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Urban Planning and Sculptural Display in Severan
Rome: Reconstructing the Septizodium and
Its Role in Dynastic Politics
SUSANN S. LUSNIA
* I am especially grateful to those colleagues and mentors Society, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at
who either read or heard earlier versions of this argument Yale- University, the Bibliotheque nationale de France, the
James C. Anderson, Jr., Helen Nagy, Brian Rose, and Katherine Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Edizioni Quasar, and the
Welch - as well as to those who offered critical comments on Fototeca Unione for their kind assistance and permission to
this presentversion: Barbara Burrell, Dennis Kehoe, and Rabun use the illustrations reproduced herein. Finally, any errors are
Taylor. My thanks also go to the librarians and staff of the John my own. All references follow the AJA Instructions for Contribu-
Miller Burnam Classical Library at the University of Cincinnati tors, January 2000.
and the American Academy Library in Rome for their gener- 1 Several different forms of the monument's name (e.g.,
ous assistance. Research for this article was funded in part by aSeptizonium, Septisolium, Settesoli, and even Schola di Vir-
2003 grant from the Friedrich Stoll Endowed Scholars Fund at gilio) are seen in documents ranging from late antiquity to
Tulane Univerity. In addition, I would like to thank Michel the modern era: see LTUR 4:269-71. In this article I will use
Amandry, Renate Bol, Claudia Dorl-Klingenschmid, Fritz Pfeil, "Septizodium," since it is the form appearing on the Severan-
the American Academy in Rome, the American Numismaticera forma urbis marmorea.
517
American Journal of Archaeology 108 (2004) 517-44
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518 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
2 Walser 1987, 88-9; see also Iacopi and the Tedone 1993, 2.
Liber pontificalis, which states that the attack "overturned
3 Krautheimer 2000, 322. This part of theseveral columns" (plurimas
Septizodium was columpnas subvertit) . See also Krau-
the property of a man called Stefano, son oftheimer 2000, 149.
the consul et dux
Hildebrand, who gave it to the abbot of San 5Chastel Gregorio (1983, 91-114) presents an overview of what is
Magno
on the Caelian Hill, "for the purpose of demolishing known about the anddestruction
lay- of artworks in 1527, both in
ing low however it would please you" ( ad destruendum churches and et in private
suptusresidences. There are no complete
deprimendum quantum vobis placuerit): see also accounts of the damage
Augenti 1996,to buildings during the lengthy peri-
62-3. od of ransacking and occupation; however, the destruction was
4Bartoli 1909, 255, provides a passage on this siege from widespread.
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 519
lia because of the tremendous variety of column On the basis of this, Hiilsen reconstructed the
types (vertically and spirally fluted, as well building
as un- with a facade consisting of three colon-
Fig. 2. Fragments of the Severan Marble Plan illustrating the Septizodium and Circus Maximus. (Neg. 5927 F,
used by permission of the Fototeca Unione, Rome)
6 Stevenson 1888, 275-90. Renaissance periods, until its destruction. For the publication
7Forni (1991, 44-5, and 94-6) gives a descriptive list of il- of the forma urbis marmorea, see Carettoni et al. 1960 and Ro-
lustrations of the Septizodium. Bartoli (1909, 254-8) includes driquez Almeida 1980.
a concise summary of the documentary sources for the history 8 Hiilsen 1886, 11-2.
of the monument through the Late Antique, Medieval, and 9 Hiilsen 1886, 15-9.
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520 SUSANN S. IJLJSNIA [AJA108
ognized similarities between this building in and monumental facade fountains, just as Peters-
Rome
and the design of the scaenae frons in Roman en the-
had done.17 In Dombart's reconstruction, the
ater architecture as well as that used in some mon- building sits upon a high socle and has three col-
umental facade fountains.16 On the evidence of the onnaded stories above (fig. 5). The exedrae rise
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 521
and confirmed
only two stories in height with the notations and measurements roofing
half-domes
found is
them, while the third story in Fontana's
treated billing
as receipt.
an atticThe latest
with ar-
columnar screen, rather chaeological
than as study by Iacopi
the full and portico
Tedone shows that
that
Hiilsen envisioned. Between
the Septizodium
thewas two
between wings
93 and 95 m that
long,
oriented along
flanked the building, Dombart a roughly north-south
restored a water line.basin
Its
extending across the entire
depth from
facade,
front to rear,
with including
water
the water
spout
basin,
was 34.10 of
placed around the first level m, and theretwo
the was an unusually
flanking high podi-
exe
um, 5.72 m, upon
drae and a high statue podium which the
in the three upper
central stories
exedra
Excavations conducted in the 1980s have re-
rested - a feature that Dombart had anticipated in
vealed the foundation of the Septizodium hisinreconstruction.
