained on
the basis ofthe Thinite Nome's importance as an administrative center; cf. Stock, Zw.Zt., p. 33, and
n. 801 below. This does not confirm the existence of an "Abydos Dynasty," however; see Posener,
Bibl. Or. 8, 167; Fischer, ] AOS 74, p. 34, n. 65; Peck, Decorated Tombs, 138. In this study the older
view, as defended by Hayes (lEA 32, 19-23), is assumed to be correct-that the late Coptos decrees
were issued by Memphite kings.
570 It should be noted, however, that the Coptite nomarch Wsr, who simultaneously holds the title
"overseer of priests," is apparently identified by the latter title, rather than by the title "great over-
lord," on the stela of a subordinate at Naqada (Coptite Nome, 60), and other officials at Naqada
similarly refer to their service in behalf of overseers of priests. The omission of the title "great over-
lord" in these cases does not necessarily imply that the nome was subject to a governor from some
other territory, such as Thebes.
571 Daressy, ASAE 18, 186. The first line is probably to be restored as follows:

"I performed a commission [for the Hereditary Prince] and Great Overlord of Upper Egypt'I nl-lt., 'I
and for (?) the Priest (or Priestess?) of Hathor Mistress of Dendera .... " The sign ~ after '1nl-It., 'I
probably re~laces the determinative :it.But it possibly belongs to the following n: "It was the priest
... who ....

13 0 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
To date Mrrl more precisely is by no means a simple matter. As will be seen in the
following pages, his inscriptions present similarities to the later Coptos decrees (in respect
to the forms of hieroglyphs), to the northern group of tombs at Deir el Gebrawi,572 and
to some of the larger tombs at Naga ed-Deir. 573 Much of this evidence, like the Coptos
decrees, is probably as early as Dyn. VIII, but further similarities are to be found in the
tomb of Mry-'1 at Hagarsa,574 the tomb of cn!Jty.fy at Moalla,575 and the stela of the Theban
nomarch 'Inl-it.f (Fig. 39 p. 200), all of which belong to the Heracleopolitan Period,
and can hardly be much earlier than the first effective expansion of Thebes. There are,
moreover, some specific indications that M rrl is more closely related to the later evidence
than to the earlier. Like cn!Jty.fy of Moalla and $t-kl of Aswan, he occasionally adds the
572 In particular the tomb of Hnl}w, whose biography (Gebr. 2, pIs. 24, 25) finds some parallels in
that of Mrri. See pp. 148 below.
573 See Peck, Decorated Tombs, pp. 29, 86, 127: N 359 (Twlw) is tentatively placed early in Dyn.
VIII, N 248 (Tmrry) at the end of Dyn. VIII, and N 3737 (Mrw) in Dyn. IX (for this tomb cf. note
723 below); N 89 (I;flgy) is located between N 359 and N 3737, either before or after N 248.
074 Of the three tombs published by Petrie this is the only one that could be attributed with certainty
to the Heracleopolitan Period; A thr. , pIs. 6-9 (the caption "Tomb of Mery II" on pI. 7 is an error;
cf. the List of Plates, p. vi). \Vm. S. Smith, HESPOK, p. 225 believes all three tombs show the style
of the Intermediate Period, but he has been influenced to some extent by Petrie's miscaptioning of
pI. 7.
In any case, Sethe's date for Mry I "ca. Dyn. 6" (Urk. I, 266) seems too early. First, there is the
detail of the small cupbearer (Athr., pI. 9). The shape of the fan (ibid., pI. 8) resembles that of the
Theban nom arch 'Ini-it.f (Cairo Cat. 20009), and even more closely the Eleventh Dynasty example in
D. el B. Dyn. XI, I, pIs. 19 (A), 20 (IV). The writing of iml!Jw is ~ (Athr., pIs. 7, 8) as on Cairo Cat.
20009 and other inscriptions of the Heracleopolitan Period and Eleventh Dynasty (cf. p. 131 below).
The references to famine (snb-ib) in Athr., pI. 6 and in Sn-nljSw-i's biography (PD, pI. 10, rt2) are
unknown from earlier times. Similarly the expression "offices of the necropolis," which is other-
wise known only from the time of lIIrri and Sn-nq,sw-i at Dendera, and 'n!Jty./y of Moalla: Athr.,
pI. 6.8 (probably not ~ ~, but ~!:,\, as Vandier reads, Mo'alla, p. 246) and pI. 9 (see Sethe's resto-
ration Urk. I, 267.16). One of the signs in particular has a form that frequently occurs in the Inter-
mediate Period- .J. (Athr., pI. 6, lines 10, I1);A, .A,
or is normal in the O.K. (see note 713 below).
This departure is well known at Naga ed-Deir, i.e. in the next nome south of Athribis; see Clere, Rev.
d'Eg. 7, p. 28 and n. I. It is also found at Gebelein (Cairo 20001; Berlin 24032, but not BM 1671) and
at Moalla (V y, I; but not clear in photo, pI. 20; cf. ~ A WZKM 57, 68) and Deir el Gebrawi (Gebr.
2, pI. 26, bl). But the Dyn. VI example J!J recorded in LD Text 2, 180 seems to be valid despite the
form A given by Montet in Kemi 6, 103; two other late Old Kingdom examples are now attested
from Naqada (Coptite Nome, nos. I, 7). Finally, see also the word -;;- discussed below, note 651, which
is known elsewhere in the Intermediate Period.
575 Vandier's attempt to date 'n!Jty.fy very specifically by means of a phrase in the contemporary
stela of 'Iti (Cairo 20001) cannot be sustained (cf. WZKM 57, 69-72), but he is certainly correct in
assigning the tomb to the Heracleopolitan Period, at the outset of Theban expansion. As Schenkel
notes, 'n!Jty.fy's mention of a King N/r-kl-r' may conceivably refer to Pepy II, but it seems more
likely that it pertains to the reigning monarch, and that he is the third king of Dyn. IX (Fruhmitteliig.
Studien, 150-151, 154; cf. Hayes, Chronology, 10; Middle Kingdom, 4). Contrary to Schenkel, however,
I do not see why the title mft-ib-nswt m r-'I-glw on the stela of the Theban nomarch 'Inl-it./ (Fig. 39)
need indicate that he is later than 'n!Jty.fy (Fruhmitteliig. Studien, 150); this phrase does not necessarily
refer to Aswan (it occurs, for example,. at Qasr es-Sayyad in V.E. 7; cf. Kees, AZ 70, 83-86 and
Montet, Kemi 6, 88-89). It might be mentioned that a rather unusual phrase in 'n!Jty.fy's inscriptions
recurs in this stela: 'n!Jty.fy's wife tells her daughter ~:: ~ ~ =i ~ (Mo 'alIa, p. 262 and PI.40),
and one of the butchers of 'I nl-it./ tells his companion Q....JJ -d:.~ <::::::» ~ ~; in both cases the meaning is
"let thee see my face happy," i.e. "do as I wish." There is also an iconographic detail that reappears
in the Eleventh Dynasty tomb of Queen Neferu, namely the woman who holds a sunshade on a
lotiform staff (Mo'alla, fig. 4, p. 53; and Yale Univ. Art Gallery Bull. 24, no. 2, 28-31); the same
detail also occurs in the tomb of St-kl at Aswan. For a stylistic comparison of this tomb and that of
'n!Jty./y see Smith, Art and Arch., 84-85. The stelae of the region of Rizaqat-Gebelein present many
points of similarity to 'n!Jty./y's inscriptions, and most of those listed in Kush 9, 45 (and 10, 333-334)
must belong to very nearly the same period, although a few, such as Cairo Cat. 1622, may be some-
what later. Cf. Mo'alla, pp. 38-40, 222, 228, 231.
C. Dynasty IX and Later - Introductory Considerations I31

epithet i~r to his name, and (probably as a posthumous distinction) to the name of his
predecessor Bbi. This usage is unknown in earlier times, but becomes more common in
the Eleventh Dynasty.576 The same is true of the use of == in the name of Tti, which
evidently belongs to a concubine or lesser wife of M rri (p. 152 below), and in the name Tmy
as it appears in <nIJty.jy's inscriptions. 577 The stela of the Theban '[ni-it.j is particularly
comparable in respect to the form and style of the hieroglyphs; ~ (for mnIJt "clothing")
is similar, and 1 is almost identical. '[nl-it.! and Mrrl also, on occasion, abbreviate the
epithet imJIJw (:1'), another feature that is exceedingly rare until their time, but occurs
with increasingly greater frequency thereafter. 678
Mrri is not the only official of the Ninth Dynasty whose inscriptions show a link with
the past-in his case the earlier tradition that is indicated by his father's titulary. The
tomb of St-kl at Aswan is so similar in style to that of <nIJty.jy at Moalla that the two must
be nearly contemporaneous, yet St-kl is inspector of priests ofthe pyramid of Pepy rI, and
similarly Mn-<nIJ-PpyfMni, who is Ml-7;wt of the pyramids of Pepy I and Merenre, has
now been fairly securely dated to a point near-if not in-the Ninth Dynasty (see pp. 170ff.
below). It is apparent that the span of time involved is so brief that the many develop-
ments of the period between Dyns. VI and XI could have occurred within three gener-
ations, and well within a single lifetime. 579

578 Cf. Polotsky, Insehr. Dyn., § Sla and Schenkel, Friihmitteliig. Studien, § 2Sa. Mrr-i~r (P D,
Q- 0
pI. SB, It, tr). otherwise Mrri; Bb-i~r (PD, pI. 8t), also Bbi in same inscription. Similarly T ~ __
~ .! I
~ (Mo'alla, pp. 256 [VII, 2J, 262). The same usage is found on several stelae from Gebelein (for
references see Kush 9, 45): lftp-i~r (Turin SuppI. 1277); Wta( ?)-i~r (Turin Suppl. 1273); )Ini-i~."
(Leiden F 1935/1.6); )Ini-i~r.t (Turin Suppl. 1271) i )Ini-it·f-i~r mJ'-arw (Cairo Cat. 1622); lf~db-i~r
(BM 1671); Mrr-i~r (Cairo Cat. 1654). At Aswan St-kl appends i~r to his name on the lower part of
his false door. Examples from Thebes: Tbw-i~r-ml'-arw, )Iwf-i~r.t (Clere-Vandier, no. 3); Sni-i~r (Tomb
IS5, P-M, 12. Pt. 1,291); probably also S-Mnw (:ft 11'!:f)-i~r-mJ'-!Jrw (Hayes, Seepte." I, fig. IS3, p. 280);
)Itti-i~r (Cleveland 200.14). A single example from Naqada: Smli-l~r (Coptite Nome, no. 41). Examples
from Naga ed-Deir: )Ib-i~r (Cairo Cat. 1642); Rwrj-m-~bh-i~r (Cairo stela, cf. ]NES 21, p. 51, n. 6
[fJ); S!JtJ't-i~(r).t (Dunham, Stelae, no. 23). Akhmim: Tti-i~r (U."k. 1,265). Wadi Hammamat: Tlwt-i~r,
Hamm., nos. 149, 150, 152. Others: Nins( ?)-i~r.t(Clere, Mise. Greg., pp. 455,464); Tt-i~r (Sotheby Cat.,
Dec. 19-21, 1906, no. IS, pI. 10 [ColI. R. de RustafjaellJ). Other Dendera examples: )Ini-it.f-i~r-ml'-arw
(D 6062, PD, pI. 12,lt3); )Ini-it.f-i~r (D 5424A, B;PD, pI. IIC, br2); )In-i~r (D 350, seep. 178 below);
~ 0~~~ ~ (D 145)·
PD, pI. 8B, br; Mo'alla, p. 202 (II, 1), I). In addition to the several examples cited in ]NES 19,
264 see Tt (Sotheby Cat., Dec. 19-21, 1906, no. IS, pI. 10); Tmnn (Louvre C 14); SJ.t-Tnl (Muller,
Elephantine, fig. 5); SU-Tn (ibid., figs. 5, 6, 42); the Elephantine examples are early Dyn. XII. The
form =
also appears elsewhere in Mrri's inscriptions, namely in 1s (pI. S, br2) and w1s (pI. SC, b3(2);
cf. Polotsky, Insehr. II. Dyn., § 23, and in one of the Dyn. VIII Coptos decrees (Urk. I. 302-3).
578 For Mrri see PD, pI. SB, Ib2, 3; also Md-Ptf! (pI. 10, br2). and the writing ~ on the frieze
inscription of the same person, PD, pI. loA, center left. For later examples see PD, pIs. 7 A, br2; loA,
Ib; 11, rb2, Ib; IIC, rb; 12, lt3; 13 (statue base of Bb); 15, left. At least twice as many unpublished
cases could be cited. Further examples may be found in Sh. Safd, pI. 26 (lfnnt); Athribis, pIs. 7, S
("Mery I"); Coptite Nome, nos. 13 (Cairo Cat. 1442),41,44; Clere-Vandier, nos. 2, 3,13,15,17,20-22,
etc. For the later stelae at Naga ed-Deir see Dunham, Stelae, nos. 2, 4, 6, S, 23, 63, 7S, 80-83, S6; the
inscriptions definitely earlier than Dyn. XI have the older writing. At Memphis many of the Hera-
cleopolitan Period false doors also have ~}, ~, ~ or the like: AZ 90, pIs. 5, 6; Quibell, Exeav. Saq.
(1905-1906), pIs. 12, 13, 15-IS, 20; ibid. (1906-1907), pIs. 6-10; Teti Cem., pIs. 21,27,67.70,72,74.
75; Cairo Cat. 1450, 1453. Also two of the later inscriptions in the tomb of Tlwti at Qasr es-Sayyad
(LD 2, 114 e; Prisse, ~M on., pI. 5). In many of these cases fuller and shorter v,Titings are intermixed.
In Old Kingdom inscriptions, however, the initial i is virtually never omitted except. occasionally,
in the phrase nb iml!J (e.g. Cairo Cat. 1295, 1356, 1375, 1414, 1416, 1529).
579 This statement would agree fairly closely to Hayes's conclusion that Dyns. VII-VIII represent
only 22t years, and Dyn. IX about 30 years (Chronology, 9-11), taking the end of the Ninth Dynasty
to be "a result of the revolution which inaugurated the Eleventh Dynasty" (ibid. p. 11, n. 3). Schenkel
allows a possible 6 years to the Seventh Dynasty (Friihmitteliig. Studien, 136) and between 7 and 17
years for the Eighth (ibid. 159), but his final conclusion is "0 Jahre?" for Dyn. VII and "9 +X Jahre"
13 2 Part VI. The Nomarchs and Other Officials
Allowing for a decline in the general prosperity as the old order at Memphis waned and
at length expired altogether, Dendera's fortunes seem to have run a fairly even course.
Yet it was clearly overshadowed in political importance by the capitals of the nomes
around it as each gained ascendency-first Abydos, then Coptos, then perhaps Abydos
again, and ultimately Thebes. It is unlikely that Dendera played a very significant role
in the political affairs of the late Old Kingdom and the Intermediate Period; none of its
nomarchs is known to have been a vizier, and none after 'Idw I-with the exception of
the triple nomarch 'b-ilJw-is known to have been an overseer of Upper Egypt. Further-
more Dendera is not mentioned in connection with 'nl:Jty.fy of Moalla's conflict with Thebes
and Coptos, and there is no indication that it played a particularly instrumental part in
the struggle between Thebes and Heracleopolis,6!lI although it will be seen that the nome
was fortified and its population armed, and that it may even have commanded the
assistance of foreigners who lived within reach of the nearby desert routes. Such importance
and prosperity as Dendera was able to maintain during the lean and troubled years of the
Intermediate Period is rather to be attributed to the influence and prestige of its cult,
which was greatly favored during the Memphite Sixth Dynasty, and continued to be
acknowledged in the surrounding nomes; it will be recalled that a woman of Naga ed-Deir
mentions Hathor of Dendera in a sarcophagus inscription dating to the end of the Inter-
mediate Period, as does a woman at Gebelein, and that a priestess of Hathor of Dendera
is known at Thebes at the end of Dyn. VI (above, pp. 29£.). The subsequent prominence
of the Denderite Hathor at Thebes during Dyn. XI (above, note I27) no more than con-
tinues the long and uninterrupted esteem she had previously enjoyed.
At a period when the inscriptions contain numerous deviations from the standard
hieroglyphic forms of the Old Kingdom, it is of some interest to see to what extent the
later Coptos decrees and the Moalla-Gebelein inscriptions have something in common
with the inscriptions of Dendera. The points of resemblance chiefly involve the signs
representing the human figure (Fig 23).581
This brief list includes most of the deviations from the norm that occur in the Coptos
decrees, but represents only a smaller proportion of those in use at Moalla-Gebelein and

for Dyn. VIII (ibid. 160), after which he leaves an interval of more than 40 years before the advent
of the ancestral Mentuhotep who founded Dyn. XI. On the other hand, it is difficult to agree with
Beckerath's attempt to do away with any interval between the Old Kingdom and the Eleventh
Dynasty, making the latter entirely co-existent with Dyns. IX-X. (]NES 21, 145-147). The result is
that <nlfty.fy must be placed in Dyn. VIII. But <nlfty.fy's claims to authority in the southern nomes
are hardly compatible with the powers that the Eighth Dynasty rulers vested in Smd and )1 di as
overseers of Upper Egypt. Nor can the alliance of the Coptite Nome and Thebes against Hermonthis
(Mo <alia, 198) be reconciled with the normal state of affairs that evidently prevailed at Coptos during
Dyn. VIII.
580 The only direct allusion to the battles between north and south is the statement of a prosperous
Denderite of Dyn. XI named Ifr-nlft (D 3128), who states: "I gave spelt to Dendera to its full extent
and in its entirety during (m) 56 years, 400 sacks of grain each year r 11sy, when there was enmity
with the Thinite Nome." The term r 11sy is otherwise unknown. This statement does not necessarily
mean that the hostilities with Nome 8 continued unabated for 56 years, but it probably covers the
successful Theban attack on Thinis which took place before the 50th year of Wl!z-<nlf, and the rebel-
lion of Thinis that occurred about 22 years thereafter (Clere-Vandier, nos. 16, 23). With the possible
exception of a few tantalizing fragments from Mrri's frieze inscription, the only other mention of
hostilities occurs in the brief biography of the Sole Companion F~w (D 6221).
581 The later form of if (no. 3) is discussed in jNES 21, 50-52, where further examples are dis-
played. For the earlier and later forms of the land-determinative (8) see p. 95' above. For the ~d-sign
(9) cf. Polotsky, Insehr. II. Dyn., § 17, and Coptite Nome, 72. Nfr-ssm-Ppy/Snni has the normal form
(PD, pI. 7A, t2r3), as do some of the later inscriptions at Dendera (PD, pI. 11 A, br; lIB, rt4) , but
not pI. 15 left, line 6 (cf. pI. 25 B), line 17. The sign might also have been included (see n.577).
582 Wherever possible these examples have been re-examined on the basis of Hayes JEA 32, 3ff.
(H), Weill, Deer. (W), and photographs.
C. Dynasty IX and Later - Introductory Considerations 133

Eighth Dynasty Coptas Post-Sixth Dynasty Moalla and Gebelein-

Normal Old Kingdom
decrees (rers. to Dendera (reCs. to Rizagat (rels. mainly
Urk.I)582 PD) to Mo'all.)

