A Dialect Grammar of Japanese

A Dialect Grammar of Japanese
Author(s): Yoichi Fujiwara

Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 18, No. 1/4 (1963), pp. 147-190
Published by: Sophia University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2383138
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A Dialect Grammar of Japanese
By Yoichi Fujiwara, Hiroshima*
In this part of our study of Japanese dialects we propose

to consider simple sentences and linked sentences as they occur
in everyday life. In both kinds of sentences, simple and linked,
some features are observed which contribute to a better under-
standing of the characteristics of the Japanese language.
Simple Sentences
1. Intonation
Sentences are phonetically materialized mainly by their into-

nation. In a study of sentence expression it is intonation that
must receive principal consideration. Here we shall survey the
intonational patterns of the Japanese dialects.
The question of intonation in the phonetic expression of sen-
tences is closely related to that of volume shift and tempo. Tempo
will be treated in connection with the present discussion, while
we relegate the matter of stress or volume shift to another oc-
casion. In the phonetic expression of Japanese, accent is mainly
a matter of shift of pitch, and not of stress. Fluctuation of pitch
is, of course, naturally accompanied by that of stress. But it is
the first and not the second that carries the impetus of the ex-
pression.
Definite patterns of pitch are to be found in each dialectal
* Continued from p. 160 of Vol. XVII, 1-2
148 Yoichi Fujiwara
region. Each region has also its characteristic tempo of speech,

but this is somewhat less defined than the patterns of pitch.
Still less defined is the pattern of stress, or volume shift, in which
no appreciable consistency can be discerned. The pattern of the
pitch is set: there is but one or, at most, two patterns for each
dialectal unit. The pattern of stress, on the other hand, admits
of wide variation according to the occasion of the utterance.
Intonation must be studied before tempo. To reverse the
order is to run the risk of being overly impressed by individual
phenomena and failing to grasp the over-all picture. But if the
focus of study is first of all upon tonal fluctuation and then on
tempo as an accompanying feature, both elements of the lan-
guage-intonation and tempo-will be seen in proper perspec-
tive.
Tonal fluctuation is something more than individual habits
and mannerisms of speech; it is rather a set of accepted patterns
which can be treated as an objective phonetic phenomenon.
There has never been made a comprehensive study of all
Japanese dialects to determine the basic varieties of pitch pat-
terns into which all of Japanese in its component dialects can be
reduced. We hope that our own over-all study of Japanese dia-
lects and our detailed surveys of certain particular dialects may,
in the absence of such a comprehensive survey, help to an under-
standing of Japanese accent patterns.
When we look with perspective over the range of the Japa-
nese language with all its component dialects, we see that there is
a dominant tendency for sentences to end with a rising intona-
tion. We will substantiate this by a detailed study of particular
local patterns.
Looking first at the Kyasha dialect region (2), we find that
the southern and western areas clearly evidence this pattern:
sentences end predominantly with rising intonation. In the
southern area we hear the expression:
Nai-goto-janhi ke. [naigoto3angike]

(What's the matter? What happened?)
The intonation could be diagrammed as having two peaks with
an over-all rising tone. Since this sample happens to be a ques-
tion, one might attribute the tonal rise to the interrogative im-
pulse. But this not so: a sample from the southern part of the
same region shows the same.
Aigato-moshage-moshi-ta. [aigatomoSagemoSita]
(Thank you.)
A Dialect Grammar of Japanese 149
Through a wide variety of content and in diverse situations the

rising pattern seems to predominate.
Chiket o-agai-yattamonse. [t5iketjoagaijat:amonse]

(Help yourself to the food.)
This is a very polite imperative expression found in the same
area; it too shows a distinct rising intonation.
_ _ /11
Hayo tatte me. [hajotat:eme:]
(Try to stand up, at once!)
This is an abrupt command, but it has a similar pattern of pitch.
Even a partial sentence such as the following has the same
pattern:
Tamoi-tamoi ki-ta-mon-jan de. [tamoitamoikitamon3ande]

(As I ate before coming...)
Sometimes, as in the following example, the peak comes before
the end of the sentence:
Homet kuryora-nshi-td. [hometkuUjolanSita:]

(I was honored.)
Here, however, the whole sentence gives the impression of a
rising pattern. In this sample the peak at [ta] is even higher
than the peak at [fi]. Another example from the same area
of the Kyuishfi dialect region has a similar pitch pattern:
Hanazui hikkabui gd. [hanazui9ik:abuiga:]

(This tot with the running nose...)
Here too the sentence registers upon the ear as a variation of
the same intonational pattern. One is more impressed by the
final peak than by the peak in the first half of the sentence.
When a sentence ends with a concluding particle, the tone is
markedly higher at the end, so that the entire sentence assumes
a rising pattern. The following example is taken from the
southern Kyasha area:
Yon-hyaku go-jil-yen kai-nd. [jon9jakugo3u:jeDkaina:]

(Four hundred and fifty yen, was it not?)
An exception to this is the following:
Katatta kogga gozanshi-ta o. [katat:akog:agozanSitao]

(I had a chance to tell it.)
This sentence concludes with the particle o, but in this case the
150 Yoichi Fujiwara
maximum peak is reached before the particle. Still the sen-

tence has a general inclination to rise at the end.
We may say, therefore, that. regardless of the cessational,
in the southern Kyuishui dialect the tonal peak appears in the
latter part of the sentence. This pattern is so pronounced that
a native of this area attempting to speak with the intonations of
the standard language will inevitably fall back into the end-rising
intonation of his dialect, as in the following examples:
Ni-gwatsu-no gejun-goro kara... [nigwatsunoge3uDgo1oka-
ka...]
(From the latter part of February ...)
Hekin ni-kwai-gurai... [he:kinnikwaigulai...1

(Twice a year on an average .. .)
The same pattern of rising intonation can be found in the
western areas of the Kyashui dialect region, as in the following
examples:
_/
Soi-ja o-ike-nasshe. [soi3aoikenaS:e]
(Well then, have some rest, if you please.)
Here a two-peak intonation marks a definitely rising pattern.
Ye-ba kaka-m-ba. [je:bakakamba]

(I've got to draw a picture.)
The sentence is neither imperative nor interrogative, and yet it
assumes the rising pattern. Consider another example:
Une-o tate-te sd. [uneotatetesa:]

(Plowing off the path completely...)
This sentence ends with the particle sa, but the tonal peak is
reached with the preceding syllable. Still the over-all impression
and the impulse of the expression is almost unmistakably that of
the end-rising pattern. There are, of course, cases in which the
concluding particles carry the final and highest peak of tone.
But even where they do not, the tonal rise towards the end of the
sentence seems to persist and predominate.
In the same area we find:
M6 nutte yokaro dd. [mo:nut:ejoka1oda:]

(Aren't we ready to start plastering?)
and
Mikam-ba o-kure. [mikambaokule]
(Send us some tangerines.)

These do not show the marked rise at the end ( i ), but are
characterized by a plateau of tonal height in the latter portion
of the sentence. These too give the impression of a rising into-
nation, though they sound to the ear somewhat differently from
the usual end-rising pattern.
In the same area we find still another variation of the end-
rising pattern:
Gwanj6ju-desu ka. [gwan3o:3udesuka:]

(Is today the day of the Gwan-joju Festival?)
Here the end of the sentence has an unusually high pitch that
drops suddenly. The sounds slope up to a peak and then fall
sharply. The following example is also in the same pattern:
O-ba-chaln toko-i ika-mba no. [oba:tSantokoiikambano:]

(It appears I've got to go to Grandma's.)
This same end-rising pattern can be found also in the west-
ern part of the central Kyasha dialectal region, as in this ex-
ample:
Odom-mo iko-gotdru. [odom:oiko:gota:1u]

(I wish 1 could go too.)
and also:
Soi-ja go-kuro-san-deshi-ta. [soi3agokulosandeSita]

(Well, then, good-by and thank you for the trouble.)
This pattern appears even when the natives affect the formality
of the standard Japanese language, as in:
San-ju ichi-man-yen-no... [san3uitSimanjen:o...]

(Three-hundred and ten thousand yen worth of . ..)
To the immediate north of the central area of this dialectal
region we find the following:
Ma-ittoki suru-to karaimo niye-masu to. [mait:okisu1uto-

kalaimonijemasuto]
(In a while, the sweet potatoes will be cooked.)
Kaette ki-yora-shi-ta mon. [kaet:ekijo1aSitamon]

(He has come home...)
In the northern strip of western Kyasha we hear:
152 Yoichi Fujiwara
Nan-jaro ka. [nan3a1o:ka:]

(What could it be?)
Kikoe-td. [kikoeta:]
(I heard it.)
Kaette ano toki-no ho-ga yoka. [kaet:eanoitokinoho:gajoka:]

(It was better then than now.)
In this area the natives show a marked rising intonation even
in their pronunciation of standard Japanese sentences, as in the
following:
Majeran-ga sekai-isshul-shi-te... [ma3e1aDga5ekaii5:u:5ite...]

