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A relas;ao de volume entre as diversas vozes é um elemento extremamente valorizado na atraindo sobre si a atens;ao da audiencia e fazendo crer que se está a enganar, e muitas
performas;ao da makwayela. As vozes sao cuidadosamente posicionadas de modo a obter vezes que está embriagado. Ocasionalmente, o guengue descobre que deve imitar os seus
os melhores resultados possíveis, respeitando o número habitual de doze ou treze colegas do grupo, e retoma o comportamento julgado apropriado. O riso é o resultado
participantes (doze nos grupos de Maputo, treze nos grupos das localidades). procurado, favorecendo o receps;ao do grupo junto da audiencia. Este papel cómico na
A distribuis;ao das vozes na fila dos participantes na makwayela - ou kunfola -, é também performas;ao pode ser já encontrado em testemunhos do séc. XVI, no corte dos reís Bochopi;
urna condis;ao importante poro a obtens;ao de bons resultados na makwayela. Em primeiro aqui, Freí Joao dos Santos (1609: 16) refere-o como o marombe.
lugar os baixos (até sete) devem encontrar-se juntos no lado esquerdo da kunfola. As suas De acordo com Copian, o uso dos marombes surgiu nas minas sul-africonas por volta de
vozes devem soar tao fortes e unidos quanto possível. Em segundo lugar, todas as outras 1900, quando os mineiros mos;ombicanos opresentavom, nas competis;Cíes de performas;ao,
vozes devem encontrar-se misturadas de modo a promover a diversidade oo longo da fila um homem com um chapéu europeu alto, casaca, camisa branca e cols;os muito cos;adas,
de executantes. Cada pessoo deve ser capaz de sublinhar o contraste da sua voz com que dava voltos e saltos, e que deliciavo a audiencia com anedotas (Copian 1985:64).
aquela do seu vizinho na kunfola, o que significa que - com exceps;ao dos boixos - os Cada secs;ao da makwayela possui rotinos corporais típicos. Na primeira secs;ao, o
membros de urna mesma categoría vocal nao sao supostos cantar a mesma linha vocal. stkhozele, os membros do grupo permanecem imóveis em linha, com os pés ofastodos e
A variedade é concebido como algo que faz "animar", e duas vozes contíguas devem as maos cruzadas oirás das costas. Na bomba, imediatamente a seguir, apenas as faces
soar como "casais": diferentes mas complementares. se movimentam ao projectar o som típicamente intenso desta secs;ao. Quando o bomba 15
Existem tres papéis individuais na mokwaye/o: o chaiman, o kuthekelele e o guengue. Ao termina, o chaiman junta-seó kunfola e inicio-se o marcha. Os membros do grupo voltom-
chaiman, ou maestro, cabe a liderans;a do grupo. Desempenha as funs;oes de director se para o direita e marcham olguns passos, regressondo ó posis;ao inicial e marchando
artístico, de director da performas;ao do grupo, e muitas vezes é também o compositor para a esquerda, e ossim sucessivamente tres ou quotro vezes. Na último vez, os maos
mais competente dentro do grupo. realizam um gesto designado por kuthyia: as duas maos para afrente, paralelas e
Muthekelele, a pessoa que desempenha a voz de kuthekelele, inicia urna curta frase horizontois, ó altura da cintura. Kuthyia e olguns batimentos de pés morcam o início do
introdutório paro a bomba após o stokhozele ter sido concluído pelo chaiman. estepa. O stokhozele, a bomba e a marcha sao claramente as secs;oes mais estritas em
O muthekelele canta também pequenas introdus;oes a outras secs;oes da makwayela, bem termos de movimento corporal. Na estepa, o movimento é significativamente menos
como pequenos portes solistas que se destacom do coro a quatro vozes. É habitualmente prescrito, apesor de existir um número de figuras coreográficas que é comum a todos os
urna voz second alta. grupos de makwayela. Tais figuras incluem:
O terceiro papel individual é o guengue, um papel humorístico que tem vindo a ser 1. Movimentos cruzados o partir da posis;ao inicial da kunfola (uns deslocom-se para a
progressivamente abandonado pelos grupos. o guengue é urna espécie de palhw;:o, de frente, outros para Irás, perpendicularmente ó kunfola)
cómico, que se enconlra na extremidode esquerda do kunfola, habitualmente urna voz de 2. Divisao da kunfola em duos filas que marchom em sentidos opostos
boixo. Performa rotinas corporais diferentes daquelas dos outros elementos do grupo, 3. A forma~ao de letras do alfabeto (F de FRELIMO, por exemplo)
-
Outro elemento importante na performac;:éio da makwayela é o comportamento físico "Bater" e "virar" séio dois elementos-chave do movimento corporal na makwayela. As
do chaiman, conhecido como "estilo". Cada chaiman tem a sua própria maneira de pec;:as de reportório séio classificadas de acorde com o número de vezes que "batem" e
"estilar". O estilo néio faz parte da composic;:éio, urna vez que muda ó vontade do que "viram". "Virar" refere-se ao movimento de toda a kunfola quando os participantes
chaiman. Demonstra a convicc;:éio e forc;:a anímica através de diversas pequenas acc;:oes rodam todos noventa graus para a esquerda ou para a direita, dando alguns passos de
bem como expressoes verbais e néio verbais. Incluí movimentos enérgicos dos brac;:os e seguida. Trata-se de urna retina formativa básica, a partir da qual séio desenvolvidas
das pernas, esticar para baixo o casaco, estalar de dedos, interjeic;:oes como "rrr" ou diversas possibilidades coreográficas que caracterizam o formato geral de urna pec;:a de
"shh", palavras como "famba" {vamos), e demonstra as habilidades do chaiman mesmo reportório. Este formato recebe a designac;:éio de "guengue" (em Zulu}, e designa tudo o
antes dos restantes elementos do grupo abrirem a boca. O "estilo" aparece durante o que acontece no domínio do comportamento físico: virar, bater, gesto, estepa, estilo,
stokhozele e a marcha. marcha, kuthyia. Em geral, o guengue encentra-se relacionado com outros níveis de
O movimento corporal da makwayela pertence a deis tipos diferentes de classificac;:éio comunicac;:éio na performac;:éio. O guengue pode ser narrativo, contribuindo para o
local: o gesto e a estepa. Gesto incluí todo o movimento que se verifica na parte superior desenrolar de urna história ou de urna parábola.