1t ~ ~ ~

Pepy 11

UrIc I
29B.5 (H) e.g. pI. se,
e. g. III 10 •. g. Dp 2

~ f~ ~f


00 0
00 ,0
:' 0°
e. g. pI. 9, t e. g. Leningrad
0 ~
Pepy II Dyn. VIII
292.6 (H) 304.1 (H)

'~ ~. 29B.6 (H)

1!t pI. 9, br

(also 01542;
15,424 ax) ~ e. g. IDU

'(f fY 29B.16

304.17 (W) tJ pI. 8C, br. rtS,

~ e. g. Vo<2

'f!j fu' ~ 296. 3 (sic, W)

er e. g. pI. BB, lt3

pi. 10, It2 (fry)

(fJ 10(3 (I'ry)

'rh Coptas, Pepy D

Si 29B. 2, 4 (H)

303.7, B ~t rare: e. g.
pi. lOA, lt7
~ Vr 2,3


c4? fi- 304.17 (W)

4 pIs. 7A, tr,

BC, r2b5,

9, Ib
Ip4 (nqf) IV 5 (wr)

c:=::=:J Coptas,
:5 ( 295.5 ~ pI. 7A, rt4

= Pepy 11
305. B,I2
) S pI. 2A, rt5
n (3 2, and passim

~ ~ 304.16 (W)

cl. 301. 4
~ pI. BC, It, Ib5,

rb3 ~ 1(32


Fig. 23
134 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
a still smaller proportion of those used at Dendera. In the last-named places, and particu-
larly at Dendera, very distinctive local styles are developed. 583
The local hieroglyphic style at Dendera appears to have reached very nearly its farthest
development in the inscriptions of Mrri; most of the distinctive elements are carried on
for two more generations, during which time a few new forms are added. Thereafter the
tradition is less regularly continued, though a good many of the localisms persist. The
term "style" may fairly be applied to the inscriptions of Mrrl's period, I think, inasmuch
as the departures from the normal form are fairly consistently used over a period of time
by several individuals, and since some of the changes affect not one, but a group of signs.
Note, for example, the lower part of the examples in Fig. 24. 584

J 2 3 4 5

Older forms
~ ft J:\ I
forms L0r ~ at; f ~
6 7 8 9

~ ~ li ~ 0
Older forms

g I { ~ 4~ \}
Fig. 24

f>83 Aside from a characteristic angularity. the most striking stylistic feature in the hieroglyphs of
the Moalla-Gebelein inscriptions is a tendency to make the signs symmetrical by reduplicating a
detail that is normally found on one side only: ;b (instead of 1)
m(for illI; derived from the preceding ?).
y::Ji:;. (instead of fli as at Dendera). (for 2i 1:).
~ (cf. 'tJ
for (!:Cl). A pair of ticks is sometimes
added to opposite sides of a sign: ~. '0' (for 0 wdpw as also in the Middle Kingdom). ><?- (-..)
I (sometimes I; from hieratic f t.
= confused with g); so too perhaps the first two signs listed;
cf. also ~ (for 0:::::::.). For the palaeography of this group of inscriptions. see also Kush 9. 79-80.
584 For examples of these fonns in the inscriptions. see: (I) Normal forIl}. pI. 5A; later. pI. 8. br2.
(2) See chart. fig. 4. (3) Nonnal fonn. pI. 6. b2r2; later. pI. 8. t. after rklt. Sn-nlf,Sw-i uses the wl-sign.
after srj.t. pI. 9. t. (4) The late fonn only. in pI. SC. b3r2. This is evidently with the base of retained1
(cf. Polotsky. Inschr. H. Dyn .• § 23). (5) Normal form. pI. I; late fonn pIs. SA. 10. rt2. etc. (6) Nonnal
fonn. pI. 2A. bl; late fonn. pI. S C, rb3. Mrri also has 8.
pI.S. rt2. and Sn-nrjsw-l i.
pI. 10 A. It. (7)
Normal fonns not evidenced. For e.g. Ptah. I. pI. 14 (3°7); later fonns. pI. 9. t. (8) The oldest fonn
C. Dynasty IX and Later - Introductory Considerations 135

As noted on p. 145 below, several hieroglyphs in Mrrl's relief inscriptions tend to show
a double line.
Characteristic of an almost equal number of signs is the baseline which is found beneath
standing quadrupeds, birds, and the bnt-sign.585 In the case of M rrl this feature is evidenced
only in the inscriptions in high relief, while Sn-nrjsw-l and others add it to hieroglyphs en
creux (plo 10, br; plo IQ A, trz; plo II A, bzrz, lDJ). Another important characteristic
affects only two signs, though Mrl-Pt!t applies it to a third; this is the arm that hangs
down in ~, J} and (in Mrl-Ptlt's inscriptions) i (see above, pp. 77, 79ff.). A stylistic
feature that is less distinctive, since it is apt to occur at other places also,686 is the tendency
to alter the signs by elaborating on the details (Fig. Z5).587

J 2 J 4 S
• 7



t ~=
FJ W Q ~ II "


~ ~ ~ Q ~r

0°00 J :. 0

~ o ::
Fig. 25
In' one instance the elaboration is carried farther by Sn-nrJSw-l, who adds another projec-
tion to the sign for l5 588- i, whereas Mrrl has ~. On the other hand, sn is always ~, and
not *'as the earlier Snnl sometimes writes it. Sn-nrJSw-l also elaborates further on the
bpr sign, giving it a head like that of the current form of the bee: ~, ~.689 The top of
isi, which is not evidenced in the earlier inscriptions; L or the like, appears in pIs. 5A, IIA, tI.
For the first of the later forms, pI. 8, t; Mrri also once writes!, pI. 8, bl; for ~ see pI. 10, rt2. Note
that the form A is in use fairly early in Dyn. VI; Wni of Abydos has it, Urk. I, 101.14, 109.2 etc.
(9) See note 428 above. The later form shown is pI. 10, rt2.
585 E.g. pI. 8, t and pI. 8 B, It2. This feature appears sporadically elsewhere: see note 79 and cf.
also p. 18 above. Clt~re has already noted the Dendera usage (Rev. d'Eg. 7, p. 23, n.4) and with
it he associates the baseline which is placed under the tiny cupbearer on the later Dendera stelae.
588 Something of the same tendency may be seen, for example, in the brief description of the Moalla-

Gebelein signs that is presented above, note 583.

587 Examples of these forms in the inscriptions (if the older form is said not to be evidenced, this

means it does not appear in the earlier inscriptions): (I) Older form: the 'Idw I burial chamber has
this as well as \-.p- pI. 5 A. Later forms, pIs. 7A, t412, pI. 8, br2. (2) Older form, pI. 5A. Later, pI. 8C,
rb4, pI. 9, t, as ~. (3) Older form not evidenced. Later form, see above, p. 133. (4) Older form not
evidenced. The later form, pI. 8 C, rt6 and pI. 10, rt2. Griffith (pp. 48, 53) calls Mrri's form of the
sign a "ten-legged crab (from the Red Sea ?)." Perhaps some crustacean may have been intended,
but Sn-n(#w-i's tJpr sign has only eight legs, which would better suit an arachnid. Cf. ~,~ Gebr. I,
pIs. 9, 12. (5) Older form not evidenced. Snni has f (pI. 7 A, tr), which is also an old form. The
form used by Sn-nlj1w-i, pI. 10, rt2, pI. lOA, rt, is perhaps influenced by the sign for bd.t in the same
inscription. (6) Older form not evidenced. The projections along the spine of the crocodile are exag-
gerated in the later form, especially on the back of the animal; pI. 8, br2. (7) The older example is
pI. 6, b2r3; the later pI. 9, t, pI. 13, tr2. The Intermediate Period stelae of Gebelein also frequently
depict the stream of water as ,a double line of dots.
588 The form of is used by Sn-n(#w-i, pI. 10, tr2; Mrri, pI. 8, t, and as Ifd, pI. 8 C, Ib5.
589 The tJPr-sign, pI. 10, rt2, lines 2 and 4; the bee, pI. 9, t, top and left; pI. lOA, Ib3, E 17744 ($n-
1#). The head of the bee is elaborated in the same way in a few of the Naga ed-Deir stelae: Dunham,
nos. 8, 11.
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
l (in place of ~ rfl) is similarly fashioned: y (pI. 10, lt2). Mention should also be made
of the two sloping sides of the signs ~ and f::!j, which are very characteristic of the
Dendera inscriptions from M rri's time, or slightly earlier, down to the Eleventh Dynasty.690
The most singular departure of all is the sign bkr as it appears for the first time in Mrri's
mastaba, though a step in this direction has already been taken in Snnl's time (Fig. 26).
The other examples are later than the Mrri group, but are included for comparison.
The last is probably not far removed from Dyn. XI.591

1 2 3

!l ~~/~//
4 5

/';U ~ /"~
fd)0 ~
Fig. 26
Usually the adscription identifying the wife is not large enough to include this much
detail in her title bkrt nswt, so that the form 0 continues in use; later this becomes ~ .692
In general the inscriptions of Mrri and Sn-nflSw-i seem much more crowded than those
of their predecessors. This effect is related to a tendency to pile up as many as five signs
in a horizontal line. Sn-nflsw-i also uses a series of short columns within a horizontal line
(pI. 10, lt2), and the later Sn-s# does the same (pI. II B, rt, It3).
The titles are as follows, in the order in which they are mentioned in the following
discussion (for PD, pI. 8 B, rt2, see PI. XVIb):
(I) ~ -= 1~ pIs. 8-8 C, passim
(2) ~ ~ ~ I pIs. 8, t and center; 8 A, 8 B, rtz, lt3, rt3.
1 , --
(3) ~ ~", l'
~ C7 g pI. 8, lb
(4) .!. r ~ ~- ~ * ~ pI. 8, lb
(5) .!. r~ ~ -1 ~ '} pI. 8, rb
(6) .!. r ~ ~ -1 {iD pI. 8 B, lt2
Other titles:
~ pIs. 8-8 B
~ !tu pIs. 8, center, brz, 8 A
r ~ ~ pIs. 8, cent er, 8 B, rt3, 12bz, 8 C, rt
l Im J pIs. 8, center, 8 B, rt3, 8 C, rt
590 From Mrri's time onward there are few occurrences of the form ~, though this does appear
sporadically: pI. 11 C, br2; D 145; D 6062. A few instances of C:!':, are to be found in Dunham, Stelae
(nos. 10, 30). Although the forms ~, ~ are used in Dyn. VI, it may be added that an occasional
tendency towards sloping sides is attested still earlier (e.g. ]unker, G£za 3, fig. 27; Borch., Sah.2,
pI. 5).
591 (I) PI. 10, rb2; copied from the original, MMA 98+6. For the date see above, p. 128. (2) PI. 8 B,
rb. This was made by Sn-nljsw-i; see below, p. 152. (3) E 17840. (4) D 145, the same individual as the
foregoing. (5) PI. 12, lt2. This sign is precisely like ®, the determinative (mutilated as usual) of a
word Ijlm in the Pyramid Texts; it refers to the movement of hands and feet in dancing (Wb.5,
523.3). The bkr-sign is written almost as curiously at Akhmim, where it takes the form of a mirror
(Cairo 28001, 28002). ,
592 It has the shape <j> in the inscriptions of Mrri, pI. 8 B, It, and Sn-ndsw-i, pI. 9, t. For the later
form, see pI. 11 C, rt, rt2; also as early as Sn-nljSw-i, p. 164. -
C. Dynasty IX and Later - MRR1 137
Of Mrrl's titles, at least three concern his priestly office; besides being (I) overseer of
priests and (2) herdsman of the jntt-cattle, he is (3) ~ ~ ~ '" ~ - ~ 'C7 g The 'f.
determinative of g,lt is the same used in the inscriptions of this time as a writing
for mn!Jt "clothing" (pI. 8 A; pI. 9, t), and the title is accordingly no different from
~ ~ ~ '" T, 593 which occurs several times in the Old Kingdom. 594 The meaning is "overlord
of the wardrobe (or the like) of Hathor Mistress of Dendera." Like ppy-'n!J IJry-ib of
Meir, who was overseer of priests of Hathor Mistress of Cusae, Mrri, as overseer of priests,
doubtless "entered before Hathor ... seeing her and performing the ceremonies for her
with (his own) hands" (Meir 4, pIs. 4,4 A, right, col. 2). In one of these ceremonies the
goddess would be clothed,595 and the cloth used for this purpose would presumably come
out of the g,lt of which Mrri was custodian. If the title is interpreted in this way, it is not
surprising that apparently none but the overseer of priests lays claim to it at Dendera.
Besides Mrri and Ni-ibw-nswt, whose good name is Bbi~r,596 a third overseer of priests is
known to have been "overlord of,the wardrobe of Hathor Mistress of Dendera," an in-
dividual named >!lmw who dates to Dyn. XI.597 At Naga ed-Deir the Nomarch and
Overseer of Priests If Igy has a rather similar title g!i ~D1;; "overlord of the wardrobe
(g,It, ssP[ ?J) in the temple,"598 and another overseer of priests, named Mrw, is => ~ c{! ~ "A.
~1:::@ "keeper ofthe headdress in attiring his lord (namely) his city god."599 The other
occurrences of these titles outside the Sixth Nome do not concern the cult of a god properly
speaking; in some cases they appear to be associated with personal attendance on the
king.6°O The office of "keeper of the sacred cattle" similarly seems to be restricted to
overseers of priests at Dendera, while at other places this is by no means the case. At Meir
it is not the Overseer of Priests Ppy_tn!J who is "herdsman of the jntt cattle," but a
lJry-tp nswt who is perhaps his brother (Meir 4, pI. IS and pp. 9,40; cf. pp. 26f. above).
Another title of M rri also refers to the local cult. This is (4) "privy to the secret of the
house of morning" (pI. 8, lb, preceding "overlord of the wardrobe of Hathor, etc.").
Blackman has shown that the persons so designated are frequently in charge of some part
of the king's adornment; evidently they assist him in his morning purifications and change
of dress in preparation for the divine ritual (JEA 5, 152). In the case of Mrri, Blackman
thinks that "a purely local notable, as Emrori appears to have been, could hardly have
officiated at the toilet of his sovereign in distant Memphis or Herakleopolis." He con-

593 This point has also been made by Polotsky, Inschr. II. Dyn., § 19. The meaning of the form is
best seen in the example on pI. 13, lt2: ltl. (andr:: llf ' Cairo Cat. 1508). I should not think it is
derived from ~, as Polotsky has it, but from ~; see Ptah .• pI. 14 (288) and Coptite Nome, no. 8
(~). The occurrence of a form? in place of T after wn!Jw. pI. 9, confirms this explanation.
594 ASAE I. 153; ASAE 30, 179, ASAE 43.507. 510; Tomb. part., pp. 14, 110; Pyrs. des reines,
p. 58; Teti Cem., p. 210 (tjlyt instead of tjlt. See Wb. 5, 515. 519).
595 Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en Egypte, pp. 178-190. Cf. in a fragmentary M.K.

inscription, ~! ~ ~:- ~ i rT ... ~ ~ ~ "breaking the clay (seal on the shrine), arranging the
linen binding ... Hathor ... " Berlin 8815, Ag. Inschr. 1,160.
598 PI. 8, t: ftry-tp tjlt, without mention of Hathor; the titles "overseer of priests" and "herdsman
of the tntt cattle" follow.
597 Rev. d'Eg. 2, p. 55 and pI. 2 (I): No other titles are present than "overseer of priests, overlord
of the wardrobe of Hathor Mistress of Dendera."
598 Tomb N 89; see lARCE 3,26. I owe the copy to the kindness of Caroline Peck.
599 Tomb N 3737; ibid. p. 27 and Peck, Decorated Tombs, pI. 12 and pp. 109-110.

