Original Article

Sexing the Avatar

Gender, Sexualization, and Cyber-Harassment
in a Virtual World
Elizabeth Behm-Morawitz1 and Shannon Schipper2
1
Department of Communication, University of Missouri, Columbia, MI, USA,
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

2
Women’s Resources Center, University of the Pacific, Stockton, CA, USA

Abstract. The present study explored the influence of avatar appearance on cyber-harassment in a virtual world. Specifically, this research
examined how avatar gender and sexualization were related to the experience of sex- and non-sex-related harassment. An international sample
of Second Life users (N = 216) completed an online questionnaire about their avatar’s appearance and virtual world experiences. Objectification
theory and the disinhibition effect were used as theoretical grounding for the study. Results revealed disparate virtual experiences for male and
female avatars and indicated that avatar sexualization was related to experiences of cyber-harassment for female avatars. The implications of
this research extend beyond virtual worlds like Second Life to other Web-based communication applications that utilize avatars.

Keywords: gender, sexualization, avatars, virtual worlds, cyber-harassment

As virtual play and computer-mediated communication
become increasingly central to our daily lives, questions
arise about how psychological phenomena observed in
other contexts may be experienced online. Second Life
(SL) (http://www.secondlife.com) is currently one of the
largest and most popular social virtual worlds available to
Internet users. Over 1 million people per month choose to
spend part of their daily lives in SL (Linden Lab, 2011).
This virtual community is a computer-simulated, persistent,
interactive world populated by users who may communicate
synchronously with one another and actively contribute to
the creation of the world (Ivory, 2012; Jung, 2011; Pearce,
2009). The cybersociality of virtual worlds like SL offers up
a unique opportunity to study how sociocultural patterns of
life may be extended into virtual spaces (Boellstorff, 2008).
The present research examined how avatar gender and
sexualization were related to the phenomenon of cyber-
harassment.
Cyber-harassment was conceptualized as computer-
mediated obscene comments, sexual harassment, and gen-
erally harassing behaviors aimed at debasing and/or driving
out a virtual world user. These unwanted communication
behaviors targeting members of gender and other nondom-
inant cultural groups online have largely been understudied
and trivialized (Citron, 2009). In a virtual world, the avatar
(i.e., 3D digital representation of the user) is central to
communication exchange. We discuss avatar creation and
(virtual) self-sexualization to contextualize the study of
cyber-harassment in a 3D virtual environment. Objectifica-
tion theory and the disinhibition effect are used as theoret-
ical grounding for the present research.
The study surveyed an international sample of existing
SL users to examine the relationship between avatar gender,
sexualization, and experiences of sex- and non-sex-related
cyber-harassment in a social virtual world. The results of this
research suggest that cyber-harassment in virtual applica-
tions may follow suit from the gendered nature of reported
experiences of harassment in offline contexts. Although
avatar customization and virtual world interactions may be
playful in nature, the experience of cyber-harassment is
very real. Our research invites scholars to further consider
how experiences of cyber-harassment are mapped onto
experiences of play in virtual environments.
The implications of this research extend beyond virtual
worlds like SL to other Web-based communication applica-
tions that utilize avatars. An increasingly wide range of
applications using 3D avatars are emerging as technology
advances and become more readily available. Theoretical
as well as practical implications are discussed and sugges-
tions are made for future studies.
Customizing the Avatar: Choosing
the Virtual You
Technological developments have enabled users to have a
great degree of control over avatar creation. This is partic-
ularly true in SL, where hundreds of thousands of items are
available for customizing the appearance of one’s avatar.
Although a user can be anyone or anything (i.e., users have
the option of purchasing unique avatars such as robots and

Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174

DOI: 10.1027/1864-1105/a000152
 162 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
spider monkeys), typically avatars in SL are human, and
their appearance is derivative of familiar social identities
such as gender. The processes of gender-based social iden-
tification (Tajfel, 1974) and social categorization (Turner,
1978) as well as other social group distinctions are a reality
of the virtual experience just as they are a part of our offline
lived experiences (Watkins, 2010; Nakamura, 2008).
Research suggests that avatar appearance indicative of
social group categorization is impactful on users’ percep-
tions in a virtual world (Lee & Park, 2011). Arguably, gen-
der is the most dominant social identity used to organize
avatar appearance choices. Avatar clothing, skin/shape,
and hair are most often sold as gender-specific items.
Creating and clothing the avatar is one of the most
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
important aspects of life in a virtual world. A customized
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
avatar serves to distinguish SL residents from newbies
(users new to the virtual world) and functions as an act of
self-representation (Rak, 2009). Indeed Rak states that ‘‘if
Second Life has a gaming objective, it is the game of iden-
tity itself’’ (p. 153). As such, the modification of the avatar
becomes an important form of communication in of itself.
The outward appearance of the avatar communicates to oth-
ers who the user is or who they wish to be. Avatar custom-
ization is often playful in nature, such that users feel they
can experiment with their appearance and identity in what
might be deemed a low-risk environment (Behm-Morawitz,
2013; Bessière, Seay, & Kiesler, 2007; Jin, 2010). Despite
the context of virtual play, one’s physical appearance in a
virtual environment may be used as a basis for (positive
or negative) treatment by others online (Boellstorff, 2008;
Nakamura, 2008). Avatar appearance may have unintended
negative consequences for users.
Rak (2009) argues that appearance in-world is both a
form of social currency and identity. The avatar can serve
as a prosthetic identity of the user, directly representing
how they view themselves in their everyday lives (also
referred to as first life or real life). Some users may create
their avatars as near-identical representations of themselves,
giving the avatar similar features and dressing the avatar as
they would normally dress. Other users may design their
avatars as a symbol of how they wish they appeared in first
life or as a form of self-expression (Dunn & Guadagno,
2012; Jin, 2010; Rak, 2009). Individuals differ in avatar
choices based on a number of factors including personality
traits (Dunn & Guadagno, 2012; Sung, Moon, Kang, & Lin,
2011), self-esteem (Bessière et al., 2007), and life satisfac-
tion (Trepte & Reinecke, 2010).
Avatar appearance may also be more reflective of the
cultural norms of the virtual world, rather than an individ-
ual’s preferences. In SL, as in other virtual communities,
there are norms governing avatar appearance (Martey &
Consalvo, 2011). Bloustien and Wood (2013) note that
although SL users seek to create avatars that reflect their
inner self, they also have a desire for belonging and fitting
in with the online culture. According to Lee (2014),
‘‘virtual worlds create an appealing but illusory utopia, fool-
ing us into thinking that ethnicity and global inequities no
longer matter. They promise to transform us while preserv-
ing the status quo’’ (p. 211). Along these lines, research
suggests that rather than challenge the status quo, normative
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
practices of avatar customization in SL accentuate preexist-
ing gender and beauty standards. In SL, normative male
and female avatar bodies are most often idealized in shape
and size, and clothing is provocative (Martey & Consalvo,
2011).
Virtual Sexualization
Indeed, research suggests that many SL users create hetero-
normative, hypersexualized representations that conform to
what is deemed socially desirable (Brookey & Cannon,
2009; Martey & Consalvo, 2011). The culture of SL is per-
meated by images of objectified women, particularly in
popular shopping, dance club, and sex club destinations,
and has a tendency to reinforce gender norms by focusing
on the importance of the sexual attractiveness of the female
body (Brookey & Cannon, 2009). Despite the potential for
virtual worlds to serve as an escape from ‘‘real life,’’
research (e.g., Falvey, 2011; Yee, Bailenson, Urbanek,
Chang, & Merget, 2007) suggests that social behavior
online is largely reflective of broader cultural norms.
Female and male avatars alike are typically idealized
versions of the physical body of the virtual world user
(Bessière, Seay, & Kiesler, 2007). The curvaceously thin
ideal (Harrison, 2003) is evident in female human and non-
human (e.g., ‘‘furry’’) avatars alike in SL, whereas male
avatars frequently adopt the larger, more muscular body
consistent with a widespread ‘‘culture of muscularity’’ for
men (Agliata & Tantleff-Dunn, 2004, p. 8).
Though women and girls are more often sexualized in
the media than men and boys, the sexualization of the male
figure has increased over the past 2 decades, particularly in
magazines (Hatton & Trautner, 2011; Rohlinger, 2002).
Thus, the present study does not dismiss the idea that some
men may have sexualized avatars. Similar to women, men
online may choose a sexualized appearance to appear desir-
able to other users online, to fit in with social norms of a
virtual community, or to explore facets of their identity
online. However, from an objectification theory perspec-
tive, the cultural dominance and privileging of men and
masculinity over women and femininity may result in more
negative effects of sexualization of appearance for
women in comparison with men. Objectification theory
provides a useful framework for understanding these
consequences.
Objectification Theory
According to objectification theory, the sexualization of the
human body is linked to objectification (Fredrickson &
Roberts, 1997) or the treatment of an individual as an object
of desire. Fredrickson and Roberts argue that objectification
is an experiential consequence for women existing in a cul-
ture (such as SL) that sexually objectifies the female body.
Thus, it is typically women, rather than men, who experi-
ence objectification as a form of oppression stemming from
the gendered sociocultural contexts that prescribe meaning
to the body.
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
When someone is sexually objectified, there is a focus
on their body parts, the baring of their body parts through
provocative dress, and an emphasis on their physical
appearance and sexual attractiveness as being central to
their worth (American Psychological Association, 2010;
Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). According to Nowatzki
and Morry (2009), a woman may self-sexualize by engag-
ing in self-sexualizing behaviors (e.g., dressing provoca-
tively), which may result in objectification and an
internalization of physical attractiveness as central to one’s
worth.
The process of self-sexualizing via one’s avatar is evi-
dent when a user embodies an avatar that is sexualized in
appearance. In line with Fredrickson and Roberts (1997),
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we conceptualized avatar sexualization in the present study
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in terms of both provocative dress and idealized physique.
However, to be clear, this does not mean that selecting an
idealized female body shape for one’s avatar is necessarily
akin to the process of self-sexualization. The shape of a vir-
tual or real woman’s body may encourage others to sexual-
ize her, but this does not indicate self-sexualization on the
part of the woman. Likewise, women online may create
avatars similar in appearance to sexualized models preva-
lent in media culture, but this may occur without the inten-
tion of communicating a sexualized appearance. Martey
and Consalvo (2011) suggest that women in SL may choose
such a sexualized appearance with the goal of representing
themselves with what they perceive to be a culturally
accepted idealized image of the female body. Self-
sexualization is thus not necessarily a conscious process
on the part of the virtual world user; however, the negative
consequences of objectification of the female body may
still follow regardless of a user’s intention.
Additionally, a new generation of women has emerged
who disagree with the notion that women are being sexually
exploited in pop culture and advertising. These women
internalize a sexualized view of the female body and
express the belief that there is nothing inherently problem-
atic with women being sexualized as long as the woman
maintains her autonomy. Evans, Riley, and Shankar
(2010) state that a ‘‘neo-liberal rhetoric of agency, choice
and self-determination’’ has ‘‘produced an ‘up for it’ femi-
ninity, a sexually savvy and active woman who can partic-
ipate appropriately in consumer practices in the production
of her choice biography’’ (p. 115). By conflating sexual
empowerment with sexualization, women, according to
these authors, maintain control of their own sexualization
by not seeking male approval for their appearance. In other
words, they assert that choosing a sexualized self-
representation allows a woman to maintain power; this
woman may be sexualized, but she is not necessarily being
objectified. This may offer one explanation for why women
choose to represent themselves through hypersexualized
avatars in virtual worlds. Their participation in the
virtual world may allow them the opportunity to experiment
with what they conceptualize as their own sexual
autonomy.
In relation to the present study, objectification theory
would suggest that women who self-sexualize via their
avatar might experience negative consequences despite
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
163
the perceived benefits of ‘‘fitting in’’ or playfully exploring
one’s identity and sexual autonomy. Some evidence of this
already exists based on a laboratory experiment that tested
the short-tem effects of embodying a sexualized avatar in a
virtual reality setting on college women’s self-perceptions
(Fox, Bailenson, & Tricase, 2013). Although this study
did not examine cyber-harassment, it provides empirical
grounding for the idea that embodying a sexualized avatar
is linked to negative outcomes for women, similar to effects
of self-sexualization found offline. One such negative
effect of virtual sexualization may be cyber-harassment.
Additionally, unique characteristics of computer-mediated
communication (CMC), in comparison with face-to-face
communication, may contribute to the phenomenon of
cyber-harassment in virtual worlds.
Cyber-Harassment in SL
The online disinhibition effect offers a theoretical explana-
tion for why cyber-harassment may occur somewhat fre-
quently in virtual worlds. Coupled with objectification
theory, online disinhibition explains why users of the sexu-
alized female avatar would be subjected to harassment in a
virtual environment. The online disinhibition effect
describes the propensity for individuals to express them-
selves more freely and engage in communication behaviors
online even more so than they would do offline (Suler,
2004). Indeed, research suggests that some people are more
likely to be disinhibited in interpersonal interactions online
than offline, disclosing information more quickly and tak-
ing more risks. This allows individuals to form meaningful
relationships and receive social support online (Baym,
2010). Certainly, virtual environments such as SL provide
users with opportunities for personal and relational growth
(Behm-Morawitz, 2013). Unfortunately, the online disinhi-
bition effect also results in what Suler (2004) terms toxic
disinhibition, where individuals feel free to engage in
aggressive, harassing, and harmful communication behav-
iors online. We use Suler’s research alongside objectifica-
tion theory as a guide for understanding gender-based
cyber-harassment in a virtual world.
Suler (2004) cites six explanatory factors for the phe-
nomenon of the online disinhibition effect. They are:
1. dissociative anonymity (i.e., ability to hide identity,
remain relatively anonymous),
2. invisibility (i.e., lack of physical co-presence),
3. asynchronicity (i.e., not interacting in real time, not
receiving immediate feedback from the receiver),
4. solipsistic introjection (i.e., construction of others
online as characters within one’s head),
5. dissociative imagination (i.e., feeling that what hap-
pens online is separate from offline life), and
6. minimization of authority (i.e., status is less apparent
and less likely to be used to govern communication
online).
Some of these factors may not be experienced to the
same degree in a virtual world like SL when compared with
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
 164 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
text-based only CMC environments. For example, the cen-
trality of the avatar in virtual worlds creates a physical pres-
ence that fosters a feeling of immediacy. The use 3D
avatars allows for nonverbal communication cues (e.g., ges-
tures and use of space) and interactive behaviors (e.g., a
hug) that add to a sense of co-presence. Additionally, com-
munication often occurs in real time via instant messaging
and/or voice communication. These communicative charac-
teristics of virtual worlds may reduce invisibility, asynchro-
nicity, and solipsistic introjection. However, the use of the
computer to mediate communication may still result in a
feeling of distance from others and the consequences of
one’s actions. In other words, a sense of anonymity and
imagination is fostered in virtual worlds that may cultivate
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toxic disinhibition.
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Further, the playful elements of SL (such as surfing or
dancing with your avatar) coupled with the motivation to
experience enjoyment in the virtual world may contribute
to cyber-harassment. Entertainment theory research sug-
gests that being entertained is a strong motivation for indi-
viduals to use media as a pastime; at the heart of it, people
seek to have fun and enjoy their media entertainment expe-
riences (Vorderer, Klimmt, and Ritterfield, 2004). This
motivation, along with the playfulness of the virtual world,
may contribute to some users’ perception that SL is ‘‘just a
game.’’ Most relevant to the present research, Klimmt
(2011) argues that harassment in virtual worlds may begin
as a playful endeavor and be perceived as having less severe
consequences than similar communication patterns offline.
In this sense, cyber-harassment may be construed as ‘‘play-
ful behavior’’ rather than truly harmful communication by a
contingent of SL users.
There is a paucity of studies examining the experience
of harassment based on appearance in virtual environments,
and most of such research (e.g., Biber, Doverspike, Baznik,
Cober, & Ritter, 2002; Cooper, Safir, & Rosenmann, 2006;
Franks, 2011; Herring, 1999) examines CMC (e.g., e-mails)
and sexual harassment in the context of academia and the
workplace, or cyber bullying among school children (e.g.,
Dempsey, Sulkowski, Dempsey, & Storch, 2011;
Erdur-Baker, 2010; Katzer, Fetchenhauer, & Belschak,
2009; Mishna, Khoury-Kassabri, Gadalla, & Daciuk,
2012). Little is known about the phenomenon of cyber-
harassment in virtual communities and Web-based applica-
tions where users experience virtual embodiment in the
form of a 3D avatar.
The present study explored the gendered nature of the
experience of cyber-harassment by examining avatar gender
and sexualization as primary predictors of sex- and non-
sex-related harassment in SL. Specifically, sexual harass-
ment as well as general harassment (i.e., obscene
comments, name calling, and other harassing communica-
tion not specifically related to sex or gender) of virtual
world users were examined. Results from this study will
shed light on whether self-sexualization and social group
(i.e., gender) membership in a virtual world have similar
results to those in offline contexts, in terms of harassment.
For example, offline, women are more likely than men to
report being sexually harassed in the workplace (Dougherty,
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
2001; MacKinnon, 1979; Murrell, Olson, & Frieze, 2011).
The present research helps us understand whether such pat-
terns of harassment extend into a virtual community, by
investigating how avatar appearance is linked to cyber-
harassment in a virtual world.
First, the following hypothesis and question were posed
to examine how avatar gender is related to the experience of
cyber-harassment. It was hypothesized that women (with
female avatars) and men (with male avatars) have disparate
experiences of sexual harassment, in line with reports of
sexual harassment in offline contexts:
Hypothesis 1 (H1): Women are more likely than men
to experience sexual harassment in the virtual world.
We next explored whether or not women are more likely
than men in SL to experience non-sex-related harassment.
Prior research only supports the idea that sex-related harass-
ment is a gendered experience, thus we might expect other
forms of cyber-harassment to be experienced equally by
men and women.
Research Question 1 (RQ1): Does gender predict
experience of name calling, obscene comments, or
generally harassing behaviors in the virtual world?
The next step in this research was to examine the rela-
tionship between avatar sexualization and experiences of
cyber-harassment. Careful theoretical consideration was
given to how to examine this relationship within the context
of avatar gender. Taken together, objectification theory and
sexual harassment research (e.g., Dougherty, 2006) suggest
that the relationship between sexualization and harassment
is a gendered one. Avatar sexualization is likely correlated
with avatar gender, such that female avatars are more likely
to be sexualized and their owners more likely to experience
disparate consequences of this, in comparison with male
avatars and their owners.
Objectification theory argues most men do not live in a
culture where the male body is sexually objectified in the
same manner as the female body. For example, Daniel
and Bridges (2010) found that objectification theory did
not explain men’s experiences, and Calogero (2009) argues
that objectification theory is useful to understanding men
and body image; however, patterns of objectification pro-
cesses were different with men in comparison with women.
Thus, objectification theory would argue for unique effects
of avatar sexualization for men and women. As a result, the
potential significance of avatar sexualization on the depen-
dent variables may be masked by the inclusion of both ava-
tar genders simultaneously in analysis. As a solution,
Hypothesis 2 was posed to test the relationship between
avatar sexualization and cyber-harassment for female SL
users, and the relationship between avatar sexualization
and cyber-harassment for male SL users was explored with
Research Question 2. The examination of the differing
motivations of male and female SL users further under-
scored the need to analyze men and women separately.
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar 165

Hypothesis 2 (H2): Avatar sexualization is positively
associated with the experience of cyber-harassment
for female users.
Research Question 2 (RQ2): Will avatar sexualization
be positively associated with the experience of cyber-
harassment for male users?
Method
Participants and Procedure
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placed around the university campus and community where
the primary author of this study works. Because our survey
was written in English, it was required that the participants
be competent in the English language. As an incentive for
participation, SL users had the option of entering a lottery
drawing for 10 winners of 5,000 lindens (US $20) (the SL
currency).
Two hundred ninety-one SL users completed our survey.
Participants were asked to answer the survey questions
based on the avatar that they use most frequently rather than
an ‘‘alt’’ (i.e., alternative avatar one may use in addition to
one’s primary avatar). Because avatar gender is of primary
interest to the present study, only participants who indicated
that their avatar has a gender were included in analysis.

This study utilized an international sample of SL residents Participants were given the following choices in indicating
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and used data from a larger study (Behm-Morawitz, 2013)
on avatars and presence in social virtual worlds. SL was
selected for the study because it is a well-established social
virtual world offering users sophistication in avatar custom-
ization. The avatar is central to the SL experience, and the
SL world is known for its user manipulability of virtual
objects and, more recently, for its increasingly user-friendly
interface. SL remains one of the most popular sites in terms
of numbers of people logging on each month and of the
public attention that the SL world receives for its large user
base. Gen X Internet users make up a good portion of
Second Lifers (Au, 2008), and the largest number of SL
users live in the United States, followed by Germany, the
United Kingdom, Canada, Brazil, and Australia (Metaverse,
2013).
SL users were recruited via a classified ad placed in SL,
by viral promotion of the study, and announcement of the
study on an academic Listserv. Additionally, fliers were
their avatar’s gender: male (n = 83, 28.5%), female (n =
214, 73.5%), transgender: male-to-female (n = 4, 1.4%),
transgender: female-to-male (n = 1, 0.3%), and nongen-
dered (i.e., my avatar does not have a gender) (n = 7,
2.4%). Not all participants were retained in the sample
for analysis. Gender switching and transgender identity
were used as filters. There were too few cases of gender
switching and of transgender avatars to assess the relation-
ship between these unique avatar experiences and the stud-
ied phenomena, thus these individuals were dropped from
the sample. The data were also examined for outliers.
One female participant who reported an avatar age of
15,000 years was dropped. This left 278 individuals in
the sample.
Country was used as an additional filter. Only partici-
pants who reported their country to be from a Westernized
culture were retained in the sample. This resulted in a final
sample of 217 SL users. See Table 1 for descriptive

Table 1. Characteristics of second life users and their avatars

Characteristic Male Avatars Male Users Female Avatars Female Users
Age Mdn = 31 Mdn = 45 Mdn = 29 Mdn = 42
SD = 13.80 SD = 11.35 SD = 7.89 SD = 12.75
Race (% White) 84% (n = 57) 94% (n = 64) 77% (n = 117) 83% (n = 125)
Skin color M = 4.10 M = 2.78 M = 3.06 M = 2.50
SD = 2.45 SD = 1.06 SD = 1.93 SD = 1.37
‘‘Avatar Looks Like Me’’ M = 3.40 N/A M = 4.21 N/A
SD = 2.03 SD = 1.75
Avatar sexualization M = 2.70 N/A M = 3.06 N/A
SD = 0.64 SD = 0.54
Avatar modesty M = 2.37 N/A M = 2.54 N/A
SD = 1.05 SD = 0.91
Avatar muscularity M = 2.94 N/A N/A N/A
SD = 0.93
Avatar body size M = 3.21 N/A M = 3.87 N/A
SD = 0.61 SD = 0.74
Avatar breast size N/A N/A M = 2.78 N/A
SD = 0.92
Notes. Skin color was reported on a pictorial scale from 1 (lightest) to 10 (darkest). The ‘‘avatar looks like me’’ item was measured on
a scale from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much). Avatar sexualization was scored from 1 (low) to 5 (extreme). For men, highly muscular,
trim, provocatively dressed avatars were indicative of sexualization. For women, very thin, provocatively dressed avatars with large
breasts were indicative of sexualization. Avatar modesty, muscularity, body size (reverse coded), and breast size were measured on
a 1 to 5 scale, with higher numbers contributing to a higher sexualization score. N/A = not applicable.

Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174

 166 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
statistics. Sixty-eight men (median age = 45, SD = 11.35)
and 149 women (median age = 42, SD = 12.73) were
retained in the sample from the United States, Canada,
Great Britain, Australia, Germany, France, Italy, and
Belgium. In total, the majority of participants were from
the United States (74%, n = 160). SL users from the United
Kingdom (9%, n = 25), Canada (5%, n = 15), and Australia
(3%, n = 8) accounted for the largest non-US populations
represented in the sample. The majority of male partici-
pants were White (non-Hispanic, non-Latino) (94%,
n = 64), followed by ‘‘other’’ (4%, n = 3), and Hispanic
or Latino (2%, n = 1). The majority of female participants
were White (non-Hispanic, non-Latino) (83%, n = 124),
followed by Black or African American (5%, n = 8),
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‘‘other’’ (5%, n = 7), Hispanic or Latino (3%, n = 4), Native
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Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (2%, n = 3), Asian (1%, n = 2),
and American Indian or Alaskan Native (1%, n = 2).
Measures
SL Usage
Time spent in SL each week and motivations for participat-
ing in SL were entered as control variables in analyses to
isolate the influence of the predictor variables on cyber-
harassment. First, participants reported how much time they
spent on an average weekday and on an average weekend
day in SL. A weekly total (in hours) was created for each
individual. Participants spent a median of 10 hr per week
(M = 32 hr, SD = 25.60) in SL. Frequent SL users will have
had more experiences in-world, which may make them
more likely to have experienced all types of interactions,
including cyber-harassment.
Second, participants reported what motivated them to
participate in SL. They were given a list of 22 motivations
(e.g., friendships, make money, express my artistic side, and
emotional support) and asked to select all that applied. How
often and why one participates in SL may impact the user’s
perceptions of cyber-harassment in the virtual world. Corre-
lation matrices were run separately for male and female
participants to look for significant relationships between
dependent variables and all SL motivations, with the aim
of identifying motivations that should be entered as control
variables in analyses. Different motivations were signifi-
cantly correlated with cyber-harassment for men and
women. Controlling for the influence of these variables in
the appropriate tests allowed us to see the unique contribu-
tions of avatar gender and sexualization to experiences of
cyber-harassment. Explanation of which motivations were
included as controls is included in the reporting of results.
Avatar Appearance
First, participants reported the gender, race/ethnicity, skin
color, and age of their avatar. See Table 1 for descriptive
statistics. SL users reported the race/ethnicity of their avatar
using the same categories provided for measurement of
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
participant race/ethnicity. They also used the same skin
color scale to judge the skin tone of their avatar. Avatar race
data were missing for four participants. A correlation anal-
ysis indicated that there was no significant relationship
between avatar race/ethnicity and skin color and any of
the dependent variables. Avatar age was significantly corre-
lated with experience of sexual harassment, thus it was
included as a control in the appropriate tests.
Second, participants were asked to respond to the state-
ment ‘‘My avatar looks like me,’’ on a scale from 1 (not at
all) to 7 (very much). This item was included to provide
additional context for the degree of avatar self-discrepancy
(i.e., how similar a user’s avatar appearance was to their
actual appearance; see Table 1).
Third, to assess degree of avatar sexualization, partici-
pants viewed pictorial scales on three appearance dimen-
sions and indicated which image most closely matched
their avatar. We manipulated the appearance of a male
and a female avatar in SL and took photos in-world of
the avatars for scale creation (see Appendix). Scores were
coded such that higher scores indicate greater sexualization.
The weight scores were reverse coded. A mean score was
created for each participant using the scores from the three
appearance dimensions (Table 1).
For female avatars, modesty of the clothing, breast size,
and weight scale dimensions were created. The avatar was
necessarily clothed in beach attire for the breast and weight
scale dimensions so that female participants could accu-
rately judge these body dimensions. To create the breast
size scale, breast size was increased by 15 points in the
SL avatar appearance editor for each point on the scale.
For female weight scale, breast size was held constant
across each scale point, and participants were asked to
judge their avatar only on weight (not breast size). Provoc-
ative attire and a slim body frame with large breasts was
conceptualized as being indicative of a more highly sexual-
ized female avatar.
For male avatars, modesty of clothing, muscularity, and
avatar weight were judged. Similar to the female avatar, the
male avatar was necessarily clothed in beach attire for the
muscularity and weight scale dimensions. For the male par-
ticipants, it was important that the shoulders and arms be
bare for determining muscularity. It was more difficult to
manipulate the muscularity of the stomach and chest, so
the avatar was pictured in a tank top. Avatar muscle size
was increased by 20 points for each point on the muscular-
ity scale. When judging avatar weight, participants were
asked not to judge the weight scale based on muscularity,
given that muscle size looks inconsistent as the body
‘‘fat’’ and ‘‘thickness’’ sliders were adjusted for each weight
point. Provocative attire and a highly muscular, slim body
frame were conceptualized as being indicative of a more
highly sexualized male avatar.
Special instructions were provided for the male and
female modesty scales. It was noted that some people
change the clothing of their avatar frequently and try out
different styles. However, most people have a ‘‘go-to’’ look
that they return to often. Participants were asked to judge
their avatar on the clothing scale based on which image
most closely reflected the modesty of attire they most
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
frequently wear in SL. They were asked to judge based on
modesty/coverage rather than particular style preferences
(e.g., preppy, goth, or athletic).
Cyber-Harassment
Participants were asked: ‘‘Have you experienced any of
these types of attention/interactions in the virtual world?
Select all that apply.’’ Response options were social invita-
tions, friendship requests, lack of attention/residents ignor-
ing you, sexual harassment, harassment (other), unwanted
flirtation or sexual advances, name calling, obscene com-
ments, gifts (objects), gifts (money), friendly messages,
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This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
welcomed flirtation or sexual advances, assistance (i.e.,
help from other users), invitation to meet offline, and invi-
tation to exchange ‘‘real-world’’ contact information.
For the present study, analysis focused on (1) sexual harass-
ment and (2) non-sex-related harassment: obscene com-
ments, name calling, and general (i.e., other) harassment
that was not perceived to be sexual harassment.
Results
Logistic regression tests were used for analysis of the rela-
tionship between avatar gender and sexualization with
experiences of cyber-harassment in the virtual world. A cor-
relation matrix demonstrated significant relations between
some of the demographic variables and the dependent vari-
ables. As a result, participant age and frequency of SL
usage were included as controls in all regression tests.
Additionally, motivations for using SL that were correlated
with dependent variables were included as controls in the
appropriate regression models.
Descriptive statistics of the appearance characteristics of
the SL users’ avatars in this study are presented in Table 1.
The median age of the male avatar was 14 years younger
than the median age of the male participants. Similarly,
the median age of the female avatar was 13 years younger
than the median age of the women in the study. Female ava-
tars were more sexualized in appearance than male avatars.
Overall, the avatars were slightly darker in skin color than
the participants. This is likely because some White partici-
pants have non-White avatars. Most frequently, this ‘‘race
switching’’ was a White participant embodying a mixed-
race (‘‘other’’ race category) avatar. We also asked partici-
pants to respond to the statement ‘‘My avatar looks like
me,’’ on a scale from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much). In par-
ticular, men seemed to disagree with this statement more
often than women. Overall, participants felt that their avatar
was only somewhat similar in appearance to their offline
self (Table 1).
In relation to the experience of cyber-harassment,
approximately two thirds of male and female SL users
reported experiencing some type of cyber-harassment in
the virtual world. See Table 2 for frequencies and break-
down by type of harassment.
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
167
Table 2. Cyber-harassment frequencies for male and
female second life users
Type of harassment Men Women
Sexual harassment 13% (n = 9) 38% (n = 58)
Name calling 37% (n = 25) 28% (n = 42)
Obscene comments 35% (n = 24) 37% (n = 56)
Other harassment 49% (n = 33) 36% (n = 55)
Experienced one or more types 78% (n = 53) 77% (n = 116)
Hypothesis 1 and Research Question 1
H1 hypothesized that female avatars would be more likely
than male avatars to experience sexual harassment in the
virtual world. Support was found for this hypothesis. Avatar
gender emerged as a significant predictor of sex-related
harassment. Owners of female avatars were more likely to
experience sexual harassment than owners of male avatars,
b = 1.76, SE = .44, p < .001, Exp(B) = 5.80.
RQ1 explored whether women and men would equally
experience non-sex-related cyber-harassment in the virtual
world. Results indicated that avatar gender was not a signif-
icant predictor of being a recipient of obscene comments,
b = .32, SE = .35, p = .37, Exp(B) = 1.37, name calling,
b = .22, SE = .35, p = .53, Exp(B) = .80, or general
harassment in-world, b = .22, SE = .33, p = .51, Exp(B)
= .81.
Hypothesis 2 and Research Question 2
H2 hypothesized that women with highly sexualized female
avatars would be more likely to experience cyber-
harassment than women with less sexualized female
avatars. Support was found for this hypothesis. First, the
relationship between female avatar sexualization and sexual
harassment was examined. Female avatar sexualization was
related to the experience of sexual harassment,
b = 1.23, SE = .44, p = .01, Exp(B) = 1.64, such that women
with more highly sexualized female avatars were more
likely to report experiencing sexual harassment.
Next, name calling was entered as the dependent vari-
able, and controls included participant age, frequency of
SL use, and the emotional support motivation. Female
avatar sexualization was positively related to experiencing
name calling in SL, b = .97, SE = .44, p = .03, Exp(B) =
2.64.
Third, the relationship between female avatar sexualiza-
tion and receipt of obscene comments was examined.
Participant age, SL usage, and the game play and hunts
motivations were included as controls. Female avatar sexu-
alization was positively related to experiencing obscene
comments in SL, b = .87, SE = .42, p = .02, Exp(B) = 2.38.
Fourth, the relationship between female avatar sexuali-
zation and receipt of generally harassing comments was
examined. Female avatar sexualization was not significantly
related to experiencing general harassment in SL, b = .65,
SE = .38, p = .08, Exp(B) = 1.91.
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
 168 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
RQ2 asked whether avatar sexualization would be
related to cyber-harassment for male avatars. Participant
age and SL usage were included as controls in the models.
The listening to music, friendships, and romance motiva-
tions were significantly correlated with some of the depen-
dent variables and were added as additional control
variables as appropriate.
Avatar sexualization was not related to the experience of
sexual harassment, b = .46, SE = .66, p = .49, Exp(B) =
.63, name calling, b = .48, SE = .33, p = .55, Exp(B) = .96,
obscene comments, b = .31, SE = .52, p = .55, Exp(B) =
.74, or general harassment, b = .32, SE = .49, p = .52,
Exp(B) = .73. The results indicated that avatar sexualization
was related to cyber-harassment only for female –
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
not male – participants.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
Discussion
Contrary to the idea that cultural boundaries and differences
are eradicated online, how others treat us online may be
dependent on the identities that we project virtually.
An online sample of international SL users was utilized
to examine how avatar gender and sexualization are related
to the phenomenon of cyber-harassment in a virtual world.
The findings from this research increase our understanding
of how social group membership (namely gender) and sex-
ualization of the virtual self via a 3D avatar impact receipt
of unwanted and harmful communication online. Objectifi-
cation theory and the online disinhibition effect were used
as theoretical grounding for understanding the potential
consequences of virtual sexual objectification of women.
This research had two overall findings: (1) Women and
men have disparate experiences of cyber-harassment.
Women were more likely to report being harassed in the vir-
tual world; and (2) Avatar sexualization was related to the
experience of cyber-harassment for women but not men.
Overall, the findings from this study suggest that cyber-
harassment is a relatively common occurrence in SL, with
approximately two thirds of all participants reporting expe-
riencing some type of cyber-harassment. Toxic disinhibition
may be occurring in virtual worlds, such that users are dis-
inhibited from acting out aggressively toward other users.
The playful elements of virtual worlds like SL may contrib-
ute to disinhibition to harass other users. Likelihood of
experiencing cyber-harassment, however, is at least in part
dependent upon avatar appearance.
Thirty-eight percent of women versus 13% of men
reported experiencing sexual harassment in SL. Sexual
harassment is a communication phenomenon that is legally
defined, and defined most commonly within the context of
employment and academic environments and decisions
(Biber et al., 2002; O’Donohue, Downs, & Yeater, 1998).
Sexual harassment was less common among SL users, in
comparison with the other forms of cyber-harassment, per-
haps because participants define sexual harassment in legal
terms. Keeping this in mind, sexual harassment would be
most likely to occur in employment and educational settings
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
in SL. Similar to offline contexts, women were more likely
to be subjected to sexually harassing behaviors.
Indeed, women and men have disparate experiences in
virtual worlds, both in their avatar creation and their inter-
actions with others online. Overall, the majority of SL users
designed their avatars to reflect Western norms of physical
attractiveness. For instance, median age of the avatar was
approximately 10 years younger than the average age of
the participant, which suggests that residents are repre-
sented by more youthful avatars in the virtual world. Addi-
tionally, based on responses to the weight and muscularity
avatar scales, the majority of participants had avatars that
were trim and fit. However, consistent with prior research
on visual representations of women, the female avatar is
more highly sexualized than the male avatar.
The avatar characteristics of the SL users in this study
also reflect a moderate degree of avatar self-discrepancy.
Overall, participants reported that their avatar was only
somewhat similar in appearance to their actual self. Dunn
and Guadagno (2012) suggest that avatar discrepancy is
common and may be due to virtual world users’ desire to
create an avatar that represents the ideal male or female
body. This is consistent with the findings of the present
study. Less clear is what motivations may be behind the
desire to create an idealized avatar and whether or not these
motivations are gender-specific.
Next, gender differences were revealed when examining
the influence of virtual sexualization on quality of online
interactions. Specifically, avatar sexualization has deleteri-
ous outcomes for owners of female but not of male avatars.
Highly sexualized female avatars were more likely than less
sexualized female avatars to experience cyber-harassment.
Degree of sexualization for male avatars did not influence
experience of harassment, suggesting that the consequences
of avatar sexualization are different for women and men.
In line with objectification research (Aubrey, 2006; Jochen
& Valkenburg, 2007; Murnen, Smolak, Mills, & Good,
2003; Szymanski, Moffitt, & Carr, 2011), this study sug-
gests the sociocultural context of the (virtual) female body
leads to different outcomes of sexualization for women and
men, such that the sexualization of women leads to sex-
typed or stereotyped treatment of women; whereas, the sex-
ualization of the male form does not have the same negative
consequences for men. Taken together, these findings sug-
gest that the relationship between virtual sexualization and
cyber-harassment is a gendered one.
The results indicate that highly sexualized female ava-
tars received more sexual attention overall, such that they
garner a high volume of wanted and unwanted sexual atten-
tion online. The sexing of the female avatar becomes espe-
cially apparent when looking at the results of the
relationship between avatar gender and likelihood of expe-
riencing non-sex-related harassment. There were no signif-
icant differences between female and male avatars when
examining other types of harassment in the virtual world.
This indicates that gender-based differences in experiences
of cyber-harassment were centered on sex-related harass-
ment only.
Taken together, the findings from the present research
suggest attitudes toward women’s bodies and sexism that
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
exist in life offline have carried over into life online, rein-
forcing the idea that life in virtual worlds tends to mimic
life in the offline world (Boellstorff, 2008). This informa-
tion is important for researchers, as virtual worlds become
increasingly popular spaces to enact identity and interact
with others. Further, the use of an avatar to represent one-
self in online applications is becoming more frequent as
technology develops. Internet users should carefully con-
sider their avatar’s appearance, as the gender and sexualiza-
tion of one’s avatar may elicit unwanted, harmful
communication from other users online. This research sup-
ports the idea that, for female avatars, self-sexualizing
online may result in objectification of the virtual body
and receipt of cyber-harassment. In turn, this research sug-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
gests that cyber-harassment prevention strategies should
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
recognize the greater likelihood that perpetrators will target
users embodying female avatars, in comparison with users
embodying male avatars. It would be useful for cyber-
harassment education to incorporate the gendered and
sexualized nature of online aggression in avatar-based
environments into prevention strategies.
The findings of this study may be explained in terms of
a gendered media effect, as we predicted based on objecti-
fication theory and the online disinhibition effect. Users
respond to sexualized female avatars with a greater likeli-
hood of harassing behaviors due to both the culture of
objectification of women and the toxic disinhibition fos-
tered in CMC environments. Female avatars, particularly
those that are self-sexualized in appearance, are targeted
as sexual objects and subjected to online harassment. These
findings are consistent with ideas about the effects of ano-
nymity and perceived disconnection of the virtual from the
real (Barak, 2005; Lapidot-Lefler & Barak, 2012; Suler,
2004). Users may feel free to engage in harassing behaviors
due to perceived anonymity in the virtual world, solipsistic
introjection (i.e., construction of users online as characters
rather than real people), and dissociative imagination (i.e.,
belief that what happens online is separate from offline life)
(Suler, 2004). The playful aspects of the virtual world may
cultivate feelings of dissociative imagination and solipsistic
introjection, in particular, by reducing the level of responsi-
bility felt by the communicator and/or by creating the per-
ception that harassing behaviors are merely playful and not
to be taken seriously (Klimmt, 2011).
The propensity for women, more so than men, in the vir-
tual world to experience sexual harassment may also be
explained by the transfer of offline behaviors – rooted in
the gender double standard and misogynistic attitudes
(Crawford & Popp, 2003) – to online communication
(Biber et al., 2002; Erdur-Baker, 2010). Rather than being
an effect of the virtual environment, the observations of this
study may be primarily an artifact of sexism that is experi-
enced offline transferring to online spaces in a similar man-
ner. From this perspective, the CMC aspects of a virtual
environment are not a factor in cyber-harassment
experiences.
We suspect, however, that online disinhibition – along
with the playful aspects of virtual worlds – does play some
role in cyber-harassment in an avatar-based environment.
Klimmt (2011) suggests that the playful nature of SL, for
Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing
169
example, may foster disinhibition, partially due to the belief
that other users may desire what the communicator believes
to be playful, rather than harassing, communication.
The present study provides evidence for a relationship
between avatar appearance and being on the receiving
end of cyber-harassment in a 3D avatar-based environment;
however, much is still unknown about the processes
involved in harassing behaviors. Future studies should ana-
lyze cyber-harassment communication exchanges in virtual
environments to help tease out the predictors and intentions
of those who harass others online.
Limitations and Future Research
The present research utilized a survey design with existing
virtual world users to examine the relationship between
social group membership (i.e., gender), avatar sexualiza-
tion, and cyber-harassment in a virtual world. This design
was advantageous for gaining insight into the lived experi-
ences of virtual world users; however, we should be cau-
tious about generalizing from the findings of this research
based on a nonrepresentative and nonstratified sample.
Additionally, to be able to make causal claims about the
impact of avatar gender and sexualization on experiences
of cyber-harassment in virtual worlds, future studies should
build on the present research and experimentally test the
effects of inhabiting a virtual world as different social
identities.
Distribution of the survey in the English language only
also limited the number of international participants who
were able to take part in the study. Future studies might
consider developing instruments in other languages to col-
lect data from a greater diversity of populations and engag-
ing in purposive sampling. Future work should also
examine cyber-harassment in other avatar-based contexts.
Future research might also measure the outcomes (e.g.,
emotional harm) of experiencing cyber-harassment in vir-
tual environments. Related to this, a promising line of
research would be the examination of how users cope with
online aggression and what may serve as protective factors
for experiencing the negative outcomes of cyber-
harassment in virtual worlds and other online applications.
Perceived social support in the virtual community, for
example, may impact such emotional experiences of
cyber-harassment (Fanti, Demetriou, & Hawa, 2012).
Additionally, the present study focused on cyber-
harassment from the perspective of the recipient of the
harmful communication. Future research should examine
the phenomenon of cyber-harassment from a perpetrator
perspective to gain insight into how toxic disinhibition is
enacted in virtual worlds like SL. Features of SL, such as
the possibility to remain relatively anonymous, should be
studied as explanatory variables for the disinhibition effect.
An application of Suler’s (2004) six explanations for the
disinhibition effect to such a study would be beneficial.
Future studies should also consider adding additional mea-
sures of cyber-harassment that assess the frequency as well
as commonality of these experiences, and that probe virtual
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
 170 E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar
world users’ conceptualizations of these harmful communi-
cation behaviors. Lastly, a next step for researchers would
be to examine the effects of cyber-harassment and avatar
sexualization in virtual worlds on individuals’ overall health
and well-being. The mental health of frequent users of vir-
tual environments, and those who heavily rely on virtual
spaces for social connection and support, may be negatively
affected. Extending the health (e.g., depression) and cyber-
bullying research into the domain of harassment in avatar-
based environments seems like a natural next step.
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Date of acceptance: February 4, 2015
Published online: June 29, 2015
Elizabeth Behm-Morawitz (PhD, Arizona)
is an associate professor of communica-
tion at the University of Missouri. Her
research takes a media psychology ap-
proach to examining the effects of media
on cognitions and behaviors related to
gender, race, sexuality, social identity, and
health.
Elizabeth Behm-Morawitz
Department of Communication
University of Missouri
Columbia, MO 65211
USA
Tel. +1 573 882-9786
E-mail behmmorawitze@missouri.edu
Shannon Schipper is Director of the
Women’s Resource Center at the Univer-
sity of the Pacific. She earned her master
of arts degree in gender studies from
the School of Social Transformation at
Arizona State University, and she also
holds a bachelor’s degree in interdisci-
plinary studies from the University of
Missouri.
Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174
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Appendix
Female Avatar Appearance Scales

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This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing

Male Avatar Appearance Scales
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This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
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Journal of Media Psychology 2016; Vol. 28(4):161–174

E. Behm-Morawitz & S. Schipper: Sexing the Avatar

Ó 2015 Hogrefe Publishing