do corpo: méios, brac;:os, ombros, pescoc;:o, cabec;:a, boca, olhos séio partes capazes de Apesar de serem hoje menos frequentes, os grupos de makwayela continuam a
produzir o gesto. A grande preocupac;:éio colocada no gesto é algo relativamente novo na desempenhar um papel social importante em Maputo. O seu valor como modo expressivo
makwayela que se enquadra no chamado "estilo moderno", urna vez que no passado o néio fo¡ esquecido, e grupos como aqueles incluídos nestas gravac;:oes continuam a 17
movimento corporal se situava primariamente na parte inferior do carpo. O próprio uso desenvolver estratégias para o aperfeic;:oamento das suas performac;:oes. Os grupos de
da palavra portuguesa "gesto" é um sinal da modernidade do conceito, urna vez que era makwayela esforc;:am-se hoje por reconquistar o seu lugar no universo da cultura expressiva
o vocabulário ingles o mais utilizado nos primeiros tempos da makwayela. de Maputo e do Sul de Moc;:ambique.
O gesto incluí retinas de movimentos das méios, chamadas "kuthyia" e executadas durante
a estepa. As méios séio abertas, as palmas voltadas para o público ó altura da cintura, e
rodam em torno do pulso. Nos momentos em que o grupo se encentra parado, as méios
devem conservar-se cruzadas atrás das costas.
O outro conceito existente para o movimento corporal, a estepa, aplica-se ao movimento
executado pela parte de baixo do carpo, pela bacía, ancas, pernas e pés. Incluí o
movimento de locomoc;:éio, retinas coreográficas simples e, acima de tudo, os enérgicos e
importantíssimos batimentos de pés que, na makwaye/a, constituem um elemento percussivo
estruturalmente indispensável. Quando estes batimentos séio sufucientemente fortes, diz-se
que as pernas estéio a "gritar".
~
Sotana, cantado na variedade Changane do grupo de línguas Tsonga, transmite aes fiéis
um alerta sobre o perigo representado por Satanás, o anjo mau. A figura de Satanás é Atiku Dzezu apresenta urna secr;ao bomba particularmente extensa, com urna harmonia
muito referida nos diversos cultos protestantes que dominam a prática religiosa do Sul de a quatro partes. O step desenvolve-se em torno de apenas tres linhas de texto. O texto
Mrn;:ambique, particularmente da regiao de Maputo. revela a extrema dificuldade de sobrevivencia em Maputo, onde a economía doméstica
O stokhozele inicial sublinha "atenc;:ao pais, atenr;ao mees!", a ideia principal deste texto. é inevitavelmente monetária. A manga custa cem meticais, o cajú duzentos; e os salários,
Ao longo da canr;ao encontram-se diversos momentos de pluritextualidade que quando existem, nao chegam para adquirir os bens de primeira necessidade.
correspondem a um contraponto entre duas ou tres linhas melódicas (urna delas
harmonizada) e ainda um padreo rítmico executado pelos pés.
Ha thlupeka wa talani Pais, estamos a sofrer.
Tiwoneleni wa !alana Acautelai-vos pais, Ha thlupeka wa mamani Méies, estamos a sofrer. 19
Tiwoneleni wa mamona Acautelai-vos méies. Lomu ma doropeni Aqui na cidade
Nala Sotana hi leyi a yimele É Satanás quem destrói o Homem. A manga wunene u xayiwa A boa manga custa cem,
Sotana mulovisi wa wanu A todos aqueles que gostam de Cristo: Himale ya mponda. O bom cajú custa cento e cinquenta.
Hikwawa lawa wa landzaka kriste. Acautelai-vos méies, A kaju dzinene dzi xayiwa Néio podemos esquecer a nossa !erra,
Na ka lepso tiwoneleni walalana Acautelai-vos jovens. Hi mpondo ni dzawa Na Kalanga a massala mapsixa néio se paga.
Tiwoneleni wa mamani É Satanás quem destrói o Homem. Hine hingue dziwali a tiko dzezu. Néio podemos esquecer a nossa !erra.
Tiwoneleni wa tsongwani. Fecham-se as portas, mas ele sempre penetra. A Kalanga, a mapsixa hi mahala. Lá, a mandioca néio se paga.
Sotana imulowisi wa wanu Satanás está instalado na água. Hine hingue dziwali a tiku dzezu.
Lawa wa landzaka Yesu.Wapfala psipfalu kambi É verdade. A mitsumbula hi mahala.
Nala Sotana, wa nguena. Ele destrói todos os homens
A matini kuna Sotana Acreditem em Cristo.
U famba hile matissi kussi Sotana.
Kunene, imulowisi wa wanu
Hikwavo lawa va landzaka Sotana.
Kholvane Kriste.
3. DAVULA MANANGA 4. PSINUYANE
A can<;:Cío Davula Mananga apresenta urna utiliza<;:Cío curiosa de polifonías em movimentos A Makwayela ocupa um lugar de relevo na dissemina<;:Cío de ideias sobre o comportamento
paralelos descendentes com recurso a intervalos de quartas e de quintas. Trata-se de urna social, religioso, e até sobre a higiene. A sarna, Sernwayani, aflige ainda hoje a
sonoridade relativamente rara na Makwayela, que remete para outros géneros musicais popula<;:Cío; a can<;:Cío recomenda procedimentos para combate-la, incluindo a lavagem
ainda praticados na província de Gaza (correspondente ao interior da parte de com urna infusao herbal, a kakana.
Mo<;:ambique ao sul do rio Save). As interjei<;:oes vocais solisticas, num registo agudo, sao
conhecidas por kulungwani. O texto da can<;:Cío revela o importante papel desempenhado
Yowé wa tolano! Ajudem-nos, pais!
pelos Nyanga - os feiticeiros - na resolu<;:Cío dos conflitos sociais e familiares.
Yowé wa mamona! Ajudem-nos, mees!
Ha dlawa hi mawabyi ya psinuyane Estamos a morrer com a sarna. 21
A watsongwana wo dzila As crian~as choram,
A tola xidambyeni hi Andamos no deserto até chegar a Hlengweni. Wa li psidjuleka hi thlamba hi kakana. Diz-se que devem lavar-se com kakana.