800 Titles like ~ ~ <=> fI1 ~ (Tomb. part., pp. 14, 110; A SAE 43, 507) and ~:t ~ 'C7 (A SAE 34,
510; ASAE I, 153; cf. Saad, Excav. Saqqara and Helwan [1941-1945J pI. 19) are associated with it;
in these cases the tjlt appears to signify some part of the royal wardrobe. The individual whose titles
r t
are given in Tomb. part., p. 14. is also a ~ ~ "stm-priest and director of every kilt," the stm being
the king's priest (see Kees, Kulturgesch., pp. 179-180, Gardiner, On I, 40-41*).
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
cludes that Mrri possibly "took part in the ceremonies of the pr-dwd in 1:Iat~or's temple
at Dendera, when the Pharaoh came to visit the goddess and to exercise before her his
high-priestly office" (lEA S, 164). It is more probable, however, that in Mrri's case the
title has to do with the local cult of Hathor, and not with the king; this is indicated by
the fact that [i,ry-tp rilt, a title which was likewise used at the Residence in connection
with the king's toilet, is explicitly connected with Hathor of Dendera in Mrri's inscriptions.
Two nomarchs at other places are "privy to the secret of the house of morning," as
Blackman has noted-..{{Ir of Edfu and ppy-'n~ of Meir. Both are overseers of priests and
may accordingly have officiated in the pr dWlt of the local temple for the local god or
goddess, as Mrri presumably did. But there is more likelihood than in Mrri's case that
these two nomarchs performed the duties of the office in question at the Residence, since
their connection with the crown was particularly close. 601
It has already been shown (p. IIS) that the title "privy to the secret of the treasure of
the god" (6) also refers to the local temple; the "treasure" probably includes the clothing
and other adornment of Hathor, of which Mrri was the custodian. The title "privy to
the secret of the god's word" (S) has also been discussed earlier (p. 123) in connection
with the titulary of Nfr-ssm-Ppy jSnni.
The segments of Mrrl's frieze inscription are more complde and more illuminating than
those of his predecessors, although they are obscured by numerous lacunae and by the
uncertainty of the sequence. 602 Among the more interesting passages are some that mention
dragomans and foreigners:
(rt 4) (rt 6) (rt 5) (rt 7)

pI. 8 C, rt 4 I }~tr (IJ) ~ !}' gl' ~ } I !L :: } 1* ~ ~ r~ I ~ ~ + ~~ ~ I ~ ~ + 1~ } ~

~~ ~~ ~~

~ua @ gH~rH~2;~~~~ ~~I*In~ !}~I

- - - dragomans&) of Dendera speak(?) while ( ?)b) Smw.wc) are accumulating in it. d )
I am one who loves to eat e ) when he sees; I am not indeed one who eats blindfolded. f)
I am one beloved of Dendera in its entirety, praised of his city, beloved of passers-by')
and(?) the Nfi,Syw of the desert. h )"
(a) The trace of a sign at the beginning, above }, is shaped thus: ~. It cannot
therefore belong to ""~ or ~, but might be the end of <£><I or~. Whichever this is,
(IJ) ~! can only be I'.W "interpreters." The word seldom occurs except in titles like
imy-r 1(.W,603 and this is the only case (and one not considered by Gardiner) in which
"dragomans" are mentioned as being "of" (nw) an Egyptian city. Two other occurrences
of the term apparently link the l.w in the same manner to Nubia. In the Dahshur decree
of Pepy I there is mention of "the companions, overseers of interpreters of (the lands of)
Medja, Yam and Irtjet," and a late Old Kingdom stela from Naqada similarly bears the
801 For of Edfu, see above, p. 70 and note 285. Ppy-'n!J was a sr official (throughout his career),
a vizier, an "overseer of the scribes of the royal document," "privy to the secret of every order of the
king," "he who is in the heart of the king in every place of his," "revered with the king." Besides
being overseer of priests of Hathor Mistress of Cusae, he is priest of Isis and Hathor, Horus and Seth,
the Great Ennead, and Nut; these last priestly offices probably refer to temples at the Residence.
For all these titles see Meir 4, pI. 4A, top, and pI. 4, top right, and left, col. I.
802 The sequence follows Griffith's reconstruction of the text in pI. 25 B, It; which is a rearrange-
ment of the order in which the stones were found (see PD, pp. 16, 48). Due allowance must be made
for the possibility that sections are missing.
603 Gardiner, PSBA 37, 124-125. The translations "dragoman," "interpreter" are adopted on the
basis of this article: ibid., pp. II7ft., and Peet's note p. 224. The conclusions made by F. W. Read in
BIFAO 13, 141ft. agree with Gardiner as far as the word for dragoman is concerned. For the lack
of -.JJ above (IJ), see PSBA 37, 124. For the reading I' see Captite Name, 141.
c. Dynasty IX and Later - MRR'I 139
title "overseer of interpreters of Yam."604 One would gather from these references that
the JC.w were foreigners, and the fact that some belonged to Dendera would not contradict
this evidence, since Nubian mercenaries are known to have belonged to the city of Gebelein
and were probably also in Dendera's employ (see below, comment h). If the J'.w were
foreigners, however, they seem at any rate to have adopted Egyptian ways, to judge
from the sole representation of them in the Sahure temple; in this scene their clean-
shaven faces and short wigs contrast with the beards and long hair, bound with a fillet,
of the captives whom they force to adore the king as they themselves adore him.605 The
meaning of (\]\ i "interpreters" suggests that the word preceding this may be [~j}l, i.e.
either the noun "word," "speech," or the verb "speak"; both are written thus in the
stelae of M rri.606
(b) Assuming that the link between the segments is correct, this apparently represents
an unusual example of iw preceding Sljm.J in a subordinate clause. 607
(c)S }I* as such is unknown elsewhere, though the Wb. (4, 48 I. I2 ) suggests that it
may be the same as sml.w (not sm'.w) "foreigners." It does not seem likely in any case
that smw has anything to do with = ~ ~ ~ it,
which is associated with NMy(w) "Nu-
bians" on a Gebelein stela of comparable date, since the sm'y(w) are evidently Upper
Egyptians. 6os Probably the group::::: is purely phonetic. 60D However this may be, the
mention of interpreters and NJ;,Syw on nearby or adjacent sections of the frieze suggests
that the smw-people are foreign to the nome despite the undistinctive determinative it.
(d) Somehow this statement must have reflected credit on Mrri, and one might con-
ceivably restore the lacuna as follows: "[I am one who makes] the interpreters of Dendera
speak (ink rdi mdw ,'.w) when Smw.w accumulate in it."
(e) The imperfective active participle mrrl has the old ~ ending; cf. Edel Altiig. Gramm.
§ 629 and Gardiner, Gram. 2 , § 357.
(f) The significance of these two clauses apparently lies in the opposition of dgi.f "when
he sees"610 and jn "blindfolded," literally "bound."61l One might think of the injunction
in Ptahhotep's Instructions, to "look (only) at what's before you" when eating with a
superior;612 might Mrri be declaring his impatience with such restraint, or the submission
it implies? The only other statement known to me which is reminiscent of this one is:
"I was one who loves eating and hates discussion," in a Dyn. XI stela from Naga ed-
Deir. 613 Perhaps Mrri is similarly expressing his dislike of some impediment to the enjoy-
ment of eating. But it is quite possible that neither of these other passages has any bearing
whatever on the meaning of his words.
804 Coptite N ome, 27-30; the discussion of these titles takes into account Goedicke's remarks on
the same subject in JEA 46, 60-64.
805 Borch. Sah. 2, pI. 12. In the text, p. 87, Borchardt refers to them as "Die agyptische Schiffs-
offiziere. "
606 As noun, pI. 8, br; as verb (active participle), pI. 8, br2.
607 Cf. Gardiner, Grams, § 468.5.
606 Berlin 24032, line 6: Kush 9, 47, 52-53.
809 Cf. the use of this group in proper names: Vandier, Rev. d'Eg. 2, p. 57, n. I, where several Old
Kingdom examples are cited.
810 Schenkel, MHT, p. 130, translates "was er sieht," but it does not seem likely that a relative
form (dgi(t>.f) is involved here.
m Wb. I, 183, gives "umhiillen" (I), "verhiillt sein" (2), "bes. von den verbundenen Augen" (3).
For the last meaning Belegst. refers only to Pap. Abbott 5, 1 (= Peet, Tomb Robberies, pI. 3). where
a man is taken to the tombs blindfolded ('In) "as a man well-guarded" (rml SIW tjri) and "his eye is
given to him after he has reached them."
812 Prisse 6. 11; Zaba. Maximes. p. 26. The later variant has "do not look at what is before him;
look at what is before you." Both versions are followed by: "Do not pierce him with many looks."
813 BM 1059; Hier. Texts 3.32. For this passage. see Polotsky, Inschr. II. Dyn .. § 44. The prove-
nance has been pointed out by Clere. Rev. d'Eg. 7. p. 19. n. I.
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
(g) The term "passers-by" (swliw-or sWliwtyw?) more likely refers to traveling Egyp-
tians than to nomads. This may be compared with another boast: ~ m~ ~ ~~~ I
"I was a haven (landing-place) for this land in its entirety" (pI. 8C, ItS, It6). Msprt remains
a hapax legomenon, but the meaning "haven" which Griffith suggested (PD, p. 48) seems
very well founded. It probably is an m-formation from the root spr "to arrive," i.e. a
"place which enables arrival." Mrri's claim that he was beloved by the passers-by also
recalls the well-known statement of a nomarch of Asyut: "when night came he who slept
on the road gave me praise (because) he was like a man in his (own) house" (Siut, tomb
(h) The Nl,tSy.w are well known as mercenaries in the texts of Dyns. VI-XI.614 During
the Intermediate Period there is a reference to the Sm'y and Nl,tSy of Gebelein (Berlin
24032; cf. comment [c] above), and the Gebelein Nl,tSy.w are also known from their own
funerary stelae. 615 The fact that the Nl,tSy.w in Mrri's inscription are said to be nw!pst
might distinguish them from these Nubians resident in Egypt, or it might, as Janssen
has suggested (Trad. Autobiogr. 2, p. 98, n. 109), distinguish them as "desert Nubians"
from the Nl,tSy.w of the southern lands. Posener accepts this meaning and compares
Nl,tSy.t iri.t J;r ::;;:}. ~ "The Nubian woman who has come from the desert."616
In addition to the unusual references to dragomans and foreigners, mention is made, on
another fragment of the frieze, of a foreign land, but neither the context nor the whole of
its name is preserved; at the beginning is an m(?) which may be the preposition "in" or
"from" (pI. 8C, lb4) :

While Mrri's fragmentary biography indicates that he was cordial to foreigners and
other strangers, he apparently found it necessary to defend himself against a threat of
attack, for another segment contains the statement l~[mt:;] "I built a fortress,"
(pI. 8 C, It), and a small fragment that seems to belong to the same inscription shows the
sign ~ at the end of a segment. 6l7 Fortifications are also mentioned, during more or less
the same period, in the inscriptions from the nomes north and south of Dendera. An
unpublished late Intermediate Period stela in the Brooklyn Museum which clearly derives
from the cemetery of Naga ed-Deir belongs to a man who is ~ =rr
F n, "overseer of
the fortress," presumably in the city Thinis. 618 The same fortress may well have been
among those that the Theban WIJ;-'nlj >Ini-it.f subsequently claims to have opened in
his conquest of the Thinite nome. 619 Thebes, in league ..with Coptos, appears earlier to have
attacked fortresses at Hermonthis in its own nome, and to have temporarily lost, as a result
of cnljty.fy of MOalla's counterattack, some fortresses that it held further upstream
(Mo'aUa, p. 198, lIe, I-II~ I).
814 For the Sixth Dynasty see the references to the "peaceful N(iSyw" in the Dahshur decree Urk.
1,211.3, 10, etc., and the 1ft!! (lesser overseer of) Nft1yw in Hassan, Giza 6, pt. 3, figs. 126, 130, pp. 135,
138. See also section 7 of the article cited in the following note.
815 "The Nubian Mercenaries of Gebelein during the First Intermediate Period," Kush 9, 44-80.
The determinative of Nft1yw in Mrri's inscription is reproduced ibid. pl. I5b, and the costume is
discussed on p. 63. .
818 AZ 83, p. 41, n. 3, citing Mutter u. Kind, 2, line 8.
m MMA photograph I52866B. The sign has the form discussed in ]NES 21, 50-52; this also
occurs on the architrave of Sn-n!JSw-i (ibid. fig. 3b = PD, pl. 9, br).
618 The stela of M/'ty, Brooklyn 39.1. The provenance is indicated by its similarity to Dunham,
Stelae, nos. 5, 71, 77.
6a "I opened all its fortresses" (Clere-Vandier, no. 16, col. 3).
C. Dynasty IX and Later - M RR'I 141

Dendera almost certainly was not involved in these efforts of Thebes to secure the
territory of its southern neighbors, for <n!Jty.fy makes a special point of the assistance he
extended to the Denderite Nome in time of famine, whereas he understandably omits to
mention Thebes or the Coptite Nome among the several other recipients of his aid. Dendera
could hardly have avoided some participation in the later hostilities between Thebes and
the northern defenders of the Thinite region, but it is highly unlikely that these hostilities
occurred within Mrrl's lifetime. He may himself have been on the defensive against Thebes,
but it is at least equally possible that the threat came from another quarter. The Thinite

nomarch Tmrry, whom Caroline Peck has plausibly dated to the end of Dyn. VIII,
describes himself as ~~= ~~ ~~~~ 2.i:.]?/1\1~~± "overseer of the army
... in repelling foreigners who come down from the southern mountainlands."620 These
southerners probably found their way to Thinis through the same oasis route that lfr-
!Jwl.fhad used when he set out from the Thinite Nome to go to Nubia (Urk. I, 125.14).621
The Denderite Nome would have been almost equally exposed to incursions from this
quarter. It is therefore quite possible that the segment of M rri's frieze inscription mentioning
the "Nubians of the desert" is to be related to the building of a fortress rather than to the
epithet "beloved of. ... "
To these remarks concerning Mrri's military activities, it may be added that he need
I> ::
not have been a peace-loving man despite the statement J} ~ 0 } ~ ~ ~ ~! "the
slaying of men is my abomination" (plo 8 C, rb, rb2). "Slaying" here does not likely in-
volve warfare (though smJ is used in the sense of "kill in battle" at this early a date: U rk. I,
104.1; 135.3), but it more probably refers to murder in a narrower sense.622 Proscriptions
against slaughter are known from other texts of the Heracleopolitan Period,623 although
they are less vehement. The statement may be understood as a revulsion against the
violence of the times or perhaps against capital punishment; in either case it seems to
show an increasing awareness of the value of human life. 624 Without a better understanding
of the context, however, these conclusions must be treated with caution. 625
A group of epithets that intervene between Mrrl's titles on one of his stelae (pI. 8, br2)
is well understood in terms of the preceding discussion: t ~ "'Jr ~ :: '7
~ llJ. ~ ~ } >\,,-.
~ ' } <=> !. !>\,,-. ~ ~I~ ~ ,1 6?' "one who is a director of speech, who collects (his)
understanding (lit. "heart"), who finds a statement when it is wanting, a) who speaks up
(lit. according to his voice) when the people are silent on the day when fear is aroused. b) "
(a) Some other occurrences of these three epithets, and the last in particular, are collected
by Polotsky, Inschr. II. Dyn., § 64. To the examples of gm1ls m glw.f may be added a
curious variant which apparently has the form of a title: ~ ~ ~ ~ lOl ~ ~ ~ "overseer of
speech when it is lacking" (LAAA 4, II4).
820 Decorated Tombs, pI. 3 and pp. 52-54, 84-86. 821 JNES 16, 227.
822 The biography of <nbty.fy at Moalla uses sml to express the murder of Egyptians by men of
their own nome (Mo <alla. 1[3 I).
823 Instructions for King Merikare, 50, and the preceding passage. But in 21 ft. killing is recom-
mended to suppress rebellion; ANET, p. 415. See also the note following.
824 This awareness is particularly apparent in the protest of lJdi in Pap. Westcar against risking
the lives of the "noble cattle" (sciI. mankind); VIII, 17 (= Sethe, Lesestucke, p. 31.1-2). For an inter-
pretation of this tale in the setting of the Heracleopolitan Period, when it was likely written, see
Pfiiiger in ] ADS 67, 131.
825 Schenkel (MHT, 130) puts the statement in a judicial context. There is insufficient space for

his restoration of ~ ~ after rm!, the word in question being [~l '\. "line," "writing" (Wb. 5, 477). It
is therefore doubtful that the preceding w!s is directly related, even though the meaning may be
"accusation," as Schenkel suggests.
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
(b) Examples of the last epithet have been collected and discussed by Vandier, M oCalla, pp.
177ff. Vandier takes = 44 as a variant of the masc. infinitive form = ,} of the verb wdl,
but Anthes has suggested to me that it might best be explained as passive sgm.J; cf. Edel's
similar interpretation of lri.n.k dy sng, ~t tJ in Siut IV, 10 (Altiig. Gramm. § S6S). Cl€~re
and Vandier (Mo'alla, p. 178) suggest that mdw r ~rw.J means "speak freely" or "speak
Statements of this kind are characteristic of the Intermediate Period, when there was
great need for resolute leadership in a time of fear and indecision. A still more frequent
boast, equally in keeping with the spirit of the time, is that one accomplished things by
his own effort, m ~PS.J "with his arm." Some such phrase appears twice in Mrri's in-
scriptions, though in both cases scarcely more than the word ~ps is preserved (unpublished
fragments in New York, one registered as MMA 98-4-3x).626
The longest and most completely preserved biographical statements in Mrri's in-
scriptions are found on the architrave that extended across the top of the entrance niche
(pI. 8, t, rt2).627 Even so, scarcely more than half the length of the three lines of biography
remain and not two, but at least three, sections are missing. The first line of biography
consists of conventional phrases of self-acclaim; only the last two are given below. I am
inclined to think that the lacuna at the right end of the architrave is greater than the
one near the left end. The combined length of both lacunae is about 2.40 meters; the
lengths given for individual lacunae below are only approximate, to provide a very
general idea of the amount missing.
I~ ••• I.SOM ... ~crnI~~;; 7lar,J~A ~ oFf! ~ <=\ ~ ~ I~~ !+={rJ~~I[JJj4