(Magellan having gone around the world...)
In general, central Kyasha and the area immediately north
of it have the same kind of end-rising tonal pattern as is found
in the southern area and the western strip of the Kyasha dia-
lectal region. In the remaining parts of Kyuishui, however, the
rising intonation does not occur so often; this pattern is not so
fixed and consistent as to appear as a characteristic feature of
the local language. This does not mean that the end-rising pat-
tern is not to be found, but where it does appear it is but one of
many other patterns, not deserving to be singled out in parti-
cular.
Southern Kyuishui and the western area can be distinguished
as areas characterized by an end-rising tonal pattern (I) and are
marked on the map by slanted lines. Other areas where the
pattern is present but not predominant (II) are marked by slant-
ed dotted lines on the distribution map of intonations.
Examples of the end-rising tonal pattern can be found in
areas not included in the area of (I) such as, for example, north-
eastern Kyuisha, where we hear:
A sayo-de gozai-masu ka. [a:sajodegozaimasuka]

(Oh well, was that so... ?)
0-hayo-gozai-masu. [ohajogozaimasu]
(Good morning!-literally, how early you are-)
Another example from the eastern part of central Kyusha is:
Un. Yokatta yo. [uI. jokat:ajo:]

(Yes. That was good!)
An end-rising pattern similar to that of the northeastern
Kyfisha dialect studied above is found in some areas of the

Chuigoku dialectal region (3). Just as there is a close affinity
between the word-accent of the Kyusha dialectal groups and that
of the Chfigoku dialects, so is there also a similarity of tonal
pattern.
The Chagoku dialect region, especially in the southern part
of the central area, evidences an end-rising pattern similar to
that of the northeastern Kyfishui dialects, a pattern far more
marked than in northwestern Kyushui, where it does not consti-
tute a distinctive trait as it does in the Chagoku. Consequently,
the Chfigoku area is marked by slanted lines on the intonation
map.
Though various dialects may share this end-rising pattern,
the pattern will vary from dialect to dialect. The Chuigoku dia-
lect, for example, corresponds to that of the southern area and
western strip of Kyushfi in its strong inclination toward an end-
rising intonational pattern. But this pattern is far simpler in
Chuigoku and may be diagrammed as x, a pattern almost
identical with that of northeastern Kyushui.
Here are two examples:
O-hayo-ari-masu. [ohajoatimasu]... (3)

(Good morning!)
Honto-no kota wakairu-md te. [hontonokota:wakaluma:te]

(The truth may not be known.)
This tonal pattern persists whether the sentence be interrogative,
imperative, or indicative in mood.
If the sentence ends in a cessational, the final rise may fall
on the final syllable to form the usual end-rising pattern, as in:
Wakaru-ma no. [wakaluma:no:]...(3)

(It couldn't be understood, I fear...)
_ /
Otten no. [ot:en:o]
(Is the master of the house in?)
In other cases of this kind of expression the final peak occurs
on the word before the cessational. This, in fact, is the more
common feature of this dialectal region.
The end-rising pattern found in the southern part of the
central area of the Chuigoku dialectal region is found also in the
eastern half of the northern area, but is not so prominent in the
other areas. The southern part of the western area of this region
154 Yoichi Fujiwara
has its own characteristic features which we will study later.

The eastern part of the southern area differs little from the cen-
tral area in its word accent, but its intonational pattern shows
no such end-rising tendency as can be found in the latter. Per-
haps the proximity of this sector to the Kinki dialectal region
(5), whose dialect differs greatly from the Chuigoku, explains
the divergence.
We turn next to the Kinki dialect just referred to. As long
as the discussion turns upon tonal fluctuation, the Kinki and the
Shikoku (4) regions may be treated as a unit, since the tonal
pattern and the word accent of these two dialectal regions are
very similar. The tonal pattern of these regions may be dia-
grammed as _ The tone is characterized by its mellifluous
rise and fall. Consider the following:
Hayd ki-te moro-tara 6-noni nd. [hajo:kitemoFotaFae:nonina:]

(Why not have him come earlier... It would be better...)
The intonation pattern of this sentence may be diagrammed as
a series of waves. Whatever mood the sentences may express,
indicative, interrogative, or imperative, the utterance will have
a soft modulation, a series of softly rising and falling waves of
sound. '
The soft tonal pattern of these two dialects distinguishes
them sharply from all other dialects. All other dialectal regions
may be said to have, with reference to tonal pattern, a hard
intonational pattern.
The soft-pitched dialects of Kinki and Shikoku are not, how-
ever, without certain instances of the end-rising pattern. For
example:
Hay6 shi. [hajo:Si:].. (5)

(Do it at once.)
Ima iki-masu. [imaikimasu]

(I'm coming now.)
O-hayo-gozai-masu. [ohajogozaimasu]
(Good morning!)
But even in these cases, though the pattern is end-rising, the
expression strikes the ear as being soft-pitched, due no doubt to
1 This perhaps accounts for the slow tempo of dialects spoken in this
type of tonal pattern.
such influences as that of the grammatical structure of the sen-

tence, etc. The end-rise is not very perceptible to the ear. Thus
we may say that while in these regions of the soft pitch the end-
rising pattern is not completely absent, still when it does occur
it is basically different and clearly distinguishable from the same
pattern as it characterized the hard-pitched dialects. On the into-
nation map the regions evidencing some end-rising intonation
were indicated by slanted dotted lines; the soft-pitched regions
of Kinki and Shikoku, where also some end-rising intonation is
to be found, are marked by dotted lines slanted in the reverse
direction.
Even within the Kinki and Shikoku regions, however, there
are to be found localities where the end-rising tendency pre-
dominates against the prevailing dialectal climate; and in such
localities the general characteristic is the hard pitch.
The Chubu dialect region (6) has a hard-pitched intonation,
but shows no definite end-rising pattern. In the northwestern
parts of this region the final vowels of words and phrases are
prolonged and elevated. Thus we hear:
_ 'l - I'l
Mata shima-n na
(Let's do it again when we can.)
These sentences are broken up into segments by several caesuras
and each segment ends in a higher tone. We may call this a
suspension-pitch pattern. This pattern falls generally into the
category of the end-rising pattern; and the areas with this kind
of intonation are marked by lines slanted in the reverse direction.
The same pattern is to be found to some degree in the Ky6to
variation of the Kinki dialect. It is also to be found in the north-
eastern part of the Kinki region. In the northwestern areas
of the Chuibu region the pattern becomes almost as pronounced
as in the Kinki region itself. In these areas even the word ac-
cent bears some affinity to that of the Kinki. This is the case
also with an island off the northern coast.
The areas which comprehend the Kanto (7), T6hoku (8) and
Hokkaid6 (9) dialect regions all have a hard-pitched tonal into-
nation: some show also the end-rising pattern while others do
not. (See Map.) The area with a marked end-rising pattern
begins with the northeastern areas of the Kant6 dialectal region
and extends onward to the north.
Same-n toko d6zo agan-nasutte o-kun-nasai. [samentokodo:-
zoagan:astut:eokuin:asai]
156 Yoichi Fujiwara
(Please have some before it gets cold.)

This is a sample from the northeastern Kant6 dialectal region.
Watashi-wa keizai-o yattori-masu-kara. [wataSiwakeizaio-
jat:olimasukaka]
(Since I have majored in economics...)
The above example I myself heard in the southern area of the
T6hoku region. The speaker, a male adult, spoke to me in stan-
dard Japanese, but with a marked end-rising intonation which
seemed most natural to him.
Still further north, one may hear in the southeastern area
of the T6hoku region such an expression as the following:
A o-hayo-gasut. [a:ohajogasu:]... (8)

(Ah, yes, good morning.)
An example from the northeastern area of the Tohoku region:
Sottana koto yame-ro dea. [sot:anakotojame1odea]

(Stop that sort of thing.)
As an example of the northwestern area, we have:
Hayaku tabe-te ke-he ja. [hajaklutabetekehe3a]

(Please eat it at once.)
The fact that T6hoku and Kyuishui dialects, though so dif-
ferent in general, show the same end-rising pattern is worthy
of note. We have marked the T6hoku dialectal region, with
its own peculiar end-rising pattern, by wider spaced slanting
lines.
I have little to say about the Hokkaid6 dialectal region since
I have not as yet completed a survey of that region. However,
according to Mr. Teruo Hirayama and others, the accent pattern
of that region follows the general accent pattern of the T6hoku
dialect, so that the Hokkaid6 dialect may even be considered as a
near counterpart to the T6hoku. Since Hokkaid6 was but recent-
ly explored and settled, we may legitimately exclude it from our
dialectal study in the light of what we know of language evolu-
tion. We will conclude our dialect study with an account of the
T6hoku dialect.
In the previous discussion we presented the rise of tone at
the end of a sentence as one of the primary intonational char-
acteristics of the Japanese dialects. It is very natural that, inas-
much as a sentence expresses an appeal, end-rising should pre-
dominate, especially in a language like Japanese which has a
pitch accent. This is even more true of sentences in the inter-

rogative mood and those ending in cessationals. The end-rising
pattern comprehends not only the standard examples of this pat-
tern, but also such variants as those of the [ohajoahimasu] type.
We shall make no attempt in our study to account for these vari-
ations in terms of dialectal geography, but will be content to
study them as we find them.
We come now to another phenomenon of dialectal intonation
patterns. Though the end-rising pattern predominates in an
over-all view of the nation's dialects, it is possible to find also
in certain areas a definite end-falling intonation. These areas
are few but show a surprising consistency with one another and
so call for our attention.
This end-falling pattern is observed, for example, in the
western part of the Chuigoku dialect region, where such an ex-
pression as the previously quoted [ohajoahimasu] becomes:
[ohajoahimasu]
Compare [ahimasu] and [atimasu]. To the ear that has heard
the first, the second will register as markedly end-falling. In
this area sentences are generally spoken with a falling pitch so
that a distinctive end-falling pattern is discernible. These form
a remarkable contrast to the more usual rising pattern. The
contrast is all the more remarkable since the pattern is confined
to certain limited localities.
The distribution of this pattern of falling intonation is
shown by straight vertical lines on the map. Our survey of this
pattern is now only halfway completed so that the present data
is in need of further information and confirmation. That within
regions of end-rising pitch there should exist such localities in
which the end-falling pitch predominates is a problem worthy
of further study in an attempt to determine the causes of such
deviations.
So far we have studied two patterns of intonation in the
sentence expression of the Japanese dialects, one dominant and
the other limited. Now we will see that a further classification
of tonal patterns for each dialectal region is possible. We take
the sample case of Kawauchi-mura, a village in the mountains
southeast of Osaka which speaks the same Kinki dialect as
Osaka (5). We note the following variations:
a) A continuous high tone at the beginning of the sentence.
In this type of intonation pattern the first phonemes are high
pitched, as in the expression:
158 Yoichi Fujiwara
Aiso-nashi-dasu. [aisonaSidasu]
(Sorry for our poor hospitality.)
b) A continuous high tone at the end of the sentence.
This type of intonation pattern is marked by a continuous
high tone towards the end of the sentence, whether the begin-
ning of the sentence was high or low. For example:
So-de gozari-masu. [so:degozahimasu]

(That is so.)
c) A continuous high tone throughout the sentence.
The tonal height may be maintained from beginning to end
of the expression, as in the example:
S6-dak ka. [so:dak:a]

(Is that so?)
d) A continuous high tone in the middle of the sentence.
In this pattern a series of syllables in the middle of the
sentence will be expressed on a high tonal peak, as in the ex-
pression:
Doko-i tanomi-ni ik6 shira-n. [dokoitanominiiko:SiTanl]

Where should I go to ask for assistance?)
e) A tonal rise at the end of the sentence, as in:
Kinodokuna yo. [kinodokunajo:]

(Poor fellow! What a pity!)
f) A pattern of undulating tone as in:
Mo sendo tabe-ta. [mo:sendotabeta]