Yingueli a timolowo a
Ontem tarde Nambi ule wukonwanine Mesmo em casa da sogra,
Ta wa wudzamani wezu. Ouvimos a discussoo dos nossos vizinhos. Unga tsike kuthlamba. Nao deixes de te lavar.
Kasi a wa holowa Porque estavam a discutir?
1 maka muni? Porque o casal neo pode ter filhos.
lmpsa wa holowa Mas o velho consultou os conchas da feiticeiro,
Hi maka ya wana. E descobriu que o responsóvel é o poi.
Davula mananga ndzi yahuma Hlengweni
Lepsi psi yenxiwa hi madala
A tihlolo tiya khoma mukonwani
Ku thlathluweni ka tihlolo.
S. HI MANI LEYI A PSITIWAKA 6. WATSONGWANI WA MASIKU LAWA
Makwayela Riya Ndlheve Muyingiseti
Makwayela Confian,a
Dir. Remiz Mabuye
Dir. Norberto Carlos Mabuye
A poesia dos textos da Makwayela revela-se em Hi maní leyi ha psitiwaka. As saudades O respeito pelos mais velhos é um elemento fundamental da ordem social tradicional
da terra, da casa dos pais, constituem um motivo de tristeza sempre presente. A cheia do Tsonga. As fortes mudanr;:as sociais que recentemente ocorrem em Mor;:ambique sao muitas
rio Nkomati simboliza as provar;:oes dos migrantes em Maputo, que durante mais de urna vezes atribuídas a falta de respeito pelos mais velhos. Em Watsongwani wa masiku lawa,
década nao puderam retornar as suas !erras por causa da guerra. chama-se a atenr;:ao dos jovens para o respeito que devem prestar aos mais idosos. Nao
devem chamar-lhes Madala (palavra que significa urna pessoa muito idosa, sem
intervenr;:ao na vida social).
Hi mani leyi a psitiwaka Quem pode saber o que vai no meu cora,ao?
Lepsi psinga mbiluini yanga. Nao podes saber se eu nao to disser.
Hikusa hungue psitiwe loko Quando me lembro da Manhi,a
Ninga ku byelango. Até me dói o cora,ao. A watsongwana wa masiku lawa Os jovens dos nossos dios 23
Loko ni dzumuka a kaya Nao há caminho para lá, Wali a watatana wawu hiwa madala. Dizem aos pais que sao Madalas
Ka Manhi,a kumbe a Kalanga. Porque o Nkomati está cheio. A wana xi tchawu ni wapsali wa wu. Faltam ao respeito aos pais.
Kambe Nkomati phlalile. Quera ir o cosa visitar
Ni djula ku yo psuxela O meu pai e a minho mae,
Tatana na Mamona. Mas o Nkomati está cheio.
Kambi Nkomati a phlalile. Quera ir buscar o meu gato,
Ni djula ku ya teka a xipichi xanga. Mas o Nkomati está cheio.
Kambi Nkomati a phlalile. Quera ir tratar das abelhas,
Ni djula ku ya wona ali nhonxi tanga. Mas o Nkomati está cheio.
Kombi Nkomati a phlalile.
-
l!I"""
O casamento é urna instituii;:ao fortemente abalada nos dios de hoje devido, entre outros As grandes mudani;:as na moderna sociedade Moi;:arnbicana nao passam despercebidas
factores, a grande instabilidade da economia doméstica que hoje se experimenta em aos compositores de makwayela. A configurai;:ao do universo político e ideológico que a
Maputo. A cani;:ao He nwina masungukate apela as mulheres idosas para que, com a makwayela ajudou a construir, nos tempos da Primeíra República, mudou também. Hoje,
sabedoria que herdaram das suas avós, ajudem os jovens casais a permanecer juntos. na sociedade tem também lugar os antigos inimigos; ludo muda aqui neste mundo, eis a
mensagem de A mahanye/e.
Hé wine masungukate Vás, senhoras idosas
Wa wu wono ntumbuluku wa mbamba. Vede bem,
A watsongwana wa hanthla wa tchata A natureza está a desaparecer. A mahanyele ma txintxa ku matiko hinkuawo A vida está a mudar em todo o mundo,
Wa dondzisani, hikusa na wine Os noves casam-se cedo. Kuni ku txintxa ka mahanyele. Há mudancas na vida. 25
Wi yo dondzisiwa hi wa kokwana. Ensinem estes jovens, A mifumu ya missawa ya windla windleka Os governos do mundo estoo preocupados,
A mudzunko wa kwatelana Porque voces foram ensinadas pelos nossos avás. Hi mafumele menene. Ouerem governar melhor.
Wa tlela wa banana Amanho zangam-se e batem um ao cutre. A mahanyele ma txintxa ku matiko hinkwawo. A vida está a mudar em todo o mundo.
A ntombi i longuela a pamthla. E a rapariga arruma a sua trauxa A mahanyele la rnisawene ma txintxa Aqui no rnundo a vida está a mudar.
Hi tlela i ya kayo. E voila para a sua casa.
9. TINDJOMBO 1O. TIWONELENI KA MAPUTSO
Mais urna vez é referida a importancia da experiencia e sabedoria dos mais velhos na Tiwoneleni ka Maputso alerta para o perigo dos ladroes na cidade de Maputo. O crime
forma~ao dos jovens. Tind¡ombo alerta os jovens para os benefícios da sabedoria dos de roubo é muito frequente em toda a cidade, e há mesmo pequenos grupos organizados
país. Este texto utiliza a parábola com a fauna e a flora, um recurso muito frequente na para o crime conhecidos por Ninjas. O Xikeleni, um bairro do cani~o de Maputo, é
literatura oral Tsonga. particularmente afligido por estes criminosos.
Wani tindjombo lawa wa yinguisse taka Tem sorte aqueles que obedecem aos seus pais,
Wa psali wa wu, Pois seréio aben~oados. Tiwonelani ku waguadjissa Cuidado com os carteiristas,
Hikusa wa ta katekesiwa. Jovem, escuta os teus pais. Tiwonelani ku manindja Cuidado com os Ninjas
Watsonguana yinguisetane wapsele wenu Se néio lhes obedeceres, arrepender-te-ás no futuro. La haya a Xikeleni Ali no Xikeleni. 27
Loko winga yinguisete Se olhares para um lado e para o outro, Ki ni waguadjissa Cuidado com os carteiristas no Maputo;
Wita tilaya ingaku wile Tudo parecerá igual como num ramo de árvore seca. Ku ni waguadjissa Essas pessoas matam e roubam.