.:,. ~ ~ ~ [1fl l~l~~ I[!J~··· 80CM ···~I ~

-:; ~ ~ T - ~ [:e ~J~ <=> I

... 1.4sM~I~~ ~ =--,}- ~'}~~4 ~ r[;:;l-:': 1fl ~ ~ + I 3'-A- ~ (FLINT) 4r

D,}~ ~ ~(~I[1~~1-~~ ~ I-,~Utl T~ ~ I~···6scM ... [~=,-JI,Q,;;--~
~~g ~ += {rJ' JJ4.
(4)" ... the sole [companion], the great overlord of the nome, lector priest, overlord of the
wardrobe, overseer of priests, herdsman of the Jntt-cattle, Ni-ibw-nswt, his good name
being [B]bi~r,&) filled b ) with Lower Egyptian grain, emmer, bulls, e) goats ... which was
in its (or "his"?) ... I appointed a man according as (S) [he is just (?)]d) ... all the - - -
of my(?) father( ?)e) in the form of f) an excellent heir. g ) I overthrew all his enemiesh ) in
truth; this is not said as 'offices ofthe [necropolis].'!) I [established( ?)]l) his house with a
staffk ) of [copper ?].1) I sweetened its smell with [incense]m) ... [I filled] itsn) storehouse
with Lower Egyptian grain and emmer, like that which was done byO) Nl-ibw-nswt-Bbi."

626 MMA 98+3 x contains the following: ~, and cf. an unnumbered fragment in the

Metropolitan Museum which probably belongs to his architrave or a relief stela: ~ . A some·
what later Denderite lists the different possessions he acquired and concludes by saying that it was
[~J ~ ~ ~n "that which 1 accomplished with my own arm" (pI. 11, rt). Another says" [1 acqui-
red ... ] fields, barley, emmer" etc. "with my own arm" (D 4043). Cf. also pI. 13, lb, and the false door
of N/r-iw (PI. XXV below). For other examples see Janssen, Trad. Autobiogr. I, pp. 4 8-49. The
phrases containing fJps are extensively discussed by Polotsky, Inschr. I I . Dyn., PP.44ff; cf. also
Kush 9,48.
627 The form of this architrave is rather different from what is suggested by Petrie's arrangement
of the stones (see below, pp. I50f.), but the text of the biography is not affected thereby.
C. Dynasty IX and Later - MRR'[ 143
(a) The final l of Bbi (cf. end of last line) and the initial i of U~r have fallen together.
Mrri himself is twice called Mrrllf,r (pI. 8 B, tr, tl).
(b) Perhaps this is old perfective: "[the house of] the ... sole companion, etc., Bbilf,r
was filled." There is also the possibility that m!z may take up a #m.n.fform with subject,
formative element, and object omitted (see Gard. Gram. 3 , § 487). Cf. the parallel use of
m!z in the similar inscription of $n-n#w-i (pI. 10, It2, line 2).
(c) The remaining traces might be thought to represent the arm and back of ~,
especially since the plural strokes fill the height of the line, whereas the strokes behind a
bull are of lesser height; cf. ~ i in the same line. The latter arrangement is not always
adopted, however; note ~!, pI. 8 B, It3. Furthermore, the length of the appendage
conforms better to a tail than to an arm.
(d) The emendation is fairly probable; at least it is the only conclusion I can find for
the words rdl.n.l sr . .. ; in PSBA 18, pI. between pp. 196-197, line 12 (also JEA 48,25ff),
a Mnjw-!ztp of the early Twelfth Dynasty is one who listens to the complaints of the
commoner (n#) and dispels his trouble, and one who : : j ~ S
"appoints a man
according as he is just." Janssen cites in addition Cairo 20539, Ib8 (Sesostris I) and refers
to Wb. I, 310.8 (Trad. Atttobiogr. 2, p. II6).
(e) Unless the missing corner was broken before the signs were executed, one would

expect the arrangement <:::::7Jll if these three signs mean nb.f "his lord." It seems possible
that a "" has been lost at this point; the sign<:::::7would then be an adjective modifying
a word on the previous slab, and [""l~ would be it.i "my father" (it.f "his father" is also
possible; see above, note 563). The arrangement of the signs may seem to be against this
reading as well, but there is at least one analogy in Mrri's texts : : ~~ ~ ~:~ mry n
nn fVV'.N\
sw/l.w (pI. 8 C, rb4). See also ~g a--Jll 87i n m!z on $n-n#w-i's architrave, pI. 10, rt2, and
'.\I.Ic::, I
111 J;,ss.t nb.i, pI. II A, rb, in the frieze inscription of Sn-Sji, somewhat later than Mrrl,
as well as ~} i!
n nbw.f on the lintel of another Sn-s# (pI. II B, rt4). The determi-
native .A
is found both with it "father" or nb "lord" in the Dendera texts. 628 Another
consideration is the mention of "heir" in the succeeding phrase, which lends some plausi-
bility to the reading it.
(f) Griffith's translation "as is done unto a good heir" (PD, p. 48) does not seem likely,
since the imperfective passive participle requires gemination, and the perfective passive
participle would normally have the ending -y. It is also unlikely that the feminine ending t
would be omitted (its omission is rare even in the Middle Kingdom: Gard. Gramm. 3 ,
§ 511.4). The latter objection would also apply to a relative form "as that which an ex-
cellent heir has made," and it is hardly possible to explain the form iriw by assuming that
it might refer to a missing masculine antecedent. The ending -w would not be expected
in an Old Egyptian writing of a singular relative form in any case (Edel, Altiig. Gramm. I,
§ 665), or in a singular active participle, whether perfective or imperfective (ibid. § 628,

628 .A i "'-
after "father": pI. 6, tr2, t2r2; pI. IO,lt2; after "lord": pl. 11 A, br, but note in the same
inscription (rb2) and similarly ¥,pl. 10 A, rt3, and cf. pl. 11 B, rt4. The det. for "lord" is ~ (as it
usually is in the O.K) in pl. 6, rt2, and ~ in pl. I I, It; in these two cases the "lord" evidently repre-
sents the king, but I very much doubt that the king is referred to when nb is determined by A. A
.A in Urk. 140.17, where the "lord" is definitely not the king; the same is doubtless
case in point is <:::::7 I,

true in the phrase <:::::7 .A ~ ~ 1~, ibid., 217.12 (cf. ~ I~:: ~ 1 "your lords and fathers in the
necropolis," ibid., 217.17).
144 Part VI. The Nomarchs and Other Officials
§ 630), and it is improbable that the speaker is "one who acted for an heir" or that the
preceding nb.f or it.! is "one who acted as heirfor me. "629 The possibility of translating "as
one who made me heir" does not seem to exist until much later times. 630 The most plausible
alternative631 is to regard irw as an unusually brief writing of ~ ::.} "form," "character."
For the phrase m irw n see Wb I, Il3.16; in Pyr. 296b irw (in the form just quoted as well
as .LID-}) is paralleled by ~d "character." The initial ~ occurs in most other writings of
the word (probably including ~::}-rx---ll'tr -'~). "[in the] guise of a dignitary
who is great ... " [Urk. I, 67.15J), but its aptness in the present context seems to outweigh
this objection. Cf. a Dyn. XIII incantation that states :: i~= ~ t!l,7, i ~ ~ .LID- ~ 1,7, .!
~ i i ~ ~ ---11 [~ iJ
"I have changed myself into the form of my son and heir" and
adds "I am Horus the son of Isis, the heir of Os [iris] ... " (Gardiner, Ramesseum Pap., p. 13
and pI. 41).
(g) lw' l~r occurs also at Hagarsa in an inscription that is probably not much later
(see above, note 574); Mry concludes his description of the burial he gave his father with
the words: ~ ~ ~}i~.! ~~~~A.! 1~A~~ "like that which an ex-
cellent heir does, one beloved of his father, who buries his father, his arm being strong"
(Athr., pI. 6, line Il; for the last phrase cf. BM 1671, 12, and Polotsky's note on this in
JEA 16, p. 199).
(h) sl!r.n.l !!fty.w.J. This, in combination with the foregoing, is reminiscent of the many
allusions to Horus, the heir of Osiris, who punished his father's enemies. 632 Note especially
the Middle Kingdom stela Cairo 20089; the owner addresses Min-Hor ("T~) who is
called /}, ~ ~ =~~ ~ ~ J. "he to whom his father's inheritance was given" (d5).
"How powerful is Min upon his stair," the text continues, ~!.,! ~ ~ ~' : ~ ~ L
"when he has overthrown the enemies of his father" (d6).633
A priest may impersonate the divine son, as in the case of )Il-IJr-nfrt, who says "I acted
as 'His beloved son' for Osiris-Khentiamentiu," and "I made the procession of Wepwawet
when he goes to avenge his father ... I overthrew the enemies of Osiris." Later he repeats
"I overthrew all his enemies" (Berlin 1204, lines Il, 17-18, 21: Ag.lnschr. I, 172-174).
The same idea can occur in a funerary text. On a Dyn. XII stela from Abydos a passage
introduced by l}tp-di-nswt says of the deceased: "overthrown for thee are all enemies
(male) and all enemies (female) (sl!r n.k !!fty.w nb.w, !!fty.wt nb.t), punished (nlk) for thee
are all thy enemies (male) and all thy enemies (female), (they) being placed for thee under
thy sandals in the festival palace of the great ones which is in the midst of Abydos"
(Cairo 20025, lines 13-16). Here the agent who overthrows the enemies is not specified.
Evidently the deceased is regarded as Osiris, however, and the officiant (as the heir-
avenger) would accomplish the destruction of the enemies by pronouncing the spell. A
spell in the Pyramid Texts commands the dead ~ng to "hear this, which thy son did for
thee, which Horus did for thee: he smites him who smote thee ... " (Pyr. 1007; cf. 578c),
and a spell in the Coffin Texts says: "0 stm-priest, lector priest, embalmer, everyone of
you overthrows the enemy" (eT I, 251-252).
629 Cf. ~.LID- ~ i "T am one who acted as heir" (Urk. 1,162.12); : : ~ ~} ~ i "He acted as
heir for me" (Leiden Slg. 2, pI. 10, no. II).
630 Wb. I, 109.30; one example is listed that is prior to the Ptolemaic Period, but it is misunder-
stood:iri.kin./imy-r Sm'w (Urk. 1,106) apparently means "I acted as overseer of Upper Egyptfor him."
631 Yet another alternative is proposed by Schenkel (MHT. p. 129). who translates irw as "Hand-
lung" but does not cite any early examples of this usage.
632 Horus is SI ne] it./ in the Pyramid Texts (633, ,1637); see also AlIen, Horus in the Pyramid Texts,
the section "Punishment of Enemies," pp. 41-42. Slfr If/ty.w is not used in any of the passages quoted
therein, however.
633 Cf. Hassan, Hymnes Religieux, 154, who also gives the parallel text in Cairo Cat. 20703, and
MMA 21.2.69 (Hayes, Scepter I, 345-346 and fig. 227, top left).
C. Dynasty IX and Later - M RR'I 145
(i) iI.wt br.t-nJr. The phrase, according to an unpublished study made by Clere, means
an office which the deceased did not exercise on earth but which he boasts of in his funerary
inscriptions. Vandier mentions this in connection with an occurrence of the phrase at
Moalla (p. 246, V y, 2-3). He cites two cases from Dendera (Sn-ndSw-l, pl. 10, 1t2, and
Mrrl) and one from Hagarsa (A thr. , pl. 6.8); note that the latter is followed by: "like
that which is said by (my) antecedents who were before me."
(j) The surviving part of the sign is not easy to identify. Both r ~ (see Wb. 4, 194) and
~ would suit the remnant as well as the space:

The determinative would be unusual"in either case, although it follows the verb rwrJ, (~~)
in Middle Kingdom literary texts. 634 The sign ~ is not attested in Mrrl's inscriptions,
but it seems possible that it might be as large as the restoration requires. The form of the
sign ~ occurs in his writing of the word ~ ~ ~ grgt, which is discussed below. Grg pr
is frequent in the texts of the period (with the meaning "establish"),635 and temples or
tombs are "strengthened" (srwrJ,) in the Old Kingdom and later. 636 There is no contem-
porary parallel for grg pr m6~ (or srwrJ,) but in any case it seems unlikely that the following
prepositional phrase gives grg the meaning "equip with." While the choice between the
two alternatives cannot be definitely resolved, I am very much inclined to favor the verb
grg because of its frequent association with pr.
(k) I previously considered the possibility that this sign (right) might
represent a column, although it was acknowledged that the shape re-
sembled the mdw-sign in Mrrl's inscriptions, and that it bore little re-
semblance to any of the common types of columns shown in reliefs and
paintings. The sign beside it has a rounded top, but is clearly a stroke,
indicating that an ideogram is involved. If this ideogram meant "column,"
it would be curious that Mrri should boast of installing only a single one,
while his successors speak of a plurality of columns and write the word w!JJ in full (D842,
D3I28, the latter mentioning 50 columns; cf. p. 158 below, comment c). The two horizontal
lines at the top confirm the alternative explanation of the ideogram as a staff, for they
appear at the top of Mrri's staff on the stela shown in Pl. XVIb. A double line of this sort
reappears in several of Mrri's other hieroglyphs: @J ,dh. ,~, La
(1) If the previous word were "column," the following indirect genitive might introduce
a numeral, designating so many cubits (cf.!Jt nb n IO m Ij,J.j, "every timber being 10 cubits
in its height;" PD, pl. 10, 1t2). Since the word in question is evidently mdw "staff," however,
the indirect genitive is more probably followed by the material (Edel, Altiig. Gramm.,
§ 327), and this, in view of the narrowness of the lacuna, could hardly be anything but
~ or the like, meaning "copper." Cf. ~} ~ ~ - 9 '= ~ ~ ~ I {r:
"I confronted all (lI-wl.n.l
lI-rnb) with a staff of copper."638 In Mrrl's case the staff [of copper] seems to have served
GM Shipwrecked Sailor, 132; Sinuhe, B 186.
835Polotsky has collected and classified the occurrences in JEA 16, p. 198-199, n. 24.
838 Urk. 1,170.18 (temple); Clt~re-Vandier, § 16.2 (doors of a temple); Sh. Said, pi. 30 (tombs).
837 Wb. Belegstellen 5, 187.9ff., provides references from the New Kingdom and later, all referring
to a temple.
838 Cairo Cat. 20513 (Dyn. IX or early XI). For the word ~ ~ cf. the identical group following the
title imy-r ms' on a stela from Edfu (Garnot, ASAE 37, 121 and plate).

Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
as a means of command, like the Biblical "rod of iron" (Ps. 2:9, Rev. I2:5); cf. also
the following passage in a Dyn. XIII incantation from the same source as one quoted
earlier (comment f): L1- -+ -+ - ~ ~ = .} ~ I I I LJ I '9 ~ "This is the staff of those who
built the house of Ha" (John Barns, Five Ramesseum Papyri, IV, c 26).
(m) snfl,m.n.i #l.j. There is little question that the suffix pronoun f refers to pr, which
might mean "tomb,"639 or "temple," as W. C. Hayes has taken it (Scepter I, p. I38).
Incense played a part in the funerary and temple rituals, and Hatnub and Bersha afford
three occurrences of snfl,m s# l:twt-nJr, all dating to the early Middle Kingdom. 640 Papyrus
Ebers 98.I2 clearly shows that incense was also used for everyday household purposes,
however; it lists various resins, barks, etc., under the heading "incense, means of sweetening
the smell of a house (snfl,m #i pr) or clothing." The meaning of pr is confirmed by $n-
ndsw-i's very similar statements referring to the house (pr) which he was given by his
father and which he put in repair (p. I58 below), and by an Eleventh Dynasty inscription
D3128, which speaks of rebuilding the father's house in much the same terms and makes
a clear distinction between pr and is in the following statement: ~ ~ [ri ~ 4L? ':=
~ f ~ -:: 1
~ ~ ~ "This tomb was built in the second year of building this house."641 The same dis-
tinction is encountered in the familiar statement pri.n.i m pr.i, is.i as used by $n-
ng,sw-i, M ri-Ptl:t, and many others of the late Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period. 642
A particularly apposite example is BM I671, which has pri.n.l m pr.i, hii.n.l m is.i, pr.l
grg(w) "I went forth from my house and went down to my tomb, my house being established."
(n) [ml:t.n.i] snwt.f. Here again I take the suffix f to refer to pr, and assume that the
verb form remains the same throughout the lacuna.
(0) This might also be (following Schenkel, MHT, p. I29) "that which N. did for me,"
although the translation given here is, to my mind, somewhat more likely.
To interpret the two lines as a whole, one might begin with Mrri's statement "I [est ab-
lished(?)] his house," which raises the problem of identifying the other person, to whom
"his" applies. The same person must be referred to in the preceding statement about
"his enemies." And this statement evidently describes an act of filial piety, developing
the idea of lw' l~r, for the theme of the heir who overthrows his father's enemies is recur-
rent in myth and in temple ritual. It would appear, then, that the poss. adj. "his" in the
aforementioned two cases refers to Mrrl's father. Furthermore "his" refers in some way
to ~~. This favors the restoration of [ol~ "my (or his) father" and the translation
of the following phrase as "in the character of an excellent heir." It seems less probable
that "his" would refer to the suffix .f in it.f (i.e. Mrrl's grandfather). If the first group is
nb.f, however, "his" might refer either to nb (Mrri's lord) or-again less probably-to the
suffix .f (the lord of Mrrl's father). If nb.f is the correct reading, the determinative A
suggests that the "lord" is not the king, and he certainly is not a divinity.
A further indication that Mrrl is speaking of his father in these lines is the fact that he
contrives to end the inscription with Nl-ibw-nswt's name, just as his son $n-ng,sw-l con-
cludes a biographical inscription with the name Mrri (see below, p. I54).
639 For this meaning see WZKM 57, 62. Sn-ng,sw-i evidently uses pr similarly in his cornice inscrip-
tion, one segment of which refers to him as nb n pr pn "the owner of this house" (pI. loA, t3r2); as
will presently be noted, he also uses pr in its primary sense of "domicile."
640 Hatnub, Gr. 20.20; 24+ Bersheh 2, pI. 13, line 10.
641 Some of the signs in this quotation are normalized considerably, especially in the word snnw.t

(written :~), the interpretation of which derives from notes prepared by J. J. Clere for the Cairo
Catalo~e general.
642Sn-ng,sw-i, pI. 9, t; Mri-ptf! (pI. lOA, br); other references are given by Polotsky, Inschr. II.
Dyn., § 47; Janssen, Trad. Autobiogr. I, pp. 59-60, 83-84; most recently discussed by W. Schenkel,
Fruhmitteliig. Studien, § 50.
C. Dynasty IX and Later - MRR1 147
The main point of Mrrl's inscription is seen from the two passages that speak of
supplying Lower Egyptian barley and emmer. In the second case it is M rri who fills the
granary, which, evidently, belongs to his father's house; this accomplishment is com-
pared to Ni-ibw-nswt's, and the supplying of grain etc. that follows the name Ni-lbw-
nswt in the first of the two lines is accordingly to be taken as an accomplishment that
Mrrl emulated. The relationship between father and son is more concisely expressed in a
Gebelein stela mentioned at the end of comment m, where the father descends to the tomb
~ !.ill ~ ~ ~ it :t g: Ii
"my house being established and my heir's arm being strong."
This implies that it is the duty of the father to leave his house established, while at the end
of the same inscription, the dutiful son is reciprocally!. ill ~ ~ :::... "one who establishes
his father's house" (BM 1671: JEA 16, p. 195 and plo 29).
The idea of the dutiful son who takes up the father's responsibilities is also involved in
Mrrl's claim to have overthrown his father's enemies. In making this statement he
certainly has in mind the prototype of Horus as avenger of his father Osiris. At the same
time, there is no reason to think that the statement has no basis in reality, as he insists it
has. Anthes has suggested that, in speaking of the enemies of his father, Mrri might, like
Horus, be referring to those who threatened his inheritance. This is the more likely since
the nomarch Sn-Sli may have succeeded to his father's office as overseer of priests before
he did (cf. p. II8 above). In view of the mention of warriors and a fortress, however, it is
still possible that the adversaries are to be understood as enemies of the nome, enemies
whom his father likewise had to contend with. The idea is paralleled in the later in-
scription of Sesostris III where the king adjures his successors to protect the boundary he
established at Semna; if one of the succeeding kings defends it, he is to be acknowledged
as the true son of Sesostris and",.}"" ~ ~ it 'S t
O~\ Ii t:
~ "-
"one who is like the
son who avenges his father" (Berlin II57, line 18: Ag. Inschr. I, 258). In the Semna
inscription it is understandable that a king who fights his father's enemies should be
thought of as Horus the avenger; that a nomarch should refer to himself in similar terms
is more remarkable. It seems doubtful, however, that M rrihas borrowed phrases that properly
belong to the king, to describe a responsibility that the king would ordinarily assume.
A particularly interesting aspect of this part of Mrri's biography is the emphasis on
the wealth of the predecessor; the boast that one outdid one's father (or predecessors) is
far more common than the statement that he merely equalled his achievements. 643 Thus
Mrri's own son says, rather disparagingly, of the house he inherited, that he "found it as
rooms of brick" and that he accordingly made improvements (plo 10, It2, closely paralleled
by D 3128). As a matter of fact, Mrrl himself evidently found much that was amiss
when he came to power, although this need not be a criticism of his father's administration
if his immediate predecessor was Sn-sJi.
843 The statements of this kind are too numerous to catalogue here exhaustively. For the claims to

have outdone one's predecessors it may be sufficient to refer only to the example of 'ldw I (pI. 6, rt4
and p. 96 above). The boast of the son that he has outdone or greatly augmented the wealth left by
his father is particularly common during the Intermediate Period and Dyn. XI. At Dendera there are
the following examples: W~ !",~[1JD 842 (cf. Clere-Vandier, no. 12.4), "It was not indeed the
property of my father and mother" (referring to the speaker's prosperity); c4, ~:it pI. 11, lb,
__ o'1-=-
"I built my house greater than my father" (similarly translated by Clere in Archiv ag. Arch. I, p. 83);
:: ~ .g. ++~ ~ ~ !:' ~ ~}. D 1542, "I did this beyond the property of my father."
Part of the stela described by Daressy, ASAE 15,207-208, has come to light in an old photograph
found in the Cairo Museum, and it shows that the provenance is definitely Dendera; at one point the
t.}:: ==
owner, Bb, follows a recitation of acquisitions with the phrase ~ Q~ it
"beyond what my
father gave me." For examples from other places see Clere-Vandier, 7.3, 12.4; BM 1059 (Hier. Texts
3, 32); Dunham, Stelae, no. 84.

Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
u ?
(a) ~~ ~}. ~ ~ ~ ""'5r ~ ~ ~[,¥l pI. 8 C, lb3-lt2644
(b) I},
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ plo 8 C, lb2I
Fragment (a) begins with the words "accused therein,"645 and continues "I found (my)
city weary( ?)." The details of the restoration are as follows:

For the flattened form of'! cf. the segment in PD, plo 8C, lt4. Possibly the rather crowded
feminine ending was placed on the next segment, or was omitted altogether. It is also
possible that the third radical was written = rather than'!. The word following niwt is
most likely the old perfective form of a verb descriptive of the ill state of the city. But a
verb rarely has the seated man ('j) as a determinative, and that is what ~ represents;
it has already been noted that the sign which is normally ~ is always 1
in Mrri's in-
scriptions. Perhaps the seated man here replaces Al, as it sometimes does 'j.646 Bb writes
the word ~ '! ~; also with ~ as determinative (cols. 583, 595). The contemporary
biography of Hnlj,w at Deir el Gebrawi applies a similar expression to a city: ~}.!. !.
:!:... g!I ~ ill J =- ~ ~.: "I reestablished the cities in this nome which were weary ... "647
Sethe suggests that the => may represent c, as in @ ~ __ which occurs in the same
inscription (Urk. I [1933],78. 4[a]).648 Blgb is perhaps a half-reduplication (Gard. Gram. a,
§ 274) of the verb blgi "be weary"; cf. also gbi and gbgb, which are similar in meaning. 649
The idea of weariness also seems to be expressed in Admonitions (5, 13; Gardiner's tran-
scription and translation): I=:: ~ [fiR) ,.,L !!
~ Al ~ !-- "the land is left over to its
weariness( ?)." ?

Fragment (b) belongs to the same part of Mrri's frieze inscription. The two pieces were
discovered close together on the ground, and the second one ends with "I did not find ... " ;
this suggests the restoration [~ ~ - tJ]:
~ ~ ~ ~. "[I found i]t as a marshland."
Compare the two following passages, one from the aforementioned biography of Hnlj,w
(Gebr. 2,25.23), the other from the somewhat later account of Cn~ty.fy of Moalla (I et 3):
~alc n~ _QIQIQI-}.~~~
Jf'M.MMI'~!.1: = ::~~~~t~~
"I found 650 it (the 12th Nome) as stalls of cattle,651 marshlands of fowlers."

644 On inspecting the original fragments at the Metropolitan Museum, I found these two pieces
already joined.
645 The reading of the word, which is pointed out by Schenkel, MHT, p. 130 (m), seems to be
confirmed by Petrie's illustration, but the apparent trace of => can no longer be seen on the original,
MMA g8.4.3 K.
646 See Wb. 3, g6 (ltms). In the funerary texts of Bb both it> (lines 265, 266) and}t (737) are used.
647 Gebr. 2, pI. 25, line 18. Griffith (p. 30) has translated "that were enfeebled in this nome."
648 Schenkel (MHT, p. 43, n [h]) suggests blgb r "erschlafft in Bezug auf die Rede"; in this case,
however, one lacks the expected feminine ending after blgb.
649 Gbi "be weak" (New Eg.: Wb. 5, 161); gbgb "cast down" an enemy, or (Med.) "be lame" (Wb. 5,

650 Reading gmi rather than la, as Griffith does ("I was beneficial to it with hobbles(?) of cattle,
snares of fowlers"; Gebr. 2, p. 30). Cf. ~ for gmi in CU~re-Vandier, § 10.6.
651 Wb. 3,413.5 translates "Herde ?", "Hurde ?". "Herd" seems well warranted for the occur-
rences that do not have the determinative ["J (LD 2, g6 and Gebr. I, pI. II, both quoted in Wb. Belegst.;
see also the Barkal stela of Tuthmosis Ill, line 17 in AZ 6g, p. 30). But the presence of C( indicates
a corral or stall. This is evidently the same as the g ; :T' in pI. 13, rb3, which is also to be recognized
c. Dynasty IX and Later - M RR>J 149
~ ~-~~l<Jtit~~ g!.o 1=
"I found the house of lfWW 652 inundated like a marshland."653
In Mrrl's case we do not know what was found "as a marshland," but the reading
[t J1-, if correct, would indicate a masculine antecedent such as pr, which might well
mean "house" in the sense of "domain" (see note 652). The writing of grgt admittedly
displays some peculiarities, the most conspicuous of which is the absence of = beneath
~. Three examples of this sign in Rdl-wl-lJnmw's stela are comparable: ~,t---, ~ .654
And ~ 655 occurs in another Dyn. XI inscription. If the determinative I!IIIlB is to be taken
at face value one would think of cultivated land rather than marshland. Possibly it has
been arbitrarily substituted for """", however, much as the later inscriptions at Deir el
Gebrawi use E 3 for !IIIIlIl (Gebr. 2, pIs. 24-25, lines I, 16, 18; pI. 28, h).
Some other bits and pieces of Mrrl's frieze inscription remain, which warrant close
attention despite their fragmentary character. One piece mentions a temple ITlf'il~ ;
this may be a "southern temple"--otherwise unknown at Dendera (pI. 8 C, tr3). Or one
might read" ... the temple, southward from .... " Temple matters are perhaps involved
in an even smaller fragment, which refers to "the god":~:: 1 ~I (pI. 8 C, 12, t2). A third
fragment apparently concerns the building of a temple-perhaps the temple mentioned
above: i: f f ~ ~ (pI. 8 C, lt3)· lfc has been discovered (by Wb. 3, 243.1-2) in the
Edfu texts as an "Art Hacke in der Grundsteinlegung" (with the determinative v>-); the
Edfu texts also mention a "Lower Egyptian 0:." Possibly the word msnwt(?) that follows
the "hoe of the Delta" means "foundati.9E trenches."656 A longer section of frieze also
mentions the Delta (pI. 8 C, bl) ~ IT ± 1. 1-
~ = ~:, ~ t ~ 1. I~. After = one
might read s nor sn; cf. the lack of plural strokes in pI. IO A, rt. If the former is right, the
translation is possibly" ... its for(?) the south of the river, and offerings657 for( ?)
the Delta. I(?) brought ... " (or perhaps "its to the south and the river," etc.).
Finally there is the following pair of sections, which belongs to the beginning of the in-

in A thr., pI. 6. 4, where I would read ~ :;; [~J ISJI !
~ and not [4J Ul as Sethe does (Urk. I, 266. 12) ;
there does not seem to be quite enough room for ~:;; [J DJ, which Schenkel suggests as another
alternative, MHT, p. 39 (g). In Siut tomb 5, 12, c=Ji I I I again occurs in connection with cattle, and
Brunner (Texte, p. 11) translates "Stalle." The two WIitings ~ and ~ are paralleled in various
copies of eT 31 (Vol. I, 98).
852 As Vandier observes (Mo <aUa, p. 166), pr here evidently designates the nome of Edfu. This is
strongly suggested by the context and is the more likely since a Ijww is known at Edfu who has the
titles of a nomarch (Fouilles Edfou 1932, fig. I, p. 2) and who dates to the later Intermediate Period
just as <naty.fy does; cf. also the title "overseer of the slaughterers of Pr-Ijww in its entirety" on a
Gebelein stela published by (erny, JEA 47, 5-9, and further comments in Kush 10, 333. Pr appears
to have the same meaning in Mo<alla IV, 22: LJ - ~ J 1- ~ "domain of Elephantine."
853 Vandier, Mo <alia, pp. 167-168, translates "champ," "terrain." The Deir el Gebrawi passage
(which V. does not mention) suggests that "marshland" may best suit the context in this passage also.
854 PI. IS, 1, lines 13, IS, 18. These signs have been checked against a photograph of the original;
all seem fairly distinct, although the surface is generally in bad condition.
855 ~ ~ "lie"; Hammamat, pI. 31, no. 114.5.