(I have eaten enough.)
2. Tempo
It has been observed that in the so-called soft-pitched dia-

lects -i.e., the Kinki and Shikoku dialects -the tempo of ex-
pression is moderate. Even in the hard-pitched Chuigoku dialect,
the farther southeast one goes, the more the tempo tends to be-
come relaxed, perhaps indicating an affinity between these dia-
lectal areas and the soft-pitched Kinki dialect region.
The regions characterized by a hard pitch naturally have a
more pressing tempo. This is in fine contrast to the slow, moder-
ate tempo of the soft-pitched dialects, where each vowel of an
open syllable is somewhat prolonged in actual expression. One
also observes that in the areas of hard-pitch intonation, where

the shift from low key to high is apt to be acute, the tempo of
the expression here too tends to be relaxed. Generally the
shorter or lower the undulation of pitch the quicker the tempo.
No further analysis of dialects in terms of tempo is pos-
sible.
3. Mode of expression
We will now consider the actual content of expressions met

with in the various dialects. So great a variety is to be found
that rather than try to sum up the matter with a few basic
principles, we will take a more practical approach and look first
of all at the ordinary, everyday words of greeting exchanged in
the various regions. Then we will look at some more special ex-
pressions.
Were we to attempt an exhaustive study of greetings, this
portion of our study would become far too lengthy. We will
give, therefore, only a few examples. We have collected from
various localities examples of the five types of daily greetings
greetings in the morning, in the evening, upon meeting, upon
leave-taking, expressing gratitude -in order to see how the ex-
pression is conceived for each occasion.
The first kind of greeting we will consider is that exchanged
by persons meeting each other in the morning. In the southern
part of the Kyashui dialect region is found this very unusual
greeting:
Kesa mada-jai-moshi-ta. [kesamada3aimo5ita]

(I haven't met you yet, sir.)
This is a strange contrast to the usual Japanese greeting
"O-hay6," literally, "Aren't you early?", "My, but you're early!"
In the same locality we find another greeting with the same
meaning as the above:
Kyo-a madaggoashi-td. [kjoamadag:oa5ita:]

Nearby islands of the same area have still another version:
Ky6-wa mekkari-m6sa-n. [kjo:wamek:ahimo:san]

(I haven't been met yet.)
which is the same as saying "I haven't had the pleasure of
meeting you yet."
In the northwestern area of the Chubu region we find an-
160 Yoichi Fujiwara
other unusual mode of expressing a morning greeting:
0-hi-n nari. [o9in:ali]...(6)

(Day is come.)
Literally this means "It has become day." Similar expressions
can be found in the Kyuishui, Chuigoku, and Shikoku dialects.
Various versions range from "O-hi-n nari-mashi-ta" and "O-hi-n
nari-mashi-ta ka" to "O-hi-n nari-asobase" and "O-hi-n nari-
asobashi-ta ka." The last two examples, from northwestern
Chuibu, are highly honorific in mood and idiom. In fact, these
expressions are archaic and can be found in classical records.
As a morning greeting, the benediction originally implied by
the English "Good morning" is a very fit and natural expression.
The nearest approximation of the Japanese to this is the "0-
hayo" greeting, which literally means "you are early." This
reference to the earliness of the morning is expressed throughout
the nation, though with varying shades of intonation and mood.
But when one says "O-hayo" or "O-hay5 gozai-masu," he states
only the earliness without reference to anything else. The earli-
ness does not modify or complete, nor is it the subject of the
statement. The expression does not specify what is early nor
what is done so early in the morning. This contrasts with the
English "Good morning," in which "good" is in modification of
the morning and is by itself a word of benediction. In the case
of the Japanese greeting, there is some evidence that the refer-
ence was originally present. In the eastern areas of the Kyuishui
dialect region (2) we find:
Hayo same-ta no. [ha josametano]

(You're up early.)
Here at least there is a suggestion that the earliness originally
had a point of reference and that the Japanese greeting does,
therefore, contain some concrete element.
Turning now to evening greetings, we find first of all in the
southern area of the Kyuishui dialect region such an expression
as:
Konnya adag-goashi-td. [koji:aadag:oaSita:]

(I have not met you yet this evening.)
This is very close to the usual Japanese greeting "Komban-wa."
In the western part of the central area of Kyuishui we find:
Ky6-wa y6-gozai-mashi-ta. [kjo:wajo:gozaima5ita]
which means literally: "It has been a fine day." 'In this case
the element of benediction is contained in the expression itself.
Another example, from northwestern Kyasha is:
Donata-sama-mo yoka ban-de-gozari-mashi-te. [donatasama-
mojokabandegozalima5ite:]
(Good evening is here, everybody.)
This too carries with it a sense of benediction.
Most universal of all evening greetings is "Komban-wa"
[kombanwa] and its variations. This is also the ordinary idiom
in the standard language of the nation. As with "O-hay3,"
"Komban-wa" is also an elision. It means "This evening" and
the phrase should rightly go on to make some statement about
the evening. In idiomatic greetings there is a definite tendency
to avoid complete expression. In a part of the northern area of
the Chuigoku dialect region (3) we hear:
Kombam-mo. [kombam:o]
(Tonight again... )
This is used only within a small and well-defined area. It is
interesting that the implication of "Good evening" in the Japa-
nese idiom can be expressed in two ways, as "Komban-wa" and
as "Kombam-mo." Both intimate that something is to follow
without actually saying what it is. The implication is different
in each case, controlled as it is by either wa or mo.
In some areas the evening greeting is "It has become eve-
ning," quite a different type of expression from "Komban-wa"
(Tonight is such and such). One greeting is definite in its ex-
pression, while the other is indefinite and allusive. In the To-
hoku dialect (8) we find the expression:
Ban narishi-te-gasu. [ban:ahi5itegasif]

(It has become evening. ..)
In the northern area of the Kinki dialect region (5) we hear:
Ban nari-mashi-ta. [ban:alima5ita]

(Evening has come.)
We can list other similar examples, chiefly from the northern
part of the Chfigoku dialect region.
Another variation of the evening greeting is "It is eve-
ning," also a definite, completed expression, though not of exactly
the same implication as the previous "Evening has come." In
the northern part of the Tohoku region (8) we hear:
162 Yoichi Fujiwara
0-ban-desiu. [obandesui:]
(It is evening...)
Note here the honorific prefix "o" that has been added to ban.
Such addition is not at all uncommon. Variants of the above
expression, "O-ban desu," are also to be found in the Hokkaid6
dialect region (9). In the Kant6 dialect (7) we find:
O-ban-de-gozansu. [obandegozansui]
(It is evening...)
A similar idiom is to be found in the Chubu dialect (6), while
east of the Chabu region this variation is of general occurrence.
In still another variation of the evening greeting, the word
ban (evening) is used as a verb. This is heard chiefly in the
Chuigoku dialect (3). In the mountainous area of the southern
part of the Chuigoku region we hear:
Ban ji-mashi-ta. [ban3imaSita]

(It has become evening.)
In the same locality we also hear:
Banji-mashi-te. [baia3imaSite]
There is some difference between these two: the first is a com-
pleted expression, the second is continuative and calls for some-
thing further to complete its meaning. The ,te ending is more
suggestive and is different from the other in concept and expres-
sion. Ban-jiru is an archaic idiom now falling into disuse, as
is also o-hiru ni naru.
Evening greetings include a variety of phrases and idioms
connected with the day's work. There are also greetings used
exclusively when one is calling on another in the evening.
We shall next consider the idioms with which one greets
visitors regardless of the time or purpose of the call. The sim-
plest greeting is "Hai" [ha:i:], which is widely used in the
western area of the Shikoku dialect region (4). This "Hdi"
may have the same implication as the English "Yes." We find
similar idioms in the T6hoku dialect region (8) as, for example,
"Ne" [ne:], "Nd" [na:] and others, which are used in the west-
ern part of this region. They are all used in the same sense as
the English "Yes." These exclamatory salutations used in ac-
knowledging a call are primitive and spontaneous in expression.
A further development of this kind of greeting uses mosu,
the honorific verb for "to say." Thus in the northern part of
the Kyuishui dialect region (2) we hear:
Moshi. [mo:Si]
(Say!)
The Kinki dialect (5) has similar expressions, while the T6hoku
dialect (8) especially abounds in them. In the northeastern part
of T6hoku, for example, we find:
M6shi. [mo:sui]
"Mono-wo mosu" (I say something ... to you), though now al-
most never used, was the classic salutation when paying a call in
former days. In the southern area of the Kinki dialect region
there is heard:
Mono m6. [monomo:]
This, however, is reportedly used only during the three cere-

monial days of the New Year's festivities. It is, in other words,
an expression reserved for special occasions of dignity and sig-
nificance. An archaic usage is thus preserved through such occa-
sional folklore. M6shi, in the example above, comes originally
from the verb mosu. Here it has become instead an interjec-
tional word of accosting. Thus mo-shi, the salutation used upon
calling, is to be considered as a transferred usage of this simple
expression of accosting.
In addition to those given above, there are many other words
and idioms used in salutation when calling upon another. Gener-
ally such salutations are a variety of the go-men nasai (allow
me) type. The expression implies "Please allow me to enter"
and the idiom is also found in the standard language. With re-
gard to the various dialects, there are no great local differences
as far as this series of idioms is concerned. Therefore we shall
disregard geographic distribution in our classification of the
various local variants of the idiom.
First we have:
Go-men nasare-mase. [gomen:asa1emase]... (3)

This is the most honorific form of the expression. Note that the
imperative ending mase of the auxiliary verb masu is a suffix.
In the examples that follow there are some which also have the
imperative ending. This is apparently a formula of expression
in this kind of greeting.
Go-men-shi-te tain. [gome.a5itetaina]... (8)
164 Yoichi Fujiwara
(Please forgive me.)