Sinyene wa makamba ya ku woma. Ficarás como o peixe quando a água seca no rio. Ka Maputso, a wanu
Loko we la wissa hala ni hala, Lawa wa dlaya, wa yiwa
Wita planana nite tlampfi
Ka nambyi ya ku horno.
11. WANA WA MO~AMBIQUE 12. GHOGHO MANDELA
Makwayela lAM - Linhas Aéreas de Mo~ambique Makwayela lAM - Linhas Aéreas de Ma~ambique
Dir. Isaac Ximene Dir. Isaac Ximene
Wana wa Mo~ambique fo¡ gravada no início de 1992, ainda em pleno período de guerra
em Mo~ambique. Trata-se de um excepcional registe dramático do sofrimento do povo
mo~ambicano ao longo dos anos da guerra, anos de destrui~ao e de incalculável
padecimento humano. A constru~ao polifónica desta can~ao nao deixa dúvidas em rela~ao
ao conteúdo do texto: gritos, gemidos e choro sao parte integrante da sua textura vocal.
O estilo vocal e a organiza~ao harmónica pertencem a um tipo arcaico de makwayela
conhecido por "Makwayela dos velhos".
29
Wana wa Mo~ambique a hi dzileni. Choremos, filhos de Mo~ambique.
Hi dzilela maxaca yezu mafaka hi nhimpe. Choremos os nossos familiares
Siku ni siku ku halaka ngati, que estOo a morrer com a guerra.
ngati ya maxaca yezu. Todos os dios há sangue derramado,
Wana wa MoÁambique wa faka i nhimpe. o sangue das nossos familiares.
Wa kakuana yezu, wa faka i nhimpe. Filhos de Mo~ambique, morrem
Wa tsongwana yezu, wa faka i nhimpe. por causa da guerra.
Wa tolano yezu, wa faka i nhimpe. Os nossos velhos morrem por causa da guerra.
Tolano Chissano, wona maka leyi. Os nossos jovens morrem por causa da guerra.
A wana wa wene wa faka hi nhimpe Os nossos pais marrem por causa da guerra.
Poi Chissano, olha para este problema,
Os teus lilhos morrem na guerra ..
1111
Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo
Dir. Januário Gil Mabyeca Dir. Januário Gil Mabyeca
A influencia de Satanás na vida quotidiana é mais urna vez referida nesta canc;ao. Implora- Famba Teresa caracteriza o abandono da mulher, um comportamento que se encentra
se a Satana que deixe os filhos de África. Que os deixe sem álcool, sem droga, sem crime. com algumo frequencia nos lares. As diversas igrejas contribuem para o combate a este
Na organizac;:ao polifónica, é notável a participac;:ao dos batimentos dos pés: com um comportamento, sendo esta canc;:ao de influencio religiosa. Teresa é forc;:ada a abandonar
padrao rítmico muito simples, os pés contribuem para a variedade do step. a sua casa porque o seu marido se relaciona com outra mulher. A polifonía é aqui
enriquecido com diversas interjeic;:oes vocais, que ajudom a ilustrar os sentimentos tanto
do marido como da mulher. Tal como na maioria dos canc;:oes neste disco, a língua utilizada
Wena Sotana Tsika Satanás, deixa os jovens louvar a Deus. é o Ronga {urna das variedades do grupo linguístico Tsonga), tratando-se neste caso de
Wanu lawa wampsa wa kongota xikuembu Deixa-os livrarem-se do álcool,
Wa tsiketa a mabyala um Ronga mais arcaico, utilizado na zona do Marracuene {alguns quilómetros a norte de
Deixa-os livrarem-se da droga,
Maputo). 31
Wa Tsiketa a timbangue Deixa-os livrarem-se do crime.
Wa tsiketa a ku dlaya Deixa os lilhos de África.
Wana wa Africa. Hine wa wanuna hine wutachu Nós os homens ternos a mania,
Loka hi wona molowokasi Quando vemos urna mulher de má vida,
Hikusa hi tlhongola a mamona De mandar embora a dona da casa
Wa muti kuta sala wa masando ku lika. Para ficar com a outra.
Famba Teresa kuta sala masando ku lika Vai-te embora Teresa, para poder ficar o outra.
Mpela kuta sala masando ku lika Vai mesmo, para ficar a outra.
Hito muka kaya, "Vou-me embora para casa dos pais,
Wa ma mencha wa dlaya As mulheres de má vida sao assassinas.
Kuta sala wa masando ku lika Vao mesmo licor em casa aquelas que cozinham mal.
Mpela, kuta sala wa mapseka psinga wuple A sério, que licam as que lavam deixando tuda sujo."
Juro, kuto, sala ma hlampsa psinga bansi Vai-te embora, vai Teresa,
Famba wene, lamba Teresa, Vai!
Famba!
•
15. A HI TIWONELENI A WAYIWI 16. TATANA WA WATSONGWANA
Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo
Dir. Januário Gil Mabyeca Dir. Januário Gil Mabyeca
A hi tiwoneleni a wayini lomu hissawene Devemos ter cuidado com os ladroes Tolano wa tsongwana ni ku honeli yini? Poi das meus lilhas, que mal te liz eu?
Lawa wa zendzele kaka a miminte aquí no mundo. U ni ba hikuawo massiku Porque me bates todos os dios,
Yezu wata kota kuyiwa. Eles andam ó volta das casas para nos roubarem. Nambi ninga honanga tchumu. Mesmo sem ter leito mal nenhum?
Loko hi ya atizuene, wa sala wa yiwa a minie yezu Guando vamos trabalhar, licam a roubar as Kassi, u txateli yini na hine? Porque te casaste comiga,
Ei, wine wi tsikaka a malí a kaya, nossas casas. Kassi, uní sussele yini a kaya ka wa beleque wanga? Porque me tiraste de casa dos meus pais?
Tiwoneleni ni wayiwi Ei, voces que deixam dinheiro em casa, 33
Tiwoneleni a wayiwi Cuidado com os ladroes! Kassi ni ku honeli yini? Alinal, que mal te liz?
Lomu a psibombeni kumbe a psitimeleni, Cuidem-se dos ladroes nos autocarros Acudam-me, que mal liz?
Nhandayéyá, ni hani yini?
Tiwoneleni a wayiwe. e nos comboios.
