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When a former Russian spy and his daughter were found slumped on a park
bench in Salisbury, it wasn’t long before investigators started looking at the
Kremlin with suspicion.
The pair were identified as Sergei Skripal and his daughter, Yulia. The British
government said they had been poisoned with a military grade nerve agent called
Novichok, originally developed in Russia.
But how strong is the UK’s evidence against Russia? And what do the experts
think?
A New York Times reporter who interviewed him in the ‘90s wrote that the nerve
agents were “not developed in large quantities” by Russia – but it might still be
enough to kill “several hundred thousand people”.
Mirzayanov went on to provide diagrams, purportedly showing Novichok
chemical structures, in his book, State Secrets.
The former chemical weapons inspector, Jerry Smith, told FactCheck that Russia
ended up being “caught in a Catch-22 situation” over Mirzayanov’s claims about
the Novichoks. They arrested him for releasing state secrets, but then denied the
nerve agent had ever been produced.
This line has continued ever since: “I want to state with all possible certainty that
the Soviet Union or Russia had no programmes to develop a toxic agent called
Novichok,” the country’s deputy foreign minister said after the attack in Salisbury.
To this day also, Mirzayanov’s writing still provides the main foundation of what is
publicly known about Novichoks. And there is very little else. Most evidence
derives not only from limited sources, but also a limited period in history.
As a result, many academics approach the subject with a degree of caution. “You
just have to take a reality check and examine whether anything [Mirzayanov] is
saying is subject to spin,” explains chemical weapons expert Dr Richard Guthrie.
However, since the attack in Salisbury, there have been questions on social media
about whether Novichoks exist at all, or have ever been produced.
This theory has been compounded by a 2011 report from the Organisation for the
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), which noted: “There has been no
confirmation of the [Mirzayanov’s] claims, nor has any peer review been
undertaken in regard to the information on these chemicals in the scientific
literature on this subject.”
Another report, published by the Royal Society of Chemistry in 2016, said there
had been “no independent confirmation of the structures or the properties of
such compounds has been published”.
This is true. But that doesn’t mean Novichoks don’t exist – either in theory or
practice. Indeed, all the experts we spoke to agreed there is sufficient evidence to
suggest they do exist.
The ambiguity over Novichoks arises because this is not a black-and-white issue.
The science and evidence are both nuanced, so questions about their existence
require more than a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer.
Central to this is the fact that Novichoks are a broad class of nerve agent, rather
than specific chemical compounds. This makes it distinct from substances like
Sarin or VX, which can be precisely categorised and labelled.
“Novichoks are usually made by reacting two molecules which are not on the
Chemical Weapons Convention list,” said Dr Peter Cragg, a supramolecular
chemist at Brighton University whose research includes work on chemical warfare
agents.
“So the Novichoks are that kind of broad class, in which the precise details of the
structure side-group determines the properties of the compound.”
One reason why precise definitions can sometimes be tricky in chemistry is that
molecules may exist in two asymmetric forms, known as chirality. One example of
this is the drug Methadone, according to Alastair Hay, Professor Emeritus of
Environmental Toxicology at the University of Leeds.
“Only one part works,” he says, “50 per cent of the mixture is inactive. So when
you can’t specifically define these things, you have a bit of a problem.”
The upshot of the ambiguity is that there’s never been a universally recognised
definition of Novichoks. Experts disagree about exactly which molecular
structures should classify, and there have been no peer-reviewed scientific
studies.
There’s also a lack of evidence about which ones are effective, and which are not.
Plus, no government has ever offered up information about them, nor admitted
making them.
This has made it impossible for regulators like the OPCW to pinpoint exactly what
is meant by “Novichok”, and list its molecular structures on the schedule of
chemical weapons.
Instead, Professor Hay explained that the OPCW relies on its General Purpose
Criteria to rule against them. This says that any chemical used to deliberately
harm people can be classed as a chemical weapon.
“The OPCW is not the world police,” Jerry Smith explains. “All they can do is deal
with what member states give them… The Russians never offered any details [of
Novichoks] to the OPCW, as far as I’m aware. So, with that in mind, they can’t
make any comment.”
But, with regards to the broader class of compounds, experts agree that they may
well have been developed.
Unique to Russia?
Although Russia developed them originally, it’s likely that several countries have
also made small samples of Novichok – or at least know how to.
But because they have avoided being specifically classified by the Chemical
Weapons Convention, any countries that have produced Novichoks may be able
to avoid declaring it.
“I can’t believe that Russia has the sole technology to manufacture Novichoks,”
says Jerry Smith. “If you want to make sure you’re protected against an agent
which has been spoken about – and, in fact, even their chemical structures are on
the internet – one would imagine that’s probably a duty of care.”
As well as the details published by Mirzayanov, there have also been suggestions
that Western powers may have learned more when the US helped clean up a
former chemical plant in Uzbekistan in the 1990s.
“Apparently – I don’t know for sure – Novichoks were supposedly tested at this
particular site,” says Professor Hay.
Dr Guthrie adds: “Nobody has ever given a clear acknowledgement about what
information was gathered at the plant. But it’s quite clear, when you chat to those
people, that a lot of information was gained by clearing the site.”
It also seems reasonable to assume that secret services have tried to keep an eye
on Russia’s chemical weapons activity over the decades – especially in the years
after the Cold War. And, if Mirzayanov is to be believed, this might have been
particularly easy thanks to lax security.
In 1995, he warned that Russian officials familiar with the chemical weapons
programme were being laid off and were desperate for money. The New York
Times reported that the production of new weapons had halted, but said
Mirzayanov was worried that existing stockpiles might be stolen or transferred.
So the secrets behind Novichoks may not have been very well guarded. And –
when combined with the details published in Mirzayanov’s book – it is perfectly
possible that other countries had strong intelligence about what Russia was
doing.
Based on the chemistry alone, Professor Hay believes that Novichoks could
“probably” have been developed by countries other than just Russia.
“A good synthetic chemist could do this work,” he said. “Look at the structures. It
would take time and it requires talent, but there are lots of very competent and
good synthetic chemists around.”
“There is no chemical synthesis that you cannot imagine someone with a chemical
training not being able to do,” Professor Sella added. “Now that the structures are
out there, chemists will sit there and speculate ‘how could I make this thing?’.
Given that other countries might “potentially” have developed Novichoks,
authorities investigating the Skripal case will want to rule out the possibility that
another country was responsible, said Dr Guthrie.
“If you were a troublemaker wanting to give it in the neck for Russia, this would
be something to do, because people’s assumptions would be that it is Russia.”
Meanwhile, Dr Cragg remains slightly more doubtful about the possibility. “We
don’t know if other countries have prepared Novichoks,” he said. “They may have
done so in order to test antidotes in animal studies or investigated ways to
decompose the compounds. But I would be surprised if they have.”
Porton Down
Here in the UK, the government has never admitted having Novichoks. In a
statement following the attack in Salisbury, the chief executive of Porton Down
said there is “no way” the substance could be linked to the military research
facility.
None of the experts we contacted were able to speak definitively about Porton
Down’s work in this field, but many believe it is likely the substance has indeed be
investigated in the past.
They suggested it’s very possible that Porton Down has held samples of Novichoks
– or at least has details about their chemical structures.
“I suspect the British government and Porton knew much more about Novichoks
than before it was made public in Russia in the early 1990s,” Professor Hay told
us. “It’s the job of intelligence services to get this information.
“I would have thought that what would have happened is that chemists there
would look at the structures and set about making them – tiny quantities, that’s
all you would need – and then characterise them and put the information in a
chemical database for future reference.”
Dr Gurthie added: “If you’re a laboratory – whether that’s in the UK, the
Netherlands or Switzerland – and you’re seeing hints of what the structures of
these things are, you think ‘well let’s make a quick sample of this and see if our
detectors pick it up’. That’s going to be your natural reaction.”
Lab facilities
“To make this, you need the chemical knowledge, the ingredients and the
facilities,” says Jerry Smith.
“Those three things have got to hit a sweet spot, in a classic Venn diagram. And
that sweet spot is probably very small… You also have to make sure you don’t kill
yourself in the process.”
Dr Cragg said: “You would absolutely require a high-tech lab to prepare the binary
agents. They are likely to need specialist equipment such as fume hoods and inert
atmosphere facilities so the highly toxic agents could be manipulated without
being released into the open lab.”
This enormous risk factor is probably the single biggest indication that the
Salisbury nerve agent was produced at an advanced chemical lab, rather than
being knocked up in a back room nearby. That means, if a foreign country is
responsible, it was almost certainly smuggled into the UK.
Chemical ID
Regardless of whether Porton has studied Novichoks in the past, it’s a
misconception to believe the nerve agent used in Salisbury could only have been
identified by comparing it to existing samples.
Scientists say that having a sample might certainly speed up the identification
process, but it’s by no means essential.
“The classic way to do it would be to scrape this stuff off whatever surface you
found it on. You dissolve it in a solvent and then one of the key things in the first
instance would be to conduct a mass spectrometry,” says Professor Sella.
“You determine the mass of the molecule itself – and you can do that with
extreme accuracy – which allows you to identify how many carbon [atoms],
hydrogens, nitrogens, and so on, are in there.”
“On top of that, when you throw these things through a mass spectrometer, the
molecules break down into fragments, so there’s a kind of decomposition,” Sella
adds. “That’s very, very useful… That fragmentation pattern turns out to be
crucial in being able to fingerprint and work back to what the compound actually
is.”
Professor Hay adds: “Chemists are used to defining structures – otherwise how
would you have new chemicals and be able to say what they are? But that takes
more time and you have to look at many types of procedures to define the
structure of something. So the easiest process is to be able to compare it with
something you’ve already worked on.”
Jerry Smith says he has “absolutely no doubt” that Porton Down would be
capable of identifying Novichok without existing samples. “Bear in mind also that
Vil Mirzayanov did actually release some of the Novichok chemical structures, so
they’ll be able to look at them for starters. They’ll be able to say ‘yes, this seems
to fit in broadly with what the complex idea of a Novichok is’.”
Chemical analysis can reveal not only what the nerve agent is, but also the
particular process used to make it. So, if the UK believes that Russia produces
Novichok in a unique way, that may prove to be vital evidence.
“If you’ve got an environmental sample, you would have your nerve agent there,
but you would also have some probably unreacted precursor chemicals,” explains
Professor Hay. “You would probably have traces of solvent that were used…”
“These can all help to give you a clue as to how something was made. You may
also have – within your intelligence information – details of how particular places
make these things. So that’s the sort of comparison you’re then in a position to
make.”
Hay adds: “On occasions when I’ve been privy to some intelligence stuff, it’s just
amazing how much more there is than is in the public domain.”
The government’s case against Russia is multi-faceted; chemistry is only one part.
Authorities will have also considered a wide range of other intelligence sources.
Who was in Salisbury on the day? What does the CCTV show? Who were Skripal’s
enemies? And what information have the secret services managed to obtain?
At the moment, we simply do not know the extent or strength of the evidence.
But this information may potentially be enough to incriminate Russia, regardless
of the Novichok chemistry.
In statements on the affair, Theresa May has also factored in Russia’s “record of
conducting state sponsored assassinations – including against former intelligence
officers”.
Among the high profile assassinations which have been linked to the Kremlin are
former FSB agent Alexander Litvinenko and Putin critic Boris Berezovsky. So the
Salisbury attack fits a pattern.
The motives for Russia (either Putin or his associates) also seem clear: Sergei
Skripal was accused of passing information to the UK’s secret services about the
identities of Russian agents operating in Europe. So not only was he considered a
traitor, his work for the UK may have potentially put the lives of Russian spies at
risk.
But investigators will also want to rule out other possibilities, no matter how
unlikely they may be. Crucially, whether another state actor could have tried to
frame Russia – perhaps to undermine its credibility on the world stage. Some
people have also questioned whether there could have been a security breach at
nearby Porton Down, including theft by a foreign government.
Meanwhile, there have been questions raised about the apparent vagueness of
some of the UK’s allegations. For instance, one statement claimed: “We have
information indicating that within the last decade, Russia has investigated ways of
delivering nerve agents likely for assassination.”
Does “within the last decade” mean “continually throughout the last decade”, or
simply “once at some point in the last decade”?
FactCheck asked the Foreign Office what was meant, but we have not received
any clarification. We will update this blog if we do, but it’s very possible that the
vagueness is deliberate so as not to show Russia all the cards.
The verdict
Allegations over chemical and biological weapons have a troubling history. Both
accuser and accused have misled in the past.
And, of course, the intelligence about Iraq having weapons of mass destruction in
2003 also turned out to be wrong.
So, with the Salisbury incident, investigators will need to ensure the evidence is
watertight.
“For me, it’s a combination of what this thing was, plus circumstantial stuff,” says
Professor Sella.
“I think, on the basis of the chemistry, the evidence against Russia is very strong,”
adds Dr Guthrie.