This is a variation of the gomen, shi-te kudasai type with the final
segment koudasai (lit: give me, favor me, etc.) replaced by a
dialectal equivalent. There are many kinds of such final-segment
equivalents in the various dialects. "Gomen kudasai" in the
standard language seems to be a contraction of "Go-men shi-te
kudasai" (Do me the favor of forgiving).
Go-men kudashokai. [gomepkudaSokai]... (2)

is a version slightly more politely stated and more archaic, but
still ending in the imperative.
Go-men-nasai-masho. [gomen:asaimaSo].. .(2)

ends in the future tense. It is perhaps close to "Shall I be ex-
cused..." and has also a slightly honorific tone.
Go-men-nashi-te. [gomen:a5ite].. .(2)

ends in an indefinite ending, leaving the predicate unstated. This
has the effect of insuring the suggestiveness, allusiveness, and
emotional coloration of the expression.
Go-men. [gome:n]...(5)
(Pardon.)
is a terse, single-word sentence, implying no continuation. This
represents a type of expression that is oriented towards succinct
immediacy of expression. Go was originally a prefix added to
already completed words to give honorific tone to both words
and the full expression, and thus to indicate respect for the
person addressed or the person referred to or else to express
the speaker's own modesty and prudence. Originally men had
the meaning of "pardon," "forgiveness," "exemption," "amnes-
ty." The union between go and men has been so firmly estab-
lished that the original separate senses of the words have been
forgotten. To insure the honorific envelope in which the expres-
sion is enclosed, people began to add still another honorific, the
prefix o, which is essentially equal to go, and we find the expres-
sion:
0-gomen. [ogomen]... (2)

In a similar expression of asking pardon, we find:
Go-shamen-nahare. [goSamen:aha1e]...(4)
Here instead of go-men, a more literary and formal word, go-
shamen, is used. We find also:
0-iroshass. [oi1oSaS:e:] ... (2)

This is a colloquial expression corresponding to the standard
o-yurushi nasai-mase (Please forgive me). The participial in-
definite ending of the verb yurusu (to pardon) is used.
Among the various possible expressions used for requesting
admission when calling upon a home is one in which the visitor
inquires if anyone is in. One version of "Oru-ka?" (Are you
in?) is:
Ojaro kai. [o3a1oka:i]... (7)
This is an example taken from Hachij6 Island in the Pacific Ocean

off the coast of the Kant6 dialect region. The expression is
interrogative. This kind of honorific expression is found in
several versions in the various dialects.
Oru-kae. [olukae] ... (2)

is an example with little honorific tone.
I-ta kai. [itaka:i].. (6)
is unusual inasmuch as it is in the past tense. Instead of saying

"Are you in?" it says "Were you in?" The past tense is widely
used in this context to the east of the Chabu dialect region, es-
pecially often in the T6hoku dialect region, which evidences
certain subtly distinctive dialectal traits.
While "Are you in?" and "Were you in?" are expressions
which focus attention upon the whereabouts of the receiving
family, another type of expression places stress upon where the
family should be.
O-chi-n-de-gozari-masu ka. [o:tSindegozahimasuka].. (3)

(Is it home where you are now?)
This expression has a highly honorific tone. Literally it asks
if it is home, where, of course, the host is expected to be; it
makes the subject of inquiry the place rather than the host.
0-chi - the residence, the home - becomes in the standard lan-
guage o-uchi.
Anta-n-de-gozai-masu. [antandegozaimasu]...(3)
is an example from the same locality. Its original literal mean-
ing was "It is your residence where you are, isn't it?" but the
interrogative ka has been absorbed into the stylization of the
166 Yoichi Fujiwara
whole idiom. The idiom has further been contracted to the form
of:
Antdan. [anta:n] . (3)

which is literally "Yours," the minimum and final remainder of
what was once an inquiry about the place. It is amazing that
this fragment should be used where "Hello, are you in ?" is really
meant.
There is still another similar type of expression. When the
visitor takes it for granted that the host is at home, he inquires
upon entrance whether the family has finished its meal, saying
"Have you eaten?" in place of "Hello!" This greeting is some-
what related to the hour of the call, since the time for meals is
more or less definite; yet the greeting has no direct reference
to time. The expression is:
Agara-shi-ta ka. [aga1a5itaka]... (6)

Agaru is an indirect, and therefore honorific, word signifying
"to eat."
A still stranger form of greeting is:
Arigato-ganshi-ta. [aHigatoganlita] ... (3)

(It was nice of you.)
The words of gratitude are substituted for words of greeting.
Perhaps the acquaintance because of the state of intimate co-
operation and mutual obligations he enjoys with the host elimi-
nated the formal apology upon entrance and he was content to
say "thanks" in general reference to whatever the host may have
done for him.
Turning now to words of leave-taking after a call, we find
that one of the most widely-used types of expression for such
idioms is the say6-nara-ba type. It means originally in its full
context "if that is the case," "now that," "if it is . . . appropriate
and fit ... " and anticipates the conclusion "I must be taking
leave of you." Thus it is a conditional clause with the main
statement implicit and merely suggested. It is an interesting
fact that this adverbial conditional element became the re-
presentative symbol of the entire statement and is now used as
a complete self-sufficing expression. "Sayo-nara" is thus a com-
plete statement by itself, both proper and brief, which can be
used for any leave-taking. It is the ordinary idiom in the stan-
dard language, while many variations of it are to be found in the
dialects.
Sainara. [sain-ala] ... (8)

is an example from the T6hoku dialect region. If the minute
differences in phonetic and intonational particulars are ignored,
this is the version most universally prevalent among the nation's
dialects. Generally all the idioms, without regard to their ety-
mological and literal incompleteness or to whether they are
contractions or not, assume the complete tonal expression re-
quired for each greeting.
Saina. [saina]... (6)

and
Sara. [sa1a]... (2)

are some radical contractions which nevertheless have complete
tonal expression.
While sayo-nara-ba is archaic, its derivative sayJ-nara is
thoroughly modern and current. Similar to the modern sayo-
nara are:
Soind. [soina:]... (2)
Sonnard. [son:ala:]... (2)

The latter glides into "Honnara," "Hunnd," or even to "Nna"
and in the T6hoku dialect we hear "Hondara."
Very much like the above say6-nara-ba is the archaic sara-
ba also in the conditional mood. Sara-ba was originally sa-ra-ba,
meaning literally "if it is so," and it is used for taking leave
after an encounter. The dialectal variations of this type are
"Samba" and:
Amba i. [ambai:]...(8)
This idiom has a cessational suffix in order to complete the ex-
pression. "Amba" and "Aba" are both widely prevalent in the
T6hoku dialect region. "Aba" is found in the Kant6, Chfubu,
Kinki, and Chuigoku dialect regions. An example from the
Chuibu region is:
Aba e. [abae:].. (6)

There are many occasions in the T6hoku region when the
archaic mazu (firstly, first of all) is substituted for sayonara.
Mazui. [mandzii:]... (8)

is heard in the southeastern area of the region, and is rather
168 Yoichi Fujiwara
widely used in the T6hoku region in general. The same word is

also pronounced mantsu [mantsui] or repeated as mazu-mazu.
The scara-ba type and the mazu type and even the sayJ-nara type
all share one characteristic: they are all in the conditional mood
in their original conception.
In contrast to this type of expression, whose actual contents
are unexpressed because of elision and contraction, there is ano-
ther type of expression which gives a content but fails to give
a context. Thus:
O-my6-nichi. [omjo:nitsii].. .(8)
means literally "tomorrow" and is often heard in the T6hoku

region. The Shikoku region (4) also yields some examples of
this kind. In the Chfibu region we hear the expression:
Ahita yd. [a9itaja:] ... (6)

in which my&nichi is replaced by the colloquial vernacular ashita,
giving the expression a dialectal phonetic tinge. With both myo-
nichi and ashita the word "tomorrow" is used to imply that the
day is done for today.
In another formula from the T6hoku region, "later on" is
used instead of "tomorrow." In both cases the formulae imply
the wish to meet again later.
Instead of referring to "tomorrow" or "later on," some
idioms of leave-taking refer to "now" (ima). For example:
Imma yo. [im:ajo:].. (4)

This says only "now it is." This particular expression is used
in Shikoku by school children when they part on their way home.
The defined time "now" seems to intimate a mood of anticipation,
which is common to children. Psychologically speaking there is
not much difference between "tomorrow" or "later" and "now."
Salutations for leave-taking from a household include the "I
will come back again" type, most of which are complete in ex-
pression and not quite established as set phrases, so that anyone
can readily improvise his own variations, depending upon the
circumstances of his particular departure. Dialectal versions of
such expression are, for example:
Mata mairi. [matamaili]

taken from the Chfigoku region (3), and:
Imma goanso. [im:agoanso]
which is from the southern area of the Kyushu region (2). It

means "I will come again" but it uses ima (now) in place of
mata (again).
-Mata mekkari-mos6o. [matamek:alimo:so:]

is heard in the southern islands of the Kyushu region.
If the latter portion of the expression that begins with mata
is elided, the expression shifts its focus and mata becomes the
primary substance of the phrase, and we have:
Mata na. [matana]

(Again!)
which is a formula similar to that of Imma y3.
Another set of expressions similar to the "I will come back
again" type is the "Then, I am going" type. On a certain island
of the Inland Sea in the Kinki dialect region (5) is heard:
Ina- yo. [ina:jo:]

(I am leaving)
The host replies:
Ine- yo. [ine:jo:]

(Please leave.)
Examples of this kind are found often in other dialects as well.
It is customary in some places to leave with some explicit
benediction or words of well-wishing when one bids farewell.
Although of many kinds, these expressions are very much limited
with regard to distribution and use.
Many dialects have as a common formula for departure the
wish for a good rest. We find in the western islands of the
Kyashti region:
Ikoan-share. [ikoanla1e]...(2)
(Please do rest.)
This uses a dialect version of the archaic verb ikou. By wishing
good rest one shows tender concern for the host and his family
in a way that is not shown by the phrase say5-nara, which makes
no actual reference to the host's well-being.
Yasuma-nshi ya. [jasumanSija:]

is an example from the northern islands of the Chuibu region (6),
and in the southeastern area of the same region we hear:
Yasum-mashi y6. [jasum:aSijo:]
170 Yoichi Fujiwara
These two examples, although they appear to be similar, are ac-

tually quite different. The first example is formed by suffixing
an honorific auxiliary verb nshi to the imperfect ending of the
verb yasumu, while the second is formed by adding another auxi-
liary verb, mashi, to the infinitive ending of the same verb.
The go-men-nasai (pardon me, etc.) type is universally used
also as a parting phrase. This expression is of more or less high
taste but lacks local color.
Go-men-yasu. [gomenjasu]
is an example from the Kinki region (5).
It is interesting to contrast the above expressions with those
used by the host to his departing guest. We find, for example,
the following two examples:
D6zo o-shizukani. [do:zooSidzukani]...(2)

(Please do be quiet; Do not bother. etc.)
Sunzukani. [siindziikani].. .(8)