Nhandayéyó, ni yo hona yini xana? Socorro, alinal que mal liz?
Tiwoneleni wa !alana, Cuidado país,
Tiwoneleni wa mamona, Cuidado mees, A minxuene a kaya De manha, em casa,
Tiwoneleni, tiwoneleni a wayiwe. Cuidado com os ladroes! A xiplitlule impama a kaya. O pequena almas:a é urna bofetada.
A thlikhanine a psakuda i xibakela. Ao meia dio, o almo~o é um murro.
Lepsi psi ni wawisaku Mas o que me aborrece mais é que, ó noile,
1 psaku ni wusikuini O jantar é um pontapé!
A xilaleno 1 mutape.
17. XITIMELA KA MANHl~A
, ~ ..
. -·
--
~.
..:.-
~-
··.-&'
..-:;"":.
.. :_ ~ ... ~
....:
The ideo of sounds trovelling is in o woy, o definition of behoviour potterns ossocioted with
music, which in sorne way hove offected the itinerories constructed by people. From the fifteenth
century, the Portuguese soiled out in seorch of new seos ond new londs, toking with them and
bringing bock from their voyoges sounds, colours ond flovours which functioned very much as
o gentle mediator, contributing greatly to breoking clown distonces ond reveoling cultural olfinities.
In other words, by looking at the history of the Portuguese Novigotions in these sensorial aspects,
we can olso see the processes of exchonge in which music ployed on extremely relevan! role,
even though it moy not olwoys hove been particulorly obvious.
Reseorch into ethnomusicology has locused porticulorly on the issue of the ¡ourney itself in studies
on migront music, which begon to gain ground in the l 980s. One of the most interesting results
to emerge wos thot throughout the migrotory process people carry elements thot could identify their
home culture. An importont one of these wos music, simply beca use of the ease with which it could
be token by the people who perlorm it. The ¡ourney ol migrotion expresses poths, distances, breaks
in affections ond the seductions wrought by the two universes in confrontotion: the one left behind,
ond the one receiving the new-comer. Jt is precisely in the relotionship between what is mutually
odopted ond re¡ected in these two contexts thot the ¡ourney of sounds con be defined .
.
'
SONGS
Texts and recordings: Joao Soeiro de Carvalho
particular, choir competitions whose general formal bears a strong coincidence with different numbers of text syllables are accommodated to each note, according to the
today's makwayela competitions. text length. Notes used always correspond to 1, 111, and V degrees of the scale. Starting
Another popular expressive mode in the Transvaal region which bears resemblance on 1, it goes to 111 where sorne ornaments are found, falls to V in the octave below,
to today's makwayela was kwaya or makwaya. Deriving its name from the English then to 1 also in the lower octave. Harmonically, these tones make a perfect chord -
word "choir", it wos performed by Shangaan miners in the Transvoal from, al leos!, always corresponding to the beginning of the second section of a piece. After a shh
the 1940's on. Hugh Tracey (1952: 16) clossified this mode os o "miming ond group or rrr section divider, stokhozele goes back to the departing tone (1), with one or more
singing dance". Copian emphozises its development by mission-educoted Africons reiterations of that note.
(1985:267), ond so does Erlmonn by lobeling it os "nineteenth-century choir music of Canc;:c'ío is the subsequent section. lt follows a short intervention by a soloist, generally
the mission educoted elite" (1991: 123). The sharing of this performonce-label by known as chaiman (from English "chairman"), consisting of only one to three words; this
miners ond mission-educoted elite shows -as marabi did- how makwaya is another intervention works as a section divider, announcing the end of bombing and the beginning
exomple of how wide was the use of lobels for performance genres. In Mozambique, of canc;:c'ío. Canc;:c'ío has more elaborated melodic ond harmonic configurotions, ond
soon ofter independence, makwaya become very popular os o highly demanding displays contrapunta! organizations between one or two soloists which stand against the
mode: it combined very lively skill-demonding stoge oction with loud singing ond full four-voice choir. The text presents an idea in logicol consequence of stokhozele and
shouting. By the early 1980's makwaya fell into disuse in Mozambique, where it was bomba. In the two previous sections, the maestro stood in front of the group; jusi before 45
extensively replaced by makwayela. canc;:c'ío starts, however, he joins the line. In o few instonces, during the canc;:c'ío the group
Interna! formal structure in standard makwayela performance is often made explicit abandons its static position (hands crossed back), and starts o short marching routine
by performers. According to most stotements, it includes four different sections: stokhozele, from one side to the other. This is called marcha (march), ond is repeated three or four
bombing, canc;:c'ío and step. times. When the fourth or fifth repetition is about to begin, movements change into whot
The stokhozele section, olso known by dar o bomba (lit. to give the bomb), is considered chorocterizes the fourth ond los! section of makwayela, the step.
asan introductory section. The word stokhozele is used in reference toan expressive The step, or istepa section features a series of repetitions of the sorne phrase, with
mode found in Southern Mozambique. This is a kind of oral historical-genealogical no melodic or harmonic change except for contropuntol orgonizations such as !hose
poetic narrative, where ascendancy and life events of a person are narrated in public found in canc;:c'ío. lt is charocterized by lively gestures and feet stamping, making
in a heightened speech mode. This happens usually in moments of ritual transition what is locolly known as danc;:a(dance). Dance routines may change up to four times
such as weddings or funerals. Makwayela stokhozele is a short section where the during step.
maestro announces to the public the first few words of that piece's text. In doing so, Occasionally groups add a reiteration of the canc;:c'ío al the end of step, making a fifth
he uses a melodic formula, which functions as an aid for the performers to pick their section of the performance. Performers take ogain the sorne stotic position of the
different tones. This is a standard melodic formula, admitting only slight variations; beginning, creating a sense of closure.