858 Cf. the later word mr ::. ~ occurring in the late Dendera temple scenes (Diimichen, Baugesch.,
45, 50), which Wb. 2, 146 compares with 1nl (if it actually derives from 1nl, the Dendera word in
question cannot be involved). The sign = in Mrri's msnt(?) is probably connected with sn and does
not represent a stone or brick. Perhaps it contains the root sn "to open."
857 Schenkel (MHT, 131) tentatively suggests "Frieden" rather than "Opfer," although the latter
alternative is also considered.
ISO Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
"[I buried( ?)] its old men, I circumcised(?) its youths ... "658 Petrie and Griffith place
these two sections in reverse order, pIs. 8 C, rt2, 2S B, It, and Griffith reads the word with
det. Jjl as "its no/bles( ?)," i.e. sr.w.s (PD, p. 48). Since the man who holds the staff is
bent forward, however, ilw.w seems more likely; and the restored aleph just fits the lacuna,
which is unexplained by the reading srw. The restoration of ~rs.n.i is based on a phrase
which is fairly common in Dyn. XI (see Janssen, Trad. Autobiogr. I, pp. II3-II4). The
suffix pronoun s "its" apparently refers to the city, >Iwn.t, or to a preceding mention of
nlwt tn "this city" or SPIt tn "this nome." The concluding s'b.n.l is unusual, but the
reading is certain. 659 In the only other clear occurrence of sOb with a person as direct
object, the meaning "circumcise" yields a plausible interpretation of the text; this is a
biographical passage on a Naga ed-Deir stela of the Intermediate Period. 660 Another
occurrence of sOb at Dendera is difficult to understand as "circumcise,"661 nor does it
seem to correspond with the other uses of the verb that are given in the Wb. ;662 unfortun-
ately this and a third occurrence at Dendera663 are both obscure and partly lacking in
context. Assuming, however, that the section beginning with ng,s.w.s is correctly placed,
as the parallelism with llw.w.s would seem to indicate, Dendera's "youth" might well be
the object of sOb in the sense of "circumcise" (for ng,s "youth," see note 682), and this case
would tend to confirm the Naga ed-Deir example.
At the left of the long architrave that surmounted the entrance only one daughter is
to be seen in Petrie's arrangement of the slabs (pI. 8, rtz). He places a standing figure of
Mrrl at the left which is much taller than the architrave and cannot very well have been
a part of it. 664 On another plate are two fragments which join each other to form the
bottom of the section that actually belongs here. 665 They represent Mrrl seated beside
858 PI. 8 C, rt2, t2r2 and pI. 8 C, tr3, which is upside down, as CU~re first discovered in examining
the original at New York.
859 The sign "= indicates that b follows: the sign k indicates that <b precedes. For the phonetic
group ~ L see Montet, Scenes p. 227·
880 Dunham, Stelae, no. 84, lines 4-5: "I was circumcised ( ? s'b.kwl) together with 120 men. There
was none whom I struck therein and none who struck me therein; none whom I scratched therein
and none who scratched me therein." One might possibly translate saw and la'W "who was struck,"
"who was scratched" (Gard. Gram. 3 , § 361, top of p. 278), so that sal (3ae inf.) would be "who struck"
and la' "who scratched." But the former are almost certainly the relative form discovered by ClE~re
(Actes XXle Congres intern. orientalistes, pp. 64-66). The translation just given is essentially the same
as Dunham's, and it seems plausible in itself if his interpretation of the text is accepted, i.e. that the
sentence is not to be taken literally but "may well be a figurative way of saying that, at his coming
of age, he was popular and on good terms with the large group of youths with whom he associated."
Wilson's translation and interpretation differ, and seem less tenable, but he may be right in relating
s'b to ~ j ~ (presumably infinitive of a 3ae inf. verb) which describes the circumcision scene of <na-m-
<-lfr, Saqqara, Dyn. VI (see Wresz. Atlas 3, pI. 26, and ANET, p. 326, with notes 1 and 2, and cf.
Wb. 4, 8I.I5-16).
681 E 17745:~ ~ U"l~~"r' r1~ ~ ~ ~! n "...
--(do something?) in --ing with(? from?) my own property."
1 caused(?) my city in its entirety to(?)

862 Wb. 4,43.10 "beim Schiffsbau": occurs only in the Book of the Dead, Ch. 99; Sethe (AZ, 54,
3) translates "zerlegen." The reference to PD, pI. 7A (see next note) is very doubtful. Wb·4, 43.11

PI. 7 A, br2: ~ =r
"(Stiere) verschneiden," "castrieren" occurs more frequently.
j ::: " ... I---ed him whom I ---ed( ?)."
PD, p. 16 "the master to whom all is addressed." On p. 64, in the description of the plates,
Petrie has a second (although equally mistaken) thought about this: "The standing figure of Merra
at the left end appears to have been a good deal too tall for the slabs of inscription that remain, and
it seems not unlikely that the slab ... with the bull and two herdsmen formed part of a line of animals
beneath the inscription." The apparent close fit between the piece with standing figure and the slab
with the daughter (pI. 8) is misleading, for the photograph of the former has been trimmed, removing
the right and left borders. The mistaken arrangement is repeated in Hayes, Scepter I, fig. 81.
885 PI. 8 B, rb2, rb3. A triangular piece found in the University Museum has been added, making it
possible to estimate the height of the daughter Bbi with some accuracy.
---- ---- ---- ---- --
C. Dynasty IX and Later - MRR'I
one of his wives (either the Shti of pI. 8, bl, or Bbl of pI. 8 B, tl), and three more of his
children. The drawing in Fig. 27 shows these two combined with the adjacent section.
Since the latter has been totally destroyed by the efflorescence of salt, this has been
traced from Petrie's photograph; the other pieces are drawn from the original on a scale
slightly larger than the pUblication indicates. It is certain, however, that the scale 1/8
given in the plates is only approximately correct. 666 And the restorations confirm the
corrections of the join down to the last detail-particularly the second line, which, when
the titles and name are completed and dd.l "he says" is added, extends to precisely the
right length. For the addition of g,d.j at the end of the line, compare the architrave of
Sn-ng,sw-l, Fig. 3Ia, following p. I58.
When the architrave of Mrrl is reconstructed in this manner, the row of children is seen
to include two sons and two daughters. The daughters, Bbl and 'wy.l-rdlt.s-l, carry
nothing in their hands, and there is ample room for their names. The sons' names must
have been compressed into very little space, however; not the slightest trace of these is
preserved. One of them is doubtless Sn-ng,sw-l, who tells in his inscription that Mrrl was
his father and left him his house (see below, p. 158). The name of the other is uncertain;
one candidate is WltJI (pI. 10, rb) who is discussed below, pp. 153 f.
In its reconstructed state, Mrrl's architrave will be recognized as belonging to a group
of more or less similar examples which have already been commented upon and are
catalogued in Appendix C (VII) ; these have in common the rather unusual feature of a row
of figures which address the deceased and sometimes approach with offerings, as in this
case (see above, p.60). Like the architraves of Mnl and 'Idw Il, Mrrl's is made up
of a number of slabs, each inscribed separately; the cracks between them never divide a sign
or figure. Mrrl's architrave is unusual in that it includes, in addition to the normal offering
formulae, a biographical statement of some length. Most of the earlier examples of this are
briefer and more stereotyped, though the larger of IS. jr of Edfu's architraves is altogether com-
parable in this respect. 667 The stepwise arrangement of the figures in relation to the text
is unusual; Mrrl's son Sn-ng,sw-l carries the same idea farther by placing the figures in
three stages (Fig. 3Ia). One of the most similar examples of this type of architrave from
a site other than Dendera is MFA 13.4333, from Giza, which is illustrated in its entirety
in PI. XXX below; BMFA Il, 66 shows the left half only. A late Old Kingdom inscription
from Naqada apparently presents an even closer parallel, however (Coptite Nome,
no. 4).
It is probable that the relief with men leading bulls (pI. 8, lt2) is to be placed before the
standing figure of Mrrl, which Petrie mistakenly joins with the architrave (cf. note 664).
The edge of the slanting upper margin of both slabs would be well aligned if they were
fitted together. At least one more slab must be added to the right of these two in order to
supply the bull at the end of the tether held by the second herdsman, and there must have
been two registers of animals. The length of this combination comes to just over two
meters. It will be remembered that the entrance passage of 'Idw 1's mastaba was lined
with slabs of limestone, and it is probable that Mrri's was also, for cattle are similarly led
towards the owner on the walls of entrances in the Giza mastabas. 668 The length of two
meters could easily be accommodated on the walls of Mrrl's entrance passage, which is
888 Note, for example, that the left part of the piece illustrated in pI. 10, tr2 is repeated on pI. 10 A,
rt4. and the copy on pI. loA is more than 7% larger than the copy on pI. 10.
887 E.g. BMFA 23, p. 27; JEA q. pI. 20. 3; Hassan, Gtza 2, fig. 206, p. 173. Mar. Mast., E 14.
p. 417 (Cairo Cat. I732). Iflr of Edfu's architrave: Cairo J. d'E. 43371; ASAE 17, pp. 134-135.
668 One example has the standing figure at the innermost end (as must be the case with Mrrl's
reliefs), and the animals are arranged in two or more registers: Junker, Gtza 3, fig. 42, p. 2Ig. Similarly
Hassan, Gtza 3, fig. go, p. 102.
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
three meters long (as seen from the scale of the plan, pI. 31). The reconstruction that has
just been described is also presented in Fig. 27.
Another monument from Mrri's mastaba should be considered here, one that differs
in style from the other reliefs that are incised (pI. 8 B, rb); the execution is less certain,
the signs less bold, the border lines thinner. This invokes offerings for "the sole royal
ornament, priestess of Hathor Mistress of Dendera, Ttl," and then gives the titles and the
name (now lost) of the donor: "It is the chancellor of the king of Lower Egypt, the sole
companion, the overseer of the house ... who made this stela for her" (Fig. 28).669 The

Fig. 28
style, the titles, and the length of the lacuna all exclude the possibility that the person
named is Mrrl, as Petrie suggests (PD, p. 16), and exclude every other pos~ibility as well
except Sn-nfl,Sw-i; his titles are precisely the same, his name perfectly fits the space for it,
and the style of his reliefs en creux is identical in all respects.
Ttl is not named on any of the surviving stelae made by Mrrl himself, but it is of
course possible that she was mentioned on one of the four missing stelae67°~r five stelae,
since Tll's stela may have replaced one of Mrrl's. Although only one wife is shown
seated beside Mrrl at the left end of the architrave, w~ know the names of two wives, and
he may have had others as well. In any case, Tll was probably the mother of Sn-ng,sw-l,
as indicated by the fact that he placed her stela in his father's mastaba rather than his
own. A remarkably close parallel is to be found in the relationship that evidently existed
between the Thinite nomarch Tmrry and a woman named Kmt-lnt, who was given a
burial in his tomb and was represented in an offering scene that is stylistically different
669 Schenkel, MHT, p. 161, reads" ... [hat m]ir die [sen(?) O]pferstein gemacht." This alternative
is based on the apparent lack of space for n.!. It is quite possible, however. that the sign ~ preceded
the group ~; as pointed out earlier such rearrangements occur elsewhere in the inscriptions of Mrrl
and his successors (p. 143 above). Furthermore the use of the first person singular is highly unusual
in dedication formulae before the Middle Kingdom (cf. Kush 9. 51). For the arrangement of signs in
the name Sn-nlj!w-l see PD, pI. lOA. It 3.
670 Nine stelae, including Ttfs, are preserved which show the figure of the owner; the number of
niches to accommodate the stelae is 13 (plan, pI. 31).
C. Dynasty IX and Later - 1DWCI)/Wl;l/I 153
from his own reliefs and paintings. CaroIine Peck has concluded that she was a second
wife of the owner, and that the scene was provided by her son at a later date. 671
The drum lintel ofa "solecompanion.8tpi" (pI. 13, bzlz) is also said to come from themastaba
of Mrri; the relationship, if any, between this individual and Mrri remains uncertain.
The titles are as follows:
:g: pI. 10, rb
~ pIs. 10, rb, II E, rb3
~ ff;u pIs. 10, rb, II E, rb3
~ ~ ~ pI. 10, rb
~ <=> 1 ~ pIs. 10, rb, II E, rb3
~ ~ ~ i pIs. IO, rb, II E, rb3

W!ui is introduced at this point instead of Sn-nf#w-i, Mrri's son and heir, because it is
apparently the former who succeeded Mrri as overseer of priests and keeper of the Jntt-
cattle. This is concluded from the fact that Sn-ndSw-i lacks these high titles and must
have been subordinate to another who possessed them; the person in question is evidently
W!tli, for his stelae and Sn-n#w-i's are sufficiently similar to show that the two are
probably contemporary.
The stylistic similarity may be seen most clearly in the standing figure of each ;672 note
in particular the swell of the abdomen 673 and the broad trimming at the top of the belt 674-
both these features appear in the figures of Sn-n#w-i and his sons. The forms of the signs
that are found in W!ui's stela inscription agree with those adopted by Mrri and his suc-
cessors: in prit-!Jrw the sign for "bread" precedes "beer" ; the hand of -...J is exceptionally
large; ~ and 1.. conform exactly; {jU replaces the expected Qi), however. The sign
H has the characteristic baseline; a more unusual feature is the way the tail rises over
the rump of the animal. This last is another distinctive point of resemblance between
W!ul and Sn-n#w-i, for Mrri and Mrl-PtIJ contrive the tail differently.675
One of the only two inscriptions of WIJIl which have been preserved is a fragment of a
false door (pI. II E, rb3) which was not recognized as belonging to the same individual
and was assigned by Petrie to a slightly later period (PD, p. 19). The identification is
beyond question, however; the titles agree perfectly and the name' I dw-l corresponds to
WIJIi'S other name 'Idw. There is also perfect agreement in the forms of the signs, which
include a duplicate of the H mentioned above.
Although the fragment includes no more than the name and titles in the topmost line
of the inscription, together with some of the ribbed cavetto cornice, the latter is sufficient
871 The differences are described in Decorated Tombs, 42-43, 56; the relationship is discussed on p. 79.
672 PI. 10, rb. This should be compared with the most complete of Sn-ngsw-i's stelae as shown on
plo 10, It, rather than the more heavily shadowed photograph of the same on plo 9, lb.
873 This is perhaps not to be linked with the long kilt as a characteristic of age (see below, p. 174),
f9r one of Sn-ntjsw-i's short-kilted sons shows the same feature (plo 9, rb). Note also the figure of
Sn-ngsw-i in plo 10, rt. On the other hand, W!ui has short hair, another characteristic feature in the
conventional representation of old age.
674 In the stelae of other individuals, the belt at the top of the kilt may have a narrow edging at
the bottom and top (plo 2 A, rb, plo 11 B, br2), top only (plo 8, center; plo 11, tr, t2r2, b2r2,
plo 11 B, It, plo 12, t2r2), or bottom only (pl. 12, rb2, as seen from original). In none of these cases is
the edging quit~ so broad as it appears on Sn-ngsw-i and Wlul's stelae.
675 For the Sn-ngsw-i example, see ibid., plo 10 A, tr2. Mrri comes closest to this in plo 8 B, lt3,
but cf. pl. 8 B, rt2, pl. 8 A, plo 8, t, Ib2. For Mri-Pt!t, see plo 10, br2, and plo 10 A (rb6). Note the
much more exaggerated rise of the tail in the bull and donkey(!) on the stela of another individual
(plo 10 A, lb). A Dyn. XI inscription depicts the tail as in W!tll's inscriptions, plo I I C, lt3.
I54 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
to indicate that W!tJi's false door was more neatly executed than Sn-nrjSw-i's; evidently
the workmen took greater pains in making it. This difference is not evident in the stela.
As Petrie points out, the plan of W!ul's tomb closely resembles Mrrl's. 676 It is not
much inferior in size, either-almost eight-ninths as wide, allowing for the amount
destroyed at either end. Sn-nrjSw-i's mastaba is very much smaller than these, as might
be expected from his lesser rank.
The titles are as follows:
~ f ~ pI. IQ A, Itz, 8 B, rb
~ gu pIs. 9, t, lb, 10, lbz, 10 A, rtz, 8 B, rb
~ => ~ pIs. 9, t, lb, 10, tr, lbz, 10 A, rtz, rzt3
Perhaps the most interesting fact that is to be learned from Sn-nrjSw-l's inscriptions is
that he was Mrri's son and heir (see below, p. 158) yet did not inherit his father's highest
offices. "\
His lesser rank appears quite clearly from the constant and . variable use of the titles
"treasurer of the Lower Egyptian King" and "overseer of the ouse." The second title
may represent the steward of a private estate-as Rdi-wi-lJnmw yn. XI) was steward
for the princess Nfrw-kJyt678~r it may belong to a civil official. In he Eleventh Dynasty
and later, at least, Dendera has stewards "of the entire city" (D 3 0) or "of the city of
Dendera" (AZ 7z, p. 89 and pI. 5.z), and titles of this kind are kn wn elsewhere during
the Middle Kingdom. 679 Perhaps it is in the latter sense that Sn-nfiSw-l's title is to be
understood. 680 In any case he makes the claim that he was responsible for the welfare of
a number of persons:

~:it 1[91~'j~I1lI*9:-;~ ~~ ~~ => ~ I ~9 ~ Q"S' W'111 ~}S ~ ~ ~ 1\ ~'1-

~~~}i">::7 ~ ~~-k! ~ 1--::1-:r~ ~ ~+~.A..~ ~.:::-o} ~~~ ~~i 9--"
" ... the s were reaping ;a) the gardenersb ) were gathering leeks, C) the lake-keepersd)
were growing sycamore trees. The citizene ) was protectedf ) for( ?)g) his bow. Every man
was protected for (?) his works. I achieved all, all this in truth-this is not as is said as
'offices of the necropolis'h) because of that which my father Mrri punishes ( ?)1)" (plo 10,
Itz, line 3).
(a) In view of the succeeding mention of agricultural activities, it seems likely that the
word in question is ~ as in the phrase s' bS(J) "cut bSI-grain," which occurs in at least
878 Petrie considers the style of W[ui's stela to be "like that of Ptahmera A" but concludes "from
the position it is probably older than Shensetha P and Ptahmera. The plan (xxxi) is like that of Merra,
and agrees to this age" (PD, p. 15).
e77 As Griffith notes (PD, 48) the name means "Brother of the Commoners." This may be compared
with the Old Kingdom names Sn-rltw (PN I, 309.10; f. Snt-rltw, ibid. 311.23) "Brother (or Sister) of
the People." For the meaning cf. perhaps ~.!. ~ ~ ~ ti;::it III "I was a friend to the commoners"
(BM .581; Sethe, Lesestucke 80.22; temp. Sesostris I).
878 PI. 15 (left); Cairo 20543. The titles of this official (lines 2, 6) are the same as Sn-ntjsw-l's.
878 Cairo 20.09Ia and 20070b; an imy-r pr m Nome 17 and an imy-r pr of the "Southern Lake of
Sobek" (the Fayum).
680 Schenkel, MHT, pp. 135, 138, thinks that the title may refer to the garrison in view of the
fact that two of Sn-ngsw.i's sons are imy-r pr ms'; this may represent a combination of two titles,
however: imy-r pr, (imy-r) ms'. See p. 164 below. It also seems unlikely that the military reference
would be omitted from all of Sn-ngsw-i's many surviving monuments if it were really pertinent.
c. Dynasty IX and Later - SN-NJ)SW-'I I55
three Old Kingdom harvest scenes (M ereruka, pI. 168; H etep-her-akhti, fig. 48; M eir 4,
pI. 14); the variant form s'4 is evidenced in another harvest scene (Junker, Gtza II, 190)
and the identification of bSI as some kind of cereal is discussed by Gardiner (On. 2, 224*).
In the present case the meaning "reap" is made explicit by the terminal ideogram,
which evidently represents a man holding a sheaf of grain (Fig. 29). The parallel shown
here is taken from Junker, G£za 6, fig. 44, p. 139, which shows some other examples;
cf. also ibid., fig. 17 following p. 72.

Fig. 29
(b) kmy, exceptionally written with an ideogram depicting a man carrying water for
the garden (Griffith, PD, p. 49, has cited M. K. scenes showing gardeners carrying water
in this manner; for the Old Kingdom see the tomb of Mrr-wl-kd; Wresz. Atlas 3, pI. 59).
The ideogram is preceded by the first consonant of the word it represents. 681
(c) The previous translation was "producing leeks," but the verb iri is used for "gather-
ing" fruit in the unpublished tomb of Nfr-f7,r-n-Ptf7, near the Unis causeway at Saqqara
(iri.t dJb, iri.t n~'w.t, iri.t nhS, iri.t pr.t w'n), and Faulkner (Concise Diet., 27) notes that it
refers to "garnering" grain in Urk. 4, 743.I. This use is to be added to Wb. I, 109 ("Heer,
Truppen, Herden zusammenbringen"). The word iJ~t possibly has the more general
meaning of "vegetables" rather than referring specifically to "leeks"; both meanings are
attested in the Middle Kingdom (Wb. 1,34. 1,2).
(d) For the translation of iry-s, which Schenkel translates "Baumgartner( ?)" (MHT
142-143) see the remarks on p. 160 below, comment (a). .
(e) ng,s, literally "little one" might be translated "young warrio#," as in some
other texts of the Intermediate Period and later; the translation "citizen," "Burger," is
most generally applicable, however, and it is therefore retained here. 682
(f) The verb mkl is certain, though its use here is unusual, Griffiith's idea that =- is an
abnormal writing of nb683 is invalidated first by the normal writings of nb in the in-
681 A purely ideographic writing occurs in the New Kingdom title T Z (Berlin 896c: Ag. Inschr. 2,
396, 618), which apparently represents kl1'Y (or klmy) n ants "gardener of the orchard."
682 For ntjS as a warrior see Kush 9, 48-49(c). NtjS sometimes appears to betoken youth: Polotsky,
Inschl'. H. Dyn., § 59d, and the phrase n# n bn-q,lmw "a ntjS of the tent of the youths," Hatnub,
p. 37 (cf. also the addition of ntjS (~~) to a personal name in the sense of "the younger," PN 2, p. 10).
Both these meanings, as well as "Biirger" are given by Wb. 2, 385. The use of nq,s as an expression
for lesser social status is most frequently attested in phrases such as "r said what the great love and
the small (nq,s.w) praise" (e.g. PD, pIs. 9, t; lOA, rb). Cf. also the early Dyn. XII text of !}td-if'PY
who refers to ~ LO:>- - - - n..A ' 7 -
'! I' J:!l" ___ ~ .1t =
Vh C> ~ I:Y .D
@ ~ ___ :::::: :.,,- "that which is done by every commoner of Asyut
with the first fruits of his harvest" (Siut, tomb I, 309).
683 PD, p. 49: "the little man was owner of his bow," etc. On p. 53 he says: "in pI. x the handled
basket-usually k-[is substituted] for the plain basket neb."
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
scriptions of Sn-n#w-i and his contemporaries, and secondly by the "beating man"
determinative (see above, pp. 82, I33), which Griffith apparently interpreted as a man
with a staff. The sign ~ is clear and cannot well be bJ (introducing bJk). I take the verb
to be old perfective.
(g) The preposition n is taken to indicate cause (Gard. Gram. a, § I64.5, Edel, Altiig.
Gramm., § 757). The translation "for" assumes that the citizen and every man were
protected by Sn-n#w-i or by their community in order to safeguard the services they
performed for Sn-n#w-i or the community in war and peace. One might also translate
"because of" (i.e. because the value of their services was recognized).
Another possibility is to read n as agential (i)n following the old perfective: "every
citizen being protected by his bow." The writing of (i)n would not be particularly unusual
(cf. Edel, ibid., § 756). In this case "his" nonetheless probably refers to n# rather than
to Sn-n#w-i, since there is no indication that the speaker alludes to himself in the third
person; nor does it seem likely that it refers to Mrri, in view of Sn-n#w-i's claim that he
achieved "all this" himself.
(h) The expression "offices of the necropolis" has been mentioned earlier (p. I45).

has pointed out to me, the sign J represents 1 as in =

(i) IJr 'Jg.t is one of the most puzzling expressions in Sn-n#w-i's inscriptions. As Clere
1, ill 1 "hoof," "claw," and (with ~)
"to beat."684 Schenkel suggests (MHT, I43) l;r 'lg.t.i "indem ich schlecht machte," i.e. "urn
meinem Vater Mrr-j schlecht zu machen( ?)." This use of l;r before sg,mt.f seems rather
unlikely, however. More probably 'lgt is imperfective relative, which would yield the
translation suggested here. Sn-n#w-i's boast is that his people were able to keep at their
appointed tasks in a period when chaos was increasingly prevailing over organized effort.
The phrases he employs to describe the benefits resulting from his stewardship are not
known from other places, but a Dendera official of about the same rank speaks in very
similar terms. The 'passage in question is shown in Fig. 30:

Fig. 30

"the washerman was washing, the fowler and fisher .... "685 And a later (Eleventh Dynasty)
individual, the Sole Companion IJr-n!Jt says:

g '6\
~tl1d D
~~ & U oD t.
"the herdsman was beside his ... the herdsman was beside his swine, the washer-
man was washing" (D 3I28, Cairo 46048, lines 2-3). The standing figure with wJs-staff is

684 Not in the Wb. For 'lg, see Wb. I, 168.8 "unbannherzig schlagen"; to the references cited therein
Schenkel, MHT, p. 143 (b), adds Blackman, Orientalia 8 (1939), 132. Cf. also 'lg.t "hoof" and 'gt.t
"claw," ibid., 168.5, 6; 235.10.
885 This is from the frieze inscription of the Overseer of the Gate I;Itpi; see below, p. 169. The bird

in the writing of the verb rat evidently is ~ (G4 in Gardiner's sign list); the tail is much too long to
suit the fonn of the plover )r. (G 50), and ~ supplies the final consonant, which would otherwise be
lacking (read ty; cf. Edel, Altiig. Gramm. I, § 32, and writings of anti as ~ in personal names, AZ
C. Dynasty IX and Later - SN-NDSW-1 I57
otherwise unknown in place of '1tt ;686 the} after it, as well as the context, strongly
indicates that miniw is the reading. The term for swine only occurs in this text; CU~re687
has suggested that the apparent t:':5 is ~, and that the word is therefore the well-known
sl/sli. The sign =;;, designates the male, as in Cl "donkey" and kl "bull."688
These Dendera statements recall the first lines of the Admonitions of '!pw-wr, which
describe a similar period of disorganization: the doorkeepers, confectioners, bird-catchers,
brewers, and so on no longer do their work, but are engaged in plunder and warfare. Note
especially --'- ~ ]t 1& 1:
1'5l1* c> j ~ ~ ~ ~ j I'5l ~I -- "the washerman has not agreed to
carry his load" (Admonitions 1.2); and a later passage lamenting that "there is no one
whose clothes are white in these times" (2.8).
Sn-ndSw-i's duties were not confined to his home territory, for he speaks of a commission
that took him elsewhere. I would associate the following three pieces, as Griffith likewise
thinks possible (PD, p. 49):
pI. loA, rt3 ~rLl~J:: ~~~~:-I~
pI. 10 A, rt ~ ~~ r ;,;- ! rf} ~ ~
I 0 I
pI. loA, tr2 ~I~,H}~~I~
"My lord a ) sent (me)b) on a gratifying( ?)c) mission which [I( ?)] accomplished ... their
people( ?), their sycamore trees, [their?] fields ... cattle. d ) I returned from there [in
peace] e) ... "
(a) Nb.i is probably not the king, but the nomarch (or the Overseer of Priests W!ul) ,
under whom Sn-ndSw-i held office.
(b) Apparently}, the dependent pronoun wi, has been accidentally omitted. A #m.n.f
form seems likely in view of the nb. i (rather than nb.f) ; the speaker is doubtless describing his
own exploits here, and a #mw.n.frelative "whom my lord sent" would refer to someone else.
(c) Griffith translates shr.t "peaceful," and so also Schenkel (MHT, 140: "der befrieden
sollte[ ?]"), but the meaning is literally "that which makes content." Perhaps this means
the mission was one that brought satisfaction to those others it affected. Griffith has
taken the following much as I do; this may be a relative #mw.n.f.

(d) The interval between the second and third fragments may be something like
[r > r
~ ~ i'""1. ~]" ... and their grazing lands filled with (cattle)." Cf., in the
inscription of Snni, the passage discussed above, p. 127 (pI. 7 A, t2r3).
(e) Restore m J;tp, or possibly mCr.kwi.
If all this is rightly connected, the mention of nht-trees in particular indicates that the
mission took Sn-ndSw-i to well-watered places (see below, p. 160), very likely somewhere
nearby in the Nile Valley. Towards the end of the Intermediate Period a lesser official
named lJnms was similarly dispatched by the Coptite overseer of priests l}ll from Qus
to the '!w-Snsn, a short distance south of that city. Here he put things aright generally
and took inventory,689 and Sn-ndSw-i may have done the same for some region not far
from Dendera.
686 This replacement would be analogous to ~ >j (see above, pp. 81, 133), although the latter is not
used in this inscription. Note that the wit-staff appears at least once in the writing of LI ~ a;
20005 (Lange-Schafer, pI. I; Clere-Vandier, no. 3.7). Clere also proposes to read miniw in the Dendera
text in question (see next note).
687 In his MS annotations to this text, which he kindly lent to the Egyptian Section of the University
Museum to be consulted for the publication of Fisher's texts.
688 For the rather infrequent references to this animal in Egyptian texts and representations, see
Newberry, JEA 14,211-217; Fakhry, ASAE 43,376-377; Keimer, BIE 19, 147-156.
686 Coptite Nome, no. 17.
158 Part VI. The Nomarchs and Other Officials
The fact that Sn-n#w-l was Mrrl's son and heir is known from the following:
1 2
I~ ••• ~ [*::"'A~~ ~~ ~-t }~~-~~~} ~ I~ ••• ~t}~t::~-n~
~~:::7~<~--~ .c'·d~~} T::~OJ
"(I) My father Mrri gave me his house. a) I found it consisting of rooms of bricksb ) and
I e[rected( ?)]e) (2) ... it with upright timbers,d) every timber being eleven (cubits) in
its height,") and being completed with doors of [acacia] wood!) ... " (pI. 10, 1t2).
(a) The first statement might be "when my father Mrrl gave .... " Griffith's translation
" ... which my father, who loved his house, [built?] for me" (PD, p. 49) is certainly
mistaken; "my father Mrrl" recurs in the third line of the same inscription (quoted
above), but Griffith separates this phrase, connecting "my father" with the preceding
words and taking Mrrt as the author of the inscription, whom he identifies as the son of
Sn-n#w-l. Apparently -=- is omitted before f4---D, for there would be space for it above
this sign in a group §; Sn-ndsw-l does not hesitate to group four signs thus. The probable
absence of <= mayZa:st som~ doubt on I'd!, but I see no other possibility; the det. \-0, for
example, is not found in these texts, and I cannot think of a suitable verb ending in .....JJ
(S'!t" for example, seems improbable).
(b) The next statement is paralleled by D 3128, in which a later Dendera official, of the
Eleventh Dynasty, says, "I built my father's house; I found it consisting of rooms of
bricks." For m "consisting of" cf. also Edel, Altiig. Gramm. § 758e. Cf. also a Dyn. XI
Dendera stela which more succinctly boasts ~ [11-;;
-=- ~ ::... ~ "I built my house more
than my father."690
(c) ~.....JJ ~~..t ~ is found in D 842, and D 3128 has ~} ~.....JJ ~-}~ JL'X'~~~ "I
erected 50 columns in it."
(d) Cf. Griffith: "standing posts of wood of every sort" (PD, p. 49).
(e) For objects "of" a dimension, and for this passage in general, see above, p. 145(1).
(f) Two other Dendera texts mention acacia as the wood used for making doors; in one
case (D 842) the words are precisely the same as in Sn-n#w-l's description. 69l
The remainder of the statements of biographical interest are fragmentarily preserved
on the sections of Sn-n#w-l's architrave. These are combined and reconstructed as far
as possible in Fig. 3Ia from five pieces which Petrie publishes separately and does not
recognize for what they are (PD, p. 17), namely a long architrave of the kind used by
Mrri, with a line of sons and daughters bringing offerings to the owner (see pp. I50f. above).
In PI. XXXb a late Dyn. VI architrave from Giza is presented for comparison, the only
example from the Memphite cemeteries known to me which parallels the Dendera arrange-
ment at all closely. The assemblage of the three larger pieces at the left in Fig. 3Ia is
confirmed by the continuity of the two lines of text above the heads of the children:
" ... may the treasurer of the king of Lower Egypt, the overseer of the [house Sn-n#Jw-i
be buried in his tomb which is in the necropolis in [the western desert]; may he [pro]ceed
in peace, in peace to his kls. The overseer of the house Sn-n#w-i, he says .... " This con-
tinues with a biography of four lines at right. Below the topmost line, beginning just
above the head of the second daughter, is the following inscription, written in much smaller
hieroglyphs: "The over[seer of the house Sn-ndsw-i,] he says, 'I caused [all] the craftsmen
890 PD, pI. 11, Ib; cf. n. 643 above.
891 PI. 7 A, br2 ~[~J ~?::: ~ ~ ~S ! D 842 (referring to a house, and continuing the passage
quoted above in comment [cJ) ~.::\ ~=~"}~ [OJ
Ilg·3 1
c. Dynasty IX and Later - SN-NDSW-1 I59
who did [this(?)]aJ work for me to make festival for the god;b) I satisfied them with bread
and beer, Lower Egyptian grain and emmer, copper and clothing, oil and honey; then shall
that which they did remain in the necropolisc).'"
(a) The lacuna is not large enough for the expected ~4'::E:.Itmaycontaintheword":.
(b) See Wb. 3, 58.9; irl (tb n "fur einen Gott" (M.K.). But perhaps the translation
should be "make the festival of the god"; cf. the "good festival of (n) the god" in the
contemporary Coptos decrees, Urk. I, 295.1; 296.10.692
(c) ~ ~ Q~ 1 instead of the usual ~ 1- Q~ (pI. I I A, lb, pI. IS, b4r2. Presumably
s is meant for sn, and lm is repeated mechanically, without taking account of the brt nir
that follows. Something like this occurs in the earlier frieze inscription of Nl-lbw-nswt,
together with what seems to be a close parallel of the preceding phrase, but the order of
[51 ~ ~}
the phrases is probably reversed (pI. I I A, rt2+ rt 4): [::J X Q~ .! I 1 ~~ ==
r Q

Xt:1 ~ [=- fl" ... oil and honey"so that I might remain with the great god. I caused
[all] the craf[tsmen who did work for me on this tomb to make the festival, etc. (?)].
A fourth piece of this architrave, bearing the name and titles of a son ijwi, is assumed
to belong to the last of the male figures, since it comes from 5n-ng,sw-l's mastaba (PD,
p. 17) and since the arrangement of the signs well suits the space available. It is uncertain
whether this fragment bears traces of the adjacent figure, for the line drawing (pI. 13)
includes only the inscription, and no photograph is published.
Although the fifth piece, at the right, does not actually join the rest, there is little
doubt that it too formed part of the architrave. A slight amount of distortion in the
published photograph gives the impression that the lines widen toward the left; actually
the lines are fairly even and correspond in height to those of the other sections. 693 The first line
of the text presents the only real difficulty: the funerary formulae on the fifth piece ([J:ttp dl
nswt] . .. ~rs.t m lmnt.t nfr.t etc.) and on the following pieces at left ([J:ttp di nswt] ...
#Iwtybity, imy[-rpr.5n-ng,s]w-lm ls.fmbrt-niretc.) might seem undulyrepetitious. Fortun-
ately, however, a single section of another Dendera architrave (PI. XV) proves that this se-
quence is possible and shows (at the end ofthe first line) thatthe connection of the two formulae
was effected by means of the preposition m before the second occurrence of J:ttp-di-nswt.
These points may be seen in the following parallel arrangement (Fig. 32); above each of
the two lines of D 2437 is the corresponding section of inscription in 5n-ng,sw-i's architrave.