pre- According to Iacopi and
cisely the location indicated on the Severan Mar-
Tedone, the podium's extra height probably result-
ble Plan. These investigations brought to ed
light
from ar-
the structure's design as a fountain, since
chitectural and sculptural fragments of the struc-
the added height allowed for the placement of wa-
ter jets, conduits, and reservoirs needed for this
ture, and the work has demonstrated conclusively
the Septizodium 's design as a monumental foun- The total height of the building appears
function.19
to validat-
tain.18 In addition, this work has essentially have been 29.87 m, which calculates to just a bit
ed both Hulsen's and Dombart's reconstructions over 100 RF.20
Fig. 4. Reconstruction, with elevation and ground plan, proposed by C. Hiilsen. (After Hiilsen 1886, pl. 4)
18 See the following reports: Chini and Mancioli 1986; Pisani 0.2957 m) is my own. All other measurements are taken from
Sartorio 1987; Iacopi and Tomei 1990; and Iacopi and Tedone Iacopi and Tedone 1993, 12. It is notable that Petersen (1910,
1993. 66-7) had already suggested restoring the height of the build-
19 Iacopi and Tedone 1993, 12. ing as 100 Roman feet.
20 The approximation in Roman feet (based upon 1 RF =
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522 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
Fig. 5. Dombart's reconstruction, with ground plan. (After Dombart 1922, frontispiece)
21 Iacopi and Tomei 1990, 153. ing to Vittozzi and Presicce ( 1991 , 93) , this figure was original-
22Iacopi and Tedone 1993, 5. ly the Tigris and was only transformed into the Tiber during
23Neuerburg 1965, 97-101. Michelangelo's reworking of the Piazza del Campidoglio for
24 See for example, Helbig4 1:440 for the colossal figure of SixtusV.
the Nile in the Vatican Museums, and 2:1 162 for the colossal 25 See Weiss 1988, 144, cat. 26.
figures of the Nile and the Tiber that flank the stairs to the 26 Baity 1997, 27-8.
Palazzo del Senatorio on the Piazza del Campidoglio. Accord-
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 523
mius Severus and the Antonine emperors, ments of interest to this discussion are the
a elabo-
topic to
be considered further below. rate city gates and the so-called Kaisersdle found in
Asia Minor. All of these structures employ the com-
THE SCULPTURAL PROGRAM
plicated column displays that MacDonald associ-
Having considered the architectural ates withform"empire and imagery" and clearly represent
the known elements of the Septizodium, the infusion of Roman
I wish now architecture with Hellenis-
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524 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
28 The basic discussions are found in Hiilsen 1886, 32-6; 33 Aupert 1974, 95-8, on the septizodia at Henchir Bedd
Maass 1902, 20-36; and Dombart 1922, 125-30. and Lambaesis; and also Guey 1946, 147-9. For an inscription
29 E.g., Aupert 1974, esp. 79-126, Settis 1973, 722-30, and naming a septizodium atLilybaeum in Sicily, see Barbieri 1961 ,
Ginouves 1969, 152-5. 34-45. On a possible septizodium in Augst, see R. Laur-Belart
30 Hiilsen 1886, 13-5. 1960-1.
31 Ginouves (1969, 153) argues it is not architecture but the 34Janon 1973, 229-31, on Boissonnet's reconstruction and
connection with planetary gods and water divinities that con- the sculpture fragments found. The sculptures associated with
stitutes a septizodium. Aupert (1974, 119-22) adds that it is the niches may or may not have had a planetary theme: see
perhaps necessary to have either evidence of statues of the Janon 1973, 237. The identification of the figures is inconclu-
planetary gods or an inscription in order to identify a structure sive.
as a septizodium. 35Janon 1973, 239. CIL 8:2658 was previously dated to the
32Picard 1962, 85-9. Picard believes they all originated from reign of Septimius Severus but is now believed to belong in
the same African workshop and dates them to the time of the reign of Alexander Severus.
Caracalla.
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 525
volving the planetary deities. If this assumption is A tradition for depicting the emperor in the com-
correct, it nevertheless remains difficult to say what pany of divinities did exist in Roman art, and there
form the representations of the deities took. The are parallels in other settings. At Rome one can see
ancient sources are not especially helpful on this the emperor Titus accompanied by Victory and
point; however, archaeological finds at Rome and Roma on the Flavian arch in the Forum, and in the
elsewhere may provide some clues. In the 1930s a Cancelleria reliefs Domitian appears in the com-
find of sculptural fragments, including an Apollo- pany of Roma, Minerva, and Mars.41 An attic panel
type figure, was reported near the foundations of on the Arch of Trajan at Beneventum illustrates the
the Septizodium.38 Some scholars have proposed emperor in the presence of the Capitoline Triad
that the statue of Septimius Severus, which the His- (Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva) and Roma.42 There-
toria Augusta claims stood at the center of the mon- fore, a more likely proposition for the sculptural
ument, might have portrayed the emperor in the depiction of the emperor on the Septizodium
36Aupert 1974, 118. sees dynastic imagery associating Caracalla and Geta with the
37Caputo (1959, 29-32) notes similarities between the de- Dioscuri. Previously, Augustan iconography had used the Dioscu-
sign of the scaenae frons in the theater at Sabratha and the ri for Gaius and Lucius, grandsons and erstwhile heirs of the
SeDtizodium at Rome. emperor: see Poulsen 1991, 122-9.
