Journal of Applied Psychology Copyright 2001 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.

2001, Vol. 86, No. 4, 653-663 0021-9010/01/S5.00 DOI: 10.1037//0021-9010.86.4.653

How Do People With Different Attachment Styles Balance Work and

Family? A Personality Perspective on Work-Family Linkage

H. Canan Sumer Patrick A. Knight

Middle East Technical University Kansas State University

This study explored whether different models of work-family relationship were possible for individuals
with different attachment styles. A mail survey was conducted using employees (N = 481) at a
midwestern university in the United States. Results suggested that (a) individuals with a preoccupied
attachment pattern were more likely to experience negative spillover from the family/home to the work
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domain than those with a secure or dismissing style, (b) securely attached individuals experienced
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positive spillover in both work and family domains more than those in the other groups, and (c)
preoccupied individuals were much less likely to use a segmentation strategy than the other 3 attachment
groups. However, when the conventional job satisfaction-life satisfaction relationship was examined, the
data provided unique support for the spillover model. Implications of the findings for both attachment and
work-family relationship literatures are discussed.

The interplay between work and nonwork, especially between
work and family, has become a focus of academic interest in the
field of industrial and organizational psychology (Zedeck, 1992).
Different models of the work-family relationship have been pro-
posed and tested using a correlational framework. Individual dif-
ferences in the way people balance work and family lives have
generally been ignored. The purpose of this study was to examine
the dynamic nature of the interplay between work and family by
focusing on individual differences in attachment styles.
Models of Work-Family Linkage
Wilensky (1960) hypothesized three possible models to explain
the relationship between work and family domains of life: spill-
over, compensation, and segmentation. The spillover hypothesis
simply asserts that satisfaction in one life domain will cause
satisfaction in others (Liou, Sylvia, & Brunk, 1990). Although
both logic and empirical evidence suggest the existence of a
reciprocal and dynamic relationship between work and family
(Chow & Berheide, 1988; Keon & McDonald, 1982; Kirchmeyer,
1992; Lambert, 1990; Zedeck, 1992), the literature has largely
focused on the spillover of work experiences and outcomes to
family life (e.g., Kabanoff, 1980; Kanter, 1977; Rice, Near, &
H. Canan Sumer, Department of Psychology, Middle East Technical
University, Ankara, Turkey; Patrick A. Knight, Department of Psychology,
Kansas State University.
This article is based on H. Canan Sumer's doctoral dissertation. Portions
of this research were presented at the 1996 and 1998 Society for Industrial
and Organization Psychology annual conferences, held in San Diego,
California, and Dallas, Texas, respectively.
We thank Ronald Downey for his valuable advice.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to H. Canan
Sumer, Department of Psychology, Middle East Technical University,
06531 Ankara, Turkey. Electronic mail may be sent to hcanan®
metu.edu.tr.
653
Hunt, 1980). However, empirical evidence indicates that spillover
from family life to work is also a reality (e.g., Crouter, 1984;
Kirchmeyer, 1992). Note also that spillover can be positive or
negative. That is, family life may facilitate or enhance work life
(positive spillover), or it can make work life more difficult and
problematic (Crouter, 1984; Kirchmeyer, 1992; Lambert, 1990).
The compensation model asserts that work experiences and
family experiences tend to be antithetical. That is, there is an
inverse relationship between work and family. Compensation oc-
curs when workers respond to unsatisfying conditions in one
domain by becoming more involved in the other. According to
Lambert (1990), compensation usually takes place indirectly; sub-
jective reactions (usually in the form of dissatisfaction) mediate
the effects of objective conditions in one domain on outcomes in
the other domain. The result of compensation is differential levels
of involvement in work and family.
The third model of work-family interplay, the segmentation
hypothesis, emphasizes the separation of these spheres of life. It
maintains that work and family are distinct and unrelated (Dubin
1956, 1958; Elizur, 1986; Staines, 1980). Proponents of this view
argue that work and leisure are psychologically and physically
separate; most individuals in industrial societies live out each
segment more or less independently of the other.
Spillover has traditionally been operationalized as a positive
correlation between subjective reactions to work and nonwork
(leisure and family) domains. Compensation has been defined as a
negative correlation between work and nonwork satisfaction, and
segmentation has been operationalized as the lack of correlation
between work and nonwork attitudes. Even though some studies
provide evidence of compensation (e.g., Chacko, 1983; Evans &
Bartolome, 1984, 1986) and segmentation (A. Campbell, Con-
verse, & Rodgers, 1976; Gupta & Beehr, 1981; Haavio-Mannila,
1971; Iris & Barrett, 1972; London, Crandall, & Seals, 1977), the
spillover model appears to be the most strongly supported (Burke
& Bradshaw, 1981; Rain, Lane, & Steiner, 1991; Rice et al., 1980;
 654 SUMER AND KNIGHT
Rousseau, 1978; Staines, 1980; Tail, Padgett, & Baldwin, 1989).
For example, in the first meta-analytic review of the relationship
between job satisfaction and life satisfaction, Tait et al. found an
average corrected correlation between the constructs of .44, sug-
gesting that work attitudes could be conceptualized as extensions
of nonwork attitudes, or vice versa.
Although spillover seems to have greater support than the other
models, serious theoretical and methodological weaknesses char-
acterize the research on work-family relationships. Measurement
problems, absence of a sound conceptual framework, and a lack of
emphasis on individual-difference variables are among those prob-
lems that deserve special attention.
Measurement Problems
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Because spillover, compensation, and segmentation are typi-
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cally thought of as mutually exclusive processes, individuals are
typically classified as generalizing, compensating, or segmenting,
on the basis of which pattern most closely approximates their own
experiences. The empirical evidence, however, suggests that spill-
over, compensation, and segmentation may not be mutually exclu-
sive. Piotrkowski (1979), for example, described instances of both
compensation and spillover experienced by the same individuals. It
seems plausible that some aspects of both family and work life are
subject to spillover, whereas others are more prone to compensa-
tion, and yet others are likely to be segmented. Rain et al. (1991)
reported evidence suggesting that more than one job satisfaction-
life satisfaction relationship may operate for a given individual at
any given time. However, the conventional life satisfaction-job
satisfaction relationship approach to work-family balance does not
permit researchers to assess these unique combinations.