Four voice categories are considered in the choral organization of makwayela. They first place, bass singers should be the strongest par! of the group. They should amount
hove received different designations, in English, Portuguese and Tsonga. Except for to five to seven, and be located -all together- al the left end (performers considered)
the less frequently used designation - a formal classification of 1si, 2nd, 3rd and of kunfola. They should sound strong and as unified as possible. Secondly, all other
4th voices from the highest to the lowest in pitch - tendency is to mention first the voice categories should be intermingled, for the sake of diversity. Performers should
lowest voice. be able to stress the contras! with their neighboring fellows in kunfola, which underscores
Bass, baixos or quarta voz is the lowest voice, considered as the par! which gives the fact that - except for the bass singers - members of a sorne voice category are
most vitality to performance, the "true content" of performance. 11 is compared to supposed no! to sing exactly the sorne vocal line. Contras! is said to make olive a
shouting, with an undeniable mole connotation: men's shouting, berrar, is the most performance, to animar (Port. give soul to) the performance. Two contiguous voices
common description of this voice. Baixo is supposed to be heard over all other voices: in kunfola should sound as casa is (Port. couples): different, but complementary.
it mus! be the "strongest" of voices, the "base" of makwayela. The content of the text Beyond the collective voice categories - to which more than one performer is assigned
mus! be faithfully rendered and fully perceived through the baíxo voice; other voices -, three individual roles are featured in makwayela: chaiman, kuthekelele and guengue.
carry no such responsibility, being allowed many elaborations compromising text To the first role, known as chaíman or maestro, is assigned the leadership of the group.
intelligibility which baixos can no! afford. He performs the functions of artistic direction and management of the group; he is
Tenor (with a similar spelling in both English and Portuguese), thina or tinkhela in often the most competen! composer within the group. And, while performing, he is the 47
Tsonga, also known as primeira voz (firsl voice), ranks second in importance. lt is conductor. lt is unclear whether chaiman and maestro are synonymous. While in many
described as a thin voice, "women's voice" - though it is performed by men. groups they are considered so, in a few groups two different functions are identified.
Soprano, second alta or segunda voz is described as a tiny voice, or as ruido (light In these later groups, maestro is the oll-leader of the group, and the person who
noise). Sorne performers also call it fas pathi (first par!), alluding to the Zulu designation. conducts the performance by standing in front of the group al the beginning, producing
Finally second basso or terceíra voz, a relatively low voice, is said to sing below the stokhozele and many section separators. Chaíman, in his turn, performs functions
second alta. equivalen! to !hose of the kuthekelele voice.
The volume relationship among voices is a strongly valued elemenl among makwayela Muthekelele, someone who performs the kuthekelele voice, initiates a short introductory
performers. Voices are carefully positioned in order to obtain the best possible results, phrase for the bomba after stokhozele has been concluded by the maestro. Similarly
respecting the usual number of twelve or thirteen participanls usually presenl in he carries out short introductory phrases in other sections of mokwayela pieces of
makwayela - twelve in Maputo groups, usually thirteen in grupos das localidades repertoire, as well as short solo sections and individual parts against the four-voice
(village groups). On the issue of voice location in the performers' row, known in background; these may also be performed by other members of the group, usually the
Portuguese as linha and in Tsonga as kunfola, two rules are common to ali groups in principal (main voice) of the tenor, second alta or second baixo categories. Kuthekelele
order to obtain a spatial distribution and a balance considered as optimum. In the is ordinarily a second alta voice.
''~--
Finally, the third individual role considered is guengue, a humorous role who is being 1. Alternated cross-motion from kunfola's original position
progressively abandoned by groups. Guengue is a kind of clown or jester who stands at 2. Division of kunfola in two opposite marching rows
the extreme left of the kunfola, a bass voice, and performs body routines different from 3. Alphabetic character formation (e.g. F for FRELIMO)
the other performers, catching the audience's attention and making believe that he is
always committing mistakes. He occasionally acts like a drunkard, oras an eccentric who Another importan! motional element in makwayela performance is the bodily behavior
suddenly notices that he is acting wrongly and takes on the movements of his fellows. of the chaiman. This is known as estilo (style), and each chaiman has its own way of
Laughter is the expected effect, which provides an enhancement in the audience's reception estilar (to style). Estilo is nota part of a composition, since it changes al the pleasure
of the performance. The feature of this kind of humorous role in performance can be of the chaiman. lt displays personal strength and conviction by means of several short
traced back to the sixteenth century, in the writings of Frei Joco dos Santos when, in a actions, and verbal and non-verbal sound expressions. Energetic leg and arm movements,
visit to a Bachopi royal court, he mentions the marombes (Santos 1609: 16). pulling down of the coat, finger stamping, expressions such as "rrrrrr" or "shhhhh",
According to Copian, this ancient tradition showed up in the South African mines in and words like famba (let's go) show the audience the energy and knowledge of the
the early 1900's, where Mozambican miners involved in dance competitions usually chaiman even befare a single sound is heard from the kunfola. Estilo makes its
featured a marombe "in a European top hat, tail coat, shirt and trousers worn very appearance al stokhozele and marcha.
much awry, who performed acrobatic and mimetic turns and regaled the crowd with Makwayela body movement belongs to two different sets of local classification. These 49
jokes and comic praises" (Copian 1985:64). ore gesto and istepa. Gesto (lit. gesture) applies to all body movement that takes place
Body motion routines are typical of each section of makwayela form. In the first section, in the upper part of the body: hands, arms, shoulders, neck, head, mouth, eyes - ali
stokhozele, members stay strictly in a line, feet oport, hands crossed behind the back. are parts of the body which can produce gesto. The extensive concern pul on gesto
The bomba section follows, with no changes in body position; only mouths move for is something which is relatively new in makwayela. lt belongs to the so-called estilo
the loud singing involved in this section. When bomba is over, the chaiman rejoins moderno (modern style), since in the post body movement would occur primarily in
the kunfola (the line) and the marcha (the march) gets started: members make a 90- the lower part of the body. The fact that a Portuguese word is used is a clue for the
degree turn right and march a few steps, coming back and going forth about three modernity of the concept, since English derivad vocabulary used to be the rule for the
times. A fourth time involves special hand gestures, kuthyia: left hand below right early times of makwayela.
hand, both horizontal and spaced about one inch, al waist level. Kuthyia and feet Routines of hand movements are included in gesto. These are known as kuthyia, and
stamping mark the beginning of the step section. performed during the istepa section. Kuthyia consists of open hands turning fast, axially
Stokhozele, bomba, and marcha are clearly the stricter sections of a composition in on the arm axis, palms facing the public, al the waistline, left hand lower than the
terms of body motion. The next section, step, is significantly less prescribed though a right hand. When standing still - such as it happens during bomba - hands should be
number of figures exist which are common to all groups. Most typically these include: always crossed behind the body. They can only leave that position when a estepa
•
i
take the configuration of a norrative guengue, for instance, in which it unfolds a song
routine -such as marcha - is about to start; such short preliminary hands movement is
text - o story, o lesson, etc .. Or it moy onologize the overall or discrete tempi of o
also known as estilo.
piece of repertoire.