(ditto)
These are equivalent to saying "go in peace." A variation of
this is:
0-michi y6. [omitSijo:]... (6)

(Wish you good way home...)
which is found in the northeastern areas of the Chubu region.
This expression is again a benediction covering the guest's return
home, particularly meaningful to the journeyer who is far from
home.
Though interesting to study, these salutations of the host
upon the departure of his guest are not very unusual in their
mode of expression. The kinds and variations of these seem to
fall into a number of simple human expressions that come natu-
rally to the lips in such situations.
Next we discuss phrases expressing gratitude. As a basic
and universal type, we have the word arigato or the politer ari-
gatW-gozai-masu. Both of these have echoes in the dialects.
ArigatJ (thank you) is composed of ari (to exist), a verb, and
the adjective katai. Literally the meaning is that the gift or
the favor bestowed was scarcely to be expected and is of no ordi-
nary consequence. By stressing the unexpectedness of the favor,
the speaker is able to express his evaluation and appreciation of
it. This kind of expression finds many variants in the dialects,
as, for example, the following, found in the western Chugoku

region (3):
Arigato-ari-masu. [aligatoalimasu]
Here ari-masu replaces gozai-masu.
Arigato-gansu. [a}ioatooansii:] ... (8)

is an example from the T6hoku dialect region.
Very similar to the above expressions and yet somewhat dif-
ferent are phrases using tae-gatai (hard to bear, to be obliged).
In the westerly areas of the Chugoku region we find:
O-taigat6-gansu n6. [otaigato:gansuno:]...(3)

whose original meaning might have been "How overwhelming is
your kindness" or "You oblige me beyond all deserts." These are
used mostly by elderly people.
Phrases using the word medetai more directly express the
sentiment of gratitude, as in the following example from the
Chugoku region:
Mentashi. [mentaSi] ... (3)

I heard this in the islands of the Inland Sea, spoken by an old
man filled with joy and gratitude. Mentashi is an archaic varia-
tion of medetai, meaning "auspicious," "celebrated." It is inter-
esting to note that such an expression of joy and felicity should
be used as an expression of gratitude.
Words of praise are also used to express gratitude. I my-
self heard the following expression on a.northern island of the
Chubu region:
Dekashi-mashi-ta. [dekaSimaSita] ... (6)

This means literally "You have done well." Here words of ac-
knowledgement and encouragement are used as an expression
of gratitude.
To such phrases as arigato or arigat6-gozai-masu are often
prefixed adverbs of degree, such as oki-ni (greatly). Sometimes
these expressions become so contracted that only the prefix re-
mains. This phenomenon is very prevalent in the Kinki region
and elsewhere.
Oki-ni. [o:kini]
is an example from the Kinki dialect (5) and means literally

"greatly," and there are variants of this to be found in other
172 Yoichi Fujiwara
localities, such as
Oke-ni. [o:keni]
Dan-dan is another example of an adverbial survival of an ex-

pression no longer used. Dan means originally "step" or "stage";
repeated it is used as an adverb signifying "more and more" or
"again and again" or "over and over," expressions stressing
degree. Originally there seems to have been a phrase something
like dan-dan arigatW-gozai-masu (you are obliging me ever
more and more) of which today only dan-dan remains to carry
the entire meaning. This kind of elision is a very common oc-
currence in Japanese.
Dan-dan. [dandai4] ... (3)

is an example from the Chiugoku region. The adverb dan-dan
was originally an archaic expression, and it survives in these
idioms of gratitude in the western dialects but not in the eastern.
Even in the western, the longer expression of which it formed
a part is no longer heard.
Danda arigato-gozai-mashi-ta. [dandaaHigatogozaimaSita]

is an example from the northern area of the Chuigoku region, in
which dan-dan still preserves the function and position of the
original adverbial phrase, though it has been worn down to the
present danda.
There are many other cases of adverbs now performing for
the entire expression of which they were originally only a part.
There are many such reduced idioms whose completed expression
can no longer be reconstructed, among them many phrases of
gratitude used in the various dialects.
In addition to the five ordinary kinds of greetings we have
considered above, a few not so ordinary may be of interest to the
student of folklore. In the southern area of the Kinki region,
for example, we have the following inquiry of health:
Non-da ka n6. [nondakano:]. .. (5)

(Have you enjoyed drinking?)
which explicitly asks if the person addressed has had good drink-
ing, that is, whether he has been in sufficiently good health to
enjoy his drink. I have been told that in the western part of
the Shikoku region (4) people say:
0-cha-demo o-nomi-nasai-mashi-ta ka (Have you had some
tea or something?) the meaning of which is "You must have
been lonely all this while."

The more cases of this kind we encounter, the more con-
vinced we are of the vividness and originality of these dialectal
expressions, a vividness and originality often far beyond expecta-
tion. Especially unexpected are those expressions which stem
from myth and superstition.
In expression of gratitude for kind hospitality and assis-
tance, there are two contrasting phrases in use, o-sewa-ni nari-
mashi-ta and o-sewa-ni nari-mashi-te. They differ in the ending
of the final verb. The first ends in ta, the perfect and conclusive
mood, whereas the latter ends with the auxiliary particle te,
which does not conclude the expression but rather leaves the
audience up in the air and the expression suspended or dis-
continued. Though the difference in the expressed form is so
small, it involves a fundamental and basic difference in the mood
of expression of these two variations.
Before we leave our present discussion of greetings, let us
turn our attention for a moment to certain characteristics of a
group of special expressions in an attempt to trace the evolution
of these expressions.
A special expression, in the sense in which we use the phrase,
is a grammatical peculiarity not in conformity with the general
vein of standard Japanese and also different from the ordinary
modes of dialectal expression. Unusual as such an expression is
in its constituent elements, it is even more unusual in the over-
all pattern of its expression.
There are many varieties of dialectal phenomena that must
be placed into this category. But however different and unusual
these expressions may be when compared to expressions now in
use in the standard language, they are nevertheless a substantial
part of Japanese taken as a whole. Though apparently irregu-
larities, study reveals them to represent in actuality the diversity
of patterns of expression to be found in the Japanese language.
Thus these phenomena, thought to be irregularities of expression
when judged by the norm of the standard language, turn out to
be not irregularities at all, but rather legitimate and regular con-
stituent elements of the totum of the Japanese language. To
give greater study to these special expressions is therefore to
delve more deeply into the study of the expression of the Japa-
nese language as a whole.
The first type of these expressions is imperative in mood.
In the standard language commands are expressed by the impera-
tive. Consider the example koi, which means "Come !" The
174 Yoichi Fujiwara
universally spoken kotchi-e koi (Come here!) is an ordinary ex-

pression without any nuance of either dignity or politeness. But
in the dialects the imperative mood is often expressed in a wide
variety of irregular forms which differ from those of the stan-
dard language. We have, for instance:
Agatte ko. [agat:eko:]... (4)

Instead of the ordinary imperative ending, the verbal ko is a
future ending. The use of the future is preferred perhaps be-
cause of its greater softness and its greater indirection than the
blunt koi. It even carries a certain air of delicacy in asking for
a thing or an action. Under the surface of the expressed word,
one can see the latent psychological desire to make the demand
sound less harsh, more in the nature of an exposition than an
imposition. The above example was found in the Shikoku region
where this type of expression abounds. The same type is found
to a certain degree in the Kyfishfi region. But in Chfigoku and
Kinki I have been unable to uncover any examples. A consider-
able number of such usages have also been found in Chfibu and
the area east thereof. From the southern area of Chuibu we
have:
Motte k6. [mot:eko:]... (6)

(Bring it here.)
From the northeastern Kanto region we have:
Kotchi-sa ko. [kot:Sisako:]... (7)

The following is found widely in the T6hoku region:
Kotcha ko. [kot:Sako:]... (8)

There may be some difference in degree of politeness and respect
between the examples taken from the western half of the country
and those taken from the eastern.
Another special way of expressing a command without using
the imperative is the following:
Agatta ya. [agat:aja]...(4)

(Come up.)
By this expression one bids another step up into one's home with-
out using the verb agaru in its imperative ending, which would
be agare. Instead an auxiliary verb with perfect tense, ta, is
suffixed to the verb-ending, i.e. aga (ri). Thus the imperative
is expressed by an operative speech-syllable, agatta. In this
present example the ending particle ya is also added. Such an

imperative usage is far less direct and pressing than the ordinary
imperative form. Similar examples may be found in the Shikoku
region, from which this one was taken, and in the Chuibu region.
The two types of indirect imperative expressions we have
considered show that there is a tendency to avoid direct com-
mands. We find this same indirection in the case of prohibi-
tions. In the Kinki region we hear, for instance:
Ake-tara aka-n. [aketa1aakan]...(5)

The counterpart for this in the standard language is ake-te-wa
ike-nai, so that the above example has a grammatical structure
very similar to that of the standard expression. In the stan-
dard language, however, very often the direct prohibition akeru
na (do not open) is used.
There are other examples of indirect prohibitions used to
soften the tone of the expression, such as:
Agaru-de ne. [aga1udene:]... (7)

(Don't come up.)
Sun-de ne z6. [sundene:zo:].. .(8)

(Don't do it.)
In the dialectal versions, suru-de nai (there is no doing it, etc.)
is substituted for the direct prohibition suru na (don't do, etc.).
Still another such expression comes from the southeastern part
of the T6hoku region. In this area is heard ko-nen-de gasu, say-
ing literally "there is no coming" and meaning "Do not come."
In one way this expression is parallel to the agatta variety men-
tioned above, i.e., in which the perfect tense is used as a sub-
stitute for a directly imperative form. Were the expression to
end with the ordinary declarative ending, it might still strike
the ear rather harshly. Therefore the honorific word gasu is
suffixed to moderate the directness of the demand, a delicate ex-
pressional device.
Let us look at further examples. In the Kinki region we
find:
Mise-ni ima i-teru. [miseniimaiteu] ... (5)

(He is now at the shop.)
Here i-teru has been substituted for the ordinary iru. I-teru is
made up of two elements i-te and iru, both forms of the verb
"to be." This is a rather odd combination, but it is a favored
176 Yoichi Fujiwara
expression in the Kinki dialect. The psychological motivation

behind the expressions seems to be that one feels more definite
about the act of being if the word is formulated in this way.
I-tert defines more definitely the circumstances of the presence
of the person referred to.
In the Chfigoku region we hear:
Hiyeru-n-ga yare-mase-n. [9ijeluDgaja1emasen]... (3)