It seems more logical to treat compensation, spillover, and
segmentation as potentially overlapping, rather than competing,
processes. Experiences of spillover, compensation, and segmenta-
tion may differ across individuals, as well as across time for a
single individual. Thus, measurement techniques that assess rela-
tive amounts of segmentation, compensation, and spillover may be
more useful than simply considering the magnitude of the corre-
lation between work and nonwork. One of the purposes of this
study was to use a measurement approach that would allow for
assessing the relative amounts of spillover, segmentation, and
compensation experienced by an individual.
Lack of a Conceptual Framework
Rain et al. (1991) asserted that one of the most damaging
weaknesses of the work-family literature is the lack of a sound
theoretical foundation for predicting specific relationships between
work and nonwork domains. They argued that in a majority of the
studies, "a theoretical position is not advocated; rather, one of the
three hypotheses was tested as though that were a test of the
theory" (Rain et al., 1991, p. 289). For example, although a
positive correlation is supportive of the spillover hypothesis, this
alone does not indicate a theoretical rationale for spillover. Along
the same lines, Lambert (1990) stated that
segmentation, compensation, and spillover all have face validity; each
seems logical in its premises. . .. This is true, however, only when
they are examined separately and when used as post hoc explanations
of research findings. . . . Problems with clarity and comprehensive-
ness emerge when examined in conjunction with one another and
when employed to specify causal models, (p. 242)
Presenting a full theoretical framework is not the intention of
this study. However, an individual-difference approach has been
adopted to study work-family linkage. More specifically, on the
basis of both theoretical and empirical evidence, attachment style
is proposed to be a critical factor in the experience of work-
nonwork relationships, especially segmentation and various pat-
terns of spillover.
Individual Differences: Attachment Theory
The connection between individual differences and work-
family relationships has been largely ignored, although there is
some evidence that individual differences may predict patterns of
work-family satisfaction (Evans & Bartolome, 1986; Judge &
Watanabe, 1994). Watanabe, Takahashi, and Minami (1997) called
for the abandonment of efforts directed at confirming or discon-
firming specific models of work-family linkage and encouraged
identification of individual-difference variables that define these
relationships. Along the same lines, pointing to empirical evidence
suggesting the importance of dispositional factors on job satisfac-
tion (e.g., Arvey, Bouchard, Segal, & Abraham, 1989), Rain et al.
(1991) argued that more attention needs to be paid to the possi-
bility that individual dispositions cause both life and job
satisfaction.
Among individual-difference variables, attachment style de-
serves special attention for several reasons. First, attachment the-
ory, which is a relatively new paradigm for studying close rela-
tionships in both childhood and adult life, offers a theoretical
foundation for examining people's orientations to these relation-
ships. Second, empirical evidence suggests that a person's domi-
nant attachment style, which has been shown to be relatively stable
over time (e.g., Kazan, Hutt, & Marcus, 1991), provides a unique
perspective for understanding individual differences in interper-
sonal experiences (Pietromonaco & Barrett, 1997), including how
people react to their work environment (Hazan & Shaver, 1990).
Third, attachment theory suggests that individuals with different
attachment styles will also differ in terms of boundary mainte-
nance between self and other and between work and family
(Cassidy & Belsky, 1994). Fourth, and perhaps most important,
attachment theory provides a platform for studying the question of
work-nonwork relationships from a developmental/personality
perspective. Thus, the main goal of the present study was to
understand the role of attachment style in the use of different
work-family balance strategies.
Although the concept of attachment has been most fully studied
in relation to infant-mother interactions, the literature has recently
focused on the continuity of attachment across the life span. Hazan
and Shaver (1987), for example, translated Ainsworth and col-
leagues' (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978) three attach-
ment patterns (secure, avoidant, and anxious/ambivalent) to adult
behavior patterns in romantic relationships. They conceptualized
romantic love as an attachment process and stated that
love in adulthood would be similar to the kind of love which an infant
feels for his or her caregiver in terms of the importance of seeking and
maintaining close physical proximity, relying on the partner's contin-
ued availability, turning to the partner for comfort, being distressed by
 HOW PEOPLE BALANCE WORK AND FAMILY
separations or threats to the relationship, and so on. (Shaver & Hazan,
1993, pp. 33-35)
Hazan and Shaver (1987) argued that the three patterns of infant
attachment identified by Ainsworth et al. would be evident in the
way adults think, behave, and feel in their close relationships.
Bartholomew (1990) proposed an expanded four-category
model of adult attachment. She argued that a four-category (i.e.,
secure, preoccupied, dismissing, and fearful) model of attachment
is more consistent with Bowlby's (1973) original formulation of
working models of self and others because it includes all four
combinations that can be logically derived by combining two
levels of self-image (positive vs. negative) with two levels of
others' image (positive vs. negative). A positive self-image is
conceptualized as an internalized sense of self-worth, love, and
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support, independent of external validation. A positive other image
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involves seeing others as trustworthy and available, as opposed to
rejecting or unreliable.
The secure attachment pattern is characterized by positive im-
ages of both self and other. It reflects a positive sense of worthi-
ness (lovability) and an expectation that other people are available,
accepting, and supportive. The preoccupied pattern is character-
ized by a negative image of self and a positive image of other. It
indicates a sense of unworthiness combined with a positive view of
others. This pattern corresponds to Hazan and Shaver's (1987)
anxious/ambivalent group. The fearful pattern reflects a negative
image of both self and other. This category is characterized by a
sense of unworthiness combined with an expectation that others
are untrustworthy and rejecting. Finally, the dismissing style is
typified by a positive image of self and a negative image of other;
it indicates a sense of self-love combined with an expectation that
others will be negatively disposed or untrustworthy and rejecting.
Empirical evidence provides support for the four-category
model. Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991) reported that the four
attachment patterns can be reliably assessed on the basis of semi-
structured interviews (the Peer Attachment Interview and the Fam-
ily Attachment Interview) and that the resulting assessments pre-
dict individuals' self-concepts and interpersonal functioning, as
obtained from self-, peer, and romantic partner reports. Brennan,
Shaver, and Tobey (1991) found that Bartholomew and Horowitz's
four-category scheme corresponds systematically to Hazan and
Shaver's (1987) three-category scheme. They reported that most
participants classified as secure in one scheme were also classified
as secure in the other. Also, as expected, Hazan and Shaver's
(1987) avoidant participants distributed themselves into Bar-
tholomew and Horowitz's fearful and dismissing categories. Evi-
dence has also been reported concerning the cross-cultural validity
of the four-category model of adult attachment (e.g., Sumer &
Gungor, 1999).
