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The Propaganda Movement – philippine history.

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The illustrados led the Filipinos’ quest for reforms. Because of their education and newly acquired wealth, they felt more confident about voicing out popular grievances.
However, since the illustrados themselves were a result of the changes that the Spanish government had been slowly implementing, the group could not really push very hard for
the reforms it wanted. The illustrados did not succeeded in easing the sufferings of the Filipinos; but from this group arose another faction called the intelligentsia. The
intelligentsia also wanted reforms; but they were more systematic and used a peaceful means called the Propaganda Movement.

Goals of the Propaganda Movement

Members of the Propaganda Movement were called propagandists or reformists. They worked inside and outside the Philippines. Their objectives were to seek:

▪ Recognition of the Philippines as a province of Spain


▪ Equal status for both Filipinos and Spaniards
▪ Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes
▪ Secularization of Philippine parishes.
▪ Recognition of human rights

The Propaganda Movement never asked for Philippine independence because its members believed that once Spain realized the pitiful state of the country, the Spaniards would
implement the changes the Filipinos were seeking.

The Propagandists

The Filipinos in Europe were much more active in seeking reforms than those in Manila. They could be divided into three groups: The first included Filipinos who had been
exiled to the Marianas Islands in 1872 after being implicated in the Cavite Mutiny. After two many years in the Marianas, they proceeded to Madrid and Barcelona because they
could no longer return to the Philippines. The second group consisted of illustrados in the Philippines who had been sent to Europe for their education. The third group was
composed of Filipinos who had fled their country to avoid punishment for a crime, or simply because they could not stand Spanish atrocities any longer. Still, not all Filipinos
living in Spain were members of the Propaganda Movement. Jose Rizal, Graciano Lopez Jaena and Marcelo H. del Pilar were it most prominent members.

Lopez Jaena was a brilliant orator who wrote such pieces as "Fray Botod," "Esperanza," and "La Hija del Fraile," which all criticized the abuses of Spanish friars in the
Philippines. Del Pilar was an excellent writer and speaker who put up the newspaper Diarion Tagalog in 1882. His favorite topic was the friars. Some of his most popular
writings included "Caiingat Cayo", "Dasalan at Tocsohan," and "Ang Sampung Kautusan ng mga Prayle". "Caingat Cayo" was a pamphlet answering the criticisms received by
Jose Rizal’s novel Noli Me Tangere. "Dasalan…" was parody of the prayer books used by the Church, while "Ang Sampung Kautusan…" was a satirical take on the Ten
Commandments, which highly ridiculed the Spanish friars.

Jose Rizal was recognized as the great novelist of the Propaganda Movement. He was the first Filipino become famous for his written works. He wrote a poem entitled “Sa
Aking mga Kababata” when he was only eight years old. His novels, Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, clearly depicted the sufferings of the Filipinos and the rampant
abuses committed by the friars in the colony. Because of his criticisms of the government and the friars, Rizal made a lot of enemies. He was executed at Bagumbayan (later
renamed Luneta Park and now called Rizal Park) on December 30, 1896.

The writings produced by the Propaganda Movement inspired Andres Bonifacio and other radicals to establish the Katipunan and set the Philippine Revolution in place.

La Solidaridad & La Liga Filipina

La Liga Filipina

In 1892, Jose Rizal (full name: Jose Protacio Mercado Rizal y Alonzo) returned to the Philippines and proposed the establishment of a civic organization called “La Liga
Filipina.” On July 3, 1892, the following were elected as its officers: Ambrosio Salvador, president: Agustin dela Rosa, fiscal; Bonifacio Arevalo, treasurer; and Deodato
Arellano, secretary. Rizal functioned as its adviser.

La Liga Filipina aimed to:

▪ Unite the whole country


▪ Protect and assist all members
▪ Fight violence and injustice
▪ Support education
▪ Study and implement reforms

La Liga Filipina had no intention of rising up in arms against the government; but the Spanish officials still felt threatened. On July 6, 1892 only three days after La Liga
Filipina’s establishment, Jose Rizal was secretly arrested. The next day, Governor General Eulogio Despujol ordered Rizal’s deportation to Dapitan, a small, secluded town in
Zamboanga.

La Liga Filipina's membership was active in the beginning; but later, they began to drift apart. The rich members wanted to continue supporting the Propaganda Movement; but
the others seemed to have lost all hope that reforms could still be granted. Andres Bonifacio was one of those who believed that the only way to achieve meaningful change was
through a bloody revolution.

La Solidaridad

In order to help achieve its goals, the Propaganda Movement put up its own newspaper, called La Solidaridad. The Soli, as the reformists fondly called their official organ, came
out once every two weeks. The first issue saw print was published on November 15, 1895.

The Solidaridad’s first editor was Graciano Lopez Jaena. Marcelo H. del Pilar took over in October 1889. Del Pilar managed the Soli until it stopped publication due to lack of
funds.

Why the Propaganda Movement Failed

The propaganda movement did not succeed in its pursuit of reforms. The colonial government did not agree to any of its demands. Spain itself was undergoing a lot of internal
problems all that time, which could explain why the mother country failed to heed the Filipino’s petitions. The friars, on the other hand, were at the height of their power and
displayed even more arrogance in flaunting their influence. They had neither the time nor the desire to listen to the voice of the people.

Many of the reformists showed a deep love for their country, although they still failed to maintain a united front. Because most of them belonged to the upper middle class, they
had to exercise caution in order to safeguard their wealth and other private interests. Personal differences and petty quarrels, apart from the lack of funds, were also a hindrance
to the movements success. Lastly, no other strong and charismatic leader emerged from the group aside from Jose Rizal.

The Katipunan Finally Starts a Revolution

The Katipunan is born


Andres Bonifacio was also a member of La Liga Filipina, although he soon lost hope in gaining reforms though peaceful means. This feeling was especially heightened when
Jose Rizal was exiled to Dapitan. Bonifacio became convinced that the only way the Philippines could gain independence was through a revolution.

Bonifacio then founded the “Katastaasang Kagalanggalangang Katipuanan ng mga Anak ng Bayan” (KKK) on July 7, 1892 in a house on Azcarraga street (now Claro M.
Recto), in Tondo Manila.

The Katipunan had colorful beginnings. As a symbol of the member’s loyalty, they performed the solemn rite of sanduguan (blood compact), wherein each one signed his name
with his own blood..

The members agreed to recruit more people using the “triangle system” of enlistment. Each original member would recruit two new members who were not related to each other.
Each new member would do the same thing, and so on down the line. Members were also asked to contribute one Real (about 25 centavos) each month in order to raise funds for
the association.

The KKK members agreed on the following objectives:

▪ The political goal was to completely separate the Philippines from Spain after declaring the country’s independence.
▪ The moral goal was to teach the Filipinos good manners, cleanliness, hygiene, fine morals, and how to guard themselves against religious fanaticism(Excessive intolerance of
opposing views)..
▪ The civic goal was to encourage Filipinos to help themselves and to defend the poor oppressed.

The “Kataastaasang Sanggunian” (supreme council) was the highest governing body of the Katipunan. It was headed by a supremo, or president. Each province had a
“Sangguaniang Bayan” (Provincial Council) and each town had a “Sangguniang Balangay” (Popular Council).

The Leaders of the Katipunan:

▪ Deodato Arellano -Supremo


▪ Ladislao Diwa -Fiscal
▪ Teodora Plata -Secretary
▪ Valentine Diaz -treasurer
▪ Andres Bonifacio -controller

Jose Rizal and the Katipunan

Jose Rizal never became involved in the organization and activities of the Katipunan; but the Katipuneros still looked up to him as a leader. In fact, Rizal’s name was used as a
password among the society’s highest-ranking members, who were called bayani.

Andres Bonifacio had already known Rizal during his La Liga Filipina days, although Rizal did not know Bonifacio personally Nevertheless, Bonifacio so respected Rizal’s
intelligence and talent that in June 1896, he sent Dr. Pio Valenzuela to Dapitan to seek Rizal’s advice on the planned revolution.

Rizal told Valenzuela that the timing was not right for a revolution. The people were not yet ready and they did not have enough weapons. He suggested that the Katipunan
obtain the support of wealthy and influential Filipinos first, in order to gain financial assistance. He also recommended Antonio Luna as commander of its armed forces, since
Luna had much knowledge and expertise in military tactics.

Valenzuela returned to Manila on June 26 and relayed Rizal’s advice to Bonifacio, who admitted that it would indeed be fatal for the Filipinos to fight without enough weapons.
However, there was no stopping the Revolution. Bonifacio ordered his men to prepare for battle. He directed them to store enough food and other supplies. Battle plans were
made with the help of Emilio Jacinto. It was suggested that the revolutionary headquarters be located near the seas or mountains to provide for an easy retreat, if necessary.

The Katipunan is Discovered

Rumors about a secret revolutionary society had long been in circulation, although no solid evidence could be found to support them. The big break as far as the Spanish
authorities was concerned, came on August 19, 1896 when a KKK member, Teodoro Patiño told his sister Honoria about the existence of the Katipunan. Patiño was a worker in
the printing press of Diario de Manila. Honoria was then living with nuns in a Mandaluyong orphanage.

The information upset Honoria so much that she told the orphanage’s Mother Superior, Sor Teresa de Jesus, what her brother had revealed. Sor Teresa suggested they seek the
advice of Father Mariano Gil, the parish priest of Tondo.

After hearing Patiño’s revelations, Father Mariano Gil-accompanied by several Guardias Civiles immediately searched the premises of Diario de Manila and found evidence of
the Katipunan’s existence. The governor general was quickly informed. The printing press was padlocked and hundreds of suspected KKK members were arrested.

José Rizal and the Propaganda Movement –

US Library of Congress -http://countrystudies.us/philippines/10.htm

Between 1872 and 1892, a national consciousness was growing among the Filipino émigrés who had settled in Europe. In the freer atmosphere of Europe, these émigrés--liberals
exiled in 1872 and students attending European universities--formed the Propaganda Movement. Organized for literary and cultural purposes more than for political ends, the
Propagandists, who included upper-class Filipinos from all the lowland Christian areas, strove to "awaken the sleeping intellect of the Spaniard to the needs of our country" and
to create a closer, more equal association of the islands and the motherland. Among their specific goals were representation of the Philippines in the Cortes, or Spanish
parliament; secularization of the clergy; legalization of Spanish and Filipino equality; creation of a public school system independent of the friars; abolition of the polo (labor
service) and vandala (forced sale of local products to the government); guarantee of basic freedoms of speech and association; and equal opportunity for Filipinos and Spanish to
enter government service.
The most outstanding Propagandist was José Rizal, a physician, scholar, scientist, and writer. Born in 1861 into a prosperous Chinese mestizo family in Laguna Province, he
displayed great intelligence at an early age. After several years of medical study at the University of Santo Tomás, he went to Spain in 1882 to finish his studies at the University
of Madrid. During the decade that followed, Rizal's career spanned two worlds: Among small communities of Filipino students in Madrid and other European cities, he became a
leader and eloquent spokesman, and in the wider world of European science and scholarship--particularly in Germany--he formed close relationships with prominent natural and
social scientists. The new discipline of anthropology was of special interest to him; he was committed to refuting the friars' stereotypes of Filipino racial inferiority with
scientific arguments. His greatest impact on the development of a Filipino national consciousness, however, was his publication of two novels--Noli Me Tangere (Touch me not)
in 1886 and El Filibusterismo (The reign of greed) in 1891. Rizal drew on his personal experiences and depicted the conditions of Spanish rule in the islands, particularly the
abuses of the friars. Although the friars had Rizal's books banned, they were smuggled into the Philippines and rapidly gained a wide readership.

Other important Propagandists included Graciano Lopez Jaena, a noted orator and pamphleteer who had left the islands for Spain in 1880 after the publication of his satirical
short novel, Fray Botod (Brother Fatso), an unflattering portrait of a provincial friar. In 1889 he established a biweekly newspaper in Barcelona, La Solidaridad (Solidarity),
which became the principal organ of the Propaganda Movement, having audiences both in Spain and in the islands. Its contributors included Rizal; Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt, an
Austrian geographer and ethnologist whom Rizal had met in Germany; and Marcelo del Pilar, a reformminded lawyer. Del Pilar was active in the antifriar movement in the
islands until obliged to flee to Spain in 1888, where he became editor of La Solidaridad and assumed leadership of the Filipino community in Spain.

In 1887 Rizal returned briefly to the islands, but because of the furor surrounding the appearance of Noli Me Tangere the previous year, he was advised by the governor to leave.
He returned to Europe by way of Japan and North America to complete his second novel and an edition of Antonio de Morga's seventeenth-century work, Sucesos de las Islas
Filipinas (History of the Philippine Islands). The latter project stemmed from an ethnological interest in the cultural connections between the peoples of the pre-Spanish
Philippines and those of the larger Malay region (including modern Malaysia and Indonesia) and the closely related political objective of encouraging national pride. De Morga
provided positive information about the islands' early inhabitants, and reliable accounts of pre-Christian religion and social customs.

After a stay in Europe and Hong Kong, Rizal returned to the Philippines in June 1892, partly because the Dominicans had evicted his father and sisters from the land they leased
from the friars' estate at Calamba, in Laguna Province. He also was convinced that the struggle for reform could no longer be conducted effectively from overseas. In July he
established the Liga Filipina (Philippine League), designed to be a truly national, nonviolent organization. It was dissolved, however, following his arrest and exile to the remote
town of Dapitan in northwestern Mindanao.

The Propaganda Movement languished after Rizal's arrest and the collapse of the Liga Filipina. La Solidaridad went out of business in November 1895, and in 1896 both del
Pilar and Lopez Jaena died in Barcelona, worn down by poverty and disappointment. An attempt was made to reestablish the Liga Filipina, but the national movement had
become split between ilustrado advocates of reform and peaceful evolution (the compromisarios, or compromisers) and a plebeian constituency that wanted revolution and
national independence. Because the Spanish refused to allow genuine reform, the initiative quickly passed from the former group to the latter

La Solidaridad and the Filipino Movement - By Alixander Haban Escote 2008 - http://socyberty.com/history/la-solidaridad-and-the-propaganda-movement/

The supreme quest for freedom and independence started in Barcelona, Spain when La Solidaridad, a democratic fortnightly founded and edited by Graciano Lopez-
Jaena, financed by Pablo Rianzares Bautista, a young lawyer, and supported by the Junta de la Propaganda in the Philippines, was first published on February 15,
1889.

With the policy to champion democracy and liberalism, to expose the real plight of the country, and to work peacefully for economic and social reforms, the newspaper
published not only articles and essays about the economic, cultural, political, and social conditions of the country, but also current news, both local and foreign, and speeches of
prominent Spanish leaders about the Philippines, and information on the achievements, social doings, and whereabouts of Filipinos at home and abroad.

The newspaper also occasionally touched on events happening in the other Spanish colonies like Cuba and Puerto Rico and also provided Filipinos a means of combating the
allegations of the counter propagandistas like Wenceslao Retana, Desengaños; and Pablo Feced, Quioquiap; who were believed to have been under the pay of the friars. It
became the mouthpiece of Filipino propagandists during the struggle for recognition and acceptance of the Philippines by Spain, revealed the conditions of the country prior the
1896 Philippine Revolution, and depicted the aspirations of Filipino propagandists, their hopes for reforms, and their final despair at failure to obtain them by peaceful methods.

As editor of La Solidaridad, Lopez-Jaena did not receive any monetary compensation, but was given free meals, lodging, clothing, and a modest pocket money. In 1891, he
collected his speeches and articles and incorporated them in his book entitled Discursos y Articulos Varios.

In writing for the newspaper, Filipino reformists used pen names: Domingo Gomez, Romero Franco; Antonio Luna, Taga-Ilog; Jose Ma. Panganiban, Jomapa; Marcelo del Pilar,
Plaridel; Mariano Ponce, Tikbalang, Naning, and Kalipulako; and Jose Rizal, Dimas Alang and Laong Laan. Ferdinand Blumentritt, an Bohemian scholar, and Miguel Morayta, a
Spanish historian, also worked for the newspaper.

On October 31, 1889, Lopez-Jaena passed the editorship to Marcelo del Pilar, who left his family in the Philippines, went to Spain, and literally gave his life for the newspaper.
In spite of the fact that La Solidaridad had been planned before his arrival, Del Pilar quickly became the moving spirit of the reform movement. He worked indefatigably to
secure the greatest possible support for the newspaper. He contacted progressive Europeans who would fight side by side with the Filipino reformists.

Lopez Jaena was in many ways more interested in Spanish politics than in Philippine affairs, and though he could be powerful, if demagogic, speaker, he was unreliable for
organized work such as a newspaper demanded. Apparently an alcoholic, he had to be bribed with drinks in order for him to write his articles, according to General Jose
Alejandrino, who spent some time in Barcelona before going on to study in Belgium.

La Solidaridad was totally under the direction of Del Pilar from its earliest inauguration to its ignominious death. It is true that the first editor of the newspaper was Lopez-Jaena,
but the entire project and its financing were the work of Del Pilar and his Junta de la Propaganda in the Philippines. Lopez Jaena was chosen editor because, having preceded Del
Pilar to Spain, he already had a reputation as a fiery political orator and had influential contact among the anticlerical republicans and masons of Barcelona, where the newspaper
made its debut. But, as Lopez Jaena came to realize later, and hence became a mortal enemy of Del Pilar, his editorship was only nominal. Even during the months of Lopez
Jaena’s editorship, the real moving force, the conduit of funds, and the organizer of the newspaper was in the hands of Del Pilar, who wrote several articles for each issue under
different pseudonyms as well as his own name to give illusion that articles and reports came from different correspondents in various parts of the world. The editorship of Lopez-
Jaena was largely nominal, in terms of both the number of articles written and their substance.
The only exceptions to the anonymity besides the editor were Jose Rizal and Ferdinand Blumentritt. Under the pen names Dimasalang and Laong Laan, Rizal contributed a few
of his literary piece in the early days of the newspaper. His real interest, however, was in writing historical articles, based on ancient Spananish sources showing the Filipinos the
level of the culture at the time of the Spanish contact. Moreover, as he begun to publish under his own name, he also successfully urged Del Pilar to do the same to show the
Spaniards that they were not afraid to defend their positions.

However, the zealous vigilance of the Spanish authorities in the Philippines, the utter indifference of the Spanish politicians in the Peninsula towards the Philippine demands,
and the very internecine difference among the Filipinos themselves in Barcelona and Madrid render difficult the task of La Solidaridad.

And, he stops contributing to the Filipino democratic fortnightly. Losses such as this are of lethal effect to La Solidaridad.

Del Pilar, on the other hand, wanted Rizal to use his historical learning to refute some of the racist and demeaning articles appearing in Spanish newspapers, like the pseudo-
scientific study of Tagalog theater by the Spanish academician Vicente Barrante, which attributed everything of value in Tagalog culture to Spanish influence, and put down the
idea that anything of value could come out of the Tagalog race. Rizal, wrote a scathing reply under his own name, full of references to early Spanish sources.

To Rizal, however, the task was distasteful. Although he often accommodated Del Pilar’s requests for refutations of Spanish detractors, he did not care what racist Spaniards
thought or said about the Philippines. He had seen enough of Spanish culture and manners to compare them unfavorably not only with those of other European countries but
especially with those of his people.

It was not that he thought Filipino culture was flawless, but that he had imbibed deeply the values he recognized there. Hence, he wished his articles, especially his historical
ones, to be directed not at Spaniards but to Filipinos in order to build up their national pride and deepen their consciousness of their native virtues and values. He was once more
in the tradition of Father Jose Burgos. Thus, he urged Del Pilar to make sure that the newspaper reached the Philippines – “Doon dapat itong basahin.”

As the years move on, particularly after Del Pilar’s break with Rizal, when the latter became aware that the control of the periodical with Del Pilar and not with the Filipino
colony whose moral leader was more and more of the articles were actually written by Del Pilar himself, whether under his own name or under various pseudonyms. Its dying
years, when its smuggling into the Philippines was effectively blocked by the government, were reflected in growing dependence on other newspaper for its articles, and the
increasing weakness of its political program. One last burst of energy came when the long sought for representation in the Spanish Cortes seemed at last to be within the range of
possibility.

Though La Solidaridad was the keystone of Del Pilar’s strategy, it was only a part of the multiple structure of political lobbying for Filipino rights that Del Pilar set up in Spain.
The other were Spanish masonry and the Association Hispano-Filipina. In all these, Del Pilar held the de facto leadership, in union with the Spanish Grand Master of the Gran
Oriente Espańol. Morayta, professor at the university, had from the early 1880s tried to attract the young Filipino students, including Rizal, into his own orbit. Now, Del Pilar
and Morayta collaborated, out of somewhat different motives undoubtedly, but seeking a common immediate goal – the elimination of the friars from the Philippine politics and
society. It is because without the newspaper, not enough money was forthcoming from the Philippines, and without the money, the newspaper could not long survive.

Blumentritt, an Austrian historian and anthropologist, was a rector of a school in Leitmetritz, now Czech Republic. Rizal having read an article of his on the Philippines began a
correspondence with him which was to last until the final hours of Rizal’s life. Rizal went to visit him in 1887, and Blumentritt introduced him to a number of Dutch and German
scholars who were doing research on Southeast Asia. From this point on the two men became fast friends, and Blumentritt could be counted on for an article in almost every
issue of La Solidaridad.

Blumentritt’s two major themes were the equality of races and Spain’s failure to improve the lot of the people in its colonies. He was a professed Catholic and a great friend and
admirer of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines. As such, he provided an effective argument that the antifriar propaganda was not irreligious but rather concerned with effecting
reforms in the government of the colony. La Solidaridad was fortunate to have such a contributor – a Roman Catholic, a recognized scholar, a foreigner who could not be
accused of prejudice, and one who had earlier been decorated by the Spanish government for his services to Spain.

There is no doubt of his true commitment to the Filipino cause as he understood it, as can be seen from his private correspondence with Rizal and Del Pilar. All this, however did
not spare him the vicious attacks of many Spaniards in Manila and in Madrid, but his persistent devotion was a great lift to the morale of the Filipinos.

Truly, his anthropological, historical, and political essays and article about the country, helped not only to give the newspaper a scholarly tone, but contributed the people’s
appreciations of their own culture, so viciously denigrated by Spaniards.

The first two issue of the newspaper contained the better-known essays of Rizal, like Filipinas dentro de cien años, The Philppines A Century Hence, published in four parts, and
Sobre la indolencia de los Filipinos, On the Indolence of the Filipinos, published in five parts. There were also analyses of key Philippine problems during the period and clever
satires

However, La Solidaridad did not achieve assimilation of the Philippines to Spain, it did not achieve representation of the Philippines in the Spanish Cortes, and there is no
evidence that the few reforms which did not come to the Philippines during its lifetime owed their existence to its pleading or its politicking. Yet, it did achieve something in the
Philippines itself. This was what Rizal had seen from the beginning, and for a while had convinced Del Pilar when he said “The struggle was for the minds of Filipinos, not of
Spanish politicians.

The friars are the only ones who are benefited of the press in the Philippines. They censure and condemn all efforts to uplift the natives of the Philippines. They hate
enlightenment because representing interest antagonistic to the laws of human progress, they are not able any longer to fight privately for their cause which is indefensible.

The fight is on between friars and Filipinos. It is not a fight for or against religion; it is not a fight for or against a country. It is a fight for life, one defeating his exploitation and
the other, fighting for his right to live in these modern times, to a life of freedom, to a life of democracy.
The newspaper contented that the spiritual administration of the Philippine towns has been entrusted to the hands of the friars in notable contradictions to the canonic
prescriptions, and it seems that our governments, to preserve the fictitious peace and apparent order of things in the Archipelago, are content to give free reign to the immorality
of the friars, giving them bishop who are also friars.

The newspaper questioned why being as there are many known secular priests in those Islands learned and adored with virtues, none of these is proposed for any of the
Philippine bishophorics, not even to counteract the deleterious influences of the religious communities who try to make of the Philippines a country of fanaticism and ignorance.

He also corrected the belief that the state of retrogression in which the Philippines is found is due to the native way of living – the laziness and the indolence of its inhabitants,
who are, allegedly, indifferent to all forms of civilization and progress. He proved the fallacy that the Filipino is indolent by nature.

He also called the attention of the Spaniards “to look at your unfortunate Philippines, to free her from the oppressive monarchism so rampant through all her islands.” In
addition, asked them to change their colonial policy “because Japan did not need monks to educate her to rule herself constitutionally like she is ruling herself now; Neither did
the Scandinavian Islands need the religious orders to help them enjoy the benefits of modern civilization; nor Liberia to enable it to take its place among the nation.

He also pointed out that “there is no doubt that commerce is the only important colonizing agent” and that “commercial and industrial Spain should be interested in knowing the
Philippines.” He encouraged the importations of manufactured products from Spain and the exportations of raw materials like abaca, cotton, sibucao, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, and
medicinal plants. He also encouraged financial ties.

In the next five years, Del Pilar, who died on July 4, 1896, put out the newspaper despite of affliction, deprivation, and starvation. The newspaper, which came out every 15th
and last day of the month, with a modest paper of 12 pages, the usual coverage, although sometimes it came out with 16 pages or more, and printed in two columns on each
page, about the size of a page of current weekly magazine, ceased publication in Madrid, Spain on November 15, 1895, with 7 volumes and 160 issues.

La Liga Filipina

The reformists' La Liga Filipina

July 3, 2011, 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — In an attempt to stave off any upheaval, a group of reformists led by Dr. Jose P. Rizal organized the La Liga Filipina on July 3, 1892. The La Liga
Filipina sought to preserve Spanish-Philippines relations by proposing that the colonial authorities and the Filipino leaders work together to unite the Philippine archipelago,
provide mutual protection in every want and necessity, defend against all violence and injustice, encourage education, agriculture, and commerce, and study and apply the
required reforms.

The organization elected Ambrosio Salvador as President; Agustin dela Rosa as Fiscal; Bonifacio Arevalo, Treasurer; and Deodato Arellano, Secretary. Dr. Jose P. Rizal
functioned as its Adviser.

Instead of heeding the reforms proposed by the La Liga Filipina, the colonial authorities misinterpreted the La Liga aims. They arrested and deported Dr. Rizal to Dapitan on
July 7, 1892. This led the more radical members of the La Liga Filipina to establish the Katipunan, a society whose aim was to overthrow colonial rule in the Philippines. On the
night of July 7, 1892, following the announcement of Dr. Rizal’s deportation, Deodato C. Arellano, Ladislao N. Diwa, Andres D. Bonifacio, Mariano L. Crisostomo, Ildefonso
Laurel, and many others founded the Katipunan.

As an organization, the La Liga Filipina showed the commitment of Filipinos to pursue peaceful means of pushing reforms before adopting much more revolutionary methods.

Like the leaders of La Liga, as we confront new challenges at present, we must also exhaust all peaceful avenues as our history has shown that through such means, we can forge
unity and still carry out substantive changes that we wish to attain.

http://www.mb.com.ph/articles/325167/the-reformists-la-liga-filipina

The La Liga Filipina was founded by Jose Rizal in Tondo, Manila, on July 3, 1892. The organization, whose members included Andres Bonifacio and Apolinario Mabini, pushed
for national unity and peaceful change in the country. Considered subversive by the Spanish authorities, Rizal was arrested and deported to Dapitan. The La Liga died soon after.
—Schatzi Quodala, Inquirer Research

Time to relearn what Rizal stood for

By Bryan Anthony C. ParaisoMonday, June 20th, 2011

(Editor’s Note: The author is a shrine curator at the historic sites and education division of the National Historical Commission of the Philippines.)

Rizal aspired for a peaceful revolution that could be achieved through the sociopolitical and cultural transformation of all Filipinos.

That attitude was deeply rooted in his patriotism, for he wrote “… love of country is never effaced once it has penetrated the heart, because it carries with it a divine stamp which
renders it eternal and imperishable … Of all loves, that of country is the greatest, the most heroic, and the most disinterested.”

Liberty, glory

As a devoted hijo del pais, he was willing to suffer for the sake of the country’s welfare, echoing his future martyrdom and fame:
“Some have sacrificed for her their youth, their pleasures; others have dedicated to her the splendors of their genius; others shed their blood; all have died, bequeathing to their
Motherland an immense fortune: liberty and glory … And what has she done for them? She mourns them and proudly presents them to the world, to posterity and to her children
to serve as an example.”

Rizal knew the difficulties he had to face for his nationalistic aspirations—from the mismanagement of the colonial government to the conservative frailocracy and to the
malaise suffered by the Filipinos themselves.

He pointed out: “Within these last few years, the future of the Philippines has preoccupied not only its inhabitants … but also many Spaniards … All can see, all forebode, all are
convinced that things are in a bad way, that something leaves much to be desired … The ruling government there agree that necessary evils exist … The very friars who benefit
from the country and govern it … agree that there are deficiencies, imperfections, abuses, and that reforms are necessary and imperative …”

Blaming each other

Rizal realized that the problems besieging the country remained because there were no concerted efforts from the state institutions and its citizens to resolve them. Everyone was
blaming each other’s inefficiency and scant abilities in governance and in promoting economic development.

He wrote: “… Those employees or rulers there … shout and throw the blame on the Indio, on the indolence of the Indio, perhaps in order to attract public attention … Thus their
own faults would not be discovered … those (employees) who have complied conscientiously with their obligations … impute the disorganization to the system of government,
to the personnel, to the lack of stability in government posts, to the intrigues …

“The friars attribute the country’s ills to the Liberal ministers … The little good that there is, they attribute to themselves …

“The Filipinos … also forget their responsibility in the present situation, for if the saying that where the skipper commands, the sailor doesn’t command is true, so also is the
other one, that ‘every country has the government that it deserves.’”

‘People without a soul’

With all this chaos, Rizal believed that Spain could not institute reforms in the country.

In fact, the diatribe of Simon, Rizal’s protagonist in “El Filibusterismo,” against Basilio’s naïveté mirrors his own trenchant remarks against colonial reforms: “You pool your
efforts thinking to unite your country with rosy garlands and in reality you forge iron chains. You ask parity of rights, the Spanish way of life, and you do not realize that what
you are asking is death, the destruction of your national identity, the disappearance of your homeland, the ratification of tyranny …

“What is to become of you? A people without a soul, a nation without freedom; everything in you will be borrowed, even your very defects. You ask for Hispanization and do not
blush for shame when it is denied you.”

5 principles

Rizal’s outlook signifies his acquiescence to an alternative form of governance for the Philippines, free from Spain’s “civilizing” involvement. Consequently, on his return to the
Philippines on June 26, 1892, he organized La Liga Filipina to carry out the crusade.

Its five principles were imbued with patriotic ideals: to unite the archipelago into one compact, strong, and homogeneous body; mutual protection against every want and
necessity; defense against violence and injustice; promotion of education, agriculture, and trade; and study and application of improved methods and technology.

These principles were visionary since Rizal saw that all Filipinos formed one nation and future development lay in a strongly bonded community working together. It was every
Filipino’s duty to work for the welfare and betterment of society and country through education and improved technologies in agriculture, business, and industry.

With Rizal’s arrest and deportation to Dapitan, the aspirations of La Liga Filipina were deferred.

Rizal’s transformative revolution is a work in progress. He had great faith that Filipinos would carry out his initiatives, not out of mere obligation, but through an assertive and
genuine love of country.

He said: “You who wish to love but find no one worthy, look to your country, love her! … A brighter dawn is on the horizon, softer and more peaceful, the messenger of life and
peace, the true dawn, in brief, of Christianity, the harbinger of happy and tranquil days. It will be our duty to follow the arid but peaceful and productive paths of Science which
lead to Progress …”

Probably this is the right time for us to relearn the transformative revolution that Rizal and a host of other Filipino heroes participated in.

Katipunan

The Katipunan

The Katipunan (meaning "Association") planned and initiated the Philippine Revolution. It was founded in Tondo, Manila, by Andres Bonifacio and a few other fellow urban
workers on July 7, 1892. Its full Tagalog name is Kataastaasan Kagalang-galang na Katipunan nang manga Anak ng Bayan (Highest and Most Venerated Association of the
Sons and Daughters of the Land). From its inception, Katipunan was forged by blood, with all its members enacting the traditional blood compact and signing their names with
their own blood. The foremost goal of the Katipunan was political, the separation of the Philippines from Spain. Its members also recognized and performed a civic duty which
was mutual assistance and the defense of the poor and the oppressed.
The Katipunan was steered by Bonifacio, who became known as the Supremo (Supreme) of the Katipunan, and he was ably supported by Emilio Jacinto, who emerged as the
"Brains of the Katipunan." Philippine historians regard Bonifacio as the "Great Plebeian" because he came from a poor family in Tondo and worked as a warehouse clerk.
Despite his poverty, Bonifacio was able to educate himself by reading the works of Rizal and the French revolutionists.

Because of its brotherhood appeal, Katipunan was swift in recruiting members from the peasants and the working class. Philippine historian Reynaldo Ileto points out that the
Katipunan belonged to a long tradition of social movements in Philippine history which fortunately have been disparaged and branded by authorities and the elite as "illicit
associations" and its members as bandits. Like most of these popular movements, the Katipunan was clothed in millenarianism. In their writings, Bonifacio and Jacinto described
the pre-Spanish period as an era of kasaganaan (great abundance) and kaginhawaan (prosperity). The demise of this glorious era was a result of the tyranny of Spanish colonial
rule. The Katipunan then envisioned the future as one marked by kalayaan (independence), a state of being where there would once again be liwanag (knowledge) and
kasaganaan (prosperity). Kalayaan would mean a return to the pre-Spanish condition of prosperity, bliss, and contentment. But it entailed cutting ties with the colonial mother,
Spain, and the birth of a nurturing real mother, Inang Bayan or Motherland, meaning Philippines.

From the start, the Katipunan drew inspiration from Jose Rizal, whose nationalist writings stirred an oppressed nation into action. His two novels, the Noli Me Tangere (Touch
Me Not) and the El Filibusterismo (The Subversive), denounced the decadent colonial order presided by the incompetent and abusive colonial officials and the backward and
immoral frailocracy. In the 1880s, Jose Rizal and his fellow ilustrados launched the Propaganda Movement in Europe where they vigorously campaigned for the implementation
of the much needed reforms in the Philippines. Their failure to force Spain to institute reforms convinced the Katipunan that the call must be for revolution and not reform. In
1892, Bonifacio sought the counsel of Rizal on their planned revolution and the latter cautioned them because of its untimeliness and the people’s unpreparedness.

Events forced Bonifacio and the Katipunan to launched the revolution. On August 23, 1896, the Katipunan was discovered by the Spanish authorities, prompting Bonifacio and
the Katipuneros to tear their cedula (identification card), which symbolized their colonial oppression, and to declare in Pugad Lawin the beginning of the Philippine Revolution.
The Spanish execution of Rizal on December 30, 1896 further emboldened the religious Filipinos who saw Rizal’s martyrdom as similar to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, i.e., to
redeem his people.

The Philippine History site - http://opmanong.ssc.hawaii.edu/filipino/katipunan.html

History of Philippine Masonry

The Katipunan and Masonry

La Liga Filipina
Andres Bonifacio

Dr Jose Rizal, author of the anti-friar novel Noli Me Tangere, arrived in 1892, and with the support of other Masonic leaders, established the Liga Filipina in Tondo on
July 3, merely a week after his return. The Liga’s constitution aimed to unite the whole archipelago into one compact, vigorous, and homogenous body; mutual protection in
every want and necessity; defense against all violence and injustice; encouragement of instruction, agriculture and commerce; and study and application of reforms. Rizal
wanted to involve the people directly in the struggle for colonial reforms. However, the Spanish friars, ever wary of civic organizations among Filipinos and with deep hatred of
Rizal, reacted by having him banished to Dapitan. The authorities had the houses of Masons in Manila and those visited by Rizal in the provinces of Bulacan, Tarlac and
Pampanga raided and searched. Many leading Masons were arrested and deported. Lodges were put in a tight watch, forcing them to stop their labors. Without Rizal, the Liga
Filipina could not continue.

This quieted activism for a while but did not dampen the growing nationalist sentiments. On April 3, 1893, Andres Bonifacio of Logia Taliba, Domingo Franco and
Apolinario Mabini, both of Logia Balagtas, led the revival of the Liga Filipina. Franco was elected president while Deodato Arellano (Logia Lusong), secretary-treasurer. The
reorganized Liga was governed by a Supreme Council, under which popular councils were established in the different districts of Manila– all headed by Masons from Lusong,
Nilad, Balagtas and Taliba Lodges. Bonifacio proved to be a good organizer and was able to recruit many members.

Bonifacio however, had become a hardliner. He and other Logia Taliba members saw Rizal’s deportation as a sign that reforms were no longer attainable. Before the
revival of the Liga, they had conceptualized a new secret society called the Katipunan to advocate separation from Spain. Six months after the Liga’s revival two factions
emerged: one that wanted to continue the society’s aim of peaceful reforms, and another which advocated the overthrow of the colonial government. In October, the Liga was
dissolved. Mabini and other moderates formed the Cuerpo de Compromisarios and tried to continue sending funds to finance the Propaganda Movement in Spain. However,
their funds soon dried up as donors became increasingly disillusioned over the apathy of the central government in Madrid. The hardliners who were convinced that separation
from Spain was the only alternative, rallied behind the radical Katipunan of Bonifacio, Arellano, Plata and other Logia Taliba members.

The Katipunan assumes a new form

It was on July 6, 1892, barely three days after forming the Liga Filipina, when Jose Rizal was arrested. In the evening of July 7, the Katipunan was founded. Six Masons:
Ladislao Diwa, Andres Bonifacio, Teodoro Plata, Valentin Diaz, Jose Dizon, all from Logia Taliba, and Deodato Arellano of Logia Lusong organized the first two triangulos
(triangles); patterned after the patriotic Black Capes of Italy. The triangle system (tungko) was designed to guarantee that only two members would be known to any member at
any time. The triangulo became a cell called “Hasik” (to sow; scatter) whose job was to recruit members from their areas. When enough members were gathered, a Balangay
(chapter) was formed and then, a district council called Sangguinang Hukuman.(Cruz, 1922).

“Huwad sa Masonerya”

The Katipunan borrowed from Grand Orient Symbolic Masonry, the system of an initiate’s progression into three degrees, the use of passwords, signs of recognition,
certain symbols and officers’ jewels. Instead of aprons, black, green and red colored hoods were substituted to distinguish the three degrees. And instead of the Masonic
degrees, Aprendiz, Compañero and Maestro, the degrees were called Katipon, Kawal and Bayani. The passwords were Anak (ng Bayan,) GomBurZa and Rizal. From Masonry
was also borrowed, the method of interrogation and admission of a candidate and the oath of secrecy and loyalty. But the Katipunan added to the ceremonies the Pacto de
Sangre (blood pact) which was not Masonic but believed to be copied from the Carbonari of Italy, wherein each member made an incision on his arm to draw blood by which
his signature was signed.

The candidate was first led blindfolded into a darkened room that served like the Masonic chamber of reflection. Then the blindfold was removed. On a wall was written
the admonition that only the strong and courageous could continue; that one motivated only by curiosity should withdraw, and that the door of the Katipunan would remain
closed to anyone who could not overcome his bad habits. On a table covered with black cloth, were a human skull and crossbones, along with a long bladed weapon, a revolver,
a small knife with sharp edge, a pen, a copy of the Kartilya ng Katipunan, and a sheet of paper where three questions were written. The three questions were about the
condition of the country before, the present and the future. In Spanish Orient Masonry the candidate was led by a brother called the Terrible; in the Katipunan the initiate was
led by a Katipunero called Mabalasik, Tagalog translation of the Spanish word Terrible. Like the practice during that time, the Katipunero chose a nom de guerre to hide his
identity. Bonifacio was “Sinukuan” in Masonry and “Maypagasa” in the Katipunan.

The Katipunan exposed

By 1896, the growing membership and recruitment activities of the Katipunan had made it vulnerable to detection. Even before the raid of the printing press of Diario de
Manila where Katipunan paraphernalia and a list of membership were discovered, the government already had reports on the society’s existence. Although the friars never
admitted it, the confessional had been a source of information, prompting the Katipunan leaders to prohibit its womenfolk from going to confessions.

There was also this guardia civil officer, Lt. Manuel Sityar, Jr (hijo), who was among the first to report to the Governor General, the existence of the yet unknown organization
which was actively recruiting men in Mandaluyong and San Juan and signing their oaths in blood. (Sityar, whose mother was a Filipina later joined the revolutionary forces, and
served as delegate to the Malolos Congress.)

Santiago Alvarez recalled in his memoirs that he and Emilio Aguinaldo attended a general meeting called by Supremo Bonifacio on May 3, 1896, at the house of Valentin
Cruz behind the Pasig Catholic Church. The Supremo apprised the members of the precarious situation of the Katipunan because three katipunero wives, two from Tondo, and
one from Santa Ana made confessions to their priests. The authorities already knew of the existence of the secret society and had tightened their surveillance. Fearing that
reprisals were forthcoming, Bonifacio wanted to take action but wisely asked the other leaders, if it was time to revolt.

Magdalo delegates Emilio Aguinaldo and Benigno Santi expressed their views regarding their poor state of preparedness in terms of manpower, planning, firearms and
war equipment. Santiago Alvarez of the Magdiwang council added that Dr Jose Rizal was still in exile in Dapitan and warned of the consequences of a failed revolt. The
meeting lasted till five o’clock the following morning. By majority opinion, it was decided to consult Jose Rizal in Dapitan, before a final decision was to be made. Dr Pio
Valenzuela was designated as emissary who was to travel to Dapitan under the pretext of having a blind patient treated by Dr Rizal.

Before the end of May 1896, Dr Pio Valenzuela, with eye patient Raymundo Mata, went to Dapitan to seek an audience with the exiled Dr Jose Rizal. The meeting
between Valenzuela and Rizal was held privately and not even Mata heard what transpired. The report of Valenzuela to the Supremo was not openly discussed, according to
Alvarez, leaving the Katipuneros to conclude that Rizal did not approve of the revolt.

The Katipunan had four aims, namely:


to develop a strong alliance with each and every Katipunero

to unite Filipinos into one solid nation;


to win Philippine independence by means of an armed conflict (or revolution);[10]


to establish a republic after independence

Administration

The Katipunan was governed by the Supreme Council (Tagalog: Kataastaasang Sanggunian).[12] The first Supreme Council of the Katipunan was formed around August 1892, a
month after the founding of the society. The Supreme Council was headed by an elected president (Pangulo), followed by the secretary/secretaries (Kalihim); the treasurer
(Tagaingat-yaman) and the fiscal (Tagausig).[13] The Supreme Council also had its councilors (Kasanguni); the number varied through presidencies.[13] To distinguish from
presidents of lower sanggunian or councils (below) the president of the Supreme Council was called the Supreme President (Tagalog: Kataastaasang Pangulo; Spanish:
Presidente Supremo). Initially, the Supreme Council was headed by Deodato Arellano, and the following as officials:[14]

 Deodato Arellano, Supreme President


 Andrés Bonifacio, comptroller

 Ladislao Diwa, fiscal

 Teodoro Plata, secretary

 Valentín Díaz, treasurer

In February 1893, the Supreme Council was reorganized, with Ramón Basa as Supreme President and Bonifacio as the fiscal. In January 1895, Bonifacio assumed the Supreme
Presidency of the Katipunan. At the outbreak of the 1896 revolution, the Council was further reorganized into a 'cabinet' which the Katipunan regarded as a genuine
revolutionary government, de-facto and de-jure.[15]

 Andrés Bonifacio, President


 Emilio Jacinto, Secretary of State

 Teodoro Plata, Secretary of War

 Briccio Pantas, Secretary of Justice

 Aguedo del Rosario, Secretary of the Interior

 Enrique Pacheco, Secretary of Finance

 Marina Dizon, head of women's division


In each province where there were Katipunan members, a provincial council called Sangguniang Bayan was established and in each town was an organized popular council
called Sangguniang Balangay. Each Bayan and Balangay had its own set of elected officials: Pangulo (president); Kalihim (secretary); Tagausig (fiscal); Tagaingat-yaman
(treasurer); Pangalawang Pangulo (vice president); Pangalawang Kalihim (vice secretary); mga kasanguni (councilors); Mabalasig (terrible brother); Taliba (guard);
Maniningil (collector/auditor); Tagapamahala ng Basahan ng Bayan(custodian of the People’s Library); Tagapangasiwa (administrator); Manunulat (clerk); Tagatulong sa
Pagsulat (assistant clerk); Tagalaan (warden); and Tagalibot (patroller).[13] Each Balangay were given a chance to expand their own spheres of influence, through triangle system
in order to elevate their status to Sangguniang Bayan.[13] Every Balangay that did not gain Sanggunian Bayan status were dissolved and annexed by greater provincial or popular
councils.[13]

The towns which supported the Katipunan cause were given symbolic names, such as Magdiwang (To celebrate) for Noveleta; Magdalo (To come) for Kawit; Magwagi (To win)
for Naic; Magtagumpay (To succeed) for Maragondon; Walangtinag (Never-diminished) for Indang and Haligue (Wall) for Imus–all are in the province of Cavite.[16]

Within the society functioned a secret chamber, called Camara Reina,[17] which was presided over by Bonifacio, Jacinto, and Pío Valenzuela. This mysterious chamber passed
judgment upon those who had betrayed their oath and those accused of certain offenses penalized by Katipunan laws. Every katipunero stood in fearful awe of this chamber.
According to José P. Santos, throughout the existence of the secret chamber, about five katipuneros were convicted and sentenced to die by it. The death sentence was handed
down in the figure of a cup with a serpent coiled around it.
Over the next four years, the Katipunan founders would recruit new members. By the time the society was uncovered, the American writer James Le Roy estimated the strength
of the Katipunan at 100,000 to 400,000 members. Historian Teodoro Agoncillo estimated that the membership had increased to around 30,000 by 1896. [23] The Ilocano writer
Isabelo de los Reyes estimated membership at 15,000 to 50,000.

Aside from Manila, the Katipunan also had sizeable chapters in Batangas, Laguna, Cavite, Rizal, Bulacan, Pampanga, Tarlac and Nueva Ecija. There were also smaller chapters
in Ilocos Sur, Ilocos Norte, Pangasinan and the Bicol region. The Katipunan founders spent their free time recruiting members. For example, Diwa, who was a clerk at a judicial
court, was assigned to the office of a justice of the peace in Pampanga. He initiated members in that province as well as Bulacan, Tarlac, and Nueva Ecija. Most of the
Katipuneros were plebeian although several wealthy patriots joined the society and submitted themselves to the leadership of Bonifacio.

Triangle system and grades

It was the original plan of Bonifacio to increase the membership of the Katipunan by means of sistemang patatsulok or triangle system. He formed his first triangle with his two
comrades, Teodoro Plata and Ladislao Diwa. Each of them re-instituted Katipunan thoughts into another two new converts. The founder of the triangle knew the other two
members, but the latter did not know each other. On December 1892 the system was abolished after proving it to be clumsy and complicated. [24] A new system of initiation,
modelled after the Masonic rites was then adopted.[25]

When the Katipunan had expanded to more than a hundred members, Bonifacio divided the members into three grades: the Katipon (literally: Associate) which is the lowest
rank, the Kawal (soldier), and the Bayani (Hero or Patriot). In the meeting of the society, Katipon wore a black hood with a triangle of white ribbon having the letters "Z. Ll. B.",
corresponding to the roman "A. N. B.", meaning Anak ngg Bayan (Son of the People, see below). Kawal wore a green hood with a triangle having white lines and the letters "Z.
LL. B." at the three angles of the triangle, and also wore a green ribbon with a medal with the letter (ka) in Baybayin script above a depiction of a crossed sword and flag.
The password was Gom-Bur-Za, taken from the names of the three martyrs Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos and Jacinto Zamora. Bayani (Hero) wore a red mask and a sash with
green borders, symbolizing courage and hope. The front of the mask had white borders that formed a triangle with three Ks arranged as if occupying the angles of a triangle
within a triangle, and with the letters "Z. Ll. B." below. Another password was Rizal. Countersigns enabled members to recognize one another on the street. A member meeting
another member placed the palm of his right hand on his breast and, as he passed the other member, he closed the hands to bring the right index finger and thumb together.

Katipon could graduate to Kawal class by bringing several new members into the society. A Kawal could become a Bayani upon being elected an officer of the society.

Membership - Artigas y Cuerva, Manuel (1911). "Andres Bonifacio y el Katipunan". La Vanguardia (Manila)

New
Any person who wished to join the Katipunan was subjected to certain initiation rites, resembling those of Masonic rites, to test his courage, patriotism, and loyalty.[28]
recruits underwent the initiation rite three at a time so that no member knew more than two other members of the
society. The neophyte was first blindfolded and then led into a dimly-lighted room with black curtains where his
folded cloth was removed from his eyes. An admonition, in Tagalog, was posted at the entrance to the room:

“ Kung may lakás at tapang, ìkaw'y makatutuloy!


(If you have strength and valor, you can proceed!) ”

“ Kung ang pag-uusisa ang nagdalá sa iyó dito'y umurong


ka.
If what has brought you here is only curiosity–go away! ”

“ Kung di ka marunong pumigil ngg iyong masasamang hilig, umurong ka; kailan man ang pintuan
ngg
May-kapangyarihan at Kagalanggalang Katipunan ngg mggá Anak ngg Baya'y bubuksan dahil sa iyó.
If you cannot control your passions, retire. Never shall the doors
of the Supreme and Venerable Society of the Sons of the People be opened to you.

Admission of Women into the society - Zaide, Gregorio (November 26, 1932). "The Women of the Katipunan". Philippines Free Press (Manila)

At first, Katipunan was purely a patriotic society for men. Owing to the growing suspicion of the women regarding nocturnal absences of their husbands, the reduction of their
monthly earnings and "long hours of work", Bonifacio had to bring them into the realms of the KKK. A section for women was established in the society: to become admitted,
one must be a wife, a daughter, or a sister of a male katipunero. It was estimated that from 20 to 50 women had become members of the society. [32]
The first woman to become member of the Katipunan was Gregoria de Jesus, wife of Bonifacio.[32] She was called the Lakambini ng Katipunan (Princess of the Katipunan).[33]
Initially, there were 29 women were admitted to the Katipunan: Gregoria de Jesus, Maria Dizon, president of the women's section; Josefa and Trinidad Rizal, sisters of Dr. José
Rizal; Angelica Lopez and Delfina Herbosa Natividad, close relatives of Dr. Rizal; Carmén de Rodriguez; Marina Hizon; Benita Rodriguez; Semiona de Rémigio; Gregoria
Montoya; Agueda Kahabagan, Teresa Magbanua, Trinidad Tecson`of San Miguel, Bulacan, rendered as "Mother of Biak-na-Bato";[34] Nazaria Lagos; Patronica Gamboa;
Marcela Agoncillo; Melchora Aquino, the "Grand Old Woman of Balintawak";[34] Marta Saldaña and Macaria Pañgilinan.[35]

The women rendered valuable services to the Katipunan.[36] They guarded the secret papers and documents of the society. Whenever the Katipunan held sessions in a certain
house, they usually made merry, singing and dancing with some of the men in the living room so that the civil guard were led that there was nothing but a harmless social party
within.[32]

Though women are considered to be members of the Katipunan, information regarding the women's section were scarce and sometimes conflicting. [13] Teodoro Agoncillo, for
example, disregarded Marina Dizon and concluded that Josefa Rizal was the only president of the said section. [37] Gregorio Zaide, on the other hand, mentioned Dizon's
presidency in his 1939 publication History of the Katipunan[38] but changed his mind when he adopted Dr. Pío Valenzuela's notion that women-members did not elect officers,
hence there is no room for president.

Kalayaan – Richardson, Jim. (2005) http://kasaysayan-kkk.info/studies.kalayaan.htm

Kalayaan (Liberty/Freedom) was the official organ and newspaper of the Katipunan. It was first published March 1896 (even though its masthead was dated January 1896.) [49]
The first Kalayaan issue has never been followed.

The name Kalayaan was suggested by Dr. Pío Valenzuela, which was agreed both by Bonifacio and Emilio Jacinto.[47] Even though Valenzuela was chosen to become the editor
of the organ, they all decided to use the name of Marcelo H. del Pilar as its editor. To fool the Spanish authorities, the Kalayaan was also decided to carry a false masthead
stating that it was being printed in Yokohama, Japan.[51]

That very same month, January 1896, the publication of Kalayaan was started. Valenzuela expected it to finish at the end of the month, so they dated it as January. [49] The
existence of the press was kept in utmost secrecy. Under the supervision of Valenzuela, two printers, Faustino Duque, a student from Colegio de San Juan de Letran, and Ulpiano
Fernández, a part-time printer at El Comercio, printed the revolutionary literature of the society and Kalayaan.

When Valenzuela was appointed as the physician-general of the Katipunan, he dropped his obligation as the editor and passed it to Emilio Jacinto. Jacinto took the job, editing
articles after his pre-law classes in University of Santo Tomas. Since the press was in Germanized alphabet, there are no Tagalog letters such as "k", "w", "h" and "y". To solve
this problem, Jacinto obliged his mother, Josefa Dizon, to buy types that resembles such letters.[49] The types used in printing were purchased from publisher Isabelo de los
Reyes, but many were taken surreptitiously from the press of the Diario de Manila by Filipino employees who were also members of the Katipunan.[51]

first issue contained a supposed editorial work done by del Pilar, which, in fact, was done by Jacinto himself. It also includes Bonifacio's Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa,
Valenzuela's Catuiran? and several works that exposed Spanish abuses and promoting patriotism. [47] Copies spread to nearby Manila provinces, including Cavite, Morong (now
Rizal), Kalookan, and Malabon. Surprised by this initial success, Jacinto decided to print a second issue that would contain nothing but his only works.[47]

On August 1896, the second issue was prepared. It was during this time when Spanish authorities began to grow suspicious about anti-government activities and supposition that
a subversive periodical is in circulation (see below), raided the place where Kalayaan is being printed, at No. 6 Clavel Street, San Nicolas, Manila.[47] Fortunately, the printers,
Duque and Fernández, warned in time, had destroyed the incriminating molds and escaped. Therefore, Spanish authorities never found any evidence of the Kalayaan

Attempt to seek Rizal's support

It should be remembered that the night when Dr. José Rizal was condemned to be exiled in Dapitan by Governor-General Eulogio Despujol y Dusay,[57] Katipunan was founded.

In a secret meeting of the Katipunan at a little river called Bitukang Manok near Pasig on May 2, 1896, Bonifacio and his councilors decided to enlist Rizal's support for the
revolution. Bonifacio named Dr. Pío Valenzuela, an old friend of Rizal, to be Katipunan's emissary to Dapitan. This was done in order to inform Rizal of Katipunan's plan to
launch a revolution and, if possible, a war against Spain.[57]

On June 15, 1896, Dr. Valenzuela left Manila aboard the steamer Venus. To disguise his real mission, he brought with him a blind man named Raymundo Mata and a guide,
going to Dapitan to seek Rizal's expert medical service. (at the time, Rizal was renowned across the country for his achievements in ophthalmology.)[57]

Valenzuela arrived in Dapitan on June 21, where Rizal welcomed him. After supper, Valenzuela told him the real reason why he went to Dapitan and the necessity of securing
Rizal's support.[58] According to Valenzuela, Rizal only answered, "Huwag, huwag! Iya'y makasasama sa bayang Pilipino!" (No, no! That will harm the Filipino nation!)[58]

Rizal objected to Bonifacio's audacious project to plunge the country into a bloody revolution. He was of the sincere belief that it was premature, for two reasons: [57]

1. the people are not ready for a massive revolution; and


2. arms and funds must first be collected before raising the cry of revolution.

Because of this notion, Valenzuela gave another proposal to Rizal: to rescue him. Rizal disapproved of this plan, because he had given his word of honor to the Spanish
authorities, and he did not want to break it.[57] Instead, Rizal advised Valenzuela to persuade wealthy Filipinos, so that they can solicit funds, where he recommended an elite
army officer name Antonio Luna to be Katipunan's war general, should a revolution break out.[59] According to Valenzuela's statement to the Spanish authorities, they almost
quarreled over the matter and Valenzuela left the following day instead of staying for a month as originally planned. [60]

When Valenzuela returned to Manila and informed the Katipunan of his failure to secure Rizal's sanction, Bonifacio, furious, warned Valenzuela not to tell anyone of Rizal's
refusal to support the impending uprising. However, Valenzuela had already spread the word, so that much fund proposals to the society were canceled. [61] Despite Rizal's
rejection, the Katipunan was already trying to address its arms supply problem and had taken steps to smuggle in weapons from abroad. [62]
At his trial, Rizal will eventually deny that he knew Valenzuela. He will only say that he met him first at Dapitan, and he considered him a good friend because of what
Valenzuela showed to him, and his appreciation of medical tools Valenzuela gave to him. He will also say that it was also the last time they met. [63]

Attempt to solicit Japan's aid - Zaide, Gregorio F. (1957). Philippine Political and Cultural History: the Philippines Since the British Invasion. II (1957 Revised ed.). Manila:
McCullough Printing Company.
Despite Rizal's rejection of an armed revolution, Bonifacio continued to plan for an armed conflict with Spain. The Katipunan cast its eyes on Japan, which loomed then as the
probable champion of Asian liberties against Western oppression at the time. In May 1896, after Valenzuela's visit to Rizal, a delegation of Katipunan members, headed by
Jacinto and Bonifacio, conferred with a visiting Japanese naval officer and captain of a Japanese ship, named Kongo, and the Japanese consul at a Japanese bazaar in Manila.[64]
The interpreter, a friend of Valenzuela, was José Moritaro Tagawa who was married to a Filipino woman of Bocaue, Bulacan.[62]
After the usual exchange of courtesies, Jacinto submitted the Katipunan memorial for the Emperor of Japan in which the Filipinos prayed for Japanese aid in their projected
revolution, "so that the light of liberty that illuminates Japan may also shed its rays over the Philippines."[65]

It was with good reason that the Katipunan solicited Japan's aid and alliance. Japan had been friendly to the Filipinos since the Spanish colonial era. Many Filipinos who had fled
from Spanish persecution had been welcomed there and given full protection of Japanese laws. Bonifacio tried to purchase arms and ammunition from Japan, but failed due to
lack of funds and the uncovering of the Katipunan, Jose Dizon was part of the committee that the Katipunan formed to secure arms from Japan with the connivance of the
Japanese ship captain. Three months later, however, the Katipunan was uncovered and Dizon was among the hundreds who were arrested for rebellion.