(I can hardly stand the chill.)
Here yare-mase-n or the less honorific yare-n is used. In both
cases yareru is negated by the negative auxiliary verb n. Yareru,
which means originally "can do" or "can be done," is used to
mean "should not do," "must not do," and comes also to mean
"is doing no good," "I can't stand it." It is unusual for verbs
to be used only in a negative context. Among other dialects too
this usage of a verb in the negative only is extremely irregular
and worthy of special notice. When a less polite verb is so used
to express a negative idea, it achieves something of a humorous
effect and a certain peculiar emotional overtone.
In the Shikoku region, for the affirmative response "That is
realy so!" or "Indeed," one hears:
Chigai-nai. [tSigainai] . .. (4)

said with a nod, and meaning "without mistake, no discre-
pancy."
In the Kyuishui dialect is the expression .. . shi-kiru (do com-
pletely) meaning . . . ga dekiru . . . is able to do). In the south-
ern area of the same region is heard:
T6i-ga natto ya. [to:iganat:oja]...(2)

Instead of saying merely "it is passable," the expression says
"the passing is possible." The expression of possibility is un-
usual here inasmuch as it is effected with a noun.
Thus through a consideration of these special modes of ex-
pression we come to understand the elasticity and variety of the
Japanese language.
4. Phonetic expression
We now consider the phonetic features of dialectal expres-

sion. Our problem will be to discover how the psychological
thought process and grammatical structure incorporated in dia-
lectal modes of expression, are complemented and even high-
lighted by phonetic elements. We will also seek to determine the

basic types of phonetic phenomena to which all others may be
reduced.
In the study of phonetic phenomena the concluding portion
of sentences and phrases is of principal concern. This is only
natural since it is this final portion that carries the impetus of the
sentence's appeal. In Japanese an imperative expression has the
predicate verb at the end of the sentence, so that the last word
bears the brunt of the imperative force. This final imperative
verb is capable of a wide variety of phonetic expression.
A universal imperative ending common to both the stan-
dard language and the dialects is kudasai, as in shite kludasai.
Kudasai (literally: "give it down, give me, do me the favor", in
honorific tone) is the predicate verb of a sentence with an imper-
ative ending. Originally the verb was kudasare, but re has
changed into i, perhaps in order to soften the stark imperative.
This is one case of subtle phonetic expression.
case of subtle phonetic expression.
In the southeastern areas of the T6hoku dialect region we
hear:
Yon-de ku-nain. [jondekunain]... (8)

(Please read it to me.)
Here there is further added to the imperative equivalent i[i] the
suffix [D].2 In the general locality from which the above example
has been taken, [iij] is widely used as the imperative ending.
Through this ending in [ii] the imperative expression acquires a
certain softness and delicacy. In other words, the [iyj] ending is
a phonetic embodiment of the good taste and consideration of
the speaker in making his otherwise harsh-sounding demands.
In the case not only of the T6hoku dialect but of all the
dialects in general, whenever the sound of [yj] is appended to an
expression, this expression seems to acquire a certain softness
and grace. Some examples of this kind of addition are:
Amba en. [ambaen].. .(8)

(So long!)
Ika-n kan. [ikaukan].. (4)

(Won't you go? Aren't you coming?)
2 i [i] is actually an imperative ending of an auxiliary verb suffixed

to the main verb. Auxiliary verbs, in these cases, can be regarded as peri-
phrastic endings of the verbs to which they are suffixed.
178 Yoichi Fujiwara
In the northwestern part of the Shikoku region, from which the

last example above has been taken, ika-n kan is considered milder
and politer than the imperative ikan ka. This shows the differ-
ence made by the addition of the n [if].
We found in the southern Kyuisha dialect region:
Kocchi ojan. [kot:Si:o3an] ... (2)

(Come here! Come this way!)
In this case the predicate verb ojaru (whose imperative ending
is ojare) comes at the end of the sentence with a final n [n]. In
the previous cases n [n] was suffixed to the end, but in this case
the ending is transformed into a n [n] sound. At any rate, whe-
ther it be an addition or a shift, the ending is commonly with
the [n] sound. This ojan ending too may show the psychological
aversion to abrupt imperatives and the preference for a milder
tone of expression. Other phenomena parallel to this n [n] shift
of ojan are found in the region and the very expression ojan is
found also in other areas such as the southwestern part of the
Chuibu dialect region.
This phenomenon which we have called "phonetic expres-
sion" is to be found not only at the end of sentences but even
in the middle. For example:
Itsu-mo ha mend6 kake-te. [itsiimoha'mendo:kakete].. .(8)

(Sorry, for always giving you so much trouble.. . )
This introduces the interjection ha[ha] widely prevalent in the
T6hoku region and peculiar to this area. When placed into the
middle of a sentence or phrase it seems to raise considerably the
tone and tension of the expression. In other words, a sentence
of this kind finds its stability and poise by the insertion of such
a climactic interjection. In this particular example, the inter-
jection's functional role, its effectiveness as phonetic expression,
is felt very strongly.
In the central area of the Kyasha dialect region people dis-
tinguish the use of anta [a-nta] and dta [a ta] (you). When
one begins a statement concerning the second person singular
with anta [a-nta], there is very little honorific implication and it
is as if the speaker were looking down upon the person addressed.
If the statement begins with ata [a:ta], however, the degree of
honorific value rises and the expression becomes polite and even
elegant. This slight shift in phonetics causes a great shift in
mood of expression. Incidentally, in standard Japanese the pre-
ferred forms for the second person singular are anaota [anata]
and anta [ianta], the second being somewhat less formal and
honorific than the first.
As a rule, therefore, any slight phonetic shift in any part
of the sentence occasions a corresponding shift in the tone of
expression.
Linked Sentences
1. Introduction
A unit of expression consisting of two sentences linked to-

gether is here considered to be a "linked sentence." Much study
is still to be done concerning the manner in which sentences in
the dialects are fitted together into a complete body of expres-
sion. Here we shall study linked sentences consisting of two
component sentences, but as part of the larger problem of sen-
tence collocation in general.
It seems to be especially true of dialectal expression that in
daily speech the two-sentence link is very frequently to be found
in conversational interchanges. Even when such interchange
continues for a considerable length, the dialogue will often be
found to break up into consecutive pairs of linked sentences. The
first sentence will anticipate the second, but not the third; while
the third may join itself to the second, ignoring the relationship
of the second to the first. This process results in an unexpected
turn of topical development. In short, in a dialectal monologue
or dialogue any sentence in a given series of sentences will be
consistent only to the immediately preceding sentence. For this
reason our study of sentence relationships must center upon
linked sentences.
The study of linked sentences is but an expansion of our
study of sentence expression in the previous section. Just as
elements of one sentence are held together by a unity of force
and expression, so also are the component sentences of a linked-
sentence unit held together by a similar unity. The inevitable
link binding these sentences together is almost as functional as
it is unifying: it integrates the component sentences into an
organic expression. Upon the reception of the initial sentence,
the second is anticipated as its expansion or protraction. In
other words, the first sentence presupposes the second for the
wholeness of the expression.
180 Yoichi Fujiwara
Dialogue is one type of linked sentences. Here the speaker

is answered and the two statements are so closely reciprocal that
they constitute one integrated expression. We will bypass for
the moment this type of linked sentence and go on to another in
which instead of reciprocation there is but a single direction.
Two kinds of linked sentences manifest themselves in the
dialects, what we may call sentences with "complementary link-
age" and those with "progressional linkage."
Here we must state that there is no kind of linkage that is
peculiar to a given unit of dialect. Almost all the various kinds
of linked sentences find their counterparts in other dialects else-
where, thus making it unnecessary to carry on our discussion in
terms of dialect regions. Accordingly, we shall consider the
various types of linkage found in all the dialects of the language
without any special reference to the locality or dialect in which
they are found. This does not mean that we are leaving off our
study of dialects, even though the same or a parallel study of
linkage could be made of the standard language. Our study
covers only the case of dialects and our results are obtained by
faithfully observing the dialects in their daily use.
2. Complementary or supplementary linkage
There is a kind of linked sentence which is often considered

to be rather an inverted sentence with the subject placed after
the predicate. Consider, for instance, the following example
taken from the Kyuishui dialect region:
Tabya do shi-ta noyo. Omaya. [tabjadoSitanojo. omaja].. .(2)

(What happened to the socks? I'm talking about you.
What did you do with your socks?)
The expression could be put also this way:
Omaya tabya do shi-ta noyo.

Put in such a way the expression is confined to a single sentence
in which omaya is a speech-syllable acting as subject of the sen-
tence. In the example, however, omaya is placed outside of the
sentence which has been nominally completed and concluded. We
are tempted to call this inversion. But is it really? What do
we mean when we say that a sentence is in inverted order?
When we say this, what do we take to be standard order? Ob-
viously, the second expression above: Omaya tabya do shi-ta
noyo. But this is a mistake. The example under discussion,
tabya ... omaya, is a self-sufficing, independent unit of expres-

sion and refuses to be reduced or subjected to any other. It
demands to be taken and observed as it is. "Tabya do shi-ta
noyo. Omaya" is not a substitute for "Omaya tabya do shi-ta
noyo" or any other possible alternative. The expression stands
in this sequence of words, and only in this order and context;
the inevitable and natural externalization of its substance finds
its expression in only this one way. This is the way the idea
took form into words and it should not be considered as an in-
version of anything else. Thus "Tabya do shi-ta noyo" is one
complete sentence in itself. The fact that a cessational, noyo,
definitely concludes the sentence with its explicit force of appeal
stands witness to this. The second sentence consists of one word,
omaya, itself a word of accosting and appeal. "Omayya" is not,
therefore, the grammatical subject of the preceding sentence
added in afterthought or in inverted order. These sentences
are rather two sentences linked so inseparably and enjoying so
reciprocal a relationship that the whole is in danger of being
conceived as a single sentence with the subject placed at the
end. That is to say, this type of linked sentence has so tight
a linkage that it gives the impression of being a single sentence
with an inverted subject.
We can find these tightly linked sentences in any of the
dialects. The following example is from the southern part of
the Chagoku dialect region:
Nan-tomo nyd. Agaru-n-ga. [nantomone:. agatuDga].. (3)

(Nothing hinders you? To come up.)
In the northwestern area of the Chuibu region we hear:
Mi-sashi-ta ka. Minna. [misaSitaka. min:a]... (6)