38Gatti 1934, 161, no. 4. 41 Kleiner 1992, 187-8 (Arch of Titus) and 192 (Cancelleria
39 BMCBE 5:204, no. 260, pl. 33.8. reliefs).
40£MCftE5:196, nos. 216-7, pl. 32.8. Nista (1991, 199-200)
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526 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
would be as a godlike but still human figure of ele- the planetary gods in the decoration of the Septizo-
vated status, perhaps adorned with divine attributes dium in Rome. Moreover, there were probably
or in the company of divinities. In other words, sculptures of the imperial family and certainly oth-
Severus may have appeared, along with the rest of er figures, such as the river god and the Apollo-
the imperial family, accompanied by the planetary type figure discovered in the area of the monu-
divinities, not as the divinities themselves. A Seve- ment's foundation. The original length and height
ran precedent exists for this concept of sculptural of the Septizodium 's facade would have provided a
association in the form of an eight-sided altar from tremendous amount of space for freestanding sculp-
Vienne in Roman Gaul (fig. II).43 On this altar, tures and other ornaments. In all likelihood, the
dated to the year A.D. 198 or later by the inscrip- full program of decoration for the monument con-
tion that names both Severus and Caracalla as Au-
sisted of sculptures, many colossal in scale, as well
gusti, a relief bust of Severus appears on oneasside,
polychrome marble elements (including the
while the remaining seven sides are adornedporphyry
with basin), columns (both smooth and fluted
the busts of the planetary divinities. varieties), and water displays.
Based on the evidence of the sculptures found
Decorative displays of sculpture were not uncom-
mon in the Roman world.44 Pliny comments, with a
with the septizodium at Cincari and the aforemen-
tioned examples of Severan art, it seems reason-
certain degree of disdain, on the extravagant deco-
able to presume that some reference was made tolavished on a temporary theater built at Rome
ration
42 Kleiner 1992, 227. program of the Baths of Caracalla, Bol 1984 on the reconstruc-
43Esperandieu 1907, 281-2, no. 412. tion of the sculptural decoration of the Nymphaeum of Herodes
44 Studies of such assemblages include Bejor 1979 on the- Atticus at Olympia, and Sturgeon 2000 on the use of sculptural
aters in Roman Africa, Manderscheid 1981 on sculptural pro- display for political purposes as it carries over from the Helle-
grams in baths, Yegiil 1982 on Kaisersdk, Marvin 1983 on the
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 527
by Marcus Scaurus during his aedileship in 58 B.C. at monuments from the eastern Roman provinc-
The scaenae frons of this theater apparently con- es, dating to the second century A.D. In these ex-
tained 360 columns of marble, glass (mosaic per- amples, portrait statues of the imperial family were
haps?), and gilded wood, with 3,000 bronze statues often commingled both with images of the gods
adorning the facade.45 Sculptural displays could and with those of the local donors responsible for
appear on the facades of numerous types of public the construction of the monuments. Next we will
buildings, not only theaters but also fountains and consider the sorts of imperial dynastic displays
gateways, which were almost always located in areas found at Rome and in central Italy during the
of high traffic, where masses of people would con- Julio-Claudian era that may have inspired provin-
gregate or pass on a regular basis. In both Rome cial displays. Not to be excluded from this discus-
and the provinces, sculptural displays were used to sion, however, are the elaborate marble halls of
honor the emperor and his family and to demon- Asia Minor, the Kaisersale, that were likely influ-
strate close ties between the emperor, the donor (s), enced by the designs of Roman theater facades.
and the local municipality.46 Concluding our comparative material will be ex-
In considering the possible components of the amples from the Severan period in both Italy and
decoration of the Septizodium, we will look first Asia Minor.
nistic to the Roman period in Asia Minor. 46 For the development of this practice in Hellenistic con-
45 Pliny, NH 36. 11 3-5. texts, see Rose 1997, 8-9; and for its continuation in the Ro-
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528 SUSANN S. LUSNIA TATA 108
Fig. 10. Relief from the Severan arch at Leptis Magna showing Severus and Julia with attributes of Jupiter and Juno. Marble.
(After McCann 1968, pl. 20, fig. 1, by permission of the American Academy in Rome)
man period in Greece and Asia Minor, see Sturgeon 2000, 70. 48Bol 1984, 88-91. The figures and their placement are
47Bol 1984,86.