Following the publication of Hazan and Shaver's (1987) article,
several studies examined the relationships between verbally as-
sessed attachment styles and behavior, personality characteristics,
and attitudes. In one study, for example, Mikulincer and Nachshon
(1991) found that both secure and anxious/ambivalent individuals
were more likely than avoidant individuals to engage in self-
disclosing behavior with a variety of conversation partners. Shaver
and Brennan (1992) examined the relationship between the three
attachment styles and the Big Five personality traits. Although the
Big Five dimensions were not sufficient to discriminate between
655
the three attachment styles, certain trends were observed. For
instance, secure individuals were more extroverted and less neu-
rotic than insecure individuals and were more agreeable than
avoidant individuals.
In a later study, Hazan and Shaver (1990) argued that
adult work activity can be viewed as functionally parallel to what
Bowlby calls exploration: For adults, work (like early childhood play
and exploration) is a major source of actual and perceived compe-
tence. Adults' tendencies to seek and maintain proximity to an attach-
ment figure and to move away from that figure in order to interact and
master the environment are expressed, among other ways, in romantic
love relationships and in productive work. (p. 271)
Hence, they argued that individual differences in attachment rela-
tionships might have important implications for people's orienta-
tion or attitudes toward their work. Confirming their expectations,
they found that secure adults had a more positive attitude toward
their work. Although they enjoyed work activity and valued work,
they tended to value relationships more. Furthermore, they were
less likely to allow work to interfere with their relationships.
Securely attached individuals were also less likely to experience
physical (e.g., colds or flu) and psychological (e.g., depression,
anxiety) problems. For anxious/ambivalent individuals, love con-
cerns often interfered with work performance, and they expressed
fear of rejection for poor performance. They also reported that they
tended to slack off following praise, suggesting that gaining oth-
ers' admiration or approval was an important motivator for them.
These respondents had the lowest average income of the three
groups. Finally, as expected, avoidant individuals were more likely
to use work to avoid social interaction. They reported that work
interfered with having friends and a social life. Although their
average income was almost equal to that of the secure group, they
were less satisfied with their jobs, and they were least likely to take
enjoyable vocations.
Hazan and Shaver's (1990) study is a rare example of studying
work behavior from a purely developmental/personality perspec-
tive. Their results suggest that developmentally determined at-
tributes may play an important role in shaping certain work atti-
tudes and behaviors. More specifically, their results suggest that
attachment style may play a critical role in how people balance
different domains of life, specifically work and family realms.
On the basis of both the theoretical and empirical literature on
attachment styles, it seems reasonable to make the following
assumptions. First, individuals with a negative view of self (pre-
occupieds and fearfuls) should be more likely to experience neg-
ative spillover from family to work life than individuals with a
positive view of self (secures and dismissings). The attachment
styles characterized by a negative image of self have been found to
be associated with high interpersonal dependency, low global
self-esteem (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991), and pronounced
affective reactions to extreme feedback (Campbell & Lavallee,
1993). Both fearfuls and preoccupieds rely on close others for
self-validation and are more likely to show pronounced affective
reaction in response to feedback. According to self-verification
theory, people want self-confirming feedback; they strive to con-
firm their self-conceptions to bolster their perceptions of predic-
tion and control (Swann, 1983). So, although they are gratified by
positive feedback, people with negative self-concepts tend to pre-
fer self-confirmatory negative feedback. They are more inclined to
 656 SUMER AND KNIGHT
seek unfavorable evaluations than are people with positive self-
conceptions (Swann, Stein-Seroussi, & Giesler, 1992). Moreover,
a negative image of self has been shown to be associated with
heightened subjective distress and a tendency to focus on negative
affect (Bartholomew, 1993). On the basis of these findings, it can
be expected that negative events experienced in close or romantic
relationships are very likely to be carried over into other domains
by those individuals who have a negative image of self, who are
more reactive to their social environment, and who have a dispo-
sition to focus on negative affect and subjective distress. The
direction of negative spillover experienced by these individuals is
expected to be from the family realm to the work environment,
because attachment styles are more relevant within the context of
close relationships (Hazan & Shaver, 1994a, 1994b) than in other
domains.
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Second, it seems plausible to suggest that those with a preoc-
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cupied style, who are characterized by a desire to merge with a
partner and who possess a deep-seated sense of unworthiness as
well as a positive image of others (Bartholomew, 1993; Griffin &
Bartholomew, 1994), would be more likely to experience not only
negative spillover from the family/relationship domain to the work
domain but also negative spillover from the work domain to the
family domain. That is, because of problems in maintaining
boundaries in their relationships (Cassidy & Belsky, 1994), pre-
occupied individuals should be more likely to carry over negative
experiences from either sphere into the other than those in other
groups, particularly secure and dismissing individuals.
Third, secures, who possess positive images of both themselves
and others and who value both independence and connectedness,
should be less likely to contaminate relationships with occupa-
tional problems and hence seem less likely to experience negative
spillover from work to family life. However, because they enjoy
personal autonomy and satisfying close relations with others (Bar-
tholomew, 1993), they can be expected to experience positive
spillover in both spheres. So, although they are more likely to use
a segmentation strategy in response to negative work experiences,
secures can be expected to carry over positive experiences from
one sphere into the other.
Finally, dismissing individuals, who maintain their high sense of
self-worth by defensively denying the value and importance of
close relationships and stressing the importance of independence
(Griffin & Bartholomew, 1994), would be more likely to use
segmentation in balancing their family and work demands. Indi-
viduals with a dismissing style are more concerned with occupa-
tional accomplishments than close relationships. They avoid inti-
macy and possess a positive image of self that minimizes the
subjective awareness of distress or social needs (Bartholomew,
1993). Cassidy and Belsky (1994) stated that, among the attach-
ment groups, dismissing individuals would be least likely to di-
rectly express occupational problems to their partners. Hence, it
was expected that dismissings would be more likely to use seg-
mentation as the main strategy in balancing (or unbalancing!) their
work and family life than the other groups.