(Have you seen? Everybody!)
The following is an example from the northern area of the T6-
hoku region:
_/
Nambo-dd. Toshi. [namboda:. toSi:].. (8)
(How much? Your age!)
These examples, ordinarily considered as inversions, are real-
ly supplementary or complementary expressions. That is to say,
the second sentence is added to supplement the first, in further
development of its idea.
One form of this supplementary linkage is that in which the
second sentence appears to be an inverted modifier, usually ad-
182 Yoichi Fujiwara
verbial. We have the following example from southern Kyushu:
Aich6-ga nd. Nambo-den. [aitSo:gana:. namboden]...(2)

(Unoccupied. As many as you can have.)
The expression refers to such things as seats in a train, etc. The
same idea could be expressed by the sentence Nambo-den aich3-
ga na. In this case na,mbo-den is a speech-syllable in adverbial
modification. In the example above, however, aich&-ga nd is
complete by itself (notice the cessational nd) ; the second sen-
tence develops the expression with supplementary information of
quantity and has an independent predicative standing of its own.
Looked at narrowly it may seem to be an inverted adverb tacked
on to the previous sentence, whereas in actual fact it is a sentence
linked with supplementary linkage. Similar examples from other
regions are:
Majime-da. Honni. [ma3imeda. hon:i]... (3)

(Serious he is. Really.)
Hyoban-jatta-gurai yo. Totemo-nai-koto. [9jo:ban3at:agu

jo. totemonaikoto]... (5)
(Was much talked about. Very much.)
Aryd nomi-sugi-da yo. Kittoni. [aUja:nomisuDidajo. kit:oni]

.. (6)
(It's his over-drinking. No doubt.)
The second type of linked sentence is one in which the
second expression is somewhat more complex, though still sup-
plementary to the first. Consider the following example from
the southern part of the T6hoku dialect region:
Taihen-datta ne. Konnani moratte. [taihendat:ane:. kon:ani-

m~ofaf:e:]. ..(8)I
(Must have been something. Given so much...)
- a parent's words to a child who brought home a quantity of
gifts. The second sentence ends in te, which is an inconclusive
ending that leaves the expression open for further addition. If
we reverse the order of the sentences and join them, we have
"Konnani moratte, taihen-datta ne" in which moratte anticipates
the conclusion in sense as well as form. In the present example,
however, the subordinate element is given the independent status
of a sentence, and yet is kept in tight linkage to the preceding
sentence and supplements it.
Another example from the same region is:
Dame-da-bet cha. Sonna koto shi-te. [damedabet:Sa. son:a

kotoSite]. ..(8)
(That's wrong. You should do such a thing...)
Here too we find a second sentence ending in te.
Contrasting with these are linked sentences in which the
second sentence is concessive to the first, supplying the condition
equivalent to the English "even though. ..," "no matter what
," etc. Here is an example from the Shikoku region:
Shira-n j6. Mo de-tatte. [Silan3o:. mo:detat:e]... (4)

(I won't care a bit. Should it have left already.)
In other examples the second sentence intimates a condition
to the information given in the first, as in the following from the
Chagoku region:
Icchi mi. Yetto aru-ke. [it:Simi:. jet:oakuke:] ... (3)

(Go and see. You'll find them a lot.)
(As I assure you that there are lots of them, do go and see.)
Sometimes the condition contained in the second sentence
can be expressed in English by "since there is. . .," "because. . ,,"
all given as supplementary information. Here is an example
from the Chuibu region:
Yowatta neya. Kome motte ko-nya. [jowat:aneja. komemo-

t:ekojia] . .(6)
(I am stuck. Since you failed to bring rice.)
(Too bad you didn't bring rice along.)
A similar example from southern Kyusha is:
Yo-mo chig6 mon-ja. Nago iki-chore-ba. [jomotSigo:moi3a.

nago: ikitSokeba] . .. (2)
(What a different world. If one lives long enough...)
(How the world changes, if one lives long enough to see it.)
- elder folks deploring the wastefulness of the younger genera-
tion.
In conclusion, we may say that supplementary linkage binds
the two expressions so closely together that they give the im-
pression of being a single sentence with a grammatical inversion.
In some cases the two sentences are not so closely bound together
as in others. Consider the following example from the Chagoku
region:
184 Yoichi Fujiwara
Shi-te morawa-nYa ike-mase-n. Sh5doku-wa yg.
[Sitemolawajiaikemaseln. So:dokuwaio:]... (3)

(We've got to have it done. Sterilization of tools,)
Here the linkage is slight and the tension of the expression taken
as a whole is low. Notice that the cessational is not in the first
sentence but in the second. This gives the impression that the
expression is but a single sentence ending in an ordinary ces-
sational with ordinary tonal fluctuation. The force of expression
here is considerably low.
Changing our point of view, we may also say that the fact
that the second sentence is so flat and of such low tension indi-
cates the progressional nature of the entire expression. The
second sentence is added as an afterthought; it is not in a sus-
pended, tension-building sequence of expression that looks back-
wards as well as forwards.
MyOto-mitaina wake nyCt. Yut-to nyd. [mjo:tomitainawake

jia:. -ju:tojia:] . (6)
(Man and wife, in a way. So to speak.)
This is an example from the Chabu region in which the second
sentence has the cessational nyd added to yit-to, a simple modify-
ing idiom. The cessational nyt in the second sentence emphasizes
the similarity of sentence conclusion in the two sentences. This
is a clear indication that these two sentences are in a natural and
progressional order.
3. Progressional linkage
This category includes all linked sentences not included in

the previous one. Progressional linkage is found wherever the
second sentence is a logical conclusion to the first, in sense and
form, or else implies a consequence to the first. This type may
include sentences in which the first is an interjection flowing
over naturally into the second; it may include also sentences in
which the second is substantially a repetition of the first.
In the first kind of progressionally linked sentences we con-
sider, the first sentence is an exclamation whose expressional
force is carried over into a second sentence. The following is an
example from the northeastern area of the Kyuishui dialect re-
gion:
Aryal. Nese-chi kaki-yord. [aUja:. neSetSikakijo1a:]... (2)
(Look. He is writing with his pen held vertically.)

Here the spontaneous expression arya (look!) evolves naturally
into the second.
A second type of progressionally linked sentences has as its
first sentence an independent "Yes" or "No." For example:
Hai. Wakari-mashi-ta. [hai. wakahimaSita]... (6)

(Yes. I understood... I will do it.)
This sentence is found quite often in the eastern part of the
Chfibu region, but seldom anywhere else. In this example suf-
ficient pause must be made after the Hai to insure its indepen-
dence as a sentence. Otherwise it is absorbed into the second
sentence; it becomes merely the initial portion of another sen-
tence.
A third type of the progressionally linked sentence is dis-
covered in the following example from the southwestern area of
the T6hoku region:
N6. Tamage-ta chd. [no:. tamaDetatSa:]... (8)

(Say. Was I surprised!)
Here the regular cessational no is independent and spoken with
emotional charge, while the second expression develops out of
the first.
In another type the first component is a somewhat more
complex exclamation calling for completion by a second sentence,
as in the example:
Hate na. Hari-ga wakaru-da na.
[ha:tena:. hafigawaka1udana:] ... (3)

(Strange. They seem to see the hook.)
-talking about the fish that wouldn't bite.
HJte na, an expression of wonder, is an established idiom of ex-
clamatory nature. Here again the first expression leads into the
second. Similar examples are:
Otte-. So- Yo. [ot:e:. so:jo:] ... (3)

(Yes. That is so, that is so.)
Oiya. Shanja shanja. [oija. San3aSanpa]... (6)

(Oh yes. That is so, that is so.)
An,--koto-da. D6-dattai nd. [ano:kotoda. do:dat:aina:].. (5)

(As for that. How was it, I wonder?)
186 Yoichi Fujiwara
In the last example the first component is more of an idiomatic

formula than an exclamatory ejaculation. In this case the first
sentence induces the listener as well as the speaker to search
back into the past.
In the next type the first sentence is an accosting word or
phrase, such as the name of the person addressed, or his profes-
sional title or trade, or his relationship to the speaker (as, for
example, "Mother!"). There are also special words of accosting,
as in the following example:
Yoi. Y?ibe waryd doke- i-tard. [joi. ju:bewaUja:doke:itala:]

... (2)
(Say. Where did you go last night?)
Here the first sentence consists of a single word Yoi. This word
is used for accosting in both the Kyuishfi and the Chagoku dia-
lect regions.
Another word used for accosting is hoihoi.
Hoihoi. No- we-. [-hoih-oi. no:we:] ... (6)

(Say, say. My dear.)
This is used in the Chfibu dialect. The Kyfishfi dialect among
many others uses the word Kora [ko1a] (Hey!). In the T6hoku
dialect Manzu y5 [maldztijo:] is used. Moshi [moJi] (Say...)
or Moshi-moshi is used everywhere, though in the standard lan-
guage it is used almost exclusively in telephone dialogues in the
place of the English "hello."
Sometimes the person's name is used as an accosting word:
Md-chan. Atatte tsukahai-mase. [ma:tSan. atat:etsukahai-

mase] ... (3)
(Ma-chan, get into the o-kota3...)
Here the actual name is not given in full but abbreviated, and
the diminutive chan is added, becoming Md-chan. In the fol-
lowing example bo is substituted for chan:
Sachi-b6. Futon motte k6. [satSibo:. Futom:ot:eko:].. .(6)

(Sachi-bo, bring me the quilt.)
Sometimes the profession of the person addressed makes up
the first sentence:
Sense. Samui n6. [sense. samuino:] ... (6)
3 Japanese foot-warmer for several persons.
(Teacher. Cold, isn't it?)

In this case the final no of the second sentence is honorific and
expresses respect.
Still another kind of progessionally linked sentences is:
O-j?i-chan. Chokkui koko-i dete. [o31:tSan. t5ok:uikokoidete]

...(3)
(Dear grandpa. Come up here a little, please.)
We consider now progressionally linked sentences in which
the second sentence is the abbreviated expression, such as:
So kW. Aral. [so:ke:. ala:].. (5)

(Is that so? I see.)
Aitsa wanzanna yatsu-da. Ndya. [aitsawanzan:ajatsuda.

na: ja] . (5)
(What an obnoxious fellow. You agree, don't you?)
In the last example the ordinary cessational ndya is given the
independent status of a second sentence. Notice that the first
sentence is distinctly terminated by da, which calls for a com-
plete stop and pause. Other examples are:
Kotoshi-wa aka-n de. O-bd-san. [kotoSiwaakande. oba:san]

...(5)
(It doesn't seem to turn out good this year. Grandma.)
0-daiji-ni shi-nanse. Anta. [odai3iniSinanse:. anta]... (3)

(Take good care of yourself. Dear.)
Now we turn to a category of progressionally linked sen-
tences in which neither sentence is abbreviated. The first kind
is that in which the second sentence roughly repeats the first,
as in:
A, i-nashi-ta. I-nashi-ta. [a'inaSita. inaSita... (6)

(Oh, you're here. You're here.)
Another example is:
Dan-nai. Dan-nai. [dan:ai. dan:ai]... (5)

(Do not mind. Do not mind.)
This kind of repetition may be found everywhere. If, however,
there is no pause between the two expressions, it is better to
consider them as one sentence than as two.
In some kinds of repetitive statements there is a progres-
188 Yoichi Fujiwara
sion between the first expression and the second, as in:
Damattore-. Damattoro. [damat:o1e:. damat:o1o:].. .(6)

(Be silent. Keep silent!)
Here both sentences are in the imperative mood, though only the
first has a formal imperative ending, while the second ends in
the future tense. The future tense ending of the second is
enough to vary the repetition and secure additional impact.
Other examples of this kind of sentences are:
0-ji-san-no h6-i iko. Hai muk6-i ik6. [o0i:san:oho:iiko:.

haimuko:iiko:] ... (4)
(Go to grandfather. Go there now.)
Shin-chan o-ide. Anta-ga o-ide. [SintSanoide. antagaoide].. (2)

(Come, Shin-chan. (You) come.)
In the above examples the cumulative effect is felt, but not as
strongly as in the following:
Makijaku kari-te-mo i kan. Makijaku dasu zon.

_ __- /
[maki3akukal
(May I borrow the tape-masure? Shall I take the tape-
measure out?)
Kory6 mi. Yo futocchoru-no mi. [koljo:mi:. jo:Futot:Solu

nomi:]. . (3)
(Look at this. See how fat it is.)
Kore motte-te yare ya. Koitsu. [ko1emot:eteja1eja. koitsu]

...(6)
(Take this along. This one.)
Asatte-no ban-zura. Asatte-da. [asat:enobanzu1a. asat:eda]

... (6)
(It's on the evening of the day after tomorrow. The day
after tomorrow it is.)
In the preceding types of linked sentences, the sentences in
each sequence were on an equal level as far as their expository
content was concerned. There is another category of linked sen-
tences, however, whose component sentences are not on an equal
level. These too may be divided into various types according to
the manner in which the second sentence develops out of the first.
We will consider first sentences which have a straight-lined
progression, such as:
Itsul ya-. Ashita ya. [itsuja:. aSft_aja:] ... (3)

(When? Is it tomorrow?)
/ _/
Dare deru no. O-to-sa
... (6)
(Who is to go? Is father going out?)
In the above examples the second sentence is closely related to
the first, though on a different level. In the examples that fol-
low the linkage is not as tight:
Taisetsu. Damasare-n bMi. [taiSe:tsu. damasa1emba:i]...(2)

(This does matter. You can't fool me here.)
-while playing chess.
Nancha-de nai. Seken-banashi-o kiki-tai.

[nant5adenai. sekembanasiokikitai]... (4)
(Nothing in particular. I want to hear some gossip.)
0-ba-yan ko-n-da wa. Kuru-made matte kure.

[obajapkondawa. ku1umademat:eku1e]... (6)
(Auntie is not coming. Wait till she does come.)
Oki-ni. Suma-n koto. [o:kini. sumapkoto]. . (5)

(Very much obliged. It is really obliging.)
Very often the need of a conjunction to bind the two sen-
tences is felt. Where that conjunction is missing, its place will
often be filled by the conjunctive tone of the second sentence.
In sentences of the type we have been discussing, in which
the components are on different levels, we sometimes find a sub-
tle coordination or attraction between the cessationals of the two
sentences. In the following example the cessationals are coordi-
nate:
Soka- seba wai. Koccht ki-nai ya. [soka:seba:wai. kot:Si:k

naija:] .. .(3)
(It's narrow there. Come this way.)
Wai and yd are on the same level and are both expressive of an
informal tone of expression. The coordination of these two words
assures the unity of the combined expression.
We must consider one final type of sentence linkage: that
in which the second sentence absorbs and concludes the first.
190 Yoichi Fujiwara
For example:
Aitsu-ga katagitta koto ydgaru. Kore-ga washi-no omoi yJ.
[aitsugakatagit:akotoja:ga1u. ko1egawaSinoomoijo:] ... (3)

(The fellow is bigoted. That is what I think.)
Here the second sentence contains everything that is implied by
the first and concludes it. Other examples of the same are:
Konai y?i-te-ta-ya nai no. [konaiju:tetajanaino]...(5)

(You used to say this.)
Ichinin-han-wa mi-te morawa-nya. Ko yit-jd.
[if5ininhanwamitemotawajia. ko:ju: a:] ... .(6)

(We've got to be paid for one-and-a-half man-days. So they
demand.)
In the above paragraphs we have considered sentences that
are progressionally linked. In all the cases we have studied the
two component sentences as bound to each other in a single
unit of expression.
The various types of linked sentences arose naturally in
consequence of man's felt need to express himself. By observ-
ing the free and varied development of this kind of sentences
we are afforded insight once again into the free and living nature
of language expression.
Dialect Map
in
reference to the descriptions in the text
90
09R
.Hokkaid Dialect..9
Eastern JT6hoku Dialect. . .8
Dialects Kanta Dialect ----. 7
|Chiibu Dialect .--- 6
{Main 1 [Kinki Dialect-----------. 5
Western Shikoku Dialect ......... 4
Dialectal Japanese Dialects Chuigoku Dialect .....3
iKyishii Dialect. ------2
Southern Islands Dialect . 1
Distribution Map for Intonation
m Areas characterized by an end-rising tonal pattern // / / /
my, ~-', Areas in which the end-rising tonal ', / X

pattern is present but not predominant a
F7'$'77\ Areas of soft pitch in which the end-rising

pattern is sometimes to be found
m Areas in which a certain type of end-rising

pattern is found
(The other lines on the map mark prefectural boundaries)
1,,/r
T>

A Dialect Grammar of Japanese

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A Dialect Grammar of Japanese

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A Dialect Grammar of Japanese

Author(s): Yoichi Fujiwara

By Yoichi Fujiwara, Hiroshima*

In this part of our study of Japanese dialects we propose

Sentences are phonetically materialized mainly by their into-

* Continued from p. 160 of Vol. XVII, 1-2

region. Each region has also its characteristic tempo of speech,

Nai-goto-janhi ke. [naigoto3angike]

Through a wide variety of content and in diverse situations the

Chiket o-agai-yattamonse. [t5iketjoagaijat:amonse]

Tamoi-tamoi ki-ta-mon-jan de. [tamoitamoikitamon3ande]

Homet kuryora-nshi-td. [hometkuUjolanSita:]

Hanazui hikkabui gd. [hanazui9ik:abuiga:]

Yon-hyaku go-jil-yen kai-nd. [jon9jakugo3u:jeDkaina:]

Katatta kogga gozanshi-ta o. [katat:akog:agozanSitao]

maximum peak is reached before the particle. Still the sen-

Ni-gwatsu-no gejun-goro kara... [nigwatsunoge3uDgo1oka-

Hekin ni-kwai-gurai... [he:kinnikwaigulai...1

Ye-ba kaka-m-ba. [je:bakakamba]

Une-o tate-te sd. [uneotatetesa:]

M6 nutte yokaro dd. [mo:nut:ejoka1oda:]

Mikam-ba o-kure. [mikambaokule]

(Send us some tangerines.)

Gwanj6ju-desu ka. [gwan3o:3udesuka:]

O-ba-chaln toko-i ika-mba no. [oba:tSantokoiikambano:]

Odom-mo iko-gotdru. [odom:oiko:gota:1u]

Soi-ja go-kuro-san-deshi-ta. [soi3agokulosandeSita]

San-ju ichi-man-yen-no... [san3uitSimanjen:o...]

Ma-ittoki suru-to karaimo niye-masu to. [mait:okisu1uto-

Kaette ki-yora-shi-ta mon. [kaet:ekijo1aSitamon]

Nan-jaro ka. [nan3a1o:ka:]

Kaette ano toki-no ho-ga yoka. [kaet:eanoitokinoho:gajoka:]

Majeran-ga sekai-isshul-shi-te... [ma3e1aDga5ekaii5:u:5ite...]

A sayo-de gozai-masu ka. [a:sajodegozaimasuka]

Un. Yokatta yo. [uI. jokat:ajo:]

Kyfisha dialect studied above is found in some areas of the

O-hayo-ari-masu. [ohajoatimasu]... (3)

Honto-no kota wakairu-md te. [hontonokota:wakaluma:te]

Wakaru-ma no. [wakaluma:no:]...(3)

has its own characteristic features which we will study later.

Hayd ki-te moro-tara 6-noni nd. [hajo:kitemoFotaFae:nonina:]

Hay6 shi. [hajo:Si:].. (5)

Ima iki-masu. [imaikimasu]

such influences as that of the grammatical structure of the sen-

Same-n toko d6zo agan-nasutte o-kun-nasai. [samentokodo:-

(Please have some before it gets cold.)

A o-hayo-gasut. [a:ohajogasu:]... (8)

Sottana koto yame-ro dea. [sot:anakotojame1odea]

Hayaku tabe-te ke-he ja. [hajaklutabetekehe3a]

pitch accent. This is even more true of sentences in the inter-

So-de gozari-masu. [so:degozahimasu]

S6-dak ka. [so:dak:a]

Doko-i tanomi-ni ik6 shira-n. [dokoitanominiiko:SiTanl]

Kinodokuna yo. [kinodokunajo:]

Mo sendo tabe-ta. [mo:sendotabeta]

It has been observed that in the so-called soft-pitched dia-

also observes that in the areas of hard-pitch intonation, where

We will now consider the actual content of expressions met

Kesa mada-jai-moshi-ta. [kesamada3aimo5ita]

Kyo-a madaggoashi-td. [kjoamadag:oa5ita:]

Ky6-wa mekkari-m6sa-n. [kjo:wamek:ahimo:san]

other unusual mode of expressing a morning greeting:

0-hi-n nari. [o9in:ali]...(6)