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 529
the Forum of Augustus at Rome. The porticoes of and that 12 statues would adorn it. The inscription
the forum were embellished with the figures of names these figures as the deceased Germanicus,
Rome's mythical and historical past accompanied his parents, his wife, two of his siblings, and his six
by images of Augustus and his family.52 Although children.54 In addition to the imperial family por-
this arrangement did not directly juxtapose divini- traits, there were apparently personifications of
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530 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
offers a(cum
conquered provinces further variation on the display of
signis imperial
devictar
on the arch, but as Rose
portrait notes,
statues by their
associating figures of imperial for
tion is uncertain.55 family members with statues of divinities and myth-
Another significant group of sculptures is the col- ical heroes.58 The nymphaeum at Baiae has affini-
lection of as many as 10 statues associated with the ties to the natural grotto/dining area at Tiberius's
theater at Caere and ranging in date from the reigns villa at Sperlonga, and it, too, was probably part of a
of Gaius through Nero.56 Both living and deified private seaside villa. At Baiae, however, the grot-
members of the imperial household appear to have tolike nymphaeum/banquet hall is a completely
been set up over a period of time at the theater in artificial construction. Along its side walls, stand-
Caere. Two figures of this group represent the em- ing in niches, were statues of the emperor Claudi-
perors Tiberius and Claudius as colossal, enthroned us's mother, Antonia, and his daughter Octavia. The
Jupiter types, while the deified Drusilla (sister of well-preserved figure of Antonia is portrayed as
Caligula) has the attributes of Venus Genetrix. It is Venus, with Cupid at her shoulder. In the arrange-
impossible to know the arrangement of the figures, ment of the nymphaeum, her image was once
but most likely the figures adorned the scaenae frons, flanked by two figures of the god Dionysus.59 A fifth
possibly placed between columns that formed aedic- sculpture fragment appears to have been a larger
ulae along the facade. The use of elaborate colum- than life-size seminude male figure, perhaps the
nar facades punctuated with sculptural decoration emperor Claudius. In the apse at the far end of the
is documented by both the literary and archaeologi- room was a statuary group portraying the blinding
cal evidence for Roman theaters.57 of Polyphemus. The Baiae nymphaeum, because
A nymphaeum of Claudian date, found sub- of its private setting, allowed for a bolder presen-
merged in the bay of Baiae near Punta Epitaffio, tation of the imperial family directly alongside di-
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 531
vinities and even as divinities themselves. While of the so-called Kaisersale was modeled on the
such direct pairings of images would not scaenae likelyfrons of the Roman theater because of its
have been tolerated at Rome in the early empire, usefulness as a means of displaying political mes-
the association of the imperial family withsages.63 divine The figure of the emperor could be high-
figures or their attributes is apparent from the lighted
time by its placement in a central niche, some-
of Augustus onward.60 In the East, however, times ensem- beneath an arcuated lintel, a so-called "Syr-
bles of sculpture displayed in dramatic architec- ian pediment."64 For the viewer, this mode of pre-
tural settings were frequently a means of express- sentation for the emperor's image could have con-
ing devotion and gratitude to the emperor jured
andup associations with the imperial adventus
his household. or triumph ceremonies, and it is possible that the
The so-called Kaisersale in Asia Minor provide Septizodium at Rome might have presented a stat-
excellent examples of public sculptural displays ue of the emperor Severus in a similar manner
in magnificent settings. Yegiil has suggested withinthat
its central exedra.65
these marble-clad halls, often found within a bath- Turning our attention back now to buildings
gymnasium complex, were linked to the imperial contemporary with or immediately subsequent to
cult.61 Although the association of imperial cult the Septizodium at Rome, we will look first at the
with the so-called Kaisersale is strongly challenged monumental fountain at Perge, located near the
now in a forthcoming article by Burrell, neverthe- South Baths between the Hellenistic and Late An-
less, some of Yegiil's observations on the power of tique city gates. Dated to the reign of Septimius
imperial images in dramatic architectural settings Severus, the structure at Perge is somewhat asym-
are relevant.62 Yegiil suggests that the arrangement metrical in design (fig. 13). Its left side focuses on
59Andreae 1983, 60-3. nies pertaining to the agones held by many of the cities in Asia
Minor.
60 Rose 1997, 73-7, forJulio-Claudian attitudes toward di- My thanks to Barbara Burrell for making this article
vine attributes. available to me.
61Yeffiil 1982,8-10. 63Yefful 1982, 25-6.
62 Burrell (forthcoming) observes that concrete evidence 64 See Weber 1990, 15-6 and 78-80, on the baldachin and
of imperial cult practice in the Kaisersale is lacking. She con- naiskos as privileged settings for sculpture.
tends that the evidence instead supports identifying these 65 Yegiil (1982, 21-2) cites Late Antique examples here,
marble halls as spaces used by the gymnasiarchs for ceremo- especially the painting of the Tetrarchs in the Temple of
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532 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 533
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534 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
78Stumeon2000, 70. cides with the dies imperil of the emperor Trajan. Dio (76.1.3)
79 The arrangement of sculptures and reliefs can be observed indicates that the festivities in A.D. 202 were for the emper-
by their positioning within the three levels of the scaenaefrons or's return, his 10th anniversary, and his victories.
of the Roman theater at Corinth, which establishes relation- 82 Dio 76.1.3-5.
ships between members of the imperial family, both among 83PubliaFulviaPlautilla:P/i?F564,andC.FulviusPlautianus:
themselves and with Herakles: see Sturgeon 2000, 69. PII? F 554.
80 For the contemporary historical accounts of the death of 84 On the increasing frequency of these themes in Severan
Pertinax and its aftermath, see Dio 73.11-17 and Herodian propaganda from the years A.D. 201-202 onward, see BMCRE
2.6.1-14.4. 5:cxlviii-clxi, and Hannestad 1986, 256-9.
81 The official date of the triumph as 28 January A.D. 198 is85Josi 1934, 335-58 (barracks); Giuliani and Verduchi 1987,
found in Feriale duranum, col. 1, lines 14-16. This date coin-
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 535
very little is known about them. The Regionary Cata- in contemporary baths at Ostia.94
logues list the Thermae Severianae under the head- Lanciani illustrated the remains of the complex
ing "Regio I: Porta Capena."87 Late Antique chronog- in the gardens of San Lorenzo, seen in figure 17.
raphers mention these baths in conjunction with baths He identified the structure as locus nymphaei and
built contemporaneously in Antioch, as well as with associated it with the Fons Camenarum. The rooms
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536 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
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20041 RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTTZODIUM 537
many as six copies of the inscription placed above tachment can still be seen." Severan repairs to the
the aqueduct arches that spanned major roadways Aqua Claudia are visible throughout the line, and
into the city.98 One stood over the road leading in examples of this work can be seen along the line
the direction of the Porta Maggiore, where the re- where it passes through Tor Fiscale, Fosso della Val-
cess for the marble slabs and the holes for their at- lana, and Roma Vecchia on its way into the city.100
imperial palace on the Palatine. that the third set had been located at the Navicella on the
98 Lanciani 1975, 364-7. Evans (1994, 89) notes Lanciani's
Caelian, although it may have been at the Arcus Dolabelli, cf.
suggestion that the repairs and enlargement may have beenCIL 6.29843.
connected with the Severan baths listed in Regio I. 100 Evans 1994, 89-90; Colini 1944, 97-106; Ashby 1935,
"Ashby 1935, 245-6. According to Ashby, Henzen suggest-244-9; and Van Deman 1934, 269-70. For the specific exam-
ples, see Ashby 1935, 136 (Tor Fiscale), 192 (Fosso della Valla-
ed placing a second copy on the Arcus Basilidis over the road
between the Lateran and the Colosseum, and Lanciani thought
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538 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
In the
yearjoined
asup again
same
the near thework
Porta Capena, perhaps
on the
limontani, flowformingofpart ofthethe SeptemAqua
the Viae, a toponymMarcia
used
ently enlarged, and the for
in the Codex Einsidlensis water chann
the area of the Septizo-
paired. The repairs
dium in theare recorded in a
Middle Ages.103
tary inscription found
Clearly, this group near San
of building projects would Giov
erano, the date of which
have had a profound impactis on thealmost
urban setting ce
201. 101 Increasedof Romewater
and sent a powerful flow
dynastic messagewould
to
needed for connecting the
the public. The Septizodium was the new
crown jewel Seve
and/or a new Septizodium
of this new urban space created to fountain
glorify the em- t
duct. The coincidence
peror and his new of dynasty. the aqueduc
As such it would have
A.D. 201, the same date
epitomized given
the major themes to the
of Severan dynastic
Severianae, and its
ideology:close
first, that Severusassociation
and his heirs were the w
tizodium, suggest that
legitimate successors of these were
the Antonine emperors who al
organized plan for a specific
had preceded area
them, and second, that divine prov- of t
zone immediately idencesoutheast
had sanctioned this succession. of the P
Additionally, this urban plan may h
a new road throughThe Dynasticthe Messagearea, and seve
have proposed identifying
Severus, as mentioned above, a acquired
broad av
his posi-
on tion as emperor through
forma urbis marmorea force. In order to distance
fragment 42 =
himself from
Nova.102 Construction of the other
this usurpers who challenged
street is
signed to the reign him and counter
oftheCaracalla
attacks of those who consid- (HA C
Gorrie argues that ered hisgiven its apparent
own position illegitimate, Severus worked
with the Septizodium, it may
hard to represent himself have
as a ruler elevated to the b
by Severus. It undoubtedly throne by divine approbation. became
Contemporary histo- ass
Caracalla once the Thermae Antoninianae were rians, such as Dio, knew that the emperor had a
constructed along its route. The path ofstrong the Via
belief in astrology.104 Part of Severus 's politi-
Nova would have passed near to the location of
cal self-promotion hinged upon publicizing the
the bath ruins found in the Orto del Carciofolo, divine favor that he enjoyed and that he claimed
and it does not seem farfetched, therefore, to sup- had been revealed to him through a series of so-
pose that the Thermae Severianae fronted on this called omina imperil, signs that predicted his impe-
new avenue. Gorrie accepts Colini's earlier pro- rial destiny. Dio admits to publishing a pamphlet
posal that Via Nova ran closer to the Caelian, rath- detailing the signs of divine approval that appeared
er than just south of the Via Appia. The question to the emperor before his accession to the imperial
remains, however, whether the Via Nova actually throne.105 In his later history Dio briefly summariz-
replaced the Via Appia at this point. If not, as es these as a list of the seven omens favoring the
Gorrie argues, then the two roads must have emperor's rise to power (74.3.1-3):
na) , and 231 (Roma Vecchia) . et | Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(uci) Septimii Seven Pii Pertinacis
101 CIL 6.1247: potllll [proco(n)s(ul)] | aquam m [arciam
Aug(usti) Arabic (i) Adiab (enici) | Parthic (i) Max(imi) fil(ius)
. . . ] | iniuriisd[eminutam?] | excisis [et perforatis montibus]
Divi M(arci) Antonini Pii Germ (anici) Sarm(atici) nep(os) Divi
|| amplia[to flumine?] integr[avit?]. Murphy (1945, 32-3) re-
Antonini Pii pronep (os) | Divi Hadriani abnep (os) Divi Traiani
Parthic (i) etDiviNervae adnep(os) || M (arcus) Aurelius An-
stored this inscription by comparing it to CIL 6.1259. Hiilsen
toninus Pius Felix Aug (ustus) trib(unicia)] pot(estate) IIII
believed that "pot(estate) IIII" referred to Severus's fourth
tribunician year, and thus assigned the inscription to 196, [proco(n)s(ul)
a ] | aquam m [arciam...] |iniuriisd[eminutam?]
date followed by many scholars (Platner-Ashby, 25; Ashby |1935,
excisis [et perforatis montibus] || amplia[to flumine?]
90; Van Deman 1934, 68; and recently, LTUR 1, "Aqua Mar- inteer[avit?].
cia," 67-9 (D. Cattalini) ) . Murphy, however, believed that the102 Gorrie 2001, 667-8, with previous bibWraDhv.
103 LTUR 4:271.
tribunician date referred to Caracalla, and that this repair must
have occurred in the same year as the other aqueduct repair, 104 Dio 76.11.1 mentions that Severus had his horoscope
A.D. 201. Murphy's full restoration of the inscription reads:
illustrated on the ceilings of some rooms in the imperial pal-
[Imp(erator) Caes(ar) DiviM(arci) AntoniniPiiGerm(anici) ace, and the HA Sev. 2.8-9 and 4.2-3 relate instances when he
Sarm(atici) filius | Divi Commodi frater, Divi Antonini Pii
consulted with astrologers.
nep(os) Divi Hadriani pronep(os) | Divi Traiani Parthic(i)
105 Dio 72.23.1: pigAiov ti nepi tcov oveipcacov kcu tcov
abnep(os) DiviNervaeadnep(os) |L(ucius) Septimius Severus
oqueioov 8i cov 6 Zeoufjpoc; xfjv auTOKpcruopa apx^v rjAmae,
ypdif/ac;
Pius Pertinax Aug (ustus) Arabic (us) Adiab (enicus) 1 1 Parthic (us) 88rjuoai£uaa-Kai cakoKcd exeTvoq n£U(J)08VTi nap'
Max(imus) Pont(ifex) Max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) VTIII
euou evTux&v noAAd uoi mi KaAd dvreneoreiAe. Rubin (1980,
Imp(erator) XICo(n)s(ul) IlP(ater) P(atriae) proco(n)s(ul)
21-40) provides a good introduction to the basic issues of
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 539
a visual commemoration of this sign of divine fa-dynastic formula does occur, however, in the
This
vor.108 A statue of Severus could have been fashioned two inscriptions commemorating aqueduct repairs
Severus 's propaganda tactics. See, for example, CIL 14.4003, from Ficuleia dated to A.D. 162.
106Cary 1927, 164-7. 1 have numbered the passages for ease113"Imp(erator) Caes(ar) Divi M(arci) Antonini Pii
Germ(anici) Sarm(atici) fil(ius) Divi Commodi Frater Divi
of reference. Millar (1964, 30) suggests that the original pam-
phlet on which this list is based appeared shortly after Antonini
the Pii nep(os) Divi Hadrian (i) pronep(os) Divi Traini
emperor arrived in Rome in Tune A.D. 193. Parth(ici) abnep(os) DiviNervae. . . ." See Walser 1987, 9, for
107 Herodian 2.9.5-6. the date of the Codex Einsidlensis, and 88-9, for a discussion of
108 This possibility is suggested in Desnier 1993, 605. Ithe
do this inscription. Walser follows the date given by the edi-
tors of the CIL.
not agree, however, with Desnier's (604) belief that the Sep-
tizodium consisted of seven juxtaposed exedra and was derived114Hulsen 1886, 25-9. Guey (1946, 157-66) proposes a
from Gallic prototypes. restoration of the text in which Caracalla also has a full lin-
109 Dio 75.7.4 and 76.9.4; HA Sev. 10.3-6. eage. Guey (160) also suggests an additional, shorter line of
110 HA Sev. 10.3-6; Dio 75.7.4 and 76.9.4. See also the con-
text, which he would place at the center of the monument
secration coinage for Commodus, BMCRE 5:42*, who was beneath re- the main text. However, if Alberti (Cod. A., fol. 35;
habilitated as the "brother" of the new emperor. see Forni 1991 , 44) indeed observed letters as tall as the height
of the frieze, this would seem unlikely.
111 Caracalla, of course, is the emperor's more commonly used
115 Pantheon, AD. 202, CIL 6.896; Porticus Octaviae, A.D.
nickname. His original name is somewhat disputed but may
have been L. Septimius Bassianus: see PIR 321. 203, CIL 6.1034; arch in the Forum Romanum, AD. 203, CIL
112 These inscriptions imitate those set up by Marcus Aure-
6.1033; and the arch in the Forum Boarium (Porta Argentar-
lius and Commodus which traced their lineage back to Nerva.
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540 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
at Rome in A.D. 201, CIL 6.1259, associated with tain the possibility that the date of the Septizodi-
the Arcus Caelimontani repairs and CIL 6.1247 re- um's dedication may have been in the year A.D.
cording work on the Aqua Marcia.116 These projects, 202, not A.D. 203.
as I have already noted, were probably connected to The period A.D. 200 to 202 also coincides with
the construction of the Septizodium and the Ther- the most forceful emphasis of Severus's dynastic
mae Severianae. The greatest number of Severan message. This dynastic advertisement is most evi-
genealogical inscriptions that occur at Rome can be dent in the coinage issued from the mint of Rome
dated between A.D. 198 and 202; and in fact, only during those years. All members of the imperial
two are securely dated later than A.D. 202. 117 family - Severus, Julia, Geta, Caracalla, and after the
The traditional date of the Septizodium, derived wedding in A.D. 202, even Plautilla - had coins
from the building's fragmentary dedicatory inscrip- minted for them in the program of dynastic issues.120
tion {CIL 6.1032 = 31229) is A.D. 203. This inscrip- Coin legends hailed Caracalla as Augustus and Geta
tion has been restored based upon two fragments. as Caesar, princeps iuventutis, and pontifex.121 The im-
The initial part is derived from the Codex Einsidlen- ages associated with concordia aeterna and aeternit(as)
sis 326; the conclusion results from the collation of imperil, "eternal harmony" and "the perpetuity of
several Renaissance sources. In my opinion, this the empire," evoked the divine favor for both
restoration is problematic. The conclusion of the Severus's rule and its continued stability.122 One
inscription, which gives both consular and tribuni- coin issued for Severus had on its reverse the leg-
cian titles, exists in several variants. The significant end FELICITAS SAECVLI accompanying the fron-
variation found in the Renaissance copies of this tal bust of Julia Domna flanked by the profile busts
inscription is the reading of the tribunician year. of Caracalla and Geta, the message of which is en-
In some documents it is recorded as trib(unicia) tirely clear: the prosperity and benefaction of the
pot(estate) V; in others, it is trib(unicia) pot(estate) W.118 ages now lay in the hands of Severus and his de-
Among the texts that include a consular title, all scendants.123 Whether the Septizodium was formal-
indicate a singular consulship, co(n)sul. These ti- ly dedicated in A.D. 202 or 203, it is clear that this
tles are presumed to refer to Caracalla, who became building was part of the celebration of the Severan
coregent in A.D. 198, held his first consulship in dynasty.
A.D. 202, and held his second in A.D. 205.119 Cara- As noted above, Severus's new dynastic lineage
calla's fifth tribuncian year was 10 December A.D. adorned the first-story frieze of the Septizodium.
201 to 10 December A.D. 202, and his sixth was in The emperor, with his son and coemperor Caracal-
the following year, A.D. 202/3. Considering the la, claimed the deified emperors Commodus and
variations in the Renaissance texts, and with no orig- Marcus Aurelius, along with all those reaching back
inal, inscribed blocks from the Septizodium to ex- to Nerva, in their line of imperial descent. The
amine in comparison, it seems reasonable to enter- prominent placement and large lettering of this
iorum), A.D. 204, CIL 6.1035. 6.32326-35; Romanelli 1931, 313-45) set up in A.D. 204.
116 CIL 6.1259: Imperator) Caes(ar) Divi M(ard) Antonini 118 Trib(unicia)pot(estate) V. Smetius, Bib. Nap.VE4fo\. ("Far-
Pii Germ(anici) Sarm(atici) filius | Divi Commodi frater Divi nesianum") and Panvinio, Vat. Lot. 6035, fol. 57. Albertini,
Antonini Pii nep(os) Divi Hadriani pronep(os) | Divi Traiani Marliano, and Manutius give trib(unicia) pot(estate) VI. See the
Parthic(i) abnep(os) DiviNervaeadnep(os) | L(ucius) Septi- commentary accompanying CIL 6. 1032=31 229.
mius Severus Pius Pertinax Aug(ustus) Arabic (us) Adiab (enicus) 119 Murphy 1945, 104-5; Hill 1977, 6-7; and Birley 1988,
|| Parthic(us) Max(imus) Pont(ifex) Max(imus) trib(unicia) 139, 160.
pot(estate) Vllllimp(erator) XIco(n)s(ul) Ilp(ater) p(atriae) 120 See Lusnia 1995, 124-30, for these types in relation to
proco(n)s(ul) et| Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(uci) Septimii Severi the image of Julia Domna.
Pii Pertinacis Aug(usti) Arabic (i) Adiab (enici) | Parthic(i) 121 For example, BMCRE 5:198-9, nos. 228-39, pls. 32.13-
Max(imi) filius Divi M(arci) Antonini Pii Germ(anici) 6; 242, no. 440, pl. 38.17; 244, no. 451, pl. 39.4; 336-8, nos.
Sarm (atici) nep (os) Divi Antonini Pii pronep (os) | Divi Hadri- 833 and 838, pls. 50.4 and 7.
ani abnep (os) Divi Traiani Parthic (i) et Divi Nervae adnep (os) 122 The concordia aeterna legend accompanied the jugate
| M (arcus) Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Aug(ustus) trib(unicia) busts of Severus and Julia discussed above; the aeternit(as) im-
pot(estate) IIIIproco(n)s(ul) || arcus caelemontanos plurifar- peril appeared with Julia Domna on the obverse and bust of
iam vetustate conlaspsos | et conruptos a solo sua pecunia res- Caracalla and Geta on the reverse: BMCRE 5:204, no. 260, pl.
tituerunt. 33.8 {Concordia), and 157-8, no. 16, pl. 27.13.
For CIL 6.1247, see n. 101 supra. 123 BMCRE 5:166-7, nos. 75-82, pl. 28.18. Augustus had is-
117Mastino 1981, 114-6. Neither of these occurs in a ded- sued a similar coin in 13 B.C. with a bust of his daughter, Julia,
icatory inscription for a public building, though the format is bust flanked by busts of Gaius and Lucius on the reverse {BM-
seen in the commentary for the Severan ludi saeculares { CIL CRE 1:21, no. 106, pl. 4.3).
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 541
would
inscription would have also have followed
drawn this route in A.D. 202
viewers to to its tex
and it seems likely that other his
commemorate visual elements
Parthian triumph. If one can ac-woul
have been linked to this message,
cept, as perhaps
has been posited above, to illu
that the Septizodi-
trate it. Like the city gate
um was ata keyPerge or
element in the the campaign
publicity Nymphae to
um of Herodes Atticus, the
establish and sculptural
solidify the Severans' program
legitimacy as
the Septizodium could have
rulers, then oneincluded
must also considerstatues
the possibility no
that the monument
only of the current imperial family could have
butbeen also
planned of
and th
whole company of living
completed and deified imperial
for the triumph.
household members, the domus divina. Includin
CONCLUSION
statues of all the emperors since Nerva, perhap
Given themembers
along with the deified female current state of
of the evidence,
the im-
perial line, would have no restated visually
doubt that the Septizodiumthe me
at Rome w
rious,thus
sage of the inscription and grandiose
made nymphaeum.
an evenLike the
great
er impact on the ancientnymphaea
viewer.of the
Blending
Greek East or
thethe cur-
scaena
of Roman theaters,
rent and past imperial portraits with the Septizodium
divinities on's
the Septizodium would have
once put
populated it numerous
with squarely in
statues
ornaments.
well-established tradition thatExamination of the decorationsuch
included of com- sculp-
tural programs as those parable
of monuments,
the Forum especiallyof the facade foun-
Augustus
in Rome, the city gate tains
ofin Greece and Asia Minor,
Plancia Magna has shown at
that these
Perg
and the Nymphaeum ofprograms featured elaborate
Herodes Atticus statue groupings
at Olym of
pia. Because the monument's inscription
both past and contemporary imperial familyopenly
mem-
proclaims the emperor's dynastic
bers. Thus, intentions,
it is likely that not only the images of i
would be hard to imagine that
Severus further
and his family, visual
but also those rein-
of his Anto-
nine predecessors,
forcement of this message wouldappearedhave onbeen
the Septizodium.
neglect
ed. These images would have been accompanied by
It may be useful to attempt to visualize in the gods and goddesses, including the planetary di-
mind's eye the monuments and urban setting cre- vinities associated with the cosmological forces.
ated to honor Septimius Severus and his family. Presented alongside the rich sculptural display
Imagine the Thermae Severianae with a colonnad- was the monumental inscription with letters nearly
ed facade looking toward the Via Appia. On the one foot high running almost the length of the fa-
facade there was likely a large, clearly visible in- cade (approximately 93 m). It presented an un-
scription proclaiming the emperors Severus and usually grand and verbose text in comparison to
Caracalla as dedicators (perhaps including Geta, the dedicatory inscriptions on other Severan build-
at least for while). After passing this colonnaded ings at Rome. In affirming his legitimacy as emper-
facade, the traveler who approached up the Via or, Severus emphasized the divine approval of his
Appia (or Via Nova) into Rome would have entered reign as part of his dynastic self-representation. The
a piazzalike area in front of a massive, multistoried union of imperial portraits, divine celestial imag-
facade nymphaeum composed of polychrome ele- ery, and colorful marbles highlighted by water dis-
ments gleaming with its rich, vibrant colors plays with the lengthy and illustrious genealogy
drenched by the sprays of the fountain's water jets. would have resulted in a powerful message to the
The crown jewel of this new urban space was, of Roman public. The decoration of the Septizodium
course, the Septizodium, which epitomized the two was likely meant to emphasize the Antonine lin-
major themes of the Severan dynastic message: first, eage and divine approbation of Severus 's rule. The
that Severus and his heirs were the legitimate suc- proposed decorative program of the Septizodium,
cessors of the Antonine emperors who had preced- although reflective of the spirit of both contempo-
ed them, and second, that divine providence had raneous Severan monuments and coinage, is nev-
sanctioned the creation of a new dynasty. Such a ertheless conjectural. Whatever its precise nature
brash, hard-hitting message would seem to fit best and its arrangement, however, the Septizodium it-
in this period of intense dynastic focus during the self must have been a stunning sight to behold, a
years immediately surrounding the decennalia, tri- monument that forcefully and ostentatiously pro-
umph, and wedding celebrations in A.D. 202. The claimed the presence of the Severans in Rome.
Septizodium faced the traditional triumphal route The Septizodium formed a significant part of the
used by all imperatores on their procession to the Severan building program at Rome. As the primary
Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Severus component and focal point of a new zone of Seve-
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542 SUSANN S. LUSNIA [AJA108
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2004] RECONSTRUCTING THE SEPTIZODIUM 543
Revisited: The Monument in Its Historical and Ur- le inscrizioni (indici). Studi di Storia Antica, 5. Bologna:
ban Context." Latomus 60:653-70. Cooperativa Libraria Universitaria.
Guey, J. 1946. "Note sur le Septizonium du Palatin." McCann, A. 1968. The Portraits ofSeptimius Severus (A.D.
Melanges de la Societe Toulousaine d ' Etudes Classique 193-211). MAAR 30. Rome: American Academy in
1:147-66. Rome.
Guiliani, C, and P. Verduchi. 1987. Uarea centrale delForo Millar, F. 1964. A Study of Cassius Dio. Oxford: Clarendon
Romano. Florence: Leo S. Olschki. Press.
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544 S. S. LUSNIA, RECONSTRUCTION THE SEPTIZODIUM
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