In summary, the purpose of this study was to see whether
different models of work-family relationships were possible for
individuals with different attachment styles by using an unconven-
tional approach to measuring work-family relationships. More
specifically, on the basis of the literature reviewed, we tested the
following hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1: Individuals with a negative view of self (preoccupieds
and fearfuls) are more likely to experience negative spillover from
family to work life than individuals with a positive view of self (i.e.,
secures and dismissings).
Hypothesis 2: Individuals with a preoccupied attachment pattern are
also more likely to experience negative spillover from work to family
than either secures or dismissings.
Hypothesis 3: Individuals with a secure attachment pattern are more
likely to experience positive spillover in both work and family do-
mains than members of the other three attachment groups.
Hypothesis 4: Individuals with a dismissing attachment pattern are
more likely to experience segmentation than members of the other
three attachment groups.
Along with this individual-difference approach to the work-
family balance, the conventional job satisfaction-life satisfaction
approach was also examined in this research. Moreover, in addi-
tion to measures of job and overall life satisfaction, two additional
nonwork satisfaction measures, relationship satisfaction and home
life satisfaction, were also included.
Method
Participants
The original sample for the study comprised 1,065 employees working
in both academic and nonacademic positions at a midwestern university in
the United States. A self-administered questionnaire package was sent to
the employees. Participation in the study was strictly voluntary, and con-
fidentiality of the responses was assured. Of the 1,065 employees, 506
completed and returned surveys. Of these, 25 surveys were excluded from
the analyses because they either suggested a lack of understanding of the
instructions on the part of the participant or presented incomplete data. The
remaining 481 surveys (47% of the original sample) constituted the final
sample of the study.
The final sample included 190 (40%) men and 291 (60%) women, with
a mean age of 42.99 years and a median age of 43.00 years. Four hundred
forty-four (92%) of the participants were Caucasian; for 5 participants
(1%), the ethnic origin was unknown; and the remaining 32 (7%) partici-
pants belonged to the other ethnic groups (i.e., African American, His-
panic, Asian, Native American, or other). All but 4 respondents had
full-time jobs. Three hundred fifty-four (74%) participants were married,
and among the remaining 127 (26%) participants, 57 reported to be
involved in a serious romantic relationship. Thus, 411 (85.4%) of the
participants were either married or involved in a relationship.
Procedure
A self-administered survey package was sent to all employees in the
original sample through campus mail in the spring semester of 1995. The
package included the Work-Family Linkage Questionnaire (WFLQ), an
attachment style measure, two measures of overall life satisfaction, a
measure of job satisfaction, measures of family and relationship satisfac-
tion, and a demographic information questionnaire. Two weeks after the
first copies of the survey were mailed, follow-up copies were sent to all on
the original list regardless of whether they had returned the first copy.
Measures
WFLQ. A 27-item measure of work-family linkages was developed
with the purpose of measuring relative amounts of spillover, compensation,
and segmentation. The majority of the spillover items were adapted from
existing scales in the literature, especially those of Kirchmeyer (1992) and
 HOW PEOPLE BALANCE WORK AND FAMILY
Kopelman, Greenhaus, and Connolly (1983). The WFLQ was finalized on
the basis of the results of a pilot study, in which a 32-item scale was
administered to a sample of 214 undergraduates (109 women and 105 men,
with a median age of 19 years). Exploratory factor analyses were con-
ducted, and 5 items were eliminated on the basis of these analyses and
improvements in coefficient alphas. This procedure yielded the final 27-
item version of the WFLQ, which consists of seven subscales: four spill-
over (Negative Spillover From Work, Negative Spillover From Family,
Positive Spillover From Work, and Positive Spillover From Family), two
compensation (Compensation of What Is Missing at Work and Compen-
sation of What Is Missing at Home), and one segmentation (Segmentation).
In the WFLQ, respondents are asked to indicate the extent to which they
agree with each statement on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly
disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). For each participant, four spillover scores,
two compensation scores, and one segmentation score are obtained by
averaging the respective items. A high score on a given subscale is
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interpreted as a tendency to experience that type of relationship between
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work and family domains. Because no specific hypotheses were tested
regarding compensation, the two compensation subscales (five items total)
were not used in the present analyses (see the Appendix).
The five subscales used in the analyses were Negative Spillover From
Work (six items; a = .80), Negative Spillover From Home (five items;
a = .75), Positive Spillover From Work (four items; a = .68), Positive
Spillover From Home (five items; a = .68), and Segmentation (two items;
a = .72). A confirmatory factor analysis using LISREL 8 (Joreskog &
Sorbom, 1996) was conducted on the relevant items of the WFLQ to seek
evidence for construct validity. The goodness of fit of the five-factor
model, as evidenced by a variety of indices, was not impressive, x2(199,
N = 481) = 1,194.77, p < .001; goodness-of-fit index (GFI) = .81;
adjusted goodness-of-fit index (AGFI) = .76; nonnormed fit index
(NNFI) = .66; comparative fit index (CFI) = .71. However, when com-
pared with a single-factor solution, the fit of the model was acceptable.
Examination of modification indices suggested extremely large correlated
errors between two pairs of items: Items 3 and 10 (r = .76) and Items 15
and 16 (r = .65) in the Negative Spillover From Work subscale. A further
look at these items indicated that although they shared the same theme,
they were tapping into different aspects of negative spillover from the work
domain to the home domain. Furthermore, eliminating any of the items
with correlated errors considerably decreased the reliability coefficient of
the Negative Spillover From Work subscale. Thus, a decision was made to
add the correlated errors between these two pairs into the solution. With
these modifications, the goodness of fit of the solution was improved
considerably, /(197, N = 481) = 767.92, p< .001; GFI = .88; AGFI =
.84; NNFI = .80; CFI = .83.
Attachment style measure. Bartholomew and Horowitz's (1991) Rela-
tionship Questionnaire (RQ) was included in the study to measure attach-
ment style. The RQ consists of four short paragraphs describing Bar-
tholomew and Horowitz's four attachment patterns. In the present study,
the RQ was used in its original form. For example, the paragraph (i.e., the
item) corresponding to the preoccupied pattern was
I want to be completely emotionally intimate with others, but I often
find that others are reluctant to get as close as I would like. I am
uncomfortable being without close relationships, but I sometimes
worry that others don't value me as much as I value them.
Respondents were asked to read each description and rate the extent to
which it corresponded to their general relationship style on a 7-point scale
ranging from 1 (disagree strongly) to 7 (agree strongly). In a study by
Scharfe and Bartholomew (1994), mean stability coefficients over an
8-month interval across four attachment groups were found to be .53 and
.49 for women and men, respectively. Furthermore, Bartholomew and
Shaver (1998) presented evidence for the convergent and discriminant
validity of the RQ on two samples, using two alternative methods of
657
measuring adult attachment (i.e., the Peer Attachment Interview and the
Family Attachment Interview).
Following conventions (e.g., Bartholomew & Shaver, 1998; Scharfe &
Bartholomew, 1994), for the purposes of analysis of covariance
(ANCOVA), the highest of the four attachment ratings was used to classify
people into one of the four categories. Using this approach, of the 473
participants who completed the RQ, 206 (44%) were classified as se-
cure, 72 (15%) as dismissing, 116 (25%) as fearful, and 79 (17%) as
preoccupied. With the exception of a slight overrepresentation in the
preoccupied category, this distribution of attachment styles was similar to
the distributions reported in the literature (e.g., Bartholomew & Horowitz,
1991; Bylsma, Cozzarelli, & Sumer, 1997).
Job satisfaction measure. The short form of the Minnesota Satisfaction
Questionnaire (MSQ), developed by Weiss, Dawis, England, and Lofquist
(1967), was used to measure job satisfaction. The MSQ taps into people's
cognitive orientation toward their jobs and comprises 20 items rated on a
5-point scale ranging from 1 (very dissatisfied) to 5 (very satisfied).
Test-retest reliability of the total scale was reported by its authors to be .89
and .70 across 1-week and 1-year intervals, respectively. Cook, Hepworth,
Wall, and Warr (1981) stated that the short form of the MSQ appears to
yield a sound measure of overall job satisfaction. In the present study, the
average of the 20 items was taken to form an index of general job
satisfaction, and coefficient alpha was found to be .90.
Life satisfaction measures. Life satisfaction was measured with both
the Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS), developed by Diener, Emmons,
Larsen, and Griffin (1985), and the Life Satisfaction Scale (LSS), devel-
oped by Rice, McFarlin, Hunt, and Near (1985). The SWLS is a five-item
scale measuring cognitive aspects of satisfaction with life in general.
Respondents indicate the extent of their agreement with each statement on
a 7-point response format ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly
agree). Diener et al. reported an internal consistency reliability of .87.
Test-retest reliability across a 2-month interval was .82. The SWLS
appears to be a sound measure of overall life satisfaction and has been used
by other researchers (e.g., George, 1991). In the present study, internal
consistency reliability of the SWLS was .89.
The LSS comprises eight adjective pairs, and respondents are asked to
describe their lives in terms of these semantic differential scales. The LSS
is believed to measure the affective/evaluative component of general life
satisfaction. Internal consistency of these items was reported to be .90 by
Rice et al. (1985). Coefficient alpha was also .90 for the present study.
Home and relationship satisfaction measures. Satisfaction with home/
family was measured with five items, which were basically a restatement
of the SWLS, substituting home/family for life. Relationship satisfaction
was assessed by a six-item measure, the Quality of Marriage Index (QMI),
developed by Norton (1983). In the present study, all six items were rated
on a 7-point scale, and the term relationship was substituted for marriage
in Items 1, 3, and 6. In the present study, coefficient alphas for the
Satisfaction With Home Scale (SWHS) and the QMI were .93 and .97,
respectively.
Demographic questionnaire. This questionnaire included demographic
variables of particular interest (e.g., age, gender, education, level, job title,
tenure, marital status, number of children, and annual income).
Results
Intercorrelations among the variables, along with reliabilities,
means, standard deviations, and ranges for the measures used in
the study, are presented in Table 1. In the following sections, the
results concerning the differences in the experience of the work-
family relationship as a function of attachment style are presented,
and then the results of the analyses using the conventional ap-
proach to work-family relationships are summarized.
The initial analyses were a series of between-subject
ANCOVAs on the five work-nonwork relationship variables.
 65% SUMER AND KNIGHT

J
These analyses were conducted to examine the overall effects of
attachment style on the dependent variables. To identify covari-
CM ates, a series of regression analyses predicting each of the five
dependent variables were conducted. In these analyses, all of the
demographic variables were entered simultaneously. Gender, age,
and educational level were found to be significant predictors of
I o oo ON CN o most of the variables involved and were thus used as covariates in
in —•" cN ^o O
subsequent ANCOVA analyses. Adjusted spillover and segmenta-
tion scores of the attachment groups are presented in Table 2.
Before the data were subjected to ANCOVA, assumptions of
homogeneity of variance and homogeneity of regression were
tested, and no violations of these assumptions were detected.
Results of the ANCOVAs revealed that, as we expected, there was
r- ^f ON in oo ON — ' CM
a significant effect of attachment style on all five dependent
J
r ' r r ^ —' • variables: negative spillover from home, F(3, 452) = 6.24, p <
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This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

.001, jf = .04; negative spillover from work, F(3, 452) = 2.56,

p < .05, if = .02; positive spillover from home, F(3, 452) = 5.41,
p < .001, r]2 = .04; positive spillover from work, F(3,
452) = 3.78, p < .01, rf = .02; and segmentation, F(3,
CD1
452) = 3.64, p < .01, rf- = .02. At least one, usually two, of the
covariates was found to be significant in the ANCOVAs.
• ^O Tf C*"l

I ^ ON \O To test the hypotheses, five planned contrasts were performed.

in o *n
For Hypothesis 1, a contrast comparing preoccupieds and fearfuls
CM with dismissings and secures was conducted. This comparison
2" revealed the expected split between the attachment groups on
I ^ -> negative spillover from home, t(452) = 3.44, p < .001, r? = .03.
Examination of the adjusted marginal means indicated that the
largest mean difference was between the preoccupied and secure
g' groups. Following this planned contrast, a series of post hoc Tukey
tests atp < .01 was performed to further explore the source of the
00
CM "- obtained difference between the contrasted groups. The reason for
f§ S o these post hoc comparisons was that when planned contrasts
I r*i — involve the means of combined groups (e.g., preoccupieds and
fearfuls), significant differences between the combined means
could well be the result of differences between specific subsets of
c o the combined groups. Similarly, post hoc pairwise comparisons
-ti ^
QJ ~ might reveal that nonsignificant differences between the means of
combined groups masked differences between subsets of the con-
stituent means.
Post hoc pairwise comparisons indicated that the obtained dif-
ferences between the groups were largely stemming from the
preoccupied group. That is, although preoccupieds (M = 3.01)
reported significantly higher levels of negative spillover from
S| home to work domains than did either secures (M = 2.43) or
_! O
dismissings (M = 2.54), the difference between fearfuls and either
.25
secures or dismissings failed to reach significance. Altogether, the
•5 !>
findings provided partial support for Hypothesis 1, which stated
^ that individuals with a negative view of self (both preoccupieds
and fearfuls) would be more likely to experience negative spillover
Va ab

from home to work domains than individuals with a positive view

of self (both secures and dismissings). Interestingly, however, the
£ £° difference between the preoccupied and fearful groups was mar-
ginally significant. That is, individuals with a preoccupied attach-
ment pattern were found to experience higher levels of negative
' spillover from home to work domains than those with a fearful
'S -a £ 2 B c/3 (M = 2.68) attachment style.
Iff 11 IS'^ Hypothesis 2, stating that preoccupied individuals would be
2 Z OH Q. </3 S C/3 , more likely to experience negative spillover from work than se-
j ^O C~^ OO ON C) —' (N
cures and dismissings, was tested in a planned contrast comparing
 HOW PEOPLE BALANCE WORK AND FAMILY
Table 2
Adjusted Means of the Spillover and Segmentation Variables for Attachment Groups
Variable Dismissing
Negative spillover from home 2.54
Negative spillover from work 4.06
Positive spillover from home 4.62
Positive spillover from work 4.49
Segmentation 3.97
Note. Means were adjusted for age, sex, and education level.
preoccupieds with these other groups. This contrast was not found
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to be significant. However, post hoc tests following the planned
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
contrast indicated that the difference between preoccupieds
(M = 4.21) and secures (M = 3.78) was significant, providing
limited support for Hypothesis 2.
In testing Hypothesis 3, two planned contrasts, comparing se-
cures and the other three attachment groups on positive spillover
from home and positive spillover from work, were performed.
These contrasts revealed the expected differences on both vari-
ables, r(452) = 3.94, p < .001, if = .03, for positive spillover
from home, and «(452) = 3.28, p < .002, rj2 = .02, for positive
spillover from work. The post hoc tests on the positive spillover
from home revealed that secures (M = 5.06) were more likely to
experience positive spillover from family domain to work domain
than were dismissings (M = 4.60), fearfuls (M = 4.71), and
preoccupieds (M = 4.75). Post hoc analyses on the positive spill-
over from work indicated that although secures (M = 4.87) were
more likely than both dismissings (M = 4.49) and fearfuls
(M = 4.54) to experience this type of spillover, the difference
between secures and preoccupieds was not significant. With the
exception of this last finding, however, the results provided sub-
stantial support for Hypothesis 3.
To test Hypothesis 4, the dismissing group was contrasted with
the other three attachment groups on the segmentation variable.
This contrast failed to support the hypothesis that the dismissing
group would be more likely to experience segmentation than the
other three attachment groups. Surprisingly, however, post hoc
pairwise comparisons disclosed that dismissings (M = 3.97), se-
cures (M = 4.01), and fearfuls (M = 4.00) were all more likely
than the preoccupied group (M = 3.41) to experience segmentation
between work and family lives.
As one can see in Table 1, zero-order correlations between
satisfaction measures were all positive and significant, ranging
from .15 (between the QMI and the MSQ) to .80 (between the
SWLS and the SWHS). The MSQ showed relatively high corre-
lations with the two overall life satisfaction measures (.43 with the
SWLS and .47 with the LSS). Correlations of the MSQ with the
specific measures of nonwork satisfaction (the SWHS and the
QMI) were relatively low (.23 and .15, respectively) but signifi-
cant. Thus, using the conventional approach to work-nonwork
relationships, the data provided support for the spillover model.
Discussion
Although the work-family linkage has been extensively studied
and the spillover model has been largely supported, individual
659
Attachment style
Secure Fearful Preoccupied
2.43 2.68 3.01
3.78 3.87 4.21
5.06 4.71 4.75
4.87 4.54 4.60
4.01 4.00 3.41
differences in the way work and family balance is achieved have
generally been ignored. The main goal of this study was to shift the
focus from "What is the relationship?" to "Do people experience
the relationship in different ways?"
A main effect of attachment style was observed for each of the
work-family relationship variables. Furthermore, it was found that
preoccupieds, but not necessarily fearfuls, experienced higher lev-
els of spillover from home to work domains than did secures and
dismissings, providing some support for Hypothesis 1. The liter-
ature on mental representations of self and attachment style (e.g.,
Mikulincer, 1995; Mikulincer & Orbach, 1995) seems to provide
some insight as to why preoccupied participants experienced neg-
ative spillover more than the other attachment groups. It is plau-
sible to argue that preoccupied individuals experienced negative
spillover from home to work domains more than the others be-
cause of their obsessive focus on their emotions and their intense
experience of negative affect, accompanied by a relatively low
self-complexity, or undifferentiated self-aspects. Because the
boundaries among their few existing self-domains are so blurred,
these people seem to have a hard time discriminating between
different aspects of self, such as self as a significant other to
someone, self as an employee, or self as a coworker. The end result
seems to be a constant spreading of negative affect from one
self-domain to another, typical of individuals with low self-
differentiation (Linville, 1985). Supporting this interpretation,
Hazan and Shaver (1990) found that anxious/ambivalents' love
concerns often interfere with their work performance. Similarly,
Cassidy and Belsky (1994) argued that because of their problems
in maintaining boundaries in relationships, when a close romantic
relationship is going poorly at home, preoccupied individuals can
be expected to experience maximum negative spillover in the
workplace, in the form of inefficiency, absenteeism, mistakes, and
so on.
The finding that fearfuls experienced less negative spillover
from the home to the work domain than did preoccupieds suggests
that, contrary to Hypothesis 1, a negative view of self may not be
the sole underlying factor in the experience of negative spillover
from home to work. It seems to be particularly difficult for
preoccupied individuals, who focus obsessively on their close
relationships, not to carry over negative affect from the relation-
ship domain to the work domain. A negative view of others,
characteristic of a fearful attachment style, on the other hand, can
downplay the effects of close relationships on the other domains of
life.
 660 SUMER AND KNIGHT
The evidence suggests that individuals with a preoccupied at-
tachment style have difficulties maintaining boundaries among
psychological domains. The direction of the negative spillover
seems to be strongest from the home environment to the work
environment. In this study, although preoccupieds were more
likely to experience negative spillover from home than either
secures or dismissings, they experienced significantly more nega-
tive spillover from work than secures only, resulting in partial
support for Hypothesis 2. This finding seems more acceptable
when attachment style is conceptualized as both a relational and a
personality construct, which is more functional within the context
of close relationships than within the work context.
Supporting Hypothesis 3, individuals with a secure attachment
pattern were more likely to experience positive spillover in both
directions. Empirical evidence suggests that securely attached in-
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dividuals are able to prevent the spreading of negative affect
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(Mikulincer & Orbach, 1995), are more likely to use constructive
coping strategies in dealing with stress (Mikulincer, Florian, &
Weller, 1993), and perceive and receive more social support from
friends and family in response to stress (Ognibene & Collins,
1998) than those in the other attachment groups. Such evidence
could explain why secures are less likely to experience negative
spillover between the domains of life. For secures, work and home
domains do not seem to be completely fragmented, however.
Cassidy and Belsky (1994) argued that given the value they place
on both separateness and connectedness, secure individuals can be
expected to have flexible boundaries that permit supportive but not
interfering affective interplay. Because they find enjoyment and
fulfillment both at work and in their close relationships (Kazan &
Shaver, 1990), it seems natural for these adults to carry over
positive experiences across the domains.
Dismissing individuals were expected to experience greater
segmentation between the domains of life more than the other
three groups. However, results failed to support such a split on the
segmentation variable. Interestingly, post hoc comparisons re-
vealed that individuals with a preoccupied attachment style were
less likely to experience segmentation than those with a dismiss-
ing, secure, or fearful attachment style. Items used to measure
segmentation in this study insinuate a lack of negative reciproca-
tion between the work and family domains. The preoccupieds'
tendency for negative exchange between the domains, especially
from home to work, could explain why these individuals were less
likely to experience a split between the domains of life.
Analyses on both the negative spillover from home to work and
segmentation variables suggest that individuals with a fearful style
show more similarities with dismissings than they do with preoc-
cupieds. Cafferty, Davis, Medway, O'Hearn, and Chappell (1994)
reported that individuals with a dismissing style do not differ
significantly from those with a fearful style in terms of both
positive and negative emotion scores. One plausible explanation
for the observed similarity between these two attachment groups
could be the avoidance dimension, which seems to be the common
denominator of these styles. The four-category model of adult
attachment (Bartholomew, 1990; Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991)
diverges from the three-category model (Kazan & Shaver, 1987) in
that it makes a distinction between two forms of avoidance:
tearfulness and dismissiveness. Both groups distance themselves
from others and avoid social situations. Bartholomew argued that
whereas fearfuls distance themselves because of a deep-seated fear
of rejection, dismissings do so to protect their positive self-image.
Recently, Ognibene and Collins (1998) reported that both dismiss-
ings and fearfuls are much less likely to seek social support from
friends and family in response to both social and achievement
stressors and are more likely to distance themselves from the
stressor. In the light of the literature and the present findings, both
dismissings and fearfuls may defensively segregate their work and
family worlds, and because of their negative view and perhaps
distrust of others, they avoid carrying over anything from one
sphere into another.
This study contributes to both the attachment and the work-
family relationship literatures in several ways. Griffin and Bar-
tholomew (1994) argued that a person's dominant attachment style
is vitally important in understanding his or her interpersonal func-
tioning. However, the existing literature on the implications of
attachment style for work behaviors and how people experience
the work-family relationship is limited. To our knowledge, this
study represents the first systematic attempt to understand the role
of underlying dimensions of adult attachment in the work and
family interplay. Results suggest that a person's view of self and
others, as a relatively enduring response pattern, contributes sig-
nificantly to how he or she tries to balance different facets of life.
The present study is also believed to contribute to the work-
family relationship literature in an important way. When the con-
ventional job satisfaction-life satisfaction approach was taken, the
data provided support for the spillover hypothesis. That is, as seen
in Table 1, zero-order correlations between job satisfaction and the
measures of nonwork satisfaction were all positive and significant.
At this point, we need to admit that the obtained correlations
between the satisfaction measures could well be due to common
method variance, especially because the scales measuring these
variables were next to each other in the survey. Despite this
possibility, however, the obtained correlation coefficients, espe-
cially between job satisfaction and two life satisfaction measures,
were very consistent with the literature. For example, after ana-
lyzing data obtained through two nationwide probability sample
surveys, Rice et al. (1985) reported similar correlations (.48 and
.49) between life satisfaction and job satisfaction.
All told, if only the conventional life satisfaction-job satisfac-
tion or work satisfaction-nonwork satisfaction approach had been
taken, the findings of this study would provide support for the
spillover model, without any differentiation between the type
(positive vs. negative) or the direction (from work vs. from home)
of the influence. However, when an individual-difference ap-
proach was taken, the data suggested existence of different work-
family relationship models for different individuals.
The individual-difference approach to the work-family relation-
ship taken in this study is consistent with the prevailing trend in the
field of industrial and organizational psychology. The current
Zeitgeist of industrial and organizational psychology has been
defined as a "trait-friendly" environment (Hough & Schneider,
1996). Increasing attention is being focused on individual-
difference variables other than cognitive ability in understanding
organizational performance and behavior. Still, as discussed by
Watanabe et al. (1997), very little research effort has been invested
in understanding individual characteristics and situational condi-
tions affecting the relationship between work and nonwork vari-
ables. Results of this study suggest that attachment style, or, more
broadly, the interpersonal relationship style, seems to influence the
 HOW PEOPLE BALANCE WORK AND FAMILY
way an individual experiences the work organization, his or her
family life, and the way he or she lets the two domains interact.
The findings of this study imply that attachment style may be
related to certain unconventional organizational outcome vari-
ables. The criteria and outcome variables studied in conjunction
with personality variables are not limited to job performance.
Murphy (1996) classified the criterion domains into two broad
categories. The first category includes task performance as well as
a wide range of nontask behaviors such as organizational citizen-
ship, teamwork, customer service, and prosocial organizational
behaviors. The second category involves how the individual ex-
periences life in the organization. Depending on individuals' per-
sonalities and orientations, the same organization can be experi-
enced as pleasant by one employee but as hostile by another.
Attachment style as an individual-difference variable seems to
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affect the second category. That is, it seems to influence the way
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
an individual experiences the work organization as well as her or
his nonwork life and the way she or he lets the two domains
interact. Furthermore, attachment style can be expected to have an
indirect effect on the organizational behaviors under the first
category (i.e., performance and nontask behaviors such as helping
and citizenship) through its influence on the second category.
Further research is needed to test both the direct and indirect
effects of attachment style on the two categories.
The present findings may also provide some insights as to why
certain people cannot keep their personal lives from interfering
with their work (or vice versa), spread negative affectivity, are
more prone to interpersonal conflict, and cannot handle stressful
situations or assignments without being overwhelmed. Similarly, it
may help to explain why others allow for only a selective positive
interplay or can keep the domains completely segregated. An
important implication of the present findings is that job attitudes
and behaviors may reflect underlying personality attributes or
orientations more than individuals' objective job situations or
nonwork arrangements. Thus, organizational interventions aiming
to reduce work-family juggling and conflict may succeed to the
extent that they take into consideration individual-difference vari-
ables that have been shown to influence the interplay between
work and nonwork domains of life. Attachment style appears to be
one such variable, and there may be many other yet-to-be-
discovered variables that contribute to the way individuals expe-
rience the relationship between their work and nonwork lives.
An important limitation of the study involves the measures used.
This study represents the first large-scale use of the five WFLQ
subscales. Although the subscales appeared to have acceptable
internal consistency reliabilities and a confirmatory factor analysis
provided some evidence for the construct validity of the scale,
additional research is needed to establish both reliability and
validity of the WFLQ. Also, new items should be added to the
segmentation subscale, which currently has only two. Similarly,
several authors have emphasized the need for better measures and
methods in the area of adult attachment (e.g., Brennan, Clark, &
Shaver, 1998; Kazan & Shaver, 1994b). Brennan et al. constructed
two higher order factors (Avoidance and Anxiety) after factor
analyzing 60 attachment-related subscale scores. Using a hierar-
chical clustering procedure, they then used the two higher order
factor scores to cluster participants into four groups that corre-
sponded to Bartholomew's (1990) four categories. Brennan et al.
argued that this categorization procedure produced stronger results
661
than Bartholomew's (1990) self-classification approach in relation
to measures of theoretically associated variables. Interview tech-
niques also have been reported to be more powerful than self-
report measures with respect to the measurement of attachment
style (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991). The relatively low eta-
squareds reported in our study could partially be a by-product of
the self-classification approach adopted in measuring attachment
style. Future research using more solid, preferably multiple, mea-
sures of attachment style is needed.
Finally, the present study provides attachment style as a general
framework in explaining individual differences in the interplay
between work and family domains. However, it still falls short in
providing a comprehensive theoretical framework. Future research
must be conducted within the framework of more fully elaborated
causal models and should examine how individual-difference vari-
ables interact with each other and with job variables in determining
a person's experience of the relationship between work and family.
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Appendix
Work-Family Linkage Questionnaire
1. My job shows me ways of seeing things that are helpful outside of
work. (Positive Spillover From Work [PSW])
2. My job develops skills in me that are useful at home. (PSW)
3. After work, I come home too tired to do some of the things I would
like to do. (Negative Spillover From Work [NSW])
4. My home life develops skills in me that are useful at work. (Positive
Spillover From Home [PSH])
5. My family/"significant other" gives me support so I can face the
difficulties at work. (PSH)
6. Quality of my job performance improves if I am satisfied with my
home life. (PSH)
7. My home problems produce tensions and anxieties that decrease my
work performance. (Negative Spillover From Home [NSH])
8. Problems at work make me so irritable that I take it out on my
family/"significant other." (NSW)
9. My home life energizes me so I can tackle the challenges of my job.
(PSH)
10. My job tires me out so I feel drained for home responsibilities. (NSW)
11. The demands of my home life make it difficult to concentrate on my
job. (NSH)
12. Quality of my home life improves if I am satisfied with my job. (PSW)
13. My home life makes me so irritable that I take it out on the people at
work. (NSH)
14. My job gives me access to certain facts/information which can be used
to improve my home life. (PSW)
15. My work takes up time that I'd like to spend with my family/
"significant other." (NSW)
16. My work schedule often conflicts with my home life. (NSW)
17. My home life tires me out so I feel drained for work. (NSH)
18. If my home life is less satisfying, I become involved with my work for
fulfillment and development. (Compensation of What Is Missing at
Home [COMPH])
19. I sometimes let my personal problems affect my work performance.
(NSH)
663
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20. I sometimes let my work problems affect my home life. (NSW)
21. When I come home, I leave all the problems at work behind. (Seg-
mentation [SEG])
22. I become more involved in my work when I experience problems at
home. (COMPH)
23. I keep my work and nonwork life completely separate. (SEG)
24. My job gives me a chance to do things that are lacking in my home
life. (COMPH)
25. My family/"significant other" gives me ideas that can be applied on the
job. (PSH)
26. I become more involved in my family/"significant other" when I
experience problems at work. (Compensation of What Is Missing at
Work [COMPW])
27. If things are not going well with my job, I turn to my family/
"significant other" for fulfillment and development. (COMPW)
Note. Items 3 and 16 are from "A Model of Work, Family, and
Interrole Conflict: A Construct Validation Study," by R. E. Kopelman,
J. H. Greenhaus, and T. F. Connolly, 1983, Organizational Behavior and
Human Performance, 32, p. 204. Copyright 1983 by Academic Press.
Reprinted with permission. Items 4, 5, 7, 9, 13, 14, 17, and 25 are from
"Perceptions of Nonwork-to-Work Spillover: Challenging the Common
View of Conflict-Ridden Domain Relationships," by C. Kirchmeyer, 1992,
Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 13, pp. 238-239. Copyright 1992 by
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Adapted with permission.
Received July 22, 1999
Revision received July 26, 2000
Accepted July 27, 2000