~~~l LT ~'~ i··h=~""'~"''W


D 2~37
line 1 ~~~I6:-~r~T~~~=J ::~1~'"
pI. JO(lb2) pI. JO(tr2) pI. 9 (rb)

~.~~~ 'fI V/J/
~~~ ~ ID ~
= ~~_ 11 f"- qJ ~
ifU.1~ ~~~~ 'l:W 1?
f"- I \\. \~. .~~
. r--.
hl 0 hl ~ ~ ~~JL--- hl

~1::J; ~~~[.~:~E~1"]I:;: t:: ~ ~

Fig.3 Z
892 Schenkel, MHT, 139, translates: "Ich habe veranlasst das [aUe] Handwerker ... Gott ein Fest fUr
mich machten," but this hardly seems possible; for one thing, a dative n( .1) would be expected afterirl.
892 As seen from measurements made of each line by Dr. Watson Boyes in the Oriental Institute

at Chicago, and corresponding measurements of the three lines of pI. 10, Ibz, which were made at
the University Museum in Philadelphia.
160 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
A sImilar combination of formulae is attested by a late Old Kingdom architrave from
Naqada that consisted of three segments totalling about 180 cm. in length (Coptite Nome,
no. I). The length of Sn-n!#w-i's architrave, as reconstructed in Fig. 3Ia, is about 290 cm.,
which corresponds fairly closely to the recessed space above the entrance to his mastaba.
The second line of Sn-n!#w-i's architrave corroborates the connection of the pieces in
PD, pI. 10, rt2, aljld pI. 10, lb2; " ... [I surpassed everyone who was and] who will exist
thereina ) in peop~e, Lower Egyptian grain and emmer, gold, copper, clothing, oil,
[honey] ... [cattle,] goats, cargo ships,b) and everything."
(a) I assume that the initial verb form is !J.prty.jy, as does Schenkel, MHT, 139, who
suggests that the preceding words are m/:t.n.i pr r: "[Ich habe mein Haus(?) mehr gefiillt
als)] der, der noch in ihm sein wird, mit Menschen .... " My own suggestion is based on
statements such as ~ 1> ~ f\ ~ A =-
g"" ~ ~ 1\ :! I ::""1\ A ~ r ~ "I surpassed every peer of
mine in this city in riches of every kind" (BM 1671)694 and ~} rf\ ~ == :-
G) } 1ft !

-"- ~ l } !. 1> 1ft ! ~ 1> 1\ :- 1\ fi1 !. ~ f ~ "I surpassed what my predecessors

did and my successors will not catch up with me in anything I have done for the next
million years" (Mo'alla, II (3 1).695 In the statement of Sn-n!#w-i the adverb im probably
refers to Dendera. The arrangement of the group ~ in l:!pr is repeated in line 4.
(b) /:t'w, Wb. 3, 52.1. For the sign - cf. l};::: w'J:t, "carob bean," Wb. I, 289.
Line three begins: " ... [la]kea ») [-- cubits] in [its] length (5 - - m Jw[.f]), 88!b)
cubits in its width, and 300 sycamore trees in it,c) and from which d) there was (a yield of)
1000 timbers,e) and IO(?) ropes (?nwW) . ... "
(a) The word "lake" (= I ) is certain, from the context, and part of the stroke is
preserved. As we learn from another of Sn-n!#w-i's inscriptions, discussed above, a charac-
teristic duty of a lake-keeper is to grow sycamore trees; similarly, references to the digging
of lakes are often followed by a statement that sycamore trees were planted. Compare
especially ~ ~ ~ ~ :J. ~ 9 >:: 0
il ~ ~ ""} ~ ~ 1\ '\=.. "I dug a lake of 100 cubits
on each of its sides, with IO(?) syc~ore trees in it" (Akhmim tomb, Dyn. VI),696 and
~ } ~ ~ = ~ <= ~ ~ - : : ~ } r ~ ~:= } "" 0
v-- RR "I dug a lake of water and
planted 40 sycamore trees" (Dendera steia, D 1542, early Dyn. XI). Also Cairo Cat. 1330,
an Old Kingdom offering basin, the sides of which have 4 steps; the bottom step is labelled
~ ~ ::;, :: ~ "bottom of the lake," the next three steps give levels for the
three seasons, and the topmost step has ~ "sycamore" inscribed at each corner. There
can be no doubt that, in all of these other cases, a reservoir of water was dug, forming the
nucleus of a grove of trees, as in the case of Mkt-R"s well-known models. 697 It seems
doubtful that, in so very similar a context, Sn-n!#w-i uses 5 in a more extended sense,
referring to the entire "plantation."698
694 For the use of the direct object after 5wli (as also in PD pI. 15, left, line 19), followed by the
preposition m, see Kush 9, 52 (k), referring to Berlin 24032.
695 The sign1> in ltryw is inadvertently omitted in Vandier's copy.
696 ASAE 36, p. 36; here Vandier compares both the Dendera passages. Cf. also Urk. J, 121.15.

697 MMA 20.3.13 and Cairo J. d'E. 46721: H. E. Winlock, Models of Daily Life, 17-19, 83-84, pIs.
9-12, 56-57. See also L. Klebs, Reliefs N.R., 22ff. and figs. 15, 16, 17, 20, 22.
698 Schenkel, MHT 139 (5 "Garten [?]"). 142-3 (iry-s "Baumgartner [?]"). The word n I occurs
with the meaning "farm" (sown with barley) in lfe~anakhte. I vs. 11 and perhaps vs. 10 as well; see
James. ibid .• p. 28 (68). Gardiner, AZ 45. 129. also cites '-I" ~ in Siut tomb I, 271. 317 as meaning
"garden" or "plantation"; if so. the latter seems to refer to a funerary garden in the second case. for
a statue is located "in it" (or "on" the edge of it. for an actual lake was surely present, as in the tomb
model mentioned in the preceding note).
C. Dynasty IX and Later - SN-NJ)SW-'! 161

(b) For the position of the sign ==1 see above, p. l43 (e). This is an exceptionally early
instance of the use of the genitival adjective to connect a number containing tens with
its noun; in Middle Egyptian the construction with n(y) is almost completely limited to
thousands, millions, and (rarely) numbers containing the loo-sign (Gard. Gram. 3 , § 262.2;
Lefebvre, Gram. I , § 203). Note that the more regular usage of noun + number is followed
in the same line: nh.wt 300 (here the somewhat unusual plural form is adopted; see Gard.
Gram. 3 , § 26l, p. 192, Edel, Altiig. Gramm, § 394).
(c) ,Im.j, referring to s "lake," also appears in the Dyn. VI parallel quoted above in
comment a. Perhaps the use of this preposition is to be understood from the fact that the
sycamore trees had to be at the very edge of the water, hence "in it."699 If the length of
the lake were twice its breadth, however (as in the aforementioned models of Mkt-RC), the
perimeter would still be only 912 feet-hardly enough space to accommodate a single
line of 300 sycamores; some of these trees must have been set further back from the edge,
unless the lake was of very dispropurtionate length. If s refers to a "plantation" the length
of the area would not in any case need to be much greater than the width of l52 feet, but
this consideration is hardly sufficient to outweigh the evidence presented in comment a.
(d) I take:: to be nty, referring back to S. This cannot refer to the 300 (in nh.wt 300),
since numbers containing hundreds are regarded as feminine: Edel, Altiig. Gramm. § 397;
Gard. Gram. 3 p. 193, ex. 7; p. 194, ex. l2.
(e) !z,r.j necessarily refers to S, as does the preceding im.j. If lJl n 5t refers to the amount
of timber yielded by the trees,700 the following preposition ltr indicates its origin,70I "from"
the lake; it is otherwise difficult to explain !z,r as "in" or "upon" since m has already been
used in that sense. Sycamore wood was frequently employed in carpentry and con-
struction.702 lj I n is unusual before the Middle Kingdom but cf. 88! n m!z, at the beginning
of the same line (comment b above), as well as 5; n lst.f d:§.f "rooo of his own things"
(Gebr. I, pI. 23, lt2, cited by Edel, Altiig. Gramm. § 398).
(f) The connection of nwlt ro (or a larger number) with the foregoing is uncertain; no
other translation seems likely for this substantive than "rope."
Presumably Sn-nd:§w-l dug the lake and planted the trees on his own account, but he
possibly did this for the nomarch.
The conclusion of line three is still more obscure, and every point of the following
translation is doubtful: "[I did not find this( ?)] done bya) (my?)b) two(? ?)e) predecessors
to ( ?).
. It. d) Ima
de,'m d ee d .... "
(a) The occurrence of the preposition in at all events is probably valid; and if In is accepted,
the preceding.=- is old perfective. The restoration assumes [n.gml.l] lrlln tp_Cwy(.l} snwy
or the like, as in ..A- ~ ~.=- QQ1. '=' QQi ~ i "I never found (it) done by any other

peer of mine" (Hatnub, Gr. 8, Dyn. VI).

(b) TPY_c wy has the meaning "predecessors" (Wb. 5, 283.7ff.) e.g. ~.;;, III ~ ~ ~
1- !. ~ "like that which was said by (my?) predecessors who came before me" (Athr.,
pI. 6.8). It is not certain that the possessive suffix-pronoun is used ",ith this word; Wb.
Belegst. gives no examples, and none either for tpy-<.wy of a person. If sn.wy is rightly
899 Cf. Gardiner, Wilbour Pap. Commentary, p. 29, n. 3, where it is noted that this Ramesside docu-
ment also uses m before words for "pond," "lake," and "dyke," including cases where the preposition
cannot literally mean "in." A Twelfth Dynasty example is noted in Rev. d'Eg. 13 (1961), p. 107
(and n. 3).
700 Perhaps cf. the term!J1 n !Jt, which refers to a set quantity of wood in New Egyptian: Wb. 3,340.1.
701 Gardiner, Gram. a, § 165 (2).
70B See Lucas, Anc. Eg. Materials', 440-441, 446-447 and Simpson, Pap. Reisner I, p. 73 (6); for
lJt "planks, logs, timber," cf. ibid., p. 74.
162 Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
understood as "two," tpy-'.wy preceding it has the expected singular form. The fact that
Sn-nrJSw-i and his father Mrri both mention their fathers' names prominently in their
inscriptions would favor the view taken here, that in this passage Sn-nrJSw-i refers to his
"two predecessors" (Mrri and Ni-ib.w-nswtfBbi).
(c) Sn.wy "two"(?) is perhaps spelt out so as to avoid confusion with the two strokes
of '.wy. But the writing of this would be most exceptional; I can find no other instance
where the usual pair of strokes is replaced by a double reed leaf. It seems possible, however,
to take the double reed leaf as representing :it:it. There are at least three well-attested
cases where ~ = :it at Dendera. D 842, which is probably not far from Sn-nrJSw-i in date,
has: [~Q! ~ ~!, and pI. I I C (center), which is close to Dyn. XI: ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ X2~
- ~~. The second example was first noted by Clere, in his copies of Petrie's texts. This
is duplicated in Cairo 1641 (Dyn. XI, Dendera). A verb snw (r) "separate from" is known
(Wb. 4, 157·3), but the ~~ at the end of snw seems to exclude this possibility.
(d) It is assumed that the terminal r.j refers to the (masc.) word which iri agrees with.
The lack of context leaves the meaning of the preposition r in doubt.
In line four, after lfnti "upstream" or "sail upstream," is the interesting statement:
"there came miserable years of famine." The following j?] may possibly be identified as
g,ni (Pyr.) , later dnl (Wb. 5, 575.9; 464.10); "dam up" would well suit the context, for
famines could be caused by excessive floods as well as by insufficient ones (Vandier, La
Famine, pp. 45ff.). Furthermore, there are indications in the Intermediate Period in-
scriptions that the cultivated lands often became flooded at times when the system of
irrigation was not well supervised (see above, p. 148). The form of g,ni(?) here is perhaps
dn.n.i ("I dammed up ... "), with the formative n preceding the determinative.
It may be considered whether or not the initial lfnti has something to do with the state-
ment concerning the famine, even though iw grt, which introduces this statement,
suggests that a new idea is presented here. Perhaps one may compare the use of the verb
lfnti "to go upstream" in the boast of a Rizaqat official, "While Thebes was going up-
stream I never permitted Rizaqat to go downstream or upstream to another nome"
(in search of food) (Cairo 20001), or the similar claim of 'nlfty.jy of Moalla which begins,
"all this land became as a hungry(?) grasshopper, one going downstream, the other going
upstream ... " (IV 27-29). The latter also says in the same connection, "I caused this
Upper Egyptian grain to hasten; going upstream, it reached W!Wl.t, going downstream it
reached the Thinite nome" (IV 13- IS). Mry 1's biography at Hagarsa contains similar
phrases, though the verb lfnt£ is not employed. 703
These likely parallels are especially interesting because, as Vandier has pointed out
(M o'alla, p. 39), the rival boasts are apparently contemporary, and possibly contradictory;
Moalla is represented as being able to provide for itself and all the territory as far north
as the 8th Nome, and Gebelein, while also emphasizing its self-sufficiency, claims to have
provided for Moalla. In Sn-nrJSw-i's inscription it is possible that similar claims were made
for Dendera. However this may be, 'nlfty.jy is most explicit and positive about his assistance
to the Denderite Nome: "I nourished the nomes of Hieraconpolis and Edfu (,nlfty.jy's
own nomes, 2 and 3) and the cities of Elephantine and Ombos (of Nome I). As Homs
praises me! As Hemen lives for me! My Upper Egyptian grain reached Dendera and
Shabet in the Denderite Nome, after these nomes were nourished .... Never did any
~ oC> [r] C> 111 - ;; n
I' -J '0'1 'l.J:t c1=
A ~ 0 J,.g -J) "" ~
~ "in(?) the spring, in years of famine, my Upper
Egyptian grain reached ... " (A thy., pi. 6, line 3). Vandier's earlier doubts that the verb was pft.n
rather than pftn (Famine, p. 99) are answered by Mo'alla V, ~, 2, though he does not mention the
Hagarsa text in his publication of the latter.
C. Dynasty IX and Later - SN-NDSW-'I

Fig. 33
Part VI. The N omarchs and Other Officials
chief who appeared in this nome do that!" (V fJ 1-y 1). There is no mistaking the pride
cnfJty.fy took in this accomplishment; the question is whether he felt it to be extraordinary
because of Dendera's distance from Moalla or because of Dendera's prestige as a self-
sufficient and wealthy province. Since he claims elsewhere to have supplied the more
remote Thinite Nome (and without quite so much protestation, and adjuration) it would
seem that it was Dendera's prestige that made such a loan remarkable.
In the fifth and last line of $n-ng,sw-i's architrave inscription there remain only the

words: ~, " . .. in its entirety. As for the sr.w officials .... " For the
reading sr.w, see page 122 above.
At the left of the architrave, seated beside $n-ng,sw-i, is his wife; her name is restored
from the false door (pI. 9, t) and the stelae (Fig. 33). The same name also appears on a
large copper mirror which Fisher found in a second burial chamber within the mastaba :704
~ ~ ~ [~ c~ ~ ~=~. "The Sole Royal Ornament Priestess of Hathor 'Jwwti."
There is no indication that $n-ng,swl had a second wife.
All four of the sons who are represented on a larger scale have the rank of "chancellor of
the Lower Egyptian King." The eldest son is named after his grandfather Mrri; he has
the unusual title ~ ~ ii ~ as does the third son, $n-ng,sw-l. To the best of my knowl-
edge it is not attested elsewhere. 705 The same is true of the title of $n-ng,sw-l's second son
$bk-nfJt: ~ ~ ~ ~ ii 1ft, in which the combination of ~ ~ and ~ ~ (see below,
p. 166) is itself exceptional. Perhaps this is actually a series of three well-known titles:
"overseer of the house, of the gate, and of the soldiery." For the combination of the last
two elements of the series, cf. ~ ii ~ ~ ~ in the titulary of a late Old Kingdom official
who was buried at Mendes. 706 $bk-nfJt's two brothers may similarly be "overseer of the
house and of the soldiery."
The second title of the fourth son, Ijwi, is apparently [~l ~; this title is well known,
but it is not commonly met with in the provinces in Dyn. VI or during the Intermemate
Period (cf. above, p. 73 and note 301).
The two daughters represented on the architrave may be the same as the two women
who stand before $n-ng,sw-l on one of his stelae (see Fig. 33c). If so, Bbl must be the name
that is missing on the architrave, while ~ ~ would be a shorter form of ~ r~.
Four more sons-Nbl, 5n-sji, Bbl, and Ttl-are shown on a much smaller scale, two of
them holding the hand of a larger sister. Note that the third son $n-ng,sw-l similarly
holds his mother's hand on another of the stelae reconstructed in Fig. 33b. The small
butler who stands behind the son $n-ng,sw-l on the architrave seems to be unnamed; this
appears to be the same servant who offers a cup on the false door, pI. 9, and is there called
the t m J Sr ~ ~ "the director of the dining tent (fJrp sft) NbIY." The same title is known
for the cupbearer of the Theban nomarch 'Jnl-lt.f (Fig. 39, p. 200), and it also occurs