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Book Reviews Political Theory

POLITICAL THEORY within communities and groups who are Brettschneider suggests that their lack of free-
(despite their internal diversity) politically dom confines them to alternative venues and
compelled to mobilize around commonalities modes of political activism. What methods
Democratic Theorizing from the (Chapter 5). Political action by these identity enable us to understand the political significance
Margins. By Marla Brettschneider. Philadelphia: groups or communities takes place in multiple of blues bars and cross-dressing (pp. 171–172)?
Temple University Press, 2002. 288p. $39.50. publics, some of which are out of sight of main- Third, radical democratic theory needs a
stream majoritarian politics (Chapter 6). theoretical method for guiding inquiries into
— Brooke A. Ackerly, Vanderbilt University
Strategies of radical democrats may include universal and context-specific claims and into
This book begins with Tony Kushner’s oldest building coalitions across minority groups or diversity and commonalities within groups.
living Bolshevik lamenting the failure of one with majority groups, but they may also require How are we to use our appreciation of the plu-
grand theory and seeking another. Marla respect for minority experience without which rality within groups in the process of evaluating
Brettschneider presents a grand democratic the- “recognition” would be vacuous (Chapter 7). Brettschneider’s specific institutional proposals
ory that could be supported by activists and Brettschneider concludes by offering institu- and their potential impact on marginal groups
scholars sharing the concerns of people of color, tional options that might combine or balance and communities? How can we be certain that
women, gays and lesbians, young people, and majoritarian decision making with recognition we are not overobserving diversity at the expense
others politically marginalized within the of the political demands from the margins. of collective action or overobserving communi-
United States. Radical democratic theory is a Without offering a theory that enables us to ty consensus at the risk of obfuscating minority
politics of recognition and respect for a U.S. assess these proposals, she leaves us on our own views within the community? How does under-
political environment of social diversity across to consider these options (Chapter 7). Likewise, standing a community historically help us know
and within communities, as all-encompassing as she leaves us to ponder the relative merits of that at any particular point in time a particular
the Bolshevik’s grand theory, but not as decisive. James Madison, John C. Calhoun, Iris Marion group is not oppressing significant (and perhaps
Brettschneider asks important questions of Young, and Charles Taylor and to solve the the- righteous) groups within a community? For rad-
and for contemporary radical democratic the- oretical problem posed on our own as well. ical democratic theory to offer guidance to rad-
ory: “What does it mean to theorize democra- In Democratic Theorizing from the Margins, ical democratic politics, it needs to offer
cy from the margins of society? Can we learn we see what activists at the margins do, but we methodological insights to theorists as to how to
to listen to each other and to those historically don’t learn what they think. We understand approach these problems. Theorists cannot rely
disenfranchised?” (p. 201). The book is a call what scholars of the margins think, but we only on our own unguided reasoning capacities.
for contemporary radical democratic theorists don’t learn what they should do. The next steps Radical democratic theory needs to incorporate
to focus our attention on these questions, a for scholars in the radical democratic theory a critical method of researching the important
critique of those contemporary democratic project require the exploration of new methods questions, proposing solutions, and reevaluating
theorists who do not, and a recognition of the for doing democratic theory at the margins those proposals. While an explicit method is not
collective theory-building enterprise in which and for gaining theoretical insights from those necessary for doing contemporary democratic
those who have been following a similar call- who are active at the margins. theory, it is essential for doing democratic theo-
ing are engaged. She urges contemporary dem- First, radical democratic theorists need to ry with, and not just about, people at the mar-
ocratic theorists to understand groups and explore the relationship of the scholar-activist gins of majoritarian politics.
communities as dynamic entities with histories to the social movements or particular groups Contemporary democratic theorists are
of disagreement and internal dissent. we study. To what extent do scholar-activists exploring how to bring views from the margins
The focus of the book is not, however, an have ideas similar to or different from the into political life. Brettschneider suggests that
explicit exposition of Brettschneider’s historical “poor, immigrant, slave, sick, . . . poets all, and if we look within communities, we will see
method for contemporary democratic theory. organizers, orators, prophetic voices” (p. 1)? By internal political dissent sustained by and
Such a focus would have helped the reader virtue of being scholars, scholar-activists have negotiated within a community that is sus-
understand how her approach differs from an ability to move between the worlds of acad- tained in part by some commonality. Her his-
scholars who share her interest. (Her first book eme and marginalization (e.g., Patricia Hill torical understanding of pluralism within com-
employs her method in the study of Jewish Collins, Black Feminist Thought, 1990). Such munities offers 1) a more accurate account of
identity politics and democratic theory freedom of movement is not open to most those at the margins who have been excluded
[1996]). Instead, in this book, she provides an marginalized people (despite the persistent from majoritarian politics in the United States,
historically and theoretically informed account myth of equal opportunity within majoritarian 2) a methodological tool for identifying ways
of contemporary radical democratic theory. She politics). Scholars of theory in activism need to for including minorities in majoritarian poli-
describes an identity politics that is substantial- innovate methodologically in order to be accu- tics, and 3) a model for a radical democratic
ly delinked from Marxist class analysis and in rate in our accounts of theory from the mar- theory and practice in which democratic asso-
which minority groups and communities seek gins. We cannot rely on self-understandings of ciation is based on social diversity and respect.
recognition and respect (Chapters 2 and 4). being good listeners or astute observers.
Relying not on activists at the margins them- Scholar-activists need methods that require (at
selves, but primarily on well-published scholar- least) critical reconsideration of our initial Democracy’s Midwife: An Education
activists, including Gloria Anzaldùa, Michael understandings of the ideas implicit in the in Deliberation. By Jack Crittenden. Lanham,
Eric Dyson, Colette Guillaumin, Audre Lorde, actions and inactions of the marginalized. MD: Lexington Books, 2002. 248p. $70.00 cloth,
Cherrie Moraga, Uma Narayan, Shane Phelan, Second, scholar-activists need to think $26.95 paper.
and Cornel West, she has a political, ethical, methodologically about how best to learn about
— Jason A. Scorza, Fairleigh Dickinson University
and relational account of identity (Chapter 3). democracy from those living in marginal con-
She appreciates the porous character of identity texts. In her mention of Sex Panic and other Democratic deliberation is valuable, not mere-
boundaries and the conflicts about identity queer and Generation X social groups, ly because unjust decisions are less likely to be 379
Book Reviews Political Theory

made by citizens who weigh evidence, give rea- fications for one’s choices. Since this social con- In fact, students would be taught the skills and
soned justifications of their positions, and take ception of autonomy makes the rationality of attitudes needed for meaningful democratic
seriously the positions of fellow citizens, but an individual’s choices contingent upon “inter- deliberation in schools that are themselves gov-
also because the practice of deliberation itself subjective validation,” it will, doubtlessly, be erned, at least in part, through the practice of
embodies important political principles like rejected by many liberal thinkers. However, by democratic deliberation.
reciprocity and publicity. Jack Crittenden’s cri- imagining an important social element for Despite these positive aspects, Democracy’s
tique of American democracy, however, identi- autonomy, Crittenden is able to claim that Midwife presents a pale vision of what a more
fies two significant failures where deliberation democracy and autonomy are both processes of deliberative and direct democratic political sys-
is concerned. First, the American education deliberative decision making, one collective (in tem would look like. Although Crittenden
system fails adequately to prepare young peo- the public sphere) and one individual (largely in takes other theorists to task for failing to imag-
ple with the critical thinking skills needed for the private sphere). The crucial difference is ine adequate space for deliberation by ordinary
deliberative citizenship. And, second, the that schools may legitimately teach the ele- citizens, he does little better in persuading us
American political system fails to provide ments of democratic deliberation, which is that meaningful opportunities for democratic
meaningful opportunities for them to practice essential for democratic self-government, while deliberation exist, or could exist, in today’s
democratic deliberation. the practice of autonomy may not be required democracies. He argues that the expanded use
Many other theorists have registered similar “without overstepping liberal authority” (p. 76). of initiative politics, conjoined with local
complaints, but Crittenden is highly critical of On this point, Crittenden is in agreement with deliberative forums, might call citizens to make
much of the recent literature on democratic Stephen Macedo (Diversity and Distrust, 2000) greater use of deliberation, and he cites a few
deliberation, and particularly that of Amy but not with Eamonn Callan, who has argued examples of initiative politics energizing local
Gutmann (Democracy and Education, 1987) that schools should actively promote the prac- communities (pp. 66–69). Crittenden also
and James Fishkin (Democracy and tice of autonomy (Creating Citizens, 1997). suggests that educational reform might
Deliberation, 1991), for supposedly paying lip According to Crittenden’s educational become the engine that drives the broader
service to deliberative democracy while favor- scheme, young people would be taught the political transformation, as citizens educated in
ing electoral models that make only minimal critical thinking skills needed to participate deliberation “demand a democracy in which
use of the deliberative capacities of citizens. fully as democratic citizens, but would not be they are self-governing as well as self-ruling”
This is problematic, Crittenden argues, because compelled to critically examine their own ways (p. 77). But in the end, the book does not
citizens who are unable to deliberate with their of life. Although teaching deliberation could make sufficiently clear why citizens who enjoy
fellows cannot be said to be fully autonomous: lead some students to the practice of self- the practice of personal autonomy in the pri-
Full autonomy requires direct participation in reflection, which is at the heart of personal vate sphere would come to value collective
self-government because in order to be “truly autonomy, it would not necessarily do so. He autonomy, or why they would be willing to set
self-ruling, the literal definition of autonomy, seems to think that this arrangement, which he aside private pursuits to engage in more active
autonomous persons must take part in making calls “an education for, but not in, autonomy” participation in public life.
those decisions that are important to their (p. 106), will reassure liberal thinkers, who
lives” (p. 2). might otherwise insist that autonomy per se,
What, then, can be done to fix American rather than merely deliberation, should be The Tyranny of the Two-Party System.
democracy? Like John Dewey, who once imag- taught in schools. But his arguments are By Lisa Jane Disch. New York: Columbia University
ined an education in critical (or active) think- unlikely to impress critics of liberal autonomy, Press, 2002. 196p. $45.00 cloth, $19.50 paper.
ing to be “democracy’s midwife,” Crittenden who are bound to worry that teaching deliber-
— Keith E. Whittington, Princeton University
looks to schools to foster the deliberative capa- ation is a way of smuggling critical self-reflec-
bilities of citizens and lead a wave of demo- tion into the curriculum. In fairness to this It is not often that political theorists turn their
cratic reform. The six chapters that comprise position, one wonders how young citizens attention to the nuts and bolts of American
Democracy’s Midwife formulate a plan for such could imaginatively identify with other ways of politics, but this is such a case. Following the
reform worth considering by anyone with an life without implicitly questioning their own. polemical (in the nonpejorative sense) promise
interest in democratic deliberation and person- Crittenden acknowledges that skeptics will of the title, this book is a critique of the current
al autonomy. The detail with which curricular reasonably doubt whether schools, desperately partisan organization of American politics, its
matters are examined also makes the book a mired in problems of inequality, inadequate legal and institutional underpinnings, and a
significant contribution to the literature on funding, and bureaucracy, can be called upon celebration of “third party” alternatives to the
civic education, although not the most com- to transform democratic politics. However, his political status quo. The result is an interesting
prehensive treatment of the subject. curricular proposals are, on balance, fairly introduction to one historical strategy of third-
Building upon his previous work in Beyond modest, and the specificity with which he pres- party politics in the United States and an
Individualism: Reconstituting the Liberal Self ents his program is a refreshing change from accounting of the twentieth-century rise of the
(1992), Crittenden defines autonomy as an the generalities that characterize much of the “two-party system” as an entrenched feature of
activity involving “both rationality—which literature on civic education. He argues per- American political discourse.
here means the ability to give reasons for one’s suasively that writing across the curriculum Lisa Jane Disch explains that the book arose
choices—and self-reflectivity, which contains could be employed throughout primary and from her own participation in an extended
the idea of having some critical distance from secondary school grades as a means to the cul- campaign to establish an affiliate of the pro-
the range of choices offered” (p. 38). This con- tivation of critical thinking. Schools them- gressive New Party in Minnesota. It was origi-
ception has an important social element in that selves would be places where young citizens are nally intended to be a contribution to “reform
it is not enough simply to evaluate options and trained for deliberative participation and political science” and a “handbook” concerned
make choices. Rather, the practice of autonomy places where the transformed—that is, more with explaining “to citizens, legislators, and
also requires that one give rational public justi- deliberative—public sphere can be modeled. scholars” the new electoral system that was

380 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

being established in Minnesota through court the early twentieth century, it was not until politics in many parts of the country, and other
order, but a 1997 U.S. Supreme Court ruling after World War II that political scientists normative visions of multiple parties, a single
derailed that project and created a new goal of began to emphasize the distinctiveness of the dominant party, or no parties at all have found
demonstrating why the two-party system is American two-party system and praise it as a advocates over time. Disch provides both an
without “constitutional warrant” (pp. x, xi). vital and quasi-constitutional feature of interesting story of one reform effort and an
Perhaps more directly, the book is concerned American politics. enlightening analysis of how the status quo
with recovering the possibility of third parties The final two chapters celebrate the possi- came to be.
as “an institutionalized vehicle for organized bility of labor-intensive, participatory political
political opposition” and the expression of dis- parties serving as channels that would, quoting
sent (p. 14). Jürgen Habermas, “shuttle movement opposi- The Ethics of Transracial Adoption. By
The particular institutional reform advo- tion ‘from the periphery into the center of the Hawley Fogg-Davis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
cated by Disch in this book and by her allies political system’” (p. 120). As ready vehicles for Press, 2002. 154p. $25.00.
in Minnesota is the recognition of “fusion” political protest, Disch argues, third parties
— R. Richard Banks, Stanford Law School
candidates on electoral ballots. The fusion encourage assaults on the status quo and the
strategy would allow more than one party to expression of political and social grievances. Debate about race and adoption has focused on
nominate the same candidate for office and Third parties would challenge the “excess con- the practice of race matching, according to
have that candidate be listed on more than one sensus” that now “threatens electoral democra- which children in need of adoption are
line of the ballot. Votes cast for a candidate on cy in the United States” (p. 124). matched only with adoptive parents of the same
any party line would then be aggregated for Unfortunately, the normative or empirical race as the child. Defenders of race matching
determining an electoral winner. Voters could case for allowing fusionist candidates is never contend that same-race placements promote
then register their support for third parties fully developed. The historical and empirical children’s best interests by imparting culture,
with less concern that such votes would be claim that antifusionist ballot regulations are a racial identity, and coping skills. Critics fault
“wasted” or have undesired electoral conse- significant explanation for the relative unim- race matching for precluding transracial adop-
quences. The first chapter details the efforts of portance of third parties in American politics is tions and thereby contributing to the tens of
progressives in Minnesota in the mid-1990s to not supported in detail. More troubling, Disch thousands of unadopted black children nation-
change electoral laws to allow fusion candi- never makes an effort to answer the criticisms wide. Although federal law now prohibits race
dates. A favorable ruling by a federal circuit of pro-fusionist reform. To her credit, she does matching by publicly funded adoption agen-
court prompted the reluctant state legislature briefly provide the arguments made against cies, there is little doubt that the practice con-
to begin considering how to reform the elec- the reform by modern Minnesota legislators tinues to be employed by the corps of social
toral law to allow fusion candidates, but only and against fusion by turn-of-the-century workers who join adoptive parent and child.
modest reforms were adopted before the U.S. Populists. In the aftermath of the 2000 presi- In critiquing both poles of this debate,
Supreme Court overruled the circuit court and dential elections, legislators’ concerns about Hawley Fogg-Davis charts a course that is not
accepted the state’s prerogative to disallow confusing ballots do not seem misplaced. Nor so much a compromise of existing positions as
fusion candidates. do their worries that candidates would turn the a reconfiguration of the terms of the contro-
Fusion candidacies were once more com- ballot into a billboard for myriad shell parties versy. Her analysis of race and adoption is
mon, as the second chapter describes. When with sloganeering names seem unreasonable. nuanced and satisfying because it is informed
political parties printed their own ballots, as On the other hand, she does little to explain by her understanding of the theoretical con-
was often the case in the nineteenth century, why fusion candidates would be particularly cerns implicated by issues of race and identity.
there was no obstacle to multiple parties mobi- insurgent or how allowing fusion candidates She rejects race matching as relying on a mis-
lizing for a single candidate. The widespread could be expected to add a significant new ele- guided notion that children should uncritically
adoption of the government-printed common, ment of radicalism to American politics. In absorb or passively accept their racial identity
or Australian, ballot at the turn of the century painting a picture of the two-party system and from parents who share their racial ascription,
regulated ballot access, however, requiring the incentives it creates, Disch portrays voters terming this view racial solidity. Yet she also
states to determine whom to list on the ballot as confronted with two parties with tents criticizes the color-blind adoption policy advo-
and how. Reflecting both partisan strategic cal- pitched on the Downsian median, but she cated by some critics of race matching as trivi-
culation and ideological commitments of party gives little attention to the possibility of voter alizing, if not ignoring, racial identity.
purity, most state legislatures responded by not “exit” by refusing to turn out for unresponsive Fogg-Davis offers a view of racial identity
allowing candidates to appear more than once candidates, the influence of primaries on can- characterized by a process she terms racial navi-
on the ballot. Unable to ally with the major didate positions, and the increasing ideological gation. Racial navigation recognizes race as an
parties behind electorally viable candidates, polarization of the two major parties over the important social identity, but one whose mean-
Disch argues, third parties declined in impor- past two decades. ings and possibilities are not unyielding and pre-
tance. The central two chapters are the heart of determined. Rather, individual and, hence,
The next two chapters trace the ideological The Tyranny of the Two-Party System and its social meanings of race are continually subject to
and discursive aftermath of this institutional most successful components. As the would-be revision through individual choice. Racial navi-
change. In this quite interesting intellectual fusionists in Minnesota discovered, the “two- gation bridges the divide between ignoring race
history, Disch examines how political scientists party system” is both institutionally and con- (as critics of race matching do) and passively
over the course of the twentieth century ceptually entrenched. But as the author deferring to static notions of race and identity
described, explained, and rationalized the role explains, the grip of the idea of two parties is (as some defenders of race matching do) by facil-
of political parties in American politics. relatively recent and has often been contested. itating individuals’ ongoing efforts to fashion
Although the preeminence of the two major The idealized vision of two competitive parties their own racial identities. In place of either
parties was often noted in the scholarship of has often not matched the reality of electoral color-blindness or race matching, she proposes a 381
Book Reviews Political Theory

race-sensitive adoption policy that would direct Adoptive parents’ racial preferences might centered view promotes equality, freedom, and
those who match adoptive parents and children be morally objectionable to the extent that justice by describing society as composed of
to consider whether a particular adoptive parent they cause children to remain unadopted. In social rules that facilitate the pursuit of self-
would facilitate a child’s racial navigation. that case, a same-race preference would be less defined ends. This approach, by not invoking
Racial navigation represents an appealing morally objectionable when expressed by a the need for each person to acquire the virtues
model of racial identity development, one that black parent than by a white parent, and a associated with autonomy, is perceived as more
highlights the theoretical inadequacies of color- white parent’s same-race preference would open to pluralism. Before discussing her agency-
blindness on the one hand and racial solidity become less troubling if it caused no black centered view, I provide illustrations of her
on the other. But the prospect of incorporating child to remain unadopted. examinations of autonomy-centered views—
that theoretical insight into the adoption On the other hand, the problem with adop- putting to the side, due to space limitations, her
process would confront both conceptual and tive parents’ racial preferences might not be excellent critique of Amartya Sen and Martha
practical impediments. Racial navigation is a their effect on children awaiting adoption so Nussbaum’s “capability ethic” (p. 9).
useful description of individual identity devel- much as their reinforcement of the cultural John Rawls’s liberal theory of justice is
opment, but less attractive as a quality that preference for racial homogeneity within the indebted to the Kantian view of persons as
social workers should assess in matching child family. Preferences may be objectionable autonomous individuals. As such, individuals
to parent. What is “appropriate” facilitation of because they reflect a pernicious set of racial are free to pursue self-determined ends within
racial navigation? How could one render such meanings about family, love, and identity. the context of a commitment to rationally
a judgment without a normative vision of iden- Would, then, preferences that produce mixed grounded principles of justice. However, in his
tity similar to that which underlies proposals race families be applauded, and preferences conception of political liberalism, Rawls wor-
for race matching? Conceptual problems aside, that produce same-race families condemned? ries that his autonomy-centered view may
social workers’ nearly unfettered discretion and These different evaluative criteria are only unnecessarily restrict pluralism by imposing
their unwillingness to cease race matching distinct and potentially in conflict. For exam- onto individuals “a metaphysical version of
might also pervert a racial navigation policy. ple, black parents’ same-race preferences might positive freedom” (p. 34). Rawls seeks to over-
Fogg-Davis enlarges the conventional fram- both reduce the number of unadopted black come this constraint on pluralism by drawing
ing of the race and adoption debate by scruti- children and reinforce the primacy of racial a line between the public and the nonpublic.
nizing the pervasive influence of prospective commonality within the family. Similarly, a In the public setting, individuals act in keep-
adoptive parents’ racial preferences. Most chil- white adoptive parent’s desire to mimic the ing with a conception of themselves as
dren in need of adoption domestically are biological family might exacerbate the problem autonomous citizens who predicate their lives
black. Most adoptive parents are white and do of unadopted black children and reinforce the on rational conceptions of justice. In the non-
not want to adopt a black child. Thus, parental norm of same-race families. public realm, individuals are not required to
preference contributes to the problem of Ultimately, The Ethics of Transracial conform to the norms of autonomy. Instead,
unadopted black children. However, adoptive Adoption is an important scholarly contribu- they can make the values of private associa-
parents’ racial preferences are usually viewed by tion not because it resolves dilemmas of race tions of civil society the bases for their lives.
scholars as natural and innocuous. and adoption but because it helps to reframe Freeberg points out that pluralism is threat-
The author views such preferences as the inquiries. It poses questions that should be ened because the wall between the public and
morally illegitimate, an expression of racial fundamental to the race and adoption debate, nonpublic is porous, and for this reason, deci-
aversion. To imagine an adoption process free yet for too long have been absent from it. sions in the public setting may place unfair
from such discrimination, she proposes the constraints on the activities and beliefs of peo-
thought experiment of racial randomization, ple in the nonpublic realm. The public
according to which adoptive parents would not Regarding Equality: Rethinking intrudes into the nonpublic realm when legal
be permitted to choose the race of their child. Contemporary Theories of and political distinctions either make “certain
Fogg-Davis’s identification of the pervasive- Citizenship, Freedom, and the Limits identities less important” or deny a “public
ness and impact of adoptive parents’ racial of Moral Pluralism. By Ellen M. Freeberg. hearing” to certain ways of life (p. 41).
preferences is important. Yet she does not pre- Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2002. 156p. Amy Guttman and Dennis Thompson, in
cisely specify the basis for her disavowal of such $65.00 cloth, $24.95 paper. their view of deliberative democracy, advocate
preferences. Contrary to her assumption, not a conception of “autonomous speakers” who
— Steven M. DeLue, Miami University, Ohio
all preferences are motivated by racial preju- take part in the decision-making process to
dice. A white parent’s preference for a white Ellen Freeberg opens her book by stating that resolve differences over shared issues (p. 59).
child, for example, might simply reflect the “equality stirs political passions” (p. 1). People exercise autonomy in their public dis-
desire to mimic the biological family, in order Contentiousness over equality arises from the cussions when they manifest such virtues as
to keep private an adoption that would be pub- fact that in the modern world, the quest for “civic integrity,” which signifies sincerity and
lic knowledge were it transracial. Alternatively, equality is linked to an aspiration to accommo- critical thinking while addressing public issues,
a white parent’s desire to adopt a nonblack date moral and cultural pluralism. But for and “civic magnanimity,” which asks people
child might reflect a decision to opt out of Freeberg, leading approaches to equality unduly to be generous to positions different from
emotionally charged racial politics in which restrict diverse ways of life. She is concerned their own (p. 59). Freeberg complains that
white parents and their black children become with autonomy-centered perspectives, which— autonomously grounded discourse, in circum-
unwilling combatants subject to assault from to secure a rational grounding to equality, free- stances involving incompatible values, achieves
both sides. Either of these rationales is subject dom, and justice—may invoke a form of pater- agreement only when people forgo their first-
to moral criticism. But because neither is a nalism that associates freedom with “the close order, moral values. Here, speakers undergo a
straightforward case of racial animus, their pursuit of collective moral ends” (p. 4). In con- transformation in which they exchange their
moral status becomes much more complex. trast, her Michael Oakeshott–inspired agency- core values for “a newly synthesized third set of

382 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

understandings” (p. 60). For Freeberg, deliber- In comparing her position on distributive chosen, and that are regarded as differences in
ative democratic theories move people “toward justice to the one held by Rawls, Freeberg sup- the sense of deviance from the norm. It is these
convergence and [are] less likely to appreciate ports the provision of “the resources necessary differences that lack public recognition. As a
strong moral pluralism” (p. 125). to participate in a particular practice,” but says consequence, while the former group is able to
Relying on Oakeshott’s agency-centered that unlike Rawls, “no broad equal opportunity enjoy full citizenship, the latter are excluded
view, Freeberg envisions individuals with the principle . . . may flow from valuing agency and marginalized. While they may possess the
ability to ponder and to act upon their inten- freedom” (p. 132). But whatever the origin of formal entitlements of citizenship, excluded
tions within spaces governed by “common her view of distributive justice, she must, as she minorities lack the capacities with which to
rules” (p. 96). She recognizes that Oakeshott’s has not done, demonstrate why her conception make full use of those entitlements. Without
common rules may hinder agency if these rules of distributive justice sustains a more extensive public recognition, and hence without public
prevent the provision of the “substantive con- pluralism. Despite these concerns, Regarding respect, they are unable to develop the self-
ditions” needed for agency (p. 6). Chief among Equality provides a philosophically rich and respect and self-esteem that are the necessary
the conditions that must be provided is self- intellectually intriguing account that will signif- conditions for making full use of the rights
esteem. Unless people have self-esteem, they icantly influence future discussions of equality, and opportunities of citizenship.
would not see themselves as “worthy of having freedom, and moral pluralism. Given this account of the problem, Galeotti
purposes” and would thus be unable to define argues, the solution is to grant public recogni-
and to pursue their ends (p. 111). Self-esteem tion to those excluded minorities, to affirm the
is renewed when society maintains an abun- Toleration as Recognition. By Anna positive value of their differences. The effect of
dance of “responsive regard,” a viewpoint in Elisabetta Galeotti. Cambridge: Cambridge such toleration is to put these differences with-
which we seek to understand and to remove University Press, 2002. 250p. $60.00. in the “normal” or “viable” range of options in
the obstacles that prevent people from attend- that society. As a consequence, the newly
— Simon Thompson, University of the
ing to their “reasonably conceived purposes” included minorities can develop self-respect
West of England
(p. 122). A public realm, which is character- and self-esteem, and hence they can flourish as
ized by responsive regard, would help people In this thoughtful and thought-provoking citizens. It must be emphasized that there is
frame political issues in a manner that focuses book, Anna Galeotti offers an account of toler- nothing “merely” symbolic about this public
the public’s attention on reforming policies in ation that aims to make it a key part of a theo- recognition since, if it were granted, social
the name of achieving a broader agency. ry of social justice capable of dealing with the standards and conventions would have to
Overall, Freeberg has failed to demonstrate contemporary politics of identity and differ- change. For instance, Muslim girls would get
fully that an agency-centered view manifests a ence. Criticizing the limitations of both neu- the right to wear the hijab in public schools,
more expansive pluralism than what is possible tralist and perfectionist versions of the liberal same-sex marriage would be legalized, and cer-
in the views she criticizes. In the first place, she account of toleration, she offers in their place tain forms of racism (such as specific instances
suggests that, unlike for deliberative democ- what she calls “toleration as recognition.” Such of hate speech) that threaten to undermine the
rats, her agency-centered public discussion of toleration goes beyond merely granting liberty fragile identities of newly included minorities
issues, as well as the coalitions that follow from to differences that are disapproved of or dis- would not be tolerated. Toward the end of the
such discussion, do not require that differences liked. It promises instead the positive and pub- book, Galeotti considers other possible meas-
be resolved through “transformed understand- lic affirmation of those differences. Galeotti ures that may be implied by this commitment
ings or our ability to transcend particular claims that this account can deal with genuine- to public recognition, ranging from establish-
perspectives” (p. 128). People with different ly problematic cases of intolerance, including— ing affirmative action programs to granting
core values may form “tentative collaborations” to mention the cases on which she focuses— minorities the conditions of collective self-
(p. 127) to reform practices that limit agency, l’affaire du foulard, same-sex marriage, and the determination. She takes care to argue that
and in the process recognize others’ values problem of racism. She knows that some will complex considerations govern each of these
without being put into a position where they think that toleration as recognition cannot be cases, and she vigorously denies that all such
must transform their own. But as a condition considered liberal, particularly since it appears measures flow automatically from a commit-
for these temporary coalitions, her position to violate the liberal principles of neutrality and ment to public recognition.
could require that people not give strong voice impartiality. But she maintains that her account This book is a valuable contribution both
to their most important beliefs during public is compatible with revised versions of these to the theory of liberalism and to the theory of
discussions. To some, this circumstance would principles, and she further argues that it realizes recognition. Its central argument, that certain
itself unfairly restrict pluralism and threaten the liberal values of equal citizenship and equal- specific commitments to recognition follow
self-esteem. ity of respect. For her, toleration as recognition from the best understanding of the liberal doc-
She also asserts that unlike Rawls, she does is a development or expansion of liberalism. trine of toleration, is developed with consider-
not claim that her view of agency “will only Galeotti begins her account by arguing that able care and subtlety. Its insightful analysis of
lead to a list of rights” (p. 131). It is true that real problems of toleration today concern the a number of specific cases enables its practical
other dimensions than rights, including relations between the dominant majority and implications to be clearly seen. Given its rich-
responsive regard, sustain her agency-centered subordinate minorities: While the majority ness, Toleration as Recognition prompts a whole
perspective. Still, it would seem that rights enjoys both private and public toleration, range of questions. Do problems of toleration
would be a major way to remove impediments minorities are only tolerated in private. For today always concern a dominant majority and
to agency. By not discussing the relationship the former group, their habits and customs are repressed minorities? If the minority’s identity
rights have to agency, she is open to the criti- considered normal; they can “be ‘normally’ is ascribed, does this imply that the majority’s
cism that her agency-centered view does not present and ‘quietly’ visible in public space” identity is not? Can issues of distribution be as
foster pluralism any better than do the liberal (p. 73). Subordinate groups, by contrast, are neatly separated from issues of recognition as
theories she criticizes. ascribed characteristics that they have not Galeotti believes? What evidence is there for 383
Book Reviews Political Theory

the “conjectural causal chain” (p. 12) that she goods and to ethical and political deliberation If we grant maximal accommodation to the
posits among public toleration, self-respect, itself. All so-called monist theories that try to intolerant and illiberal, including exemptions
and full citizenship? reduce morality to a single supreme value, from attempts to propagate core liberal values,
Given the limitations of space, however, the summum bonum, or moral law or principle but cannot exclude them from active participa-
remainder of this review will focus on just one, ignore the irreducible heterogeneity of both tion in political life (which a liberal democracy
albeit critical, issue. Does Galeotti’s extension values and moral obligations and distort the could never do), are we not potentially threat-
of the idea of toleration in the direction of complexity of moral phenomena. More often ening the stability of the liberal state? Those
recognition mean that in fact it has become an than not, moral and political deliberation is a alarmed at the intolerant, antiliberal political
account of recognition, rather than an account matter of choosing between heterogeneous agenda of religious fundamentalists of all faiths
of toleration? She is, of course, fully aware that goods and heterogeneous moral claims, which in liberal democracies at home and abroad may
we ordinarily understand toleration to be a themselves defy any strict lexical ordering. wonder whether the way to increase civic unity
matter of not interfering with behavior that we On the basis of these assumptions, Galston is to grant them even more autonomy.
dislike or of which we disapprove (p. 1). For draws some critical conclusions for liberal Yet Galston is correct to point out that the
this reason, she is explicitly committed to justi- political theory. Value pluralism entails that the denial of requests for accommodation, particu-
fying “a semantic extension from the negative liberal state should pursue a policy of “maxi- larly in the context of education, often has the
sense of noninterference to the positive sense of mum feasible accommodation” for both groups effect of alienating yet further those groups
acceptance and recognition” (p. 10). Toleration and individuals, limited by the “core require- that may already be disaffected with the liberal
as recognition is not negative since it is ments of individual security and civic unity” state. The result of school boards refusing to
detached from any attitude of dislike or disap- (p. 20). The state accomplishes this by uphold- accommodate Christian Fundamentalists by
proval. Recognition is rather a matter of “pub- ing “expressive liberty,” a form of Berlinean exempting their children from a particular
lic respect” (p. 101) and “official acceptance” negative liberty (Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on reading class to which their parents object on
(p. 104). Its aim is “to make all citizens posi- Liberty, 1969) that allows both individuals and religious grounds may and often does result in
tively at ease with their full-blown identities in groups to lead their lives “in accordance with their parents withdrawing their children from
public as well as in private” (p. 105). Nor is tol- their own understandings of what gives life public schools altogether. Isolated from the
eration as recognition a matter of noninterfer- meaning and purpose” (p. 62). This means that more pluralistic public school environment,
ence, since it cannot be achieved merely by autonomy should not be construed as the core such children have even less of a possibility of
granting liberties. Indeed, there should be liberal value. From a value-pluralist perspec- learning toleration and other liberal values,
“limits to public toleration (as noninterfer- tive, there may be valuable forms of life that are and their parents will view the liberal state as
ence)” in the case of racist acts “likely to under- not autonomous in the sense that they are not hostile and unaccommodating.
mine the stability” of newly included minori- the product of conscious reflection and indi- Liberals committed to the acceptance and
ties (p. 110). However, if Galeotti’s doctrine is vidual choice but, rather, of tradition or defer- maximal toleration of value pluralism, howev-
detached from both disapproval and noninter- ence to authority or unwavering faith. Hence er, may question the extent to which Galston
ference, and connected instead to affirmation toleration, which Galston associates historical- consistently upholds his own principles. In dis-
and active intervention, it is very difficult to see ly with “Reformation” liberalism and religious cussing the requirement that (adult) individu-
in what sense it remains one of toleration. Nor toleration in the aftermath of the Wars of als in the liberal state have a legally enforceable
it is apparent if anything would be lost if she Religion, rather than autonomy, which he asso- right of exit from communities, such as, for
redescribed her project simply as the defense of ciates with “Enlightenment” liberalism, should example, the Amish, Galston asserts: “The pol-
the liberal theory of recognition. The advan- be seen as the central liberal value. On the basis itics of negative liberty seeks, first and fore-
tage gained would be the ability to avoid the of these assumptions, he defends allowing the most, to protect their ability to leave—
convolutions in argument needed to try to Amish to withdraw their children from high although not necessarily to cultivate the aware-
show that this remains a doctrine of toleration. school several years early to preserve their ness and reflective power that may stimulate
traditional way of life; exempting Christian them to leave” (p. 51). It can be argued that if
Fundamentalists from the use of public school persons lack the necessary awareness and
Liberal Pluralism: The Implications of readers to which they object on religious reflective powers, then such a right of exit is
Value Pluralism for Political Theory grounds; and protecting “illiberal” voluntary purely formal. Yet he goes on to assert: “I
and Practice. By William A. Galston. associations in civil society from undue inter- would add that the exit right must be more
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. ference by the state. than formal. Communities cannot rightly act
150p. $55.00 cloth, $19.00 paper. Galston argues that civic unity and stability in ways that disempower individuals—intellec-
will result from granting people maximal tually, emotionally, or practically—from living
— Evan Charney, Duke University
expressive liberty. If persons are left free to lead successfully outside their bounds” (p. 104).
The goal of this book is to defend a form of their lives as they see fit, they will support the Galston considers the example of a communi-
liberalism that can maximally accommodate liberal order that grants them this freedom. ty that effectively seals itself off from the sur-
pluralism within a stable and just political This may strike many as an overly optimistic rounding liberal society and “raises its children
order. William Galston defends such accom- assumption, inasmuch as persons in liberal with the result that as adults, none ever ques-
modation on the basis of an assumption con- democracies desire not only to lead their own tions or rejects the group’s basic orientation”
cerning the nature of value itself: Values are lives unhindered by others but to have a say in (p. 105). Of such a group, he writes, “The
qualitatively heterogeneous and incommensu- the political process as well. A liberal less sympa- community has become a type of mental
rable, and hence incapable of being compre- thetic to the project of maximal accommoda- prison” where the parents are abusing their
hensively rank ordered according to a single tion might argue that securing liberal civic expressive liberty by turning their children into
scale of value. He argues that incommensura- unity and stability requires educating citizens “automatons” and preventing them from exer-
bility applies both to the rank ordering of in core liberal civic virtues, such as toleration. cising their own expressive liberties (p. 105).

384 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

But from the standpoint of moral plural- marking her account as a genealogy, Halpern as a geneaology, she remarks that “I have not
ism, why should the fact that such children puts us on notice that she does not intend to simply chosen an interesting topic, suffering,
come, as adults, never to reject or question the present the transition from religious to secular and checked with some of the usual suspects in
group’s basic orientation—due perhaps to iso- understandings of suffering as a smooth, the history of political thought in order to hear
lation, or perhaps simply to the effective trans- unbroken, logical, unitary process but, what they had to say about it” (p. 15). So be
mission of cultural norms—mean that they instead, as “constructed out of several oppos- forewarned, you Plato-to-Arendt types.
have become “automatons” and the communi- ing perspectives that neither coincide nor Halpern also emphasizes that this is not a book
ty a “prison”? Is not such questioning and cohere, but rather contradict each other, but for those interested in explorations of particu-
rejecting characteristic of precisely the kind of which, in their opposition and succession, lar instances of suffering—“The Holocaust.
Enlightenment autonomy that Galston rejects contribute to the historical and philosophical The 60 million dead in the Stalinist gulag.
as the core liberal value, insisting that lives of emergence of new perspectives, and a new, ter- Hiroshima. The mountains of skulls of the
tradition and faith and custom can be just as rible kind of knowledge” (p. 14). For the Khmer Rouge. The Cultural Revolution. The
valuable as autonomous ones? To talk of cus- development of such knowledge, Nietzsche endless slaughters in Rwanda and the Congo.
tomary lives as those of “automatons” invokes will in the end be her go-to guy: “I am seeking Kosovo” (p. 5)—nor for those wondering how
John Stuart Mill—the champion of liberal the elusive elements of a new kind of politics if at all to talk about degrees of suffering. For
autonomy and individuality—and his asser- and a new space for an ethics of suffering and “I am speaking of suffering in this book in the
tion that the “customary” individual “has no responsibility. I want to delineate something of most generic way possible” (p. 6)—the suffer-
need of any other faculty than the ape-like one what a Nietzschean, postmetaphysical political ing necessitated by the harsh and subjugating
of imitation” (Mill, On Liberty, 1859). For response to suffering might be like” (p. 170). processes by which we become and remain
Berlin, in a passage Galston quotes with However bumpy and map resistant the ride both individual subjects and members of com-
approval, “the fundamental sense of freedom is to Nietzsche, we cannot have gotten there, nor munities (p. 155). She is not opposed to the
freedom from chains, from imprisonment, understand what it means to have gotten there, ranking of suffering (and will theorize that
from enslavement, by others” (Berlin, Four without the perspectives on suffering to which practice, she promises, in her next book), but
Essays on Liberty, p. lvi). If children raised in a earlier thinkers draw our attention and to insists that the conceptual, moral, and political
traditional culture of the sort Galston men- which Nietzsche is responding. There is first of assumptions that make such ranking seem nat-
tions believe—as children and adults—in its all the perspective of the sufferer, and here ural and necessary are themselves part of what
value, if it constitutes their “core identity,” and “Martin Luther supplies the material of this her account scrutinizes. (My guess is that she
if they are leading the lives they want to be anguish, the beating heart of the suffering would acknowledge but, for the moment, not
leading, in what sense are they “enslaved”? body and soul, seemingly helpless and power- be bothered by the charge that the very idea of
Certainly not in Berlin’s sense of the term. less in a remorseless world in the fact of an generic suffering itself reflects a kind of univer-
Galston’s ideas concerning the nature of unknowable God” (p. 15). The secular world salizing that it is the point of her genealogy to
value pluralism as presented in Liberal came to offer a variety of remedies for such cut through.)
Pluralism are both interesting and convincing. helplessness. There is on the one hand Thomas What can readers expect, then, in this
But he fails to adhere consistently to some of Hobbes, taking on and indeed helping to cre- account of the centrality of suffering to the
his own core principles. In fairness to the ate the perspective of “the agent and the know- twists, turns, and torques of modern political
author, he is attempting in a very slim volume er, as he reconstructs the causes and effects of theory? First, a semiencyclopedic tour of the
a very formidable task: To articulate a liberal suffering and devises scientific and political views of Luther, Hobbes, Rousseau, and
theory that is truly receptive to the manifold remedies for it” (p. 29). But there is also Nietzsche (especially the latter, to whose work
ways in which humans can lead valuable forms Rousseau, unabashedly the moralist, celebrat- more than a third of the book is devoted).
of life while assuring the freedom of all from ing the “viewpoint of the spectator and revolu- There are at least two reasons for this. For one
“chains,” enslavement, and oppression, tionary, for whom the politics of pity for the thing, Halpern not unreasonably assumes that
whether at the hands of the government, masses as sufferers becomes a systematic indict- the more we know, for example, about Luther’s
groups, or other individuals. ment of history itself ” (p. 29). It is Rousseau, notion of the relation of the spiritual to the
Halpern underscores, who “is the perfect foil, temporal worlds (pp. 39 ff.), the better we’ll
the bête noir,” (p. 134), for the Nietzsche who get the gist of his account of suffering as an
Suffering, Politics, Power: A deeply distrusts not just the morality and poli- expression of God’s will; that we need to trace
Genealogy in Modern Political tics but the metaphysics and epistemology that Hobbes’s response to Cartesian doubt (pp. 67
Theory. By Cynthia Halpern. Albany: State would allow pity to play such an important ff.) in order to understand the nature of the
University of New York Press, 2002. 320p. $75.50 role in the organization of individual and com- remedies for suffering he thought possible;
cloth, $25.95 paper. munal lives. But Luther’s God and Hobbes’s that consulting Rousseau’s Essay on the Origin
Science are also Nietzschean culprits, and we of Language (pp. 145 ff.) will enrich our grasp
— Elizabeth V. Spelman, Smith College
need to be reminded of these earlier views of his concept of pity; that going over
As Cynthia Halpern sees it, the project of about the causes of and possible remedies for Nietzsche’s narrative of how humans became
modernity—or at least of modern political suffering in order to appreciate the full scope animals “‘with the right to make promises’”
theory—is coming to terms with the meaning and force of Nietzsche’s contribution to its (pp. 203 ff.) will help us interpret his claims
and value of human suffering. The transition genealogy. about the sources of suffering. Secondly, there
from a religious to a secular world proceeded Halpern is concerned that a book on suffer- also is a strong whiff-of-the-dissertation in
along a series of changing articulations of the ing and political theory may invite inappropri- Suffering, Politics, Power, the almost palpable
nature, causes, and remedies for suffering. The ate hopes in her readers, and so early on she presence of the vigilante adviser to whom one
figures whose work defines such moments are tries to make clear what her exploration will must, whatever else, show one’s mastery of the
Luther, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Nietzsche. By not include. By way of characterizing her work canonical and noncanonical texts. 385
Book Reviews Political Theory

Still, there is no doubt that Halpern loves designed for collective deliberation about com- returning to the community as a thoughtful
her project, and the untrammeled enthusiasm mon issues. human. In fact, it could be argued that part of
with which she makes herself part of the con- Hammer confronts these objections by the epic is about the establishment of an onto-
versation she is narrating invites us into it as introducing his concept of “political fields.” logically distinct man who replaces the half-
well. Her normative claims are challenging, Borrowing from anthropological literature as man/half-god warrior. It is no accident that
even if put forward more as views she recom- well as literary criticism, Hammer suggests that Homer repeats the bloodlines of the warriors as
mends than arguments she defends: that we are political fields is a concept that moves beyond they are killed off one by one so that in the
stuck in a Rousseauian time warp, all too at an exclusive focus on established political end, the universe will be populated only by
ease with his “normative categories and familiar structures. Rather, “fields” represent the con- gods, men, and beasts.
typical analysis of the causes and remedies for texts in which processes, defined as human In addition, the behavior of Achilles during
social suffering” (p. 134); that we need to take interactions, occur. Fields can expand or con- the funeral games indicates that he uses his
seriously Nietzsche’s claim that “the function of tract depending on the nature of problems that autonomy to restore important communal
suffering in life is deeply mysterious and neces- are confronted. Thus, it is “the activity that functions. Hammer argues that the funeral
sary in ways we cannot understand” (p. 211); defines the field” (p. 27). Hammer’s concept is games emphasize Homer’s view of political jus-
that it is a form of “monumental stupidity” to important because it means that political phi- tice. The method employed by Achilles for the
think that suffering might ever be made to dis- losophy need not be confined to the formalism distribution of the prizes is a political act
appear from human life (p. 222); that coming that we find in the canon, but it can arise from meant to restore values to the community that
to live with suffering requires that “[t]here is no a narrative that is shaped by the “performance had been lost to natural and arbitrary causes.
blame. That is the hardest lesson of all to learn, of politics” in various fields. In short, justice requires that fate often must
and the one Nietzsche most wanted us to learn. According to Hammer, publicly performed be corrected.
There is no blame” (p. 270, the concluding poetry allows the community to reflect collec- Hammer’s final piece of evidence for the
sentences of the book). If the explanandum is tively about problems of community life. development of political space is the meeting
generic suffering—that which is necessitated Thus, the Iliad can be viewed as instructional between Priam and Achilles. The poet uses this
by the very conditions of subjectivity and because Homer’s audience was comprised of scene to demonstrate that the emotions of pity
sociality—the case against blame seems strong. eighth-century elites who were participating in and esteem are necessary conditions for the
But what will the case against blame look like the development of the emerging polis. development of the political. These emotions,
when Halpern turns, in the promised sequel, to Hammer uses archaeological evidence to show essential for the building of human society,
the Holocaust, Hiroshima, Rwanda? Stay that certain public spaces in Dark Age Greek must replace the unrestrained passion and
tuned. cities were provided for public forums. thoughtlessness of the warrior code.
Through his use of secondary sources, he also It is curious that Hammer spends very little
demonstrates that by the eighth century, the time on an analysis of Troy itself. After all,
The Iliad as Politics: The stage of political evolution that would precede “sacred Ilium” was created as a walled city as
Performance of Political Thought. the full development of the polis was well humans moved off the slopes of Mount Ida.
By Dean Hammer. Norman: University of under way. This evidence is important because Metaphorically, the walls symbolize man’s sepa-
Oklahoma Press, 2002. 294p. $34.95. it helps establish the point that the Iliad served ration from nature. We also know from the text
an instructional purpose. John Alvis (Divine that Troy itself has religious, domestic, and civic
— Donald J. Matthewson, California State
Purpose and Heroic Response in Homer and venues that are essential for a well-developed
University Fullerton
Virgil, 1995) elaborates this point in much city. Although Hammer argues that Troy does
This book makes two important arguments. more detail. Alvis points out that an under- not contain the institutions necessary for a fully
First, despite the protests of Plato that poetry is standing of the epic includes a realization that developed polis, I believe that Homer uses the
mimetic and that it is three degrees removed Homer understands that the age of heroes is pending destruction of the city to inform us
from reality, Dean Hammer contends that the past and that the foundations for a new politi- about the missing characteristics. Despite its
poet can and does engage in “reflective” politi- cal order must be created. It is surprising that apparent integration of the necessary spaces for
cal philosophy. Second, he argues that the Hammer does not cite Alvis in his otherwise collective activities, it is Priam’s obsession with
Iliad anticipates the development of formal extensive bibliography. Eros and Hector’s willingness to risk his family
political institutions and thus properly belongs Is Homer living in a political or prepolitical and city for the warrior code that demonstrate
in the canon of Western political philosophy. society? Any conception of politics must have a that Troy cannot sustain itself through time.
He advances these arguments over two critical clear conception of human agency. According Different foundations for the city must be
objections. First, critics contend that the lan- to Wolin, prior to the sixth century, man con- established. Hammer might have made the
guage of the poet is instrumental and as such is sidered himself to be an integral part of nature. argument that Troy is missing a space for
used only to create a dramatic narrative, rather Therefore, a fully developed concept of agency, themis, or a “collegial space,” where public
than used to systematically construct and a necessary condition for formal political phi- claims can be expressed and adjudicated, and,
develop philosophical concepts. Second, critics losophy, could not exist. One might read more importantly, where individual acts, which
note that at the time Homer wrote the Iliad, Homer as being overly deterministic in that are expressions of rules, can be understood by
human psychology had not reached a point the gods play such a significant role in shaping all. Although his discussion of themis is well
that fully recognized man’s ontological separa- human action. Hammer uses textual support developed in relationship to the Achaeans in
tion from nature—a step, according to to demonstrate the opposite, namely, that the Chapter 6, his analysis could also be extended
Sheldon Wolin (Politics and Vision, 1960), that Greeks were in the process of developing fairly to Troy and its fall, which according to Alvis,
is a necessary condition for the development of sophisticated notions of agency and risk. For Homer uses as instructional.
political philosophy. Man at this time was not example, he portrays Achilles as making a fair- The significance of Hammer’s book is that
sufficiently self-reflective to create institutions ly knowledgeable statement of autonomy and it demonstrates that two values are necessary

386 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

conditions for the development of politics: absence of purely “external” constraints. Nor class, that allow particular women, for example,
Pity, on the one hand, allows humans to put does she, in moving into the realm of “inter- white women of the upper classes, to change
themselves in another’s shoes, and esteem, on nal” constraints, stop with mere socialization the discourses of identity within patriarchy.
the other, is a human attribute necessary for or resort to a model of adaptive preferences. The third is her recognition that all macro
the creation of public space. The Iliad is the Instead, she zeroes in on the various forces in structures are internally inconsistent to some
first publicly articulated narrative that outlines society—ideological, material and linguistic— extent and, hence, susceptible to contestation
the conditions necessary for the establishment that constrain the “subject of liberty” in the by those who are intent on subverting them.
of political institutions that were to develop in making of (relatively) free choices, that is, Hirschmann succeeds admirably in show-
Greece over the succeeding two centuries. choices associated with an individual’s “own” ing how women can both transform particular
desires rather than with those created for her aspects of patriarchy and achieve (relative) free-
by a system of power over which she has no dom in their lives. But what is the status of her
The Subject of Liberty: Toward a control. general theory of freedom with respect to her
Feminist Theory of Freedom. By Nancy Hirshmann is at her best when articulating particular analysis of patriarchy? Does her gen-
J. Hirschmann. Princeton: Princeton University what she calls the three levels of construction: eral theory of freedom rest on her particular
Press, 2003. 308p. $49.50 cloth, $17.95 paper. the ideological misrepresentation of reality; the analysis of patriarchy to the extent that it
material effects of such misrepresentation; and makes no sense without it? Or does it exist
— Marion Smiley, Brandeis University
the discursive construction of social meaning, a independently of her particular analysis of
Since progressive social and political theorists process through which the “language and cate- patriarchy? Is it a distinctly feminist theory of
are generally concerned to undermine those gories of knowledge available to women are freedom or is it a theory of freedom per se that
forces in the community that restrict the free structured to express men’s experiences and is particularly useful to understanding the dis-
choice of oppressed groups, as well as to ensure desires and to obscure, ignore and deny empowerment of women?
that group members are able to express their women’s experiences and desires” (p. 89). She Hirschmann refers to her theory as a “fem-
own desires, they would seem to be in need of articulates these three levels abstractly and with inist theory of freedom” and makes a series of
both negative and positive notions of liberty. considerable analytic rigor at the outset. But very persuasive feminist arguments about the
But they are not now able to incorporate either she does not remain in the realm of abstrac- gendered nature of the prevailing formulations
notion of liberty into their writings on freedom. tion. Instead, she moves on to show how all of negative and positive liberty. Moreover, she
For, as now formulated, negative liberty—the three levels of construction work together to succeeds in showing throughout her various
absence of external impediments—precludes undermine freedom in a set of concrete cases, examinations of women’s lives that the theory
attention to the conditions of personal empow- namely, those associated with battered women, of freedom that she develops is particularly
erment, and positive liberty—the ability of indi- welfare recipients, and women faced with the important to women. But the theory of free-
viduals to control their own lives—presupposes prospect of wearing a veil. dom that she develops, which requires individ-
a preformed, if not transcendental, self that Two sets of questions inevitably arise in this uals to participate in their own construction,
many contemporary social and political theo- context. First of all, how, if women’s selves are does in the end seem to hold true, not because
rists rightly reject as unfeasible. necessarily constructed by the ideological, of the particular analysis of patriarchy that she
What, then, are progressive social and polit- material, and discursive forces of patriarchy, provides, but because of its power as a general
ical theorists to do? Since the prevailing for- can women hope to pursue their “own” desires theory of freedom. Hence, it is, along with the
mulations of negative and positive liberty are and formulate their “own” goals outside of a larger work of which it is part, ultimately very
now so deeply entrenched, they might want patriarchal context? Since Hirschmann does important, not just to feminist theory but to
simply to forget the whole project. But, as not, like many other theorists of freedom, asso- an understanding of the theory and practice of
Nancy Hirschmann shows in this extremely ciate freedom with the making of either purely freedom in general.
well argued piece of work, negative liberty in rational or morally good choices, and since she
general, as distinct from Isaiah Berlin’s original construes freedom as relative, rather than
formulation of it, does not rule out reference to absolute, she does not have to defend contra- The Great Art of Government:
internal barriers to self-realization. Nor does causal freedom. But she does have to show how Locke’s Use of Consent. By Peter
positive liberty have to be associated with a individuals can be said to be the “final arbiter Josephson. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas,
preformed self. Hence, those who want to asso- of their own choices” (p. 202) within an 2002. 366p. $45.00.
ciate freedom with both the absence of external understanding of reality that not only gives a
impediments and personal empowerment do great deal of power to language but is deter- Launching Liberalism: On Lockean
not have to give up on the notions of negative ministic in a variety of respects. Political Philosophy. By Michael P. Zuckert.
and positive liberty. Instead, they have to How can she—or anyone else—manage Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002.
rethink both terms, as well as the relationship such a feat? Three aspects of her analysis turn 392p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper.
between them. out to be very helpful in this context, although
— Eduardo A. Velásquez, Washington and Lee
Hirschmann provides us with just such a they do not quite get her to the point where she
University and Liberty Fund, Inc.
rethinking in The Subject of Liberty and, in can talk about individuals who are the “final
doing so, makes a very important contribution arbiters of their own choices.” The first is her “It has been frequently remarked,” reads
to both our theory and practice of freedom. demonstration that women’s reality, even Federalist Papers No. 1, “that it seems to have
She begins somewhat controversially (for a though it is shaped by patriarchy, can never be been reserved to the people of this country, by
feminist) by placing negative liberty, rather totally subsumed by it, since women participate their conduct and example, to decide the
than, say, autonomy, at the center of our atten- in it as subjects and not just as objects. The sec- important question, whether societies of men
tion. But she does not accept the conventional ond is her reference to macro structures other are really capable or not of establishing good
understanding of negative liberty as the than patriarchy, such as systems of race and government from reflection and choice, or 387
Book Reviews Political Theory

whether they are forever destined to depend for distinguished career. Together with his Natural “Locke identified the goal of human striving,
their political constitutions on accident and Rights and the New Republicanism (1994) and the ultimate aim of action, as happiness”
force.” According to the author of Federalist 1, The Natural Rights Republic (1996), Launching (p. 11; cf. pp. 331–53). The “Lockean self is a
the important question that calls for a demon- Liberalism is arguably one of the most subtle, potentially responsible being in that it can
strable answer is not merely about Americans’ intelligent, and compelling accounts of Locke’s know and conform to rules” (p. 11). Locke is
capacity to freely choose. Americans’ special political philosophy and its bearing on the also friendly to Christianity (pp. 147–68).
calling is to vindicate the human capacity to American Founding. This is not to say Zuckert Freedom of religion can be for Locke (proper-
choose their own individual and collective has friends everywhere. He does not conceal his ly understood) “a source of great civil stability”
good on the basis of their own reflection. debt to Leo Strauss. To move in Straussian cir- (p. 12). Religion helps establish morality
Americans view attempts to define choice cles is to oppose Quentin Skinner and the (p. 15). There are at least echoes of a teleolog-
in terms of a human good with suspicion and “Cambridge school” (p. 2), that is, all those ical Locke here. But let us be clear. An impor-
anxiety. And for good reasons. These feelings inclined toward a strictly historical and contex- tant question Zuckert attends to with care and
are prompted by Americans’ propensity to tual reading of Locke (pp. 57–79). But eloquence is whether Locke’s negation of
interpret their own good as freedom, and their Zuckert’s debt to Strauss does not amount to Hobbes amounts to an affirmation of a dis-
own freedom as choice, any choice, even servility. His commitment to a version of the tinct human end or good. Happiness is “not
choices that prove detrimental to what others “Straussian” hermeneutic goes some way in pro- fully positive,” Zuckert writes; it “is defined in
might call their good. To be sure, the impera- viding us with a rather un-Straussian Locke (see terms of a negation—the absence of unease”
tive to “free choice” does not rule out political especially pp. 297–310). Loosely stated, Strauss (p. 11). The most significant suggestion of
coercion. Our choices are bound by the advances the view that Locke is Hobbes made Part Two of Launching Liberalism leads to, but
requirement that we do “no harm,” to use palatable. Locke’s modernity remains, like does not fully explore, Locke’s “working
Thomas Hobbes’s reworking of the “Golden Hobbes’s, the “joyless quest for joy” (see Leo toward a theory of pre-modern consciousness”
Rule.” Even so, we tend to think of these lim- Strauss, Natural Right and History, 1953). On (pp. 15, 129–200). This is an astonishing
its in terms of the body, not the soul. Zuckert’s reading, “Locke assimilates, rejects, claim in the light of Zuckert’s previous books
Americans’ understanding of freedom in prin- and moves beyond the Hobbesian.” And it is on Locke.
ciple rules out most forms of moral coercion. “this moving beyond Hobbes that allows Locke Peter Josephson’s The Great Art of
The interior life of an American should be to ‘launch liberalism’” (p. 3). “Strauss is certain- Government is animated by similar sentiments
“unencumbered.” Americans speak fervently ly right so far as he goes,” argues Zuckert, “but about the Lockean enterprise, although he
about their “free conscience,” and about the he does not bring out the most significant way comes to his own conclusions by different
requirements of “toleration.” But as partisans in which Locke breaks with Hobbes—the mod- means. Let us return to morality and choice. In
of older conceptions of virtue repeatedly point ification of the doctrine of natural right that he exploring Locke’s use of consent, Josephson
out, the conflation of morality and freedom effects” (p. 3; cf. pp. 33–44 and 82–96). wonders whether Locke is able to provide
imperils all goods that do not meet the Let us return to the moral questions (and answers “to the philosophers’ objections to his
demands of freedom. Communitarians, cultur- their relation to freedom) raised by the author proposal for government according to the will
al conservatives, liberal partisans of “social cap- of the first Federalist. According to Zuckert’s of the people or the majority” (p. xi). The
ital” (some of them evangelists)—the list is Locke, the “rights that human beings have by philosophers’ objection amounts to the familiar
hardly exhaustive—look back to the days of nature are not pure liberties as they are for critique of any democratic politics, namely, that
robust bowling leagues, when fraternity, com- Hobbes, but moral entities of the sort that the majority does not necessarily will its own
munity, friendship, and common purpose imply limitations or obligations on all” (p. 4). good. It merely wills. Josephson answers that for
meant something. In the spirit of the Federalist, freedom comes “Locke the art of liberal government must be an
The efforts of Michael Zuckert and Peter within the orbit of morality (see especially art of instruction; the liberal regime must teach
Josephson could be read as part of an ever- pp. 274–93). Zuckert’s Locke moves “closer to its subjects the virtues or qualities necessary to
expanding attempt to defend the modern, lib- the traditional views of nature and justice that maintain the regime. They must be disposed to
eral, Lockean experiment in self-government Hobbes had rejected and is thus able to join consent to what is reasonable.” This means that
against the charge that it is an open-ended hands with more traditional thinkers like “Locke’s liberal regime . . . is like other regimes
enterprise vindicating unencumbered choice. Hooker against Hobbes” (p. 4). This is not to in that it requires and perhaps imposes certain
There are identifiable goods that Locke’s polit- turn Locke into, say, a Thomist (pp. 169–200). moral virtues on the people” (pp. xi–xii).
ical philosophy advances and defends, we are But he supposedly makes arguments that are at Americans are a “people” like other peoples.
told. How Locke’s political philosophy is able least friendly to Thomism. For example, Locke’s The use of such words as “regime” and “people”
to do this while abiding by the imperative of views do not amount to a rejection of natural attests to Josephson’s gaze toward antiquity. For
freedom is the central question these authors human community. “The state of nature,” numerous interpreters of the American repub-
raise and then grapple with. But in trying to Zuckert argues, “is a consequence of the struc- lic, the commitment to freedom puts America
persuade us that some version of Locke’s polit- ture of the human self, and Locke makes clear at odds with the very notion of a regime.
ical philosophy is hospitable to those human in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding I emphasize gaze. Like Zuckert, Josephson
yearnings and possibilities outside the orbit of that the self arises on the basis of developed lin- takes seriously much of what Strauss teaches
modern conceptions of the self, do Zuckert and guistic capacity and, therefore, in society.” The about our liberal modernity, which is to say
Josephson produce an understanding of Locke Lockean “abstract ‘I’” caricatured by communi- that there is a divide between “ancients and
(and, by extension, things American) that can tarians as the liberal self is, according to moderns.” In his reading of Locke’s law of
be vindicated on Locke’s own premises? Zuckert, “only one part of the story” (p. 7). nature (pp. 69–118), for example, Josephson
Launching Liberalism is, for the most part, On Zuckert’s reading, then, Locke turns revisits Strauss’s claim that “Locke removes,
a collection of essays published at various out to have a much more robust conception piece by piece, the traditional law of nature
points during Zuckert’s now long and very of the “self.” “Like Aristotle,” Zuckert writes, and replaces it with a new law of human

388 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

intervention” (p. 116). Locke’s modernity Krause’s contention not only that a study of monarchical regime, Krause focuses on
emphasizes human artifice and convention honor can allow us to understand better some the resistance of the governor of Bayonne, the
over and above what is supposedly given to us of the heroic actions of liberal democracy’s Viscount of Orte, who boldly dismissed the
by nature and nature’s God. Although Locke great political actors (here, all American), but king’s command to massacre Huguenots.
“leaves behind the traditional understanding of also that bringing this quality to light is The motivating force of this action is consid-
the law of nature,” Josephson argues, he “does one important step in helping to “revitalize ered not an intrinsic passion for justice but a
not leave behind nature” (p. 118). According individual agency” and “invigorate the civic desire to do great things. The parlements and
to Josephson, there is for Locke an “under- sources of liberal democracy” (p. x). other intermediary bodies of the French
standing of natural justice, a justice that we Krause goes about her project in three inter- monarchical regime are said to have embodied
may imitate” (p. 277). To assert the influence related and interlacing ways. Her conceptual honor in the same way in their defense of polit-
of nature does not dispense with the need for analysis of the features of honor is both sup- ical liberties vis-à-vis the Crown.
conventions. “What Locke proposes,” ported and refined by the study of the roots of Still, the hero of Liberalism with Honor
Josephson writes, “is the rule of reasonable cus- honor in the theories of Montesquieu and remains Tocqueville, who discussed the possi-
toms, not reason” (p. 282, my emphasis). Tocqueville, as well as by the study of the prac- bility of the continued importance of old-
What are we to make of Zuckert’s and tice of honor in the lives of such individuals as regime honor in democratic societies. Krause
Josephson’s “non-Lockean Locke,” to borrow a the American founders, Frederick Douglass, uses Tocqueville well to support the counter-
phrase first coined by Nathan Tarcov? The so- Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Martin Luther intuitive notion that honor is relevant in
called Lockean project is on both authors’ King, Jr. Her investigation reveals “the aristo- democracies. She does this by downplaying
terms a radically malleable project. Things cratic inheritance” (p. 181) of liberal democracy. Tocqueville’s civic humanist associations. She
Lockean are properly defined by their peculiar Honor, as part of that inheritance, retains an then carries his arguments one step further by
capacity to absorb a variety of teachings or aristocratic quality in that it requires the mus- reinterpreting the actions of some of
influences, while at the same time retaining the tering of types of courage and ambition of America’s most honored political actors. In
central characteristics we tend to attribute to which not all democratic citizens would be capa- her brief discussions of such figures as
Lockean things. I have in mind government by ble. In this sense, while honor has historically Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Elizabeth
the consent of the governed, the rule of law, served the cause of liberal democracy through Cady Stanton, and Martin Luther King, she
divided government, religious liberty, an open- the resolute defense of liberties against encroach- seeks to show that honor, rather than either
ness of a variety of different ways of life. We ing power, honor also remains in fundamental pure self-interest or an altruistic passion for
find in Lockean “openness” the essence of its tension with the claims of equality that ground justice, can provide readers with a better
durability. But it is also its weakness. Devotion these same democratic liberties. Honor thus understanding of their motivations. Com-
to the amorphous Locke undermines our stands in this work like the modern democratic munitarians and civic humanists rely on a
capacity to determine whether a liberal equivalent to Machiavellian virtù, being the set capacity for altruism which is ultimately
regime’s various and conflicting appropriations of exceptional qualities which make modern unreliable. Liberal virtue theorists lack an
will be in the service of liberty properly under- foundings and refoundings possible but which account of individual agency that will allow
stood. Does Locke provide us with the cannot be sustained or cultivated in any nor- for the possibility of great actions to defend,
resources to identify and to defend against malized way by the regimes they serve. sustain and redefine modern democracies.
those intrusions that undermine the possibility The question may arise of how a concept Honor, then, she claims, can provide us with
of a Lockean politics and a Lockean morality? deemed aristocratic and rooted in the practice a conceptual tool better suited to both the
I dare say that these two books should be read of absolute monarchy could be relevant at all characteristics of the modern democratic
as valiant attempts to reshape Locke into some- to the political life of modern liberal democra- individual and the needs of modern liberal
thing that might speak to the ills that cy. Krause seeks to bridge this divide by a def- democratic regimes. She is also careful to
Lockeanism alone cannot inoculate against. inition of honor that is both broad and flexi- limit her claim in recognizing that honor can-
This is Locke in the spirit of community. ble, allowing it to be found in a multitude of not serve as a general liberal democratic prin-
Locke permits this. But explaining Locke is not guises. She argues that honor as a quality of ciple, but as an extraordinary quality of char-
quite the same as explaining ourselves. Neither character harbors three distinguishing and rel- acter to which only a few can aspire and
would explaining ourselves explain Locke. atively constant features: namely, the idea that which is indeed exercised only episodically.
Zuckert’s and Josephson’s Locke are very much one acts out of ambition and the desire for Still, as a final, though curious, twist, Krause
in and of Time. Could these admittedly social recognition but also out of reverence for has honor coming in the back door as a more
Straussian readings of Locke unwittingly turn a set of principles or a code independent of extensive principle by noting that honor can
out to be species of the genus historicism? one’s will; the summoning of courage as a basis be manifested within such venues as volun-
for extraordinary action; and a continued tary associations and can be exercised relative
emphasis on a sense of duty to oneself (p. 29). to them and their purposes (p. 182).
Liberalism with Honor. By Sharon Krause. These three features are then shown in practice The strength of Krause’s account lies in the
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002. to take on differing priorities and qualities claim that contemporary liberalism does not
270p. $29.95. related to both the regime and the individual provide an adequate account of the motiva-
concerned. Thus, some actors may be more tions driving political action. There is certainly
— Rebecca Kingston, University of Toronto
strongly motivated by ambition and others by much more to be said concerning the demo-
This work contributes to a long-standing tra- a sense of duty, though not to the exclusion of cratic character and the varied qualities that
dition that seeks to enrich the moral vocabu- the other features. The content of the codes help maintain our collective lives. She provides
lary of liberalism. The focus here is the neg- invoked are open to great variation as well. a creative response to the overly rigid dichoto-
lected and, it is argued, often rhetorically In her discussion of Montesquieu’s under- my (albeit partly of her own interpretative
obfuscated concept of honor. It is Sharon standing of honor as the “principle” of the license) between self-interest and obligations to 389
Book Reviews Political Theory

others that has long served as an explanatory LaVaque-Manty offers a model of liberal polit- hence to draw a principled distinction
framework for political agency. She does so in ical agency that “doesn’t turn liberals into between, for example, angry anti-immigrant
a thought-provoking and imaginative way. either cowardly intellectuals or purely selfish rhetoric and the passionate appeals of Love
However, the reader is still left with a cer- interest-maximizers” (p. 4). His model makes Canal activist Lois Gibbs (p. 153).
tain sense of puzzlement about this honor the ideal of public reason the normative basis In treating the issue of justification,
rooted in aristocratic values yet substantively for political actions but connects this ideal to LaVaque-Manty adopts a version of the stan-
democratic, fueled by ambition yet constrained social practices and the affective lives of partic- dard of public reason prevalent in liberal theo-
by duty, and driven by self-concern yet har- ular individuals. The book is important ry today, but he acknowledges the ways in
nessed to the public good. By defining this because it calls attention to the need to treat which “a system that claims to take arguments
concept with such wide historical and cultural political agency and political legitimacy on their merits may fail, on a systematic basis,
latitude, its nature remains somewhat elusive. together, thereby addressing the gap within to really see the merit of some arguments,
How can this concept of honor, as she claims, many versions of contemporary liberalism namely those of systematically excluded
be a clear source of “civic renewal” (p. xi) if it between moral psychology and normative the- groups” (p. 162). Under conditions of hege-
is driven by a sense of duty to oneself and ory. It is also ambitious—both in its method mony, therefore, the exercise of political agency
according to codes that are variable? On what and in its aims—for it combines textual study by members of marginalized groups need not
grounds does it provide a source for a richer of Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Kant with the always be fully compatible with public reason.
civil and political life and not just a defense formulation of an original theory of liberal Some actions that “push the envelope” in this
against threats to liberty and the status quo? agency and a case-study analysis of current regard may be acceptable, even if they are not
Furthermore, as liberal democrats, we certainly environmental politics that illustrates the prac- altogether “legitimate” (pp. 162–63, 166).
do not admire and honor all risk takers even in tical applications of the theory. It contributes This sensitivity to the particular constraints
the name of principled ends, and so we are left to normative debates about justice and legiti- on political agency borne by members of mar-
with the question of which codes and princi- macy, as well as to the literatures on collective ginalized groups makes puzzling his intolerance
ples are more worthy and less worthy of our action, social movements, and civic engage- of what he calls “the Jesus model” of agency,
respect. ment. which emphasizes the “uncompromising” pur-
While there is no dispute that at times LaVaque-Manty emphasizes that his theory suit of principles (p. 169). This model is
uncommon qualities and abilities are needed in of agency is a normative and not an explanatory demanding but straightforward: “The agent’s
democratic societies, it is also evident that theory. His purpose is not to explain what moti- gotta do what the agent’s gotta do, the Right
some of our greatest political heroes and actors vates political action or to identify its causes but, Thing, even if the heavens fall” (p. 169).
are not always “the best” in all aspects of their rather, to describe the character that actions LaVaque-Manty abhors the dogmatism he finds
lives. In this light, it becomes questionable to must have in order to count as legitimate from a here. On his “pluralist” view, by contrast, the
what extent one can speak of this capability as liberal standpoint (pp. 90–91, 126). Liberal agent is above all committed to “the contingent
at all “aristocratic,” severed as it is from both agency may be motivated by a range of different public justifiability of both her principles and
the bonds of social class and the excellence of causes, including passions and interests of vari- her engagement” (p. 170). No one likes a dog-
character as a whole. To speak of a “natural ous stripes, and presumably virtues, too. What matist, of course, but the fallibilism inherent in
aristocracy” (p. 100), as opposed to speaking of makes an action count as an exercise of liberal LaVaque-Manty’s account has its limits, too, in
people capable of great actions at some point agency—whatever its cause—is that the agent politics if not in philosophy, and especially for
in their lives, works as a rhetorical glaze over can defend it in terms of reasons that count as those on the losing end of hegemonic forces.
the complexities of character of revered politi- valid for the other persons who comprise the rel- Here, the uncompromising pursuit of one’s
cal actors and the muddled course of liberal evant justificatory community (pp. 5, 126). principles may be the only path to political
democracy. Still, the argument is original and Although his emphasis is on reasons rather than inclusion, or justice. And as a theoretical matter,
provocative and is a welcome addition to causes, LaVaque-Manty means to treat the two this may be the only conceivable form that
debates concerning the qualities of character together, and he sets out to explore how political agency can take under such circum-
needed to sustain modern democratic life. “motives and reasons, interests and principles, stances, for if one’s principles are invisible to the
rhetoric and justification” coexist in actual polit- eye of public reason because of systematic exclu-
ical practices (p. 14). sions, one may well appear uncompromising
Arguments and Fists: Political This is where the real power of the book and dogmatic—which can be other words for
Agency and Justification in Liberal lies, for it accounts in a largely successful way “unreasonable according to the prevailing stan-
Theory. By Mika LaVaque-Manty. New York: for the constitutive role of affect as a moving dard of public reason.” LaVaque-Manty is sure-
Routledge, 2002. 214p. $80.00 cloth, $24.95 force of political agency, without undercutting ly right to reject the Jesus model as the sole
paper. the justificatory function of reason. This theme model of liberal political agency, but a pluralist
is developed through an interpretation of emo- account of agency might allow for a diversity of
— Sharon R. Krause, Harvard University
tion in Kant, which gives way to a more gener- types and even make room for a few dogmatists,
This book is a spirited reply to the charge that al investigation of the cognitive components of if only to protect the possibility of contestation
liberalism is all talk and no action. Critics have emotions as they figure in political agency. from genuinely diverse standpoints.
long argued that liberalism lacks a normatively Unlike some other contemporary treatments of His account also leaves untouched the source
adequate account of political agency, either beliefs and emotions, LaVaque-Manty resists of the liberal citizen’s commitment to justifiabil-
reducing agency to the instrumental pursuit the rationalist’s urge to reduce the latter to a ity itself. What moves her to care more about
of unreflective interests or else demanding species of the former. At the same time, his justifying herself to all affected others than
that it be guided by normative principles that account makes it possible to elaborate criteria doing the right thing (as she believes) when
are so abstract as to undercut the propensity for “justifiable” emotions in politics (they are these purposes conflict? LaVaque-Manty might
for action altogether. In response, Mika “compatible with legitimate reasons”), and have done more to elaborate the reasons and

390 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

causes that sustain our attachment to the liberal The other city—city as subject—is there- crucial. For when the democrats, as the previ-
form of political agency, in addition to showing fore the subject of Loraux in this book. How ously dominated group, returned to the city
how reasons and causes interact within this form does one investigate the city as a subject? This victorious, they still succumbed to the myth of
of agency. But the limits of his analysis here only is where historical anthropology meets Freud. the city cultivated by the oligarchs. Since it was
point to the value of the book’s larger aspiration, She admits that considering the city as subject not considered noble to succumb to
for they show the importance of treating the is controversial, but to make the city think by vengeance, forgetting the past was sanctioned
sources and the structure of political agency listening to the multiplicity of voices and as an act of nobility. But in this act of forget-
together, and connecting the subjects of justifi- respecting the multilayered instances of enun- ting, the democrats also repressed the memory
cation and motivation within liberal theory. If ciation reveals far more subtle and significant of their victory that they had won by forgetting
Arguments and Fists does not do this perfectly, it aspects of the city than so far we have been able how great a wrong they had suffered (p. 251).
accomplishes significantly more in this regard to garner (pp. 59, 61). Loraux is especially It was a double forgetting: forgetting victory in
than previous work has done, and it calls atten- drawn to the metapsychological works of exchange for forgetting resentment.
tion to an important new direction for develop- Freud, such as Moses and Monotheism. The key Three strategies of avoidance seem to have
ment in political theory. assumption is the transference between group repressed the memory of the political
and individual psychology and the formation (pp. 254–55). The first was the substitution
of the latter through the former. If the city has of the generic term “constitution” for
The Divided City: Forgetting in the a group existence that is more than the sum “democracy” as the name that describes the
Memory of Athens. By Nicole Loraux. total of its individual citizens, Loraux wants to polis. The second was the avoidance of the
Translated by C. Pache and J. Fort. New York: have access to the repressed memory and word democracy altogether by using such
Zone Books, 2002. 360p. $30.00. unconscious of this group existence to recover euphemisms as order, government, and har-
the multiplicity of its voices. Can we ascribe to mony. The third was the fostering of a time-
— Engin F. Isin, York University
the polis the unconscious (defined as the mem- less history of the polis by smoothing out its
In this book, Nicole Loraux plays Freud with ory that one forgets) to understand what is has vicissitudes and anchoring it in eternity:
the ancient Greek polis. She could have suc- repressed (pp. 75–77, 264)? Upheavals may appear and disappear, but the
ceeded had her argument been developed What is the forgotten here that Loraux essence of the polis remains unchanged as
consistently. Rather, its chapters have been pub- wants to have access to? Ostensibly, the begin- unified city. These strategies ensconced the
lished in various forms over 15 years and, while ning point of analysis is Athens in 403 B.C.E. polis as the erasure of the political, a legacy
addressing several interrelated issues, do not when a bloody oligarchic dictatorship ends and that we have inherited.
come together as a whole. Yet the attempt is well the “democrats” return to the city victorious. In The Divided City, what the polis reveals
worth every page and signals a new approach to Renouncing vengeance, in an act of amnesia, about itself when laid on the couch is fascinat-
the interpretation of the Greek polis. citizens call for—if not invent—amnesty. They ing. Whether the polis needed the couch for
How does Loraux play Freud with the not only swear an oath to forget but also forbid this revelation is a matter harder to judge.
polis? She investigates the city as a subject to remember the misfortunes of the past. These
rather than an object. As a subject, the city misfortunes all revolve around strife and dis-
thinks and produces subjects within it who unity. The city wants to repress the memory of Cosmopolitan Justice. By Darrel
become capable of thinking about the city as faction, division, conflict, and discord. It is in Moellendorf. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2002.
an object. But there is a fundamental disagree- this act of repression that Loraux uncovers con- 226p. $75.00 cloth, $25.00 paper.
ment or disjuncture between the city as a sub- flict as the founding element of the political.
— Simon Caney, University of
ject that thinks or what it thinks and what its For her, it is “as if the memory of the city were
New Castle upon Tyne
subjects think about it as an object. We are founded on the forgetting of the political as
familiar with the latter. We have listened to such” (p. 42) and “as if, by swearing not to This book is an important treatment of a num-
discourses on the city as an object for centuries recall the past, the Athenian city had once ber of issues in international political theory
(p. 257). We have been told endlessly that the again founded its political existence on a loss of that seeks to defend a cosmopolitan view and
city is a unity of its men as citizens who are memory” (p. 44). For these reasons, Loraux to criticize statist approaches. Darrel
assembled and brought together by fraternity, will call her investigation an inquiry into the Moellendorf begins his argument in earnest in
solidarity, and brotherhood, which became the forgetting of the political (p. 51). Chapter 2 where he adopts John Rawls’s theory
founding myth of the polis: synoecism. We This inquiry then opens up a whole array of of justice but argues, against Rawls himself,
have also been told that the life of the city is sources in tragedy, poetry, and philosophy, not that his liberal egalitarian theory should be
military because its citizens wage war and, as resources for their face value but for what applied at the world level. To do so,
gathering in the assembly, make decisions they symbolize in terms of the repressed mem- Moellendorf both engages in a sustained cri-
based on a majority vote. It is this city that has ory of the city that is political. As a result, bril- tique of Rawls’s The Law of Peoples (1999) and
been immortalized as the polis. But there is liantly alternative readings of Hesiod, argues that the two moral powers Rawls
another polis. It has been there all along: the Theognis, Aeschylus, Herodotus, Thucydides, ascribes to persons justify universal principles
polis of women, artisans, metics, farmers, and Isocrates, Socrates, Aristotle, and Plato are of equality and human rights.
sailors. By listening to the discourse of citi- offered. From these readings, Loraux patiently In the following chapter, Moellendorf con-
zens, we have neglected to see the other polis builds a case to demonstrate how the declara- siders a number of challenges to this cosmo-
and its voices. Loraux renounces “the idea that tions of unity, fraternity, and brotherhood politan Rawlsianism. The first maintains that
we should confine ourselves to the words of hopelessly, ceaselessly, and desperately came up distributive justice operates only in “associa-
the Greeks [citizens] and [submit] their dis- against the founding principles of the political: tions.” To this he argues, like Charles Beitz and
course to the very questions that are silenced agon, strife, discord, disunity, and fragmenta- Thomas Pogge, that a global association now
in it” (p. 55). tion. This is what makes the oath of 403 B.C.E. prevails. A second charge that Moellendorf 391
Book Reviews Political Theory

addresses maintains that our special duties the book is Moellendorf ’s willingness makes a valuable contribution. It offers a
should trump any global ones. To this he throughout to use empirical examples to illus- compelling political ideal. It tackles matters
argues that persons lack special duties of justice trate his arguments. There are, nonetheless, of utmost importance, it is lucid and well
to fellow nationals and that patriotic duties do points at which his argument is vulnerable. argued, and it successfully integrates philo-
not always trump global ones. The argument is First, like Thomas Pogge and others, sophical argument with empirical case
illustrated with discussions of immigration and Moellendorf maintains that norms of distrib- studies.
protectionism. utive justice operate only within “associa-
The book then turns, in Chapter 4, to tions.” This raises a number of problems:
issues of global distributive justice. What constitutes an association is insufficient- Marx and Engels: Their Contribution
Moellendorf considers and rejects a number of ly precise, and it is not evident why to the Democratic Breakthrough. By
challenges to cosmopolitan conceptions of dis- Moellendorf thinks that nations do not fall August H. Nimtz, Jr. Albany: State University of
tributive justice. In line with his cosmopolitan into that category (p. 53). Furthermore, the New York Press, 2000. 377p. $71.50 cloth,
version of Rawls’s theory, he employs a global claim that all associations entail special duties $24.95 paper.
original position and defends a global principle of justice (pp. 34, 43, 48, 49) leads to unpalat-
— Bradley J. Macdonald, Colorado
of fair equality of opportunity and a global dif- able conclusions, such as that members of a
State University
ference principle. The remainder of the chap- repugnant association are bound by justice to
ter applies this theory to the issues raised by prioritize the interests of their associates. Both Marx and Engels have been interpreted
imperialism, and it concludes by arguing that Third, the claim that distributive justice only in radically different ways by scholars, depend-
Third World debt should be canceled and that obtains within associations is vulnerable to a ing upon how one slices the deck of their
the wealthy of the world should bear the costs number of objections. To give one example, work. For example, we have commentators
of global warming. Moellendorf argues that associations have who argue that both of these thinkers are best
Chapter 5 explores the moral justifiability of moral significance because of their effects on represented as social scientists par excellence
intervention. Moellendorf examines and rejects people’s moral powers (pp. 32–33, 37–38). (in this portrayal, we might hear the words of
a number of common defenses of the norm of This suggests that what matters is people’s Engels at Marx’s funeral proclaiming that
nonintervention, persuasively arguing that none ability to exercise their moral powers; if, how- Marx was the “Darwin of the social sciences”).
is convincing. He then outlines his own cosmo- ever, this is what matters, does it not generate Inevitably, such an attribution is performed by
politan account of when intervention is accept- duties on everyone, even if they are not part of arguing for the importance of such works as
able. On his account, intervention in another any common association? Marx’s “Preface” to A Contribution to the
state is justified when i) the latter’s basic struc- One might also query Moellendorf ’s treat- Critique of Political Economy (1859) or the first
ture is unjust or its domestic policy has unjust ment of just war. His discussion of this is volume of Capital (1867). On the other hand,
effects on others, ii) it will work, iii) it is the last framed in terms of his earlier account of legit- we have other students of these thinkers who
resort, and iv) it is proportionate (pp. 117–20). imate intervention. This, though, produces a see their contribution to be primarily in their
Having provided a cosmopolitan account of rather odd conception of just cause. The philosophical positions. Here, of course, such
intervention, Moellendorf outlines a cosmo- whole discussion presupposes that waging war portrayals of Marx and Engels are bolstered by
politan theory of national self-determination. is about invading a state (pp. 104, 160), but looking to Marx’s Economic and Philosophical
Unlike some cosmopolitans, he allows that wars of self-defense and wars to defend other Manuscripts (1844) or, maybe, The German
nations may sometimes have a right of self- states that have been attacked do not require Ideology (1845–46). Of course, we could go
government, arguing that this is necessary to this. In his official statement of just cause, on from here and talk about their contribu-
provide their members with a secure cultural Moellendorf seems to say that X has just cause tion to sociological analysis, literary criticism,
environment. This may moreover justify seces- against Y only if Y has an unjust basic struc- and so on, and in turn perform such argu-
sion, and Moellendorf elaborates five condi- ture (humanitarian intervention) or Y’s ments by looking at other works within their
tions that must be observed if a nation is to be “domestic policy” is having an unfair impact substantial oeuvre. Yet in all of these portray-
allowed to secede (p. 137). on others (p. 159). But what if Y has an als, there is always a recognition that Marx and
The book then returns to matters of war aggressive foreign policy? Cosmopolitans Engels were also fundamentally concerned
and peace, and in Chapter 7 Moellendorf asks would surely recognize two additional reasons with political practices and issues, that they
when, if ever, military force may be used. He for waging war, namely, i) the right of a just wrote their works not only to understand
rejects two extreme views, namely, the pacifist state to defend itself against attack and ii) the social reality but also, as Marx noted famously
view that it is never justified and the “realist” right/duty of a state to defend another just in Theses on Feuerbach (1845), to change the
view that the waging of war should ignore state that has been attacked. Furthermore, world. The question, of course, is what does
moral principles and prioritize the national these two additional principles of “just cause” the admitted political dimension to the life
interest. Moellendorf is also critical of conven- would be congruent with Moellendorf ’s over- and thought of Marx and Engels imply about
tional just-war theory. As in the earlier chap- all cosmopolitan theory. their most important concepts and ideas? If
ters, he outlines a cosmopolitan position, Finally, although it covers much ground, one were to more resolutely situate Marx and
affirming in this instance a cosmopolitan con- some of the topics are dealt with in little detail. Engels in the politics of the period, what
ception of “just cause.” The book concludes There is, for example, little said about the cos- would this do to our understanding of their
with a brief discussion of what institutional mopolitan account of jus in bello, and the insti- work? Moreover, what would such an analysis
framework is most appropriate, given a cos- tutional discussions in Chapter 8 could have do to all of the other attempts to perform
mopolitan outlook. been explored more fully and also integrated Marx and Engels as social scientists, philoso-
Cosmopolitan Justice is full of well-reasoned with the analysis of national self-determination. phers, and so on?
arguments. It is thorough and meticulously These are, however, relatively minor dis- In a quite detailed and well-researched
argued. Furthermore, one important virtue of agreements. Cosmopolitan Justice as a whole book, August Nimtz looks squarely at this

392 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

political dimension to the life and thought of struggles for national self-determination (in and theoretically, cannot be strictly related to
Marx and Engels. Clearly, Nimtz’s intention Ireland and elsewhere). In this portrayal, Marx their professed political identities and revolu-
is quite ambitious: namely, to rethink Marx and Engels, irrespective of consistent attempts tionary passions. More provocatively, if one
and Engels’ theory in relation to their activi- to paint a quite different picture (e.g., see Allan were to make Marx and Engels a living politi-
ties within working-class political struggles, Megill, Karl Marx: The Burden of Reason [Why cal force today, one might have to disengage
and thereby to retrieve a “truer” Marx and Marx Rejected Politics and the Market], 2002), from the strict political reading that Nimtz
Engels from the various “Marxologists” who become political actors committed to the has performed so admirably, and instead to
have appropriated their work and legacy. I democratic self-determination of the working creatively enact divergent conceptual and
think at the very least, Nimtz has done an classes in their struggles for socialism. political relays with their thought.
important service to Marx studies by taking While Nimtz has successfully shown the
seriously the need to contextualize the ideas attachment of Marx and Engels to such politi-
of Marx and Engels within political struggles cal principles and actions, he unfortunately Revolutionary Saints: Heidegger,
associated with the “democratic break- feels the necessity to launch other arguments National Socialism, and Antinomian
through,” that is, those working-class strug- that are less successful. First, while acknowl- Politics. By Christopher Rickey. University Park:
gles associated with expanding democracy edging the need for another work to fully argue Penn State University Press, 2001. 296p. $45.00.
and liberty. What is less apparent, unfortu- this point, he claims “that no two people con-
— Horst Mewes, University of Colorado, Boulder
nately, is whether he has finally gotten Marx tributed more to the struggle for democracy in
and Engels right, or, maybe more interesting- the last century than Marx and Engels” Regardless of whether Heidegger thought of
ly, whether we need to see Marx and Engels (p. 294). For Nimtz, this really comes down to himself as a postphilosophical and postmeta-
solely in this harsh organizational and stra- the importance of their role in the IWMA, physical “thinker,” he indubitably belongs to
tegic light. which, he argues, was supremely instrumental the very small group of great twentieth-century
As other commentators have noted before in these struggles. While I am willing to wait philosophers. Consequently, even if his entire
(e.g., see Alan Gilbert, Marx’s Politics: Com- for further clarification in a subsequent vol- opus disregarded politics and political theoriz-
munists and Citizens, 1981), one can really ume, I think he has taken their professed ing entirely, and by its silence denied its very
only avoid the political dimension to Marx intention to be an important part of the strug- significance to genuine human thinking, this
and Engels’ theory at the risk of misunder- gle for democracy for their actual role in such a very fact would be of interest to political
standing key aspects to their thought. What process itself. To me, at least, this comes out thought insofar as its own historical origins
Nimtz has done is to expand such inquiries clearly in how they distanced themselves from once were, or still are, thought to be philo-
through detailed analyses of the political and the working-class democratic struggles in sophical.
organizational activities of Marx and Engels England in the 1870s and 1880s, mainly due Notoriously, Heidegger’s case is of more
and to argue forcefully for the relationship of to their disdain for the influence of bourgeois urgent interest still, inasmuch as his profound-
such activities to important theoretical and and petit-bourgeois elements in that struggle. ly stupid and deplorable personal conduct
strategic insights and ideas. Nimtz deftly Unless one wants to argue that these struggles toward, and judgments about, the German
exhumes and explicates their early journalistic (which eventually led to creation of the Labour Nazi regime inevitably raises disturbing ques-
work; their important initial political work in Party) were unimportant to the “democratic tions about the relation between the man and
the Communist Correspondence Committee; breakthrough,” it is very clear that Marx and his thinking, his actions and the truth of his
their defining roles within the Communist Engels were not very important in the demo- thoughts. If we trust the account of his student
League, which gave rise to their famous tract, cratic struggles of the working classes in Karl Loewith, Heidegger himself provided the
The Manifesto for the Communist Party (1848), England. answer: His politics derived from the most
and which allowed them to be directly part of Second, Nimtz has general grudges with the fundamental premises of his thought. Unlike
the European political struggles in 1848, par- way in which Marx and Engels have been Hannah Arendt, for instance, Christopher
ticularly in Germany; their “muted” political appropriated by academic “Marxologists,” Rickey takes Heidegger at his word. The result
work between 1851 and 1864, where Marx given that the latter have divorced “them is one of the few truly superb treatments of this
increasingly devoted himself to “scientific” increasingly from the terrain on which they vexing problem. Rickey has written one of the
work to set the stage for the next revolutionary were meant by their authors to operate—the most tightly argued and persuasive briefs, as it
era; and their leadership in the International real movement” (p. 302). Yet he has not ade- were, for the case in favor of the unity of
Workingmen’s Association (IWMA) between quately argued for why one should not inter- Heidegger as political man and primordial
1864 and 1871, an analysis which is quite pret Marx and Engels both academically (as thinker of the “history of being.”
interesting in dispelling what many Marx social scientists, philosophers, etc.) and politi- With much philosophical acumen and
scholars see as the political quietude of Marx cally. Indeed, his intended argument can only admirably sober and balanced, yet penetrative
after 1851. Within this dense political and his- be confirmed if one avoids discussing certain thinking, Rickey argues that Heidegger’s pur-
torical narrative, Marx and Engels are shown texts, which is the case here. For example, there suit of the question of being, inasmuch as it
to be activists who were devoted consistently is no discussion of Marx’s Economic and issues in diagnosing modern Western civili-
to the working class being the agent of their Philosophical Manuscripts and very little of The zation as the period of the most profound for-
own emancipation (with no hint of elitist German Ideology, let alone Capital. To have getfulness of being, is “at heart a political and
vanguardism); to the necessity of winning the looked at these texts in greater detail, I think, ethical undertaking” (p. 2). It has, for one, pre-
war of bourgeois democracy to set the stage would have forced Nimtz to deal with why scriptions of how to overcome the horrid alien-
for social revolution; to promoting the impor- people do take Marx and Engels seriously as ation of the contemporary world, and is thus
tance of a political movement of the petite social scientists or philosophers, and in turn, it implicitly practical. Heidegger’s calls for
bourgeoisie and peasantry led by the working would have moved him to recognize that their prephilosophical, “originative thinking,” for a
classes; and to seeing the importance of legacy and contemporary interest, politically disposition of Gelassenheit, for relinquishing 393
Book Reviews Political Theory

the “will to power,” all amount to prescriptive phronesis or practical wisdom. In a very intri- freedoms and genuine possible reflective choices
admonitions much in tune with the tradition- cate reconstruction, Rickey shows how open to human political being.
ally central philosophical/practical question of Heidegger turns the Greek notion of practical
how one ought to live. wisdom into a “revelation of being as a whole,”
Heidegger’s view of the human condition which unites the end of action immanent in Black Nationalism in American Politics
and diagnosis of modernity makes him one of action itself. Practical wisdom becomes a “kind and Thought. By Dean E. Robinson. Cambridge:
the greatest opponents of liberal democracies. of divine revelation” (p. 266). The notion of a Cambridge University Press, 2001. 176p. $50.00
His particular articulation of the history of mystic vision of being as the highest (most cloth, $18.00 paper.
being leads to advocacy of one of the most authentic) human practical action also entails
— E. Victor Wolfenstein, University of California,
“thoroughly radical alternatives to modern pol- Heidegger’s conception of human freedom. It
Los Angeles
itics” (p. 10). The Heideggerian alternative is means, accordingly, to be free for and “share in
radically revolutionary and apocalyptic, and it the binding revelation of being” (p. 99). America’s ongoing symposium on race is hardly
“bespeaks of an idealism dangerously close to Freedom means being open to the revelations harmonious but, like Alcibiades in the Platonic
madness” (p. 270). of being, the “substance” of which belongs to original, black nationalism seems to be the least
It was “monstrous in execution,” and being, not humans beings. welcome guest at the feast. It is, indeed, all too
“dangerous in principle” (p. 12). The source In another important chapter on “the divin- often excluded. Then the conversation becomes
of this radical Heideggerian vision of the ity of work in the age of technology,” Rickey relatively monotonal, at its worst sounding
postmodern world is what Rickey develops as shows the relation between Heidegger’s trans- more like Rodney King than Martin Luther
his central interpretive thesis. Heidegger’s formed notion of practical wisdom and its rele- King—“Why can’t we all just get along?”
entire thinking about the question of being vance for the active transubstantiation, if you Dean Robinson’s serious engagement with
and its self-disclosure, by Rickey’s account, will, of the modern age dominated by techne, or black nationalism is, therefore, most welcome.
issues in a fanatical kind of mystical revolu- technology, into his ideal polis as a “community His aim is to present his subject matter with a
tionary politics. This politics is, in turn, the of saints” (p. 270). Technology is allegedly trans- degree of historical specificity: “While black
result of Heidegger’s equation of politics and formed by rethinking poiesis. From the original nationalists continually react to white racism
religion, based on “his antinomian concep- “making,” it is turned into meaning, “bringing across time, the sorts of ideas and types of
tion of religiosity” (p. 9). forth something in its being” (p. 121). The activism they advocate typically have homo-
The concept of antinomian politics as essence of work, rather than lying in the modern logues in the broader political and intellectual
derived from Heidegger’s antinomian theology notion of technology, is turned into poetry as landscapes of specific historical periods” (p. 3).
is the theoretical heart of this book. Since “experiencing being as presencing” (p. 21). The He thus places himself outside of the black
Heidegger himself denied having a theology, authentic version of human work is poetic nationalist tradition, with its characteristic
much less a religion, Rickey needs to carefully dwelling in the world, where the world is envi- essentialist or race ontological claims. More: he
explain his own interpretation. When subsum- sioned as the “clearing” in which being, or as it calls the idea of such a tradition into question.
ing Heidegger’s thinking about being under the were, the divine, can reveal itself to receptive Although he does not deny that one can trace
more widely used notion of religion as “the rela- human beings. out a black nationalist genealogy, he views the
tionship between humans and the divine” The final step toward modern politics is tradition as, in good part, an “invention”:
(p. 3), Rickey implicitly denies the very possi- explained in chapters on “the Third Reich of “Traditions result when thinkers of an historical
bility of Heidegger’s claim of having thought the spirit.” For Heidegger, the political leader era identify thought and behavior of a recent or
the pretheological and prereligious “prerequi- becomes a “phronetic virtuoso,” beyond con- distant past that serves as a model for, and jus-
sites” of such a relationship, namely primordial ventional good and evil precisely because he tification of, present behavior” (p. 79). We are
Being. Heidegger’s entire enterprise of “tran- must be “open to the possibilities of being reminded of Karl Marx’s famous interpretation
scending” traditional categories and concepts is itself ” and thus “capable of anything” of bourgeois revolutionaries who “anxiously
by implication exposed as an exercise in futility. (p. 254). But Rickey’s detailed treatment of conjure up the spirits of the past to their serv-
Rickey in effect reduces Heidegger’s entire Heidegger’s view of the Nazi regime leaves one ice . . . in order to present the new scene of
quest for Being to religious politics, albeit in the to ponder one final practical question. What world history in this time-honored disguise”
very original version of an antinomian theolog- accounts for Heidegger’s inability to see the (“The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis
ical politics, “the modern-day legacy” of the incredible gap between his visions and the real Bonaparte,” in R. Tucker, ed., The Marx-Engels
most radical facets of the Protestant character and action of Hitler and his hench- Reader (1978), p. 595). So, analogously, the
Reformation (p. 4). Heidegger is “reduced” to men? Does the ability to engage in such latter-day black nationalists. But what is sauce
joining the company of modern visionary apoc- visions destroy one’s practical judgment? Or is for the goose is sauce for the gander. Marx anx-
alyptic revolutionaries. such practical blindness the precondition for iously conjured up spirits of his own when he
As is usual in brief reviews of books of great such visions? Are we, finally, still confronted wrote the poetry of the future; and we might
complexity, the best part of the work under with some type of “psychologically” based find as much “invention” in the analysis of tra-
consideration gets the shortest shrift. In this inability of judgment? ditions as in their construction.
case, the genuinely informative and thought- Rickey closes his arguments by charging Robinson’s analysis centers on the black
fully considered arguments are found in that Heidegger attempted to “transcend the nationalist upsurge of the 1960s and early
Rickey’s elaboration of the relation between limits of politics” by avoiding “the hard neces- 1970s. Like many others, myself included, he
political religiosity and Heidegger’s thinking of sities of politics” (p. 273). True enough. But portrays Malcolm X as the pivotal figure in
the meaning of Being. Some of the most fasci- not recognizing the necessities of politics is this phase of the struggle. From this center,
nating and probably most original pages in one thing. Much more serious is Heidegger’s the inquiry extends back to David Walker’s
Revolutionary Saints treat of Heidegger’s trans- concomitant inability, by his incredible obfus- Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World
formation of the Aristotelian concept of cations, to illuminate the truly important (1829) and forward to the Nation of Islam

394 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

of Minister Louis Farrakhan and the insists upon the remembrance of these dire pursue the implications of revolutionary princi-
Afrocentrism of Molefi Kete Ashanti. experiences, hence also on what has been lost ples, such as equality and natural rights, to their
Garveyism is given appropriate attention in and might be reclaimed. This position grounds logical conclusion. They did not advocate polit-
the process, and Robinson brings before us a a strong affirmation of African American peo- ical rights for women nor acknowledge the full
wide range of black nationalist groups and plehood. The other side points to the many injustice of racism against blacks.
tendencies, some scarcely known and others ways in which African Americans are culturally Schloesser develops a theory called “racial
nearly forgotten. The very multiplicity of posi- American, a claim that gains cogency when it is patriarchy” (p. 12), based on the works of
tions taken by these contributors to the “tradi- linked to a clear understanding of the Africanist Carole Pateman and Charles W. Mills, in order
tion” gives weight to the claim that it takes an presence in American culture itself. This, too, is to explain the women’s views. Early American
act of political will to bind them tightly our land; the issue is recognition, not inclusion. women, she says, drew on and developed a set of
together. Moreover, Robinson’s mating of Thus, we can say, no doubt too glibly, that one ideological assumptions that heightened their
these positions to dominant contextual trends party insists on difference, the other on identi- status as women by emphasizing their superior-
is plausible enough. He views early versions of ty—and both on freedom for all black people. ity over black people and other nonwhites. “Fair
black nationalism as “Anglo-African” (p. 15), It follows that black nationalism plays a sex” ideology, as she calls it, allowed white
meaning by this term to capture their mirror- twofold cultural and political role. Directly, it women to “protect their race and class privileges
ing relationship to the dominant Anglo-Saxon transforms the experience of exclusion into one within modern patriarchy rather than risk them
ideologies of the period. He aligns black of self-definition and self-determination. This for a radical equality that would have eliminat-
nationalism in the more recent period with transformation is certainly difficult, and ed racial as well as sexual differences” (p. 191).
the politics of ethnic pluralism, in which Robinson is at his best in bringing out the ways Race trumped gender, and in the end reinforced
groups assert their own interests within the in which black nationalism can replicate the the power and privilege of white males.
given framework of capitalism. And beyond problems it is intended to solve. But it is no As provocative as Schloesser’s theory is, her
these convenient labels, he demonstrates con- less vital, for all its inherent difficulties. analysis leaves much to be desired. Her critique
siderable sensitivity to the broader historical Indirectly, the black nationalist assertion of of Warren, Adams, and Murray lacks a grasp of
currents, such as the postwar decolonization peoplehood makes present the Africanist pres- the historical context and misconstrues evi-
of Africa, that play a constitutive role in black ence in our national identity. Think, for exam- dence to serve her thesis. For example, she
nationalist discourse. ple, of Ellison’s own Invisible Man. How would criticizes Murray for failing to apply her under-
Still, every interpretive perspective is that story read without Ras the Exhorter? standing of universal human nature to lower-
bought at a price. Some things are seen and Hence, my ambivalence about the stance that class whites and nonwhites. She condemns her
others are not, depending in part upon the Robinson adopts toward his chosen subject for failing to portray women as “happily single,
political values that explicitly or implicitly give matter. On the one hand, he invites the black financially self-sufficient through their own
direction to the analysis. Robinson’s values are nationalists to the racial symposium; on the efforts, or famous for their work” (p. 179). All
quite explicit. They are those of Ralph W. other, he treats them as unruly guests. We are of this, Schloesser says, reinforces Murray’s own
Ellison, who insisted that the American experi- reminded again of Alcibiades; but we might sense of racial superiority. What Schloesser does
ence is not the private property of white peo- also remember how much life that young man not admit, however, is that married women at
ple, but was rather created by the interaction of brought to the discussion. that time had little or no opportunity to work
its variously hued inhabitants. From this van- outside the home. Factories did not yet exist.
tage point, black nationalism plays into “one of Although teaching at a “dame school,” selling
the oldest American political fantasies”—in The Fair Sex: White Women and butter, or publishing a book might have
Ellison’s words, “banish [blacks] from the Racial Patriarchy in the Early brought in a little income, women were not
nation’s bloodstream, from its social structure, American Republic. By Pauline Schloesser. even legally entitled to their own wages. There
and from its conscience and historical con- New York: New York University Press, 2002. 304p. was no “career path” for women. Although
sciousness” (cited on p. 2). Hence, we are pre- $40.00. Murray’s positions do not seem radical today,
pared for Robinson’s conclusion that black they were for her time. Her advocacy of greater
— Rosemarie Zagarri, George Mason University
nationalists play into the hands of their puta- educational opportunities for women and her
tive enemies and “have to this point been This book makes a fascinating argument. assertion of the equality of the female intellect
unable to respond effectively to the many chal- Noting that most historical works study either made her far more progressive than most of her
lenges and obstacles black men and women race or gender issues in isolation, Pauline peers. Yet like male Federalists at the time,
face in their pursuit of full equality in the Schloesser claims that the two issues must be Murray was an unreconstructed elitist who mis-
United States” (p. 135). studied in tandem. Only by probing the com- trusted the masses, black or white. Race was less
There is another way to look at the matter. plicated interaction of race and gender hierar- of an issue than class.
One might see a mutually determining and chies can we begin to understand the stubborn Similarly, Schloesser overstates Adams’s
generative dialectic between those who insist persistence of racism and sexism in the United commitment to gender equality during the
upon the Africanist side of African American States. Focusing on the revolutionary era, Revolution in order to portray her supposed
identity and those who emphasize its Schloesser closely examines the thinking of retreat to a more conservative position in her
Americanist side (see, for example, C. R. D. three women, Mercy Otis Warren, Abigail later years. As Edith Gelles’s Portia (1992) has
Halisi, “From Liberation to Citizenship: Adams, and Judith Sargent Murray, for their shown, Adams was never a feminist in the
Identity and Innovation in South African ideas about race, class, and gender. Unlike modern sense. Although her husband’s friend,
Political Thought,” in Comparative Studies in many other women at the time, these three partner, and confidante, she never aspired to
Society and History 39 [no. 1, 1997]). The two expressed a highly articulate understanding of hold political power and ultimately deferred to
sides share an identity forged from the trauma the American Revolution. Exceptional as they his wishes, even when they conflicted with her
of the Middle Passage and slavery. The one were, however, they could not or would not own desires. While Adams may not have been 395
Book Reviews Political Theory

a Hillary Clinton, she exercised enormous Struening presents an insightful discussion families. Family communitarians, she argues,
influence within the limits of women’s role at of the arguments advanced by family commu- promote policies that constrain personal liberty
the time. nitarians. She summarizes their arguments and maintain rigid gender roles that
Finally, Schloesser condemns Warren as cogently and presents an astute analysis of their disadvantage women. With the rise of compan-
a racist on the basis of her repeated invocation structure, explaining how their assumptions ionate marriage, no common blueprint for
of the word “slavery” in attacking British and interpretation of empirical evidence are marriage exists. Because individuals grant con-
tyranny—even though, as she admits, Warren used to conclude that government should siderable weight to emotional intimacy in their
did criticize the institution of slavery adopt public policies to encourage the forma- personal relationships, they must be able to
(pp. 101–02). In order to argue her case, tion and maintenance of two-parent families decide for themselves the nature of those rela-
Schloesser misconstrues the historical use of and discourage alternative family forms, tionships, she argues. Such decisions are a cru-
the term. At least since the time of John Locke, including single parent and same-sex families. cial component of self-determination and
Anglo-American thinkers used the word “slav- She explains how ideas about gender are critical self-fulfillment, and should be grounded in an
ery” to refer to a complete loss of political lib- to their positions, particularly the belief that understanding of the right to privacy as the
erty, the ultimate form of degradation. While gender roles follow from biological sex and the freedom of intimate association. Thus, individ-
chattel slavery as practiced in the colonies rep- desire to maintain those gender roles in two- uals should be able to choose whom they marry
resented the most extreme form of slavery, it parent, heterosexual families. According to and when they enter and exit marriage. If indi-
was often said that corruption and conspiracy family communitarians, two-parent families vidual choice defines marriage, one might
in government would reduce people to the con- are desirable not simply because raising chil- question why it should continue as a state-
dition of slaves. As Bernard Bailyn’s Ideological dren is hard work and two adults are better recognized, privileged, and dyadic relationship.
Origins of the American Revolution (1967) than one, but because children need to be Struening concludes that it should remain “as
demonstrated, American colonists adopted the raised by men and women who father and long as it works for a large number of people”
discourse concerning slavery from such opposi- mother. Fathering and mothering are distinct (p. 178) but downplayed, with important
tion writers as John Trenchard and Thomas activities that can be performed only by men benefits such as health care not tied to marital
Gordon and employed it for their own purpos- and women, respectively. Moreover, marriage is relationships.
es in the fight against Britain. Thus, Warren’s necessary to maintain these roles, in particular Liberty and choice are powerful idioms in
use of the term reflected her deep engagement to capture male resources to benefit women American politics, and may be persuasive
with a long tradition of political theory, rather and children. when applied to freedom from government
than an effort to establish her racial superiority. While Struening’s discussion of gender in intrusion into personal decisions with few
Although such language may reveal deeply the arguments of family communitarians is consequences for others. But when individuals
ingrained assumptions about “the binary pair quite strong, she does not analyze sufficiently need not just privacy to make personal deci-
colonizer/colonized” (p. 101), Schloesser does the extent to which their arguments rest on sions about families but resources from gov-
not provide the kind of nuanced analysis that basic economic conservatism, a point family ernment to help support those families, liber-
would convince us of her claims. communitarians themselves downplay. But it is ty and choice are problematic. The question
In the end, Schloesser’s anachronistic reading clear from their positions that they prefer not arises as to whether choice should be exercised
of the past undermines her effort to construct a to increase government intervention in the within the extant system, or whether that sys-
useful framework for understanding the roots of economy or distribution of wealth. Family tem should be changed to facilitate a broader
sexism and racism. The Fair Sex is too superficial communitarians believe that traditional two- range of choices. Struening addresses this issue
and too formulaic to comprehend the complex- parent families would ameliorate a host of with respect to both single-mother families
ities of the problem. Perhaps in the hands of a social problems, including crime, poverty, and and work/family conflicts. She argues that a
more subtle thinker her theory will bear fruit. poor educational achievement. They want to broad antipoverty strategy is necessary, one
shift the debate away from economic issues that focuses on the economic causes of pover-
and toward the family, for if families are ty and changes in the labor market, rather
New Family Values: Liberty, Equality, expected to take care of these problems, gov- than on family structure. With respect to
Diversity. By Karen Struening. Lanham, MD: ernment does not have to. Traditional conser- work/family conflicts, she endorses such meas-
Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2002. 272p. vatives and libertarians may be reluctant to ures as paid family leave and child-care assis-
$75.00 cloth, $22.95 paper. promote some of the proposals urged by these tance that would make it easier for parents,
communitarians, in particular those that rely both men and women, to combine work and
— Cathy M. Johnson, Williams College
on government intervention in personal deci- family. She does not support public assistance
Political actors invoke the term “family values” sions about family structure, such as a return to that would enable single mothers to stay home
even though they rarely specify precisely what fault divorce. But conservatives can unite with young children, arguing that women
these values are or why they are connected to around the basic goal of reducing the role of need to be in the labor force to achieve eco-
families. More extensive elaboration and justi- government in economic and social welfare nomic independence. Struening advocates
fication of the term come from a group of policies, and family communitarians provide public support for certain kinds of choices
authors who have tried to make the social sci- an additional justification for these positions, concerning the care of children—those involv-
ence case for public policies designed to invig- one that is politically appealing because it por- ing women in the workforce—but she does
orate and maintain two-parent, heterosexual trays conservative policies as concerned and not advocate public support for the choice to
families. In her book, Karen Struening labels compassionate. stay out of the workforce and care for children
these authors family communitarians, and In New Family Values, Struening strives to full time. It seems plausible that parental
presents an alternative justification for family advance an alternative basis for family policy, decisions about caring for children could be
policy, one that recognizes and supports one rooted in feminist and progressive values just as important to self-definition and self-
diverse forms of families. that will respect and benefit different kinds of fulfillment as sexuality.

396 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

Mill on Democracy: From the liberty do not come solely from the state. Considerations on Representative Government
Athenian Polis to Representative Individuals’ own understandings can be exer- (1861) that a “civilized” government needs “to
Government. By Nadia Urbinati. Chicago: cises of power. In this way, Urbinati’s Mill be a considerable degree despotic” for people
University of Chicago Press, 2002. 293p. $37.50. strongly resembles Michel Foucault. However, who are “unfit for liberty.”
contrary to Foucault, Mill maintained that the By downplaying Mill’s less egalitarian fea-
— Suzanne Dovi, University of Arizona visibility of representative government sustains tures, Urbinati gives insufficient attention to
political liberty as opposed to “regulating” the another tension in his democratic theory: how
Nadia Urbinati provides an insightful and behavior of citizens and representatives. The individuality can conflict with a democratic
extremely innovative interpretation of John visibility of representative government, for ethos. She is right that challenging the moral
Stuart Mill’s theory of democracy. According example, the reliance on deliberative political views that justify patriarchal family relations is
to Urbinati, Mill offers us an agonistic under- institutions or open ballots, promotes political certainly worthwhile and consistent with a
standing of deliberative democracy. Strikingly, liberty by encouraging representatives and citi- democratic ethos. Challenging the moral views
she supports this distinctly modern interpreta- zens to understand policymaking in terms of that underlie a democratic ethos, for example,
tion of Mill by attending to his views on what can be publicly justified. a belief in the equal capacity of human beings
Athenian democracy. To understand Mill’s Urbinati’s reading of Mill, though, compli- to be self-ruling, a view that Urbinati ascribes
contribution to democratic theory, one must cates as much as it deepens contemporary to Mill, is less so. The degree to which his the-
pay attention to his views on the ancients. understandings of deliberative democracy. For ory of democracy improves contemporary dis-
For Urbinati, Mill’s theory of democracy example, in analyzing The Subjection of Women cussions of deliberative democracy might
enriches contemporary discussions of delibera- (1869), she considers Mill’s claim that gender depend on whether his naive views about the
tive democracy in at least two ways. First, Mill equality would not necessarily destroy the motivations and pleasures of active individuals
avoids a common mistake made by many con- Victorian family, because women are likely to hold true.
temporary deliberative democrats: focusing on choose to raise children instead of looking for a Urbinati has opened up a very important
the formal procedures of deliberation at the job. Many have found this claim inconsistent line of inquiry for Mill scholars. She persua-
expense of examining the sources of inequality with Mill’s claim that the emancipation of sively argues that Mill’s theory of democracy
within civil society, for example, the family. women would lead to the moral development was shaped by contemporary debates on
Second, Mill’s agonistic conception of deliber- of society as a whole. She defends Mill from Athenian democracy. Hence, his “polis of
ative democracy emphasizes the importance of this charge on the grounds that this claim is the moderns” shares many similarities with the
disagreements and rhetoric to the procedures, merely rhetorical, as nothing but an attempt on “polis of the ancients.” Paying attention to the
practices, and ethos of democracy. The proper Mill’s part to reassure his audience that his differences between Mill and the ancients
aim of democratic deliberations is not to reach reforms are not as radical as they might seem. might be one way to address the tension
consensus. Consensus would only bury dis- This interpretation of Mill’s discussion of between a democratic ethos and effective
agreements among citizens, and disagreements women’s equality deepens contemporary dis- rhetoric strategies. Mill on Democracy is a well-
are crucial to democratic practices because they cussions of deliberative democracy by intro- written, interesting, and perceptive book that
preserve the conditions of political liberty. ducing an important tension—namely, the ten- should appeal to a wide audience. It is a must-
One of Urbinati’s most important theoreti- sion between adopting effective rhetorical read for anyone interested in Mill, contempo-
cal insights is her discussion of Mill’s concep- strategies and maintaining a democratic ethos. rary democratic theory, representation, and
tion of political liberty—what she calls “libe- Her defense of Mill presupposes that it may be liberty.
rty from subjection.” According to Urbinati, permissible to appeal to the public’s undemoc-
Mill’s conception of liberty significantly ratic sentiments in order to persuade the public
improves Isaiah Berlin’s well-known distinc- to adopt certain policies. Divided Natures: French Contributions
tion between “positive” and “negative” liberty. Yet Urbinati leaves the dangers of appealing to Political Ecology. By Kerry H. Whiteside.
Mill’s version of liberty cannot be explained to undemocratic sentiments unexplored. This Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002. 333p. $24.95.
merely in terms of negative liberty (noninter- rhetorical strategy can be dangerous because it
— Melissa Clarke, Texas A & M University
ference) or in terms of positive liberty (individ- can be put to inegalitarian purposes. It is naive
ual autonomy). Rather, liberty from subjection to believe, as Mill did, that those who exercise Every so often, a work comes along that is so
is best understood as a relational activity that their capacities for higher pleasures will always timely that one is startled by its import and,
requires the cooperation of citizens who can have the progress of society as a fundamental perhaps, even wonders why such a work has
(and do) disagree. Mill’s conception of liberty aim. In general, Urbinati recognizes that he is not been undertaken previously. And this book
is consistent with citizens shaping each other’s often naive. However, she does not address by Kerry Whiteside is one such work. It is an
opinions and ways of life through free and how his naïveté should give pause to those who exposition of the contributions of contempo-
open deliberation. Urbinati sees this kind of wish to adopt his agonistic conception of delib- rary French ecological philosophers to the
deliberation as a form of interference. For this erative democracy. Like Mill, Urbinati exagger- fields of environmental philosophy and politi-
“interference” to be consistent with political ates the benefits of rhetoric and disagreements cal ecology. He begins by exposing the dilem-
liberty, those who are in the position to be to democratic practice. This omission is espe- mas in which the debates of English-speaking
affected by decision-making processes must be cially worrisome because she downplays (and environmental philosophers (typically,
able to challenge and influence the outcomes to some extent excuses) the less egalitarian fea- ethicists) are hopelessly mired. He then con-
of those processes. According to Urbinati’s tures of Mill’s politics, for example, the use to trasts this carefully throughout with the alter-
reading of Mill, political liberty is possible which he puts his distinction between lower native approaches taken by French-speaking
when power has been properly distributed in and higher pleasures in justifying inegalitarian ecologists—valuable contributions which have
reciprocal ways. Mill’s conception of liberty political procedures. Her work would have been neglected too long by the English-
reflects the fact that the threats to political benefited from a discussion of his claim in speaking theorists. 397
Book Reviews American Politics

The French employ different, less “cen- on the fact that philosophical debates are “nature.” Whiteside contrasts the views of Aldo
tered” methods to describe human identity and always about concepts and language, rather Leopold, J. Baird Callicott, and Holmes
conceptions of nature. Whiteside puts it thus: than about definite identities that have some Rolston to those views of Moscovici.
“English-speaking green theorists debate con- kind of value, role, or meaning apart from that Subsequently, in his reflections on socializing
stantly about where to locate the center of envi- already assigned to them within the debate. and politicizing nature, Whiteside considers
ronmental value. Rarely do they probe the The French theorists discussed by potential concrete applications of French
notion of having a center itself ” (p. 261). Whiteside primarily include Serge Moscovici, theory in the political and social arenas—by
Alternatively, French green theorists under- Edmund Mounier, Denis de Rougement, considering whether democracy and/or social-
stand that relying on a single center—whether Rene Dumont, Edgar Morin, Felix Guattari, ism will more predictably arise from or con-
for locus of value or for individual identity—is Michel Serres, and Bruno Latour, along with tribute to a certain kind of attitude “toward”
untenable because it will always lead to dual- the antienvironmental Luc Ferry and the the concept of “nature” within its discourse.
ism. And this understanding is precisely their German Jürgen Habermas. Whiteside’s project Because of its care and detail, Divided
point of departure. outlines these authors’ various perspectives Natures will sometimes wax a bit lengthy for
As one might expect, there are various ver- thematically, considering them from the some readers. In addition, it is a bit redundant
sions of noncentered theoretical approach with- points of view of the practices of “humaniz- in that it continually contrasts English-speaking
in the field of French ecological thought. With ing,” “systematizing” (ecology through systems theories to the various French-authored ones.
a view to this, Whiteside has provided a broad theory), and “politicizing” nature. Following Once the reader has a grasp as to the tendencies
sampling of such theories, explicated their gen- the trajectory of these thematic approaches, he of the English-language environmental theories,
eral understanding of the cofounding of the next considers socializing, or “ecosocialism,” in there is not necessarily a need to continue to
concepts of “humans” and “nature” within vari- which he finds the most common ground reiterate them. However, the need for such a
ous contexts and the implications of various between French theorists and the English- work is pressing. I have seen no other like it, and
conceptualizations, and compared each exam- speaking ecologists who are social ecologists. I believe that should English-speaking theorists
ple of French theory with the “anthropocen- Unfortunately, he omits a discussion of deign to read this, they will learn as much about
trism versus nonanthropocentrism” debate that ecofeminism from the purview of this discus- their own theoretical tendencies as they will
characterizes the English-speaking field. He sion, inasmuch as ecofeminists, too, are con- about those of the French. The impact this book
outlines the way that English-speaking nonan- cerned with the interrelation of attitude could have on the world of English-speaking
thropocentrists (aka “biocentrists”), in their toward environment and the effects of this on environmental theorists is difficult to overesti-
insistence on the intrinsic value of nature, wind groups of individuals. Finally, he treats the mate. French theorists have been completely
up excluding “human” from the “nature” from processes of “negotiating” and “questioning” ignored in the English-speaking debates.
which they see values arising. Likewise, anthro- nature—in which discussion he contrasts Ultimately, then, in undertaking to expli-
pocentrists, in insisting that all values are French theorists’ varied and flexible concep- cate their views and the critical contrast
human creations, support a dualism between tions of “humanism” to those of English-based between those of the two linguistic settings,
the valuing of humans and nature inasmuch as “liberalism.” Although the chapters are divid- Whiteside has provided a useful tool to the
nature is not seen as valuing or, ontologically, as ed this way, there is a singular theme that runs English-speaking circle of environmental aca-
comprising beings that can be intrinsically throughout the work, namely, that French demics. Overall, the project is timely and
valuable. He takes this general truism with philosophers and political theorists have absolutely invaluable for anyone who has been
respect to English-speaking environmental avoided (or at least explicitly attempted to frustrated with the debates in the field of envi-
ethicists and contrasts it chapter by chapter avoid) dualistic thinking in all of their consid- ronmental philosophy (which is dominated by
with the alternative views proffered by the erations of political ecology and considered environmental ethicists with a liberal view of
French theorists. French green theorists, in each instead the effects in the political arena of cer- the individual and a preoccupation with the
case, tend rather to consider the way that the tain conceptualizations. locus of value) and has had an inkling that
concepts of “human” and “nature” (or “culture” As a particular example of the book’s con- there must be another way. The response to
and “nature”) arise together or in reciprocal tents, consider that in Chapter 2, Whiteside these environmental readers is that, in fact,
ways and how, consequently, what is considered outlines Serge Moscovici’s view that any cur- there has been an alternative in place for the
to be human or natural has specific and identi- rent understanding of humanism can be traced past 30 or 40 years; it has merely been neg-
fiable effects within a given social or political through its historical evolution in the context lected as a result of the domination of English-
milieu. The French theorists thus focus more of understanding its definition vis-à-vis speaking theorists.

AMERICAN POLITICS money, be it money from organized interest to see who was making contributions, and
groups or wealthy individual donors. voters could decide for themselves if such
Campaign finance reform efforts in the 1980s contributions were made to seek undue
Voting with Dollars: A New Paradigm were aimed at restricting or eliminating polit- influence.
for Campaign Finance. By Bruce ical action committees, while reform efforts In Voting with Dollars, Bruce Ackerman
Ackerman and Ian Ayres. New Haven: Yale in the 1990s focused on soft money—unre- and Ian Ayres reject these tenets of what they
University Press, 2002. 304p. $29.95. stricted large donations to political parties. call the old paradigm of campaign finance
Opponents of these reform efforts argued that reform. They suggest that traditional
— Candice J. Nelson, American University
limits on campaign contributions were not approaches to campaign finance reform “draw
The primary target for advocates of campaign the answer; rather, full disclosure of all cam- from a century-long argument about the reg-
finance reform has long been special interest paign contributions would enable the public ulation of the economy” (p. 4), while their

398 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

new paradigm is built upon the principles of be treated the same way votes are treated, A Right to Representation:
the franchise—secret ballots and equality of secretly. Candidates would open campaign Proportional Elections Systems for
each vote. Their proposal for campaign accounts with a reconstituted Federal Election the Twenty-First Century. By Kathleen L.
finance consists of two principal components: Commission, and supporters could contribute Barber. Columbus: Ohio State University Press,
“Patriot dollars” and the “secret donation money to a candidate’s account, but the candi- 2000. 211p. $55.00 cloth, $21.95 paper.
booth.” date would not know who had contributed to
The book is divided into two parts. Part I his or her account. A supporter could claim to — V. Jerone Stephens, Thomas Paine Institute
describes the basic components of the reform have made a contribution, just as a supporter
proposal, and how the new paradigm compares can claim to have voted for a candidate, but This slim volume is an outgrowth of the book
to the old paradigm of campaign finance just as there is no way to confirm a vote, there Kathleen Barber edited a few years ago,
reform. Part II attempts to envision the practi- would be no way to confirm a contribution. Proportional Representation and Electoral Reform
cal problems in implementing Patriot dollars Ackerman and Ayres argue that because candi- in Ohio, 1995. In her new work, she is inter-
and the secret donation booth, and discusses dates would not know if an actual contribution ested in how proportional representation (PR)
how this new campaign finance system would had been made, they would be less responsive can solve the problem of ensuring that those
work in practice. to the contributor. voting in areas where they are a minority
Of the two tenets, Ackerman and Ayres’s Part II of Voting with Dollars spends consid- (racial, gender, political, or economic) can
proposal for Patriot dollars is the more com- erable time exploring the problems with imple- achieve representation that reflects the diversity
pelling. The authors suggest that each regis- menting a secret donation booth and keeping present in the community. Her thesis, in fact, is
tered voter in the United States be given 50 donations from being known. The sheer that until there is a greater focus on seeing that
Patriot dollars to contribute to the candidates, amount of time the authors devote to the every vote counts to elect representatives of
interest groups, and political parties of the workings of such a secret booth suggests how one’s choice, American democracy will be
voter’s choosing. They recognize that some problematic it would be. However, more fun- incomplete.
voters may choose not to engage the political damentally, why would policymakers discount The present book is divided into five chap-
system in this way, and simply not spend their a supporter’s claim of a financial contribution? ters. The first chapter provides a brief, but ade-
Patriot dollars, but they hypothesize that if Although during a campaign a candidate may quate for most purposes, history of PR and
every voter who voted in the 2000 elections limit the voters he or she targets because of semiproportional voting. Barber includes a
spent his or her 50 Patriot dollars, 5 billion resource limitations, officeholders do not dis- discussion of the development of the single
dollars would have been infused into the criminate among constituents on the basis of transferable vote (STV) that was designed to
political system. The authors discuss in some the constituent’s claims to have voted for the prohibit economic majorities, the poor, from
detail the many democratic prospects for candidate. We would expect the same to be overwhelming the political and economic elite
Patriot dollars—citizens getting involved in true with campaign contributions. It would at the ballot box. She also discusses the other
politics beyond voting, potentially less make more sense to listen to individuals who types of voting that are semiproportional, such
dependence on private contributions, oppor- claim to be contributors, but actually were not, as cumulative voting, where a voter can cast sev-
tunities for third parties to vie for contribu- or did not contribute as much as they claimed, eral votes, all for a single candidate or several
tions. What the authors gloss over, however, is than to spend less time with someone who may candidates.
a problem that has confounded campaign actually be a past or potential financial sup- The second chapter is devoted to an analy-
finance reform under the old paradigm, porter. sis of the Progressive Movement to adopt PR at
namely, the strong opposition among some Despite these concerns, Ackerman and the national and state level, failures for the
members of Congress to public financing of Ayres do an admirable job of thinking through most part—Illinois was the exception—and
congressional elections. While newly named, how Patriot dollars and the secret donation then the shift of focus to the municipal level. It
Patriot dollars are still public dollars, and booth would work in practice. In doing so, was also during this time that STV was recast
there is little reason to believe that those who they underscore how complicated campaign as a means by which the masses could defeat
have opposed public financing of elections in finance reform, even under their new para- the elite, an important component of STV that
the past will change their position under a digm, can be. Each problem, and potential has led to the almost total opposition to it by
new paradigm. Nevertheless, Patriot dollars solution, raises a new problem. The book con- entrenched party and elite interests.
are a new way to think about public funding cludes with a model statute, a constructive In Chapter 3, Barber discusses how propor-
of elections. Public funds would not automat- contribution to the new paradigm. tional elections work, and how these elections
ically be given to candidates who meet quali- Voting with Dollars may not be the anti- produce results that are more representative
fying criteria, as under the current system, dote those concerned with the present than those using plurality voting in both dis-
but would have to be earned by appeals to approach to campaign finance reform are trict and at-large elections. In Chapter 4, she
citizens. seeking, but it is a solid effort to bring new presents an overview of the five studies of the
The concept of a secret donation booth, thinking to approaches that have dominated STV system—a total of 21 municipalities
while appealing on its face, proves more prob- the debate for the last quarter century. adopted STV—that was in place in Ohio in
lematic as the authors explore its functioning Ackerman and Ayres are to be commended for five cities. These are the most extensive of any
in practice. Ackerman and Ayres argue that trying to think through new ways of of the case studies dealing with STV, and they
what is troublesome about the linkage between approaching campaign finance reform. remain instructive today as to what STV
money and policymaking is that lawmakers Anyone interested in the financing of elec- accomplished in these cities, and why it ulti-
know who contributes to their campaigns, and tions in the United States, and more general- mately failed to be retained. The last of these
thus may feel obliged to give their campaign ly, the relationship between money and poli- five cities to use STV was Cincinnati, and the
contributors special consideration. The cymaking, will find this book interesting and system was repealed in 1957 because it was
authors suggest that campaign contributions informative. almost certain that a black politician 399
Book Reviews American Politics

(Theodore Berry) would become mayor, which less participatory, citizens, lawmakers, and The longevity of the Solid South that
would have made Cincinnati the first major judges are seeking new ways to implement endured into the 1950s is a tale told well. The
city to have a black mayor, long before any of political values that are as old as the nation” competitiveness that replaced one-party
the other cities using plurality voting. Berry (p. 123). She bases her conclusions on the Democratic politics did not come smoothly. In
did finally become mayor in 1972 under an at- gains that have been made in increasing major- a state-by-state treatment, the Blacks discuss
large plurality system. The history of the poli- ity representation since 1964, when the court southern Senate Republicans—their limited,
tics of the city, however, is a good example that ruled that each person is entitled to an equally faltering rise between 1961 and 1990 and their
probably demonstrates that Barber’s hope that weighted vote, to the more recent cases where breakthrough in the 1990s. In the House,
the twenty-first century will be the century of the courts have accepted election systems that southern Democratic incumbents were formi-
proportional election systems is more than a are based on something other than the winner- dable opponents. Bright Republican prospects
bit optimistic. take-all scheme. The most successful of these were dimmed, initially by safe-seat Democratic
Once STV was abandoned in 1957, alternative schemes has been cumulative voting conservatives, later by moderates stitching
Cincinnati went to the nine member, at-large that has increased representation of minorities together biracial coalitions. Conservative
system of plurality voting. The diversity that at the city and county levels. southern Democrats moderated in response to
had been present under STV quickly ended, Barber has produced a very readable and the black vote and to congressional reforms
and white males controlled by the business well-researched work. A Right to Representation requiring solicitousness to the rest of the party.
interests were the primary benefactors. Both can be used successfully as a supplement in Democratic House-rules shifts following the
parties opposed STV in 1957, as they did later courses on voting behavior, parties, and 1974 elections put southern Democratic con-
when there were two attempts to return it to American politics in general. It also provides a servatives on notice that seniority alone would
Cincinnati. In 1988, a coalition of women, very useful background for those activists no longer lead to committee chairmanships;
blacks, gays, some unions, liberals, and other who are trying to achieve a fairer and more Democratic caucus secret ballots would decide
community groups tried to return STV as the representative political system. I highly recom- who held such posts.
election system. With all the vested interests mend it. Republican development was top-down.
opposing the reform, the vote for return still The Solid South collapsed first in presidential
received about 44%. Four years later, another politics, with more southern whites voting
attempt failed by about the same margin. The The Rise of Southern Republicans. By Republican than Democratic for president in
Charter Committee, the major player in the Earl Black and Merle Black. Cambridge, MA: 1964 and thereafter. But not until 1994 did
initial reform of 1925 that introduced STV, is Harvard University Press, 2002. 442p. $29.95. Republicans, relying mainly on white votes,
still around and has one council member, a win a majority of the South’s House and Senate
— Harold W. Stanley, University of Rochester
definite nonreformer, who joins the two seats.
Republicans and two Democrats, all white The rise of southern Republicans has been dra- The central political cleavage in the South
males, who, with the white male Mayor, deter- matic. In 1950, southern Republicans held no has been race. The federal dismantling of seg-
mine the policies of the city. There are two U.S. Senate seats and only two U.S. House regation, starting in the 1950s, raised the
black women and one black male, no white seats. Fifty years later, Republicans held salience of racial issues. Masterfully, the
females, on the council, but their impact on majorities of the South’s seats in both cham- authors map the role of race in the Republican
policy is more symbolic than real. The aban- bers: 64% in the Senate and 57% in the rise. Barry Goldwater’s appeal to southern
donment of STV, then, took Cincinnati from House. Strikingly, in the 1990s congressional whites in 1964 just as southern blacks were
one of the most representative of cities to one party leaders from the South could be found gaining an effective right to vote, coupled with
that is among the least represented in terms of readily among Republicans, rarely among continued Republican inability to secure much
power—business interests control everything Democrats. Earl Black and Merle Black scruti- minority support, has defined southern parti-
from the school board to racial policies. And it nize this Republican rise, its causes, and its san competition: “The mobilization of blacks
is this lack of people power in the electoral sys- consequences for southern politics and for the as committed Democrats and the Republicans’
tem that is the major contributor to the prob- nation. Their conclusion for the parties: a permanent need to secure sizable white majori-
lems facing the city today. competitive South entails a competitive ties lie at the heart of the two-party battle in
It is also noteworthy that the congressional nation. southern politics” (pp. 22–23). Republicans
districts in Cincinnati are designed to dilute This work is the third in a trilogy. First, the prevail in predominantly white jurisdictions,
African-American votes. The city is about 43% Blacks examined broad-ranging political and in biracial districts (defined as over 15%
black, but this minority is split into two con- changes in Politics and Society in the South black), when Republicans amass sufficient
gressional districts, the 1st and 2d, with the (1987), then the region’s impact on presiden- white support, they win. If Democrats can add
result that two of the most reactionary tial politics in The Vital South: How Presidents sufficient white support to their solid black
Republicans in Congress hold both seats. Are Elected (1992). The Rise of Southern support, they win. As the authors have it,
The fifth, and last, chapter is devoted to the Republicans concentrates on House and Senate conservative whites have realigned to the
Voting rights Act and the right of representa- elections and offers richly textured historical Republicans; moderate whites have dealigned
tion, and here Barber offers us her optimistic analyses going beyond voting trends and com- from the Democrats but have not converted to
conclusion: “The future of Proportional posites of states, contests, and partisans. Racial, the Republicans, serving as a swing vote. Core
Representation in the United States may be economic, and religious issues; group politics; supporters cannot be taken for granted, but
different from its past. Demographic and polit- demographic shifts; and personalities—such the parties do battle over the southern white
ical pressures are opening the political system critical influences receive appropriately abun- moderates.
to fresh ways of looking at the meaning of dant coverage. The Blacks deliver a skillful, But more has been involved than racial
democracy. As the population becomes more readable, often witty account of profound divisions. The authors track how increased
diverse, better educated, and at the same time political transformation. population and demographic shifts stemmed

400 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

from economic growth as the region diversified partisan changes for congressional composition Petrocik’s intriguing analysis of the effect of a
from an agrarian base to a modern economy. and politics. more open nomination process on party cohe-
The resulting emergence of a middle class and The Rise of Southern Republicans concerns a sion (“Candidate Strategy, Voter Response, and
suburbanization reflected a greater socioeco- major feature of post–New Deal politics in the Party Cohesion”). He suggests that party cohe-
nomic complexity that outgrew one-party pol- United States and is essential reading for any- sion declines because successful crossover-
itics. The rise of the religious right and the gen- one seeking to understand recent southern par- elected candidates need to retain the support
der gap also made their mark on an evolving tisan changes or the import of southern con- of programmatically different “moderates.”
southern party politics. gressional politics for the nation. Additional innovating analyses are provided in
The Republican southern congressional Christian Collet’s look at the effect on minor
majorities in 1994 resulted largely, the Blacks parties (“Openness Begets Opportunity:
emphasize, from Reagan’s success courting Voting at the Political Fault Line: Minor Parties and California’s Blanket
southern whites in the 1980s and redistricting California’s Experiment with the Primary”). He presents the blanket primary as
after the 1990 census. The white southerners’ Blanket Primary. Edited by Bruce E. Cain an opportunity for minor parties to enhance
embrace of Reagan’s presidency constituted a and Elisabeth R. Gerber. Berkeley: University of their visibility earlier in the campaign season,
realignment, establishing grass roots that California Press, 2002. 377p. $55.00 cloth, but he stresses that this aspect will only be seen
strengthened Republican congressional oppor- $22.50 paper. as advantageous to those minor parties that are
tunities. Redistricting in the early 1990s pragmatic rather than ideological in nature.
— Priscilla L. Southwell, University of Oregon
created 12 black-majority districts in addition Gary Segura and Nathan Woods’s analysis
to the 5 that had elected black Democrats. This volume provides a comprehensive look at centers on the possibility that the blanket pri-
This concentration of Democratic black California’s short-lived experiment with the mary enabled certain Latino voters to enhance
voters left surrounding districts whiter and blanket primary, by examining the normative, the nomination chances of Latinos within the
less Democratic, thus more promising for legal, and behavioral consequences of an elec- Republican Party, despite the overall strong
Republicans. This and population growth gave toral rule change that allowed voters to cross attachment of Latinos to the Democratic Party
Republicans more favorable House districts. over party lines from each contest to the next. (“Targets of Opportunity: California’s Blanket
George H. W. Bush in 1988 won by 60%, or The main focus of these 17 chapters is on the Primary and the Political Representation of
more in 53 of 116 southern House districts. behavioral aspect, centering on the following Latinos”). They find that Latino voters did
After reapportionment and redistricting, he questions: Did crossover voting increase with make a difference in several GOP primaries for
would have carried 65 of 125 districts by this the adoption of the blanket primary? Did the California State Assembly.
margin. crossover voters affect the outcome of races in Most of these authors are careful to point
Nationally, Republican gains in the previ- California? Does the blanket primary lead to out that this experiment with the blanket pri-
ously Democratic South have created a the nomination of more moderate candidates? mary was of limited duration due to the
nationalized two-party system to an extent last Were these crossover voters “sincere,” that is, Supreme Court decision declaring that the
seen when Whigs battled Democrats in the did they vote for their most preferred blanket primary violated the parties’ freedom
1830s and 1840s. Republican gains do not candidate? Or did they vote strategically by of association (California Democratic Party v.
mean the South will revert to one-party poli- “hedging”—voting for their most preferred Jones [2000]). Therefore, their conclusions are,
tics, this time solidly Republican. Republican candidate within the opposition party due to a by necessity, tentative. However, several
seat shares in Congress are much smaller than noncompetitive race within their own party or authors use this limited time period as an
those once enjoyed by southern Democrats. when their own party appeared likely to nom- explanation for inconclusive results. Although
Neither Republicans nor Democrats are a inate a candidate with little chance of winning most of these authors did not find the impact
majority party among southern voters. in the general election? Or, do crossover voters of the blanket primary to be overwhelming,
Ironically, even in 1996 self-identified act as saboteurs and “raid” the opposition many simply concluded that the relevant actors
Democrats edged out Republicans by 43% to party’s primary and vote for the weakest were slow to react to these new strategic oppor-
37% among all southern voters. The Blacks candidates? tunities.
think a more realistic partisan balance requires These questions are commonplace in any This argument may provide a convenient
the blending of ideology and partisanship, analysis of primary type, but the blanket pri- escape route, but perhaps the most revealing
with all Republicans and conservative inde- mary provides a context in which the opportu- words come from Wendy K. Tam Cho and
pendents making up the Republican core, and nity costs for crossover voting are lowered. Brian Gaines (“Candidates, Donors, and
conservative Democrats as swing voters, not However, most of these analyses conclude that Voters in California’s Blanket Primary
part of the Democratic core. This treatment crossover voting did not rise dramatically Elections”). They state: “Our conclusion from
yields a slight plurality advantage for under this new electoral rule, and most this analysis, then, is that the blanket primary
Republicans over Democrats in 1996. The crossover voters acted sincerely. The outcome was a barely noticed and largely irrelevant
Blacks use exit polls throughout the book, of certain races appeared to have been affected innovation in California” (p. 189). Such con-
limiting usage of the National Election but not altered by the adoption of the blanket clusions are not dismal—support for the null
Studies with smaller southern samples. primary. As John Sides, Jonathan Cohen, and hypothesis still contributes to our knowledge
Those hoping for statistical pyrotechnics Jack Citrin conclude: “[O]ur analysis of the of the nomination hypothesis. The one weak-
will not find them here. Following the spirit of 1998 elections suggests that the blanket pri- ness of this book is the reluctance of certain
Edward Tufte’s Envisioning Information (1990), mary leads to neither the millennium envis- authors to accept that their hypothesized
in 10 tables and 47 graphs the Blacks give aged by its advocates nor the apocalypse pre- impact of the blanket primary cannot be sup-
insightful, elegant displays of the partisan con- dicted by its detractors” (p. 77). ported by the data. As an example, the chapter
texts, contesting, and coalitions over the The authors do address other aspects of the on the impact of the blanket primary on the
decades, as well as the consequences of the debate over the blanket primary, such as John status of women (“Thinner Ranks: Women as 401
Book Reviews American Politics

Candidates and the California’s Blanket spective: “If women define a ‘women’s issue’ as Kincaid Blair showed that researchers for years
Primary”) devotes considerable effort to devel- policy-relevant because they see the issue from a had assumed the appointment of widows of
oping the hypothesis that the weakening of the broader contextualized perspective that includes incumbent House members to achieve the seat.
political parties, assumed to be furthered by public action, it may not be the ‘women’s issue’ (The Constitution requires that midterm
the blanket primary, will reduce the chances of that is being rejected but rather its conceptual- House, unlike Senate, vacancies be filled by
women advancing to the general election. The ization” (p. 31). Is this, as Susan Beck suggests election.) She made evident the full involve-
data from California’s blanket primary in 1998 from a cross-municipal vantage point, stylistic? ment of the “widows’” in their election—and
does not support this hypothesis. These Janet Boles’s comparative case study of hers in the research process. Sherman has, too.
authors then turn to a variation of this hypoth- Milwaukee elected officials argues that such For the context section, Tolleson-Rinehart
esis, arguing that women who run in blanket “gender” differences are more qualitative than interviewed five male–female pairs of mayors,
primaries need to bring in more personal quantitative. These perspectives depend on sep- each from the same city. Four of her 10 respon-
wealth or resources, or have greater previous arate original research projects funded by dents were blacks (relatively rare in the vol-
experience, although this conclusion is based CAWP grants through a competitive process. ume). Edith Barrett’s chapter on black women
on the experiences of seven women candidates (The volume included nine of them.) state legislators also offers a comparison with
in nonpartisan elections. The Impact of Women in Public Office over- similarly situated African American men
Overall, Voting at the Political Fault Line is all presents some weaknesses. Data were drawn and “nonminority” women and men, all
a tremendously useful resource for any student from 1987 to 1992. Thus, the phenomena Democrats. The gender perceptions of both
of the nomination process. Its coverage is reported are at least a decade old. To combat Tolleson-Rinehart’s and Barrett’s sets of sub-
vast—from the history of California’s antiparty datedness, authors have updated their litera- jects varied.
populism to the cases that have given the ture reviews (some more thoroughly than oth- Indeed, the placement of Barrett’s chapter
courts the opportunity to define the constitu- ers) by showing later consonant findings. in an effects-of-identity-politics section seems
tional character of political parties and primary Numbers of respondents were usually small, questionable. Her results show that black
elections. At times, some of the authors may but women have not achieved parity with men. women do not engage in identity politics. She
stretch a bit to find support for certain argu- Excepting Elaine Martin’s use of logit analysis indirectly raises a familiar methodological
ments, but the empirical depth and theoretical to study feminist judges, and Kathlene’s appli- question: how to treat race. Carroll defined it
richness of these analyses are outstanding. cation of cluster analysis to state legislators’ as an “individual characteristic” (p. 10) and
perceptions, the method of choice was cross- independent variable. The increased tendency
tabulation—not adventurous but accessible to is to treat race as a result of social construction
The Impact of Women in Public readers, especially undergraduates. and, hence, a dependent variable, but Tolleson-
Office. Edited by Susan J. Carroll. Bloomington: Discussing mayors, Sue Tolleson-Rinehart Rinehart and Barrett suggest that the conse-
Indiana University Press, 2001. 256p. $54.95 suggests that representation of women’s leader- quences of construction are not hegemonic.
cloth, $24.95 paper. ship based solely on legislators would be lack- Further, this volume suggests powerfully
ing: Seven of 11 chapters focus on legislators. the wide gap between extant regressive atti-
— Sarah Slavin, Buffalo State College
An eighth, by Boles, compares legislators with tudes about women as officeholders and the
This edited volume seeks to maintain research supervisors and school board members. ability of these women to get into office and,
agendas set by the Center for American Discussing foreign policy decision makers, once situated, make their presence felt. Among
Women in Politics (“Reshaping the Agenda: Nancy McGlen and Meredith Sarkees caution others, Barrett and Kathlene make a strong
Women in State Legislatures,” 1991; “Women that deleting conservative women is a mistake. case along these lines.
and American Politics: A Research Agenda for Conservative women seldom appear in other Beck claimed for her city council members:
the 21st Century,” 1996). The CAWP funded discussions. “What is important about these [gender] dif-
the research reported by all authors in the vol- Carroll, though, takes ideology as a person- ferences [in perceptions of political reality] is
ume save one. Subject to these parameters, the al characteristic and finds conservative women not whether they were objectively true but that
collective findings are said to “provide the most to be proportionately more likely than conser- they were perceived as such” (p. 60). Again, the
comprehensive evidence available regarding vative men to work for women’s rights, and less question of context asserts itself. Gender is a
the impact of women in public office” (Susan likely than liberal or moderate men or women. consequence of social construction.
Carroll, p. xviii). The volume seeks to measure Feminism as a self-identification sometimes is Strengths also emerge in McGlen and
the influence of women vis-à-vis men in state a standard for gender-related impact; among Sarkees’s analyses of ethos in the Defense
and local offices, factor in the significance of Dodson’s subjects in the CAWP database, and State Departments, ecological context,
political context, and assess the role of identity “non-feminist” women officeholders have the and social demography. In context, 50% of
politics in assertions of influence. impact! their decision makers do not perceive them-
With contingencies, editor Carroll summa- This book has definite strengths; the politi- selves as occupying policy-driven positions.
rizes the findings as supportive of the existence cal context section is one. Historian Janann These authors parallel Ole Holsti and James
of gender-related influence. Her own research Sherman’s chapter on Senator Margaret Chase Rosenau for replication purposes. In this sense,
highlights the existence of priorities for women Smith (R-ME) is superlative at levels of both theirs may be the most traditional of studies,
state legislators: in traditional women’s and generalizations and details. It shatters many but it demonstrates the continuing value of
children’s and progressive women’s rights ini- depictions across time of her as a token, and professionalism to research. Sue Thomas and
tiatives. Her research, like Debra Dobson’s, even stooge for Majority Leader Lyndon Susan Welch do the same in their (nonetheless
draws on CAWP’s own nationally representa- Johnson (D-TX). atheoretical) 12-state survey of women legisla-
tive sample of state legislators. The volume is dedicated to the late Diane tors’ advantages.
From a well-designed case study of Colorado Kincaid Blair, who would have loved In the context section, Thomas and Welch
legislators, Lyn Kathlene offers a counterper- Sherman’s chapter. In an earlier publication, find that “noticeability,” measured by propor-

402 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

tions of women serving in a particular state leg- when policy preferences are negotiated beyond the contemporary period, she would
islature, associates with women’s priority between the president and Congress (1948 and have found evidence for this hypothesis, and
issues. Noticeability may amount to more than 1992); and perhaps the most interesting cases, indeed, this may be one reason that those case
proportions. That neither low nor high pro- victories but no mandates (1960, 1976, and studies are restricted to the modern presidency.
portions associate with priority issues begs the 1988). If that is the case, then there may be more to
question: How do we treat the concept, The study concludes with a discussion of her argument than she realizes: Maybe man-
“women,” methodologically? Our answer the implications of this work for our under- date claims are one of the features that distin-
makes a difference. standing of political representation, and guish the modern from the premodern presi-
reminds us that the gist of the work ties the dency (although the question of whether that
electoral process to the congressional environ- divide is useful to presidential scholars is one
Presidential Mandates: How ment to produce (or not) presidential mandate that currently occupies many researchers in the
Elections Shape the National claims. It is an example of how important it is subfield).
Agenda. By Patricia Heidotting Conley. Chicago: to connect the study of one institution to the With those reservations, Presidential
University of Chicago Press, 2001. 220p. $40.00 influences of the other upon it, and provides Mandates is a clearly written, cogent, and
cloth, $17.50 paper. evidence that elections are not merely empty accessible study of an important—and hither-
exercises so far as policymaking goes, but are to neglected—area of presidential activity. It is
— Mary E. Stuckey, Georgia State University
integral components in the policy process. methodologically rich and analytically solid. It
This little book contains a wealth of material Conley is to be applauded for taking on this is likely to be of use to students and scholars
and a richness of methodology that belies its neglected area and for bringing such a variety alike in the fields of political communication,
size. Unlike many scholars, Patricia Heidotting of methods to the task. Her contribution in the presidency, and political processes and
Conley takes presidential declarations of man- this regard is most impressive. This is clearly a institutions.
dates seriously; she does not believe that these case where more is better. I would wish that she
are random acts, or instances of rhetorical pos- had taken the presidency literature as seriously
turing, but are important instances of presi- as she does the research in elections, voter By Order of the President: The Use
dential action. Specifically, she agues that pres- behavior, and political psychology. There is a and Abuse of Executive Direct
idential mandate claims are both predictable real dearth of work on individual presidents Action. By Phillip J. Cooper. Lawrence:
and revealing of the electorate’s sense of the (she tends to rely on journalistic sources) and University Press of Kansas, 2002. 320p. $39.95
legitimacy of the electoral system. She believes of research on the institution (Chapter 4 repre- cloth, $16.95 paper.
that “mandate claims are the result of strategic sents a limited exception). Equally puzzling is
— Emmett H. Buell, Jr., Denison University
calculations based on expectations about con- the absence of work on political rhetoric or
gressional responses to the president’s initia- even political communication, especially since This book inventories the formal means by
tives and on forecasts about voter reactions in both of the study’s stated goals are explicitly which American presidents have expanded
the future” (p. 6). She believes that these claims rhetorical in nature (see pages 6–8). executive power, often at the expense of
represent an important part of a dialogue This is not just a disciplinary quibble; the Congress. These so-called power tools include
among politicians, and with the public, about absence of this literature means that she tends executive orders, presidential memoranda,
individual political actors, political parties, and to make generalizations that these disciplines presidential proclamations, national security
policy. find problematic. One example is the claim directives, and presidential signing statements.
Following from this belief is a clear focus on that it is not until 1828 that “the notion of the Phillip J. Cooper meticulously recounts the
the importance of information; Conley finds president as representative of the people gained origins and development of every device,
that this dialogue is dependent upon shared currency among politicians and voters and that points up problematic aspects of each, and
information (election results) and a shared sys- presidents began associating their policy agenda reveals how each has proven helpful to presi-
tem among political actors (the president and with the people” (p. 3). There is plenty of dents. The book teems with examples of how
Congress) as a way of reacting to that informa- research in both communication and the presi- administrations have tested the limits of these
tion. This focus determines the structure of the dency that casts doubt on such statements, and measures; it concludes with recommendations
book. The first chapter provides an overview more attention to that literature would have for restrained and thoughtful uses, grounded
and justification for the study. It is followed by prevented the presentations of such controver- in the Constitution or statutes. By any esti-
a lovely discussion of postelection agenda- sial assertions as facts. mate, Cooper has made a major contribution
setting behavior, testing alternative explana- In addition, the neglect of this literature to the literature of presidential studies.
tions and offering a microlevel model that and a reliance on aggregate data mean that Even in Cooper’s capable hands, however,
carefully delineates the presidential relation- Conley tends to overlook other explanations much of this material will seem arcane to gen-
ship to Congress as it is mediated by public for her findings, although in fairness, it is eral readers. He essays each measure in a sepa-
opinion. She then provides an analysis of how important to note that she does devote an rate chapter, but—owing to the lack of hard
presidents process political information, exam- entire chapter to testing other, competing and fast distinctions between executive orders
ining the factors that shape their political infer- hypotheses. But she misses one that may be and presidential memoranda, as well as the dif-
ences. She then examines presidential mandate crucial: Individual presidents have specific ference between national security directives
claims in historical perspective, concluding views on the potential and limits of the office and executive orders—it is often difficult for
with a typology of such claims: They can be itself. Some presidents may not have argued for readers to separate these measures. Indeed, as
popular mandates, made possible when there a mandate because of their understanding of Cooper relates, even presidents mistake mem-
have been policy debates during the election the role of the institution, not solely because of oranda for executive orders.
and a victory based on policy preferences the information processing that is the focus Executive orders are used primarily to
(1952, 1964, and 1980); bargained mandates, here. I suspect that had the case studies ranged make legally binding pronouncements on 403
Book Reviews American Politics

government officials. The president derives the pardon of Richard Nixon. The same experts that process—the introduction of federal and
authority to issue such orders from the will find Cooper’s account of how signing state courts as third strategic players in the
Constitution and/or statutes. Many executive statements have nearly achieved the status of redistricting process. As the title of the volume
orders are issued pursuant to statutes. The pre- item vetoes informative as well. Students of suggests, prior to the 1960s only state legisla-
cise definition of a presidential memorandum executive policymaking will pick up valuable tures and governors such as Elbridge Gerry
is “unclear and evolving” (p. 83), and its pub- bits of information from the author’s myriad were involved in that process, sometimes pro-
lication in the Federal Register or anywhere else examples, such as the failed Clinton initiative ducing districts resembling salamanders. Such
is not required. Presidential proclamations dif- to combine affirmative action and “environ- gerrymandered districts might remain undis-
fer from executive orders in that the former mental justice.” Those primarily concerned turbed for decades. Following a decennial cen-
apply to the actions of persons outside govern- with presidential power in foreign policy will sus, partisan deadlock could result in a state’s
ment. Pardons, however, fall under the heading learn from the chapter on national security simply failing to redistrict, and even if a state
of proclamations and extend to persons inside directives, although they may find the linkage were given an additional congressional seat, it
government. National security directives of NSDs to groupthink tenuous. could simply add to the existing map an at-
(NSDs) have many of the same effects as exec- Unfortunately, repetition frequently large district; the current gerrymandered dis-
utive orders, but are not defined as such and detracts from readability. Some of this was tricts would remain undisturbed. Only if a
are not covered by the Federal Register Act. unavoidable owing to Cooper’s organization of state lost representation was it forced to redis-
Most NSDs, moreover, are classified and con- information and to the degree that several trict, facing the option of doing so or being
cern national security matters, even though measures overlap in form and function. Still, forced by federal law to elect all its members at
many have important effects on domestic needless redundancy shows up in a section on large. Consequently, most of the congressional
affairs. Although the presidential signing state- the advantages of executive orders (pp. 68–70), redistricting action that took place prior to
ment dates back to Andrew Jackson, according in a section on the advantages of memoranda 1960 occurred in those states.
to Cooper, it did not blossom until President (pp. 104–5), and in extensive quoting of the The Court’s 1964 Wesberry decision
Reagan and Attorney General Edwin Meese same NSD in two places (pp. 151–54 and changed this pattern. All states now had to
saw its potential as a means of circumventing 185–87). redistrict; reversion to the existing districting
unwanted provisions of bills signed into law. This book also would have profited from a map with its inevitable malapportionment was
The authority of presidents to issue execu- more systematic and detailed discussion of unacceptable. In the view of Gary Cox and
tive orders, proclamations, and these newer whether the use of specific power tools con- Jonathan Katz, this change in what they label
pronouncements dates back to the first days of trary to the will of Congress has increased with the “reversion process” was “perhaps the single
the republic. Indeed, the antecedents of this the return of divided-party control of govern- most important consequence” (p. 24) of the
authority extend to the British notion of pre- ment. Cooper only touches on the subject in a Wesberry ruling. The result was that in the
rogative and to the allied concept that the brief passage pertaining to Clinton’s time in period from 1964 to 1970, 301 of the 329
sources of executive authority are not limited office. These shortcomings notwithstanding, nonsouthern congressional districts were
to the laws and constitution of the land. By Order of the President has enhanced the redrawn, and redrawn under court supervision
Overall, the author takes a wary view of pre- study of presidential power. or, if a lawsuit had not been filed, with legisla-
rogative, effectively taking William Howard tors and governors fully aware that a “one man,
Taft’s side in his classic disagreement with one vote” lawsuit by dissatisfied plaintiffs
Theodore Roosevelt over the nature and extent Elbridge Gerry’s Salamander: The could bring about court intervention.
of executive power. Cooper reveres the institu- Electoral Consequences of the The political consequences of that proce-
tions of government and the separation of Reapportionment Revolution. By Gary dural change is the focus of this study and, the
powers, even while acknowledging that in W. Cox and Jonathan N. Katz. Cambridge: authors argue, distinguish the work from pre-
some circumstances presidents must make use Cambridge University Press, 2002. 248p. $55.00 vious studies of the “reapportionment revolu-
of one or more power tools. cloth, $19.00 paper. tion.” More specifically, their aim is to explain
Presidential scholars will likely evaluate the how congressional Democrats benefited from
— Howard A. Scarrow, Stony Brook University
strengths of this book in accordance with their this procedural change, and also how that
own interests and training. Those steeped in When the Supreme Court outlawed malappor- change related to the advantages that incum-
public administration and administrative law tionment of congressional districts in 1964, bents came to enjoy over challengers.
will doubtless find Cooper’s extensive quoting students of politics wondered what would be To accomplish that objective, the authors
of memoranda and NSDs more digestible than the political consequences of giving urban and develop a formal model of the redistricting
will scholars with different interests. Scholars suburban areas of the country their propor- process from which they derive hypotheses
principally interested in the constitutional tionate share of representation in Congress. about how partisan bias (the difference
powers of the president—enumerated and For the authors of this volume, that question between a party’s share of the statewide total
inferred—will most enjoy the chapters on missed the point. What is equally important in vote in a congressional election and its share of
executive orders, presidential proclamations, translating district votes into legislative seats is congressional districts won) and responsiveness
and presidential signing statements. The not only population equality but also the shape (how sensitive a party’s seat share is to its vote
proclamations chapter, for example, quotes of the districts. Thus, the student of politics share) differ as a function of partisan control of
Washington fully on the Whiskey Rebellion must focus on the districting process and the state government and partisan control of the
and his historic declaration of American neu- strategic goals of those who design those supervising court. They assume that each party
trality in 1793. It also provides the text of shapes. is risk averse and has to make a strategic deci-
Jackson’s denunciation of South Carolina’s The major argument of the study is that the sion regarding how much bias and how much
attempt at nullification, Lincoln’s Eman- Supreme Court’s 1964 “one man, one vote” responsiveness it wants in an ideal district plan,
cipation Proclamation, and Gerald Ford’s Wesberry decision produced a major change in and then goes about bargaining for that goal.

404 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

For example, they hypothesize that unified ent data to confirm, that district plans with a about whether shifts in mass preferences drive
party control of state government will produce Democratic bias tended to emanate from government policy. Importantly, they firmly
partisan gerrymanders yielding high levels of Democratic-controlled courts, while plans plant macro political studies on a level playing
both partisan bias (the other party “packed” in with a Republican bias tended to come from field with micro studies; indeed, they build
districts) and responsiveness (their own dis- Republican-controlled courts, partisan control upon the findings and theories of micro-
tricts safe, but not overly safe), whereas divid- of state government being held constant. behavior scholars. They forcefully argue for the
ed government will produce incumbent- Just as the Johnson landslide of 1964 pro- importance of aggregate studies when they
protecting gerrymanders