The word istepa, the other category for body movement, also opplies to a formal
Taday with less importonce, makwayela still plays a social role in Maputo. lts value
section of makwayela performance. However, where body movement is concerned, it
as an expressive mode seems not to hove been forgotten, ond groups such os those
refers to the movement carried out by the lower port of the body: onkle, legs ond feet.
portrayed by these recordings ore developing new strategies for the improvement of
This includes the bosic locomotion octions, routines of leg figures, ond the utmost
their performance. Tadoy, makwayela groups are rightfully fighting to regain their
importont ond energetic feet stomping. Legs ore supposed to gritar (to shout} when
place in the universe of expressive culture in Moputo ond Southern Mozambique.
feet stomping is loud enough. Step is governed not by ropid sequences of discrete
movements, but by routines which con toke from three to obout twelve seconds. These
ore practiced from on eorly age by imitotion ond, to the best of my knowledge, they
bear no designotions.
Two bosic terms ore used for o general clossificotion of body movement repertoire:
virar ond boter (to turn ond to stamp). Pieces of repertoire are known occording to
the number of instances they turn and they stamp; "esta canr;oo vira urna vez, e bate 51
tres vezes" (this song turns once, and stamps three times} could be o description of o
piece of repertoire.
Virar concerns the motion of the whole kunfola (the row of performers). The single row
turns 90 degrees right ond moves o few steps, ond then moves bock to the original
position. This is cleorly o bosic formotive routine, from which o few possibilities of voriotion
ore often derived. The deporlure of kunfola from its stotic position olways follows the sorne
formol; ofter thot, performers moy carry out different step routines occording to the
predetermined general composition of body movement for o piece of repertoire. This
generic formol is known as guengue (in Zulu), ond it is on ali encompossing concept thot
includes everything thot comes about in the domoin of body movement: virar, bater, gesto,
istepa, estilo, marcha, kuthyio, ali step routines, feet stomping, etc ..
In most coses, o structure is chosen for guenge which relates in one or more ospects
with other levels of communicotion ot work in performance. Such relationship moy
l. SATANA
Satan, sung in the Changane style of the Tsonga language group, transmits to the
laithful a warning about the danger of Salan, the fallen angel. The figure of Salan is
commonly mentioned in the various Protestan! cults which dominate religious practice
in South Mozambique, especially in the Maputo region.
The initial stokhozele emphasises "beware fathers, beware mothersl", the main !heme
of this text. Throughout the song there are various intertextual moments corresponding
to a counterpoint between two or three melodic lines (one of them harmonised) and
also a rhythmic pattern performed by the feet.
53
Bewore fathers,
Beware mathers.
lt's Satan who destroys Man.
Ta all thase wha lave Christ:
Beware mothers,
Beware young ones.
Atiku Dzezu presents a particularly long bomba section, with a harmony in four parts. The song Davula Mananga has an interesting use of polyphonies in descendíng parallel
The step develops around only three lines of text. The text reveals the overwhelming movements resortíng en intervals of fourths and fifths. This is a relatively rare sonority
struggle fer survival in Maputo, where household management is inevitably dominated in Makwayela and goes back to other musical genres still played in the province of
by the shortage of money. Mangos costs ene hundred meticals, cashews two hundred; Gaza (corresponding to Mozambique's interior orea south of the Save river). The solo
and wages, when there are any, are not enough to purchase essential goods. vocal interjections, in a sharp timbre, are known as kulungwani. The song 's lyrics
revea\ the importan! role played by the Nyanga - the wítch doctors - in resolving social
and family conflícts.
Fathers, we are suffering.
Mothers, we are su ffering . 55
Here in the city We ¡ourneyed in the desert until Hlengweni.
Good mongos costs ene hundred, Yesterdoy ofternoon
And good coshews ene hundred and lifty. We heard our neighbours arguing .
We're not oble to forget our lond, W hy were they lighting?
In Kalanga the mossala mopsixa is free. Because the couple connot hove children .
We can't forget our land. But the cid man consultad the witch doctor's shells,
There, the cassavo is free. And discovered the fother is to blome.
5. HI MANI LEYI HA PSITIWAKA
4. SERNWAYANI
,,,¡
Makwayela Riya Ndlheve Muyingiseti
Dir. Remiz Mabuye Makwayelo Riyo Ndlheve Muyingiseti
Dir. Remiz Mobuye
The poetry of the Makwayela texts comes across in Hi maní leyi ha psitiwaka. The
The Makwayela is an essential means of spreading ideas about social and religious longing for the land, for the parents' home, is an ever-present motive for sadness. The
behaviour and even about hygiene. Prurigo, Sernwayani, still afflicts the population flooding of the Nkomati river symbolises the hardships of migrants in Maputo who for
today; the song recommends precautions to fight it, including washing with a herbal over a decade were prevented from returning to their land because af the war.
infusion, the kakana.
11 Respect far one's elders is a fundamental par! of the traditional Tsonga social arder. Marriage is nowadays a deeply shaken institution as a result of, among other factors,
ttl The recen! deep social changes in Mozambique are often blamed far the lack of the great instability now experienced in household management in Moputo. The song
respecl far elders. In Watsongwani wa masiku lawa, younger people are told lo respecl He nwina masungukate appeals to old women, through the wisdom inherited from
their elders. They should no! call them Madala (an expression meaning a very old their grandmothers, to help young couples remain together.
person who is no longer socially active) .
8. A MAHANYELE 9. TINDJOMBO
Makwayela Confianya
Makwayela Confianya
Dir. Norberto Carlos Mabuye
Dir. Norberto Carlos Mabuye
11
The great changes in Mozambican contemporary society are not overlooked by the Once again, reference is made to the importance of the experience and wisdom of
1
composers of Makwayela. The political and ideological structure which Makwayela elders in educating the yauth. Tind¡ombo alerts youths to the benefits of their parents'
helped to build during the time of the First Republic has also changad. Today, the old wisdom. These lyrics make use of the parable with fauna and flora, a very frequent
enemies also hove a place in society; everything changas here in this world, that is resource in oral Tsonga story-telling.
the message of a mahanye/e.
Tiwoneleni ka Maputso warns of the danger of thieves in the city of Moputo. Theft is Wana wa Moc;ambique was recorded in early 1992, when Mozambique was still
very common throughout the city, ond there ore even small organised criminal groups under a full war. lt is an exceptional dramatic portrayal of the suffering by the
known as Ninjas. Xikeleni, a neighbourhood of the com;:ao oreo of Moputo is particulorly Mozambican people during the war years, years of destruction and incalculable human
offlicted with these criminols. distress. This song's polyphonic structure leaves no doubts as to the meaning of the
text: shouts, moans and crying are an essential par! of its vocal texture. The vocal
style and the harmonic structure belong to an archaic type of Makwayela known as
Beware of pickpockets, "Makwayela of the elderly".
Beware ol Ninjas
There in Xikeleni. 63
Beware ol pickpockets in Maputo; We weep, children of Mozambique.
Those people kili and steal. We weep for aur relatives dying lrom the war.
Blood is spilled everyday, the blood al our relatives.
Children of Mozambique, die lrom the war.
Our elderly die lrom the war.
Our youth die from the war.
Our parents die from the war.
Father Chissano, look at this problem,
Your children are dying in the war.
•
12. GHOGHO MANDELA 13. SATANA
Makwayela LAM - Linhas Aéreas de Mo~ambique
Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo
Dir. Isaac Ximene
Dir. Januária Gil Mabyeca
The influence of Salan in daily life is once more mentioned in this song. Salan is
implorad to leave Africa's children alone, not to introduce them to alcohol, to drugs,
to crime. A notable stamping of feet plays a port in the polyphonic structure: with a
very simple rhythmic pattern, the feet contribute to the voriety of the step.
Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo Makwayela TPM - Transportes Públicos de Maputo
Dir. Januário Gil Mabyeca Dir. Januário Gil Mabyeca
!i
]1
Famba Teresa depicts o womon being obondoned, a somewhot common behoviour Thieves ore o constan! concern in the city of Moputo. A hi tivoneleni a vayiwi is once
in homes. The various churches help to curb this behoviour, ond this song is influenced more o warning for the precoutions to hove al home, on buses ond on troins.
by religion. Teresa is forced to leove home becouse her husbond tokes up with onother
womon. Here, the polyphony is enriched by vorious vocal interjections which help to
show both the husbond's ond the womon's emotions. As in mosl songs on this disk, We must beware al thieves here in this world.
They're spying on our houses to rob us.
the Rango longuoge is used (one of the varieties of the Tsongo linguistic group), in
When we go to work, they come to rob our houses.
this cose it is o more orchoic Rongo used in the Morrocuene oreo (sorne kilometres Hey, you who leave maney at home,
north of Moputo). Beware of thieves!
Watch out lar thieves on buses and on trains. 67
Beware parents,
We men hove this idea, Beware mothers,
When we see a wantan woman, Beware al thieves!
To send the wife away
To stay with the other.
ERlMANN, Veit, 1988, Mbube Roots, Zulu Chora/ Music from South Africa, 1930s-1960s, Sound
Recording, Cambridge, Rounder Records. Ficha Técnica/Technical Data
Esttidio de grova~ao/recording studio:
Estúdios da Rádio Mo~ambique, em Setembro de 1997.
ERlMANN, Veit, 1991, African Stars, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press. Faixas 11 e 12 seo grava,ees de campo efectuadas em Fevereiro de 1992, nos refeitórios dos Linhas Aéreas
M~ambicanas/Radio Mozambique stvdios en September 1997. Tracks l l and 12 are field recordings made on February 1992,
ERlMANN, Veit, 1996, Night Song, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press. in the refectory of Linhas Aéreas de Mo,ambique (Mozambique Airlines).
Produzido com a colabora,ao do ARPAC/Produced with the colaboration of ARPAC-
SANTPS, Frei Joao dos, 1609, Etióphio Oriental, Lisboa. ·Arquivos do Património Cultural, Mapulo, ~embique
Engenheiro de som/sound engineer:Roberto Auze 71
TRACEY, Hugh, 1952, African Dances of the Wifwalersrand Gold Mines, Johannesburg, African Music
Assistente de produ~Oo/product1on i:mi~tont. Marangel Zocarios Mawaihy
Society. Textos/Texts: JoOo Soeiro de Corvalho
Trod1.1~0es/tronslations: paro portugués/ to portuguese - Helder Fumo
para inglés/to eng/ish - ADverbum
Concep~Cio grólica/grophics design: Carlos Nogueira©
lmagem de copo/cover image: Carlos Nogueira©
Fotogrolias/photogrophs: Jodo Soeiro de Carvalho, Jorge Murteira
Textype, Artes Gráficas, Lda.
Pré-1mpressao/pre-pressing:
Prensogem e lmpressao gráfico /pressing ond grophic printing Sony DADC Austria
Coordenoci;ao científico/cientific coordinotor: Susana Sardo
Coordenoi;Oo executivo/executive coordinator: José Moc;:as
Edi,aa/edition - TRADISOM • Aportado 69 • 4730 Vilo Verde • Portugal • http://www.trodisom.com •
tradisam@mail.telepac.pt
a viagem dos sons é um trabalho apaixonado, compartilhado por urna grande equipa. Todos
se envolveram com empenho e profissionalismo, cientes da importcmcia das grava~6es que agora
se revelam.
Sem a enorme disponibilidade institucional da Comissoo Nacional para as Comemora~6es dos
Descobrimentos Portugueses, na pessoa do Professor Doutor António Manuel Hespanha e da
Professora Doutora Rosa Maria Perez, bem como de toda a equipa que ali trabalha, da Dr.º Sima·
netta Luz Afonso, Comissária Geral do Pavilhao de Portugal da EXP0'98, de todos os investiga·
dores envolvidos, da inesgotável paciencia e técnica para tratar velhas grava~6es do meu amigo
José Gabriel da Rádio Nova - que amavelmente nos cedeu longas horas de estúdio ... -, da arte
do Carlos Nogueira, da dedica~oo, orienta~oo, rigor e amizade da Dr.º Susana Sardo - a quem
devo o arranque de todo o projecto -, e da solidariedade da minha querida mulher e filhos, de
quem me privei tempo demasiado nestes dais últimos anos ... esta «viagem» noo existiria. Com o
desejo de que a viagem continue ...
JOSÉ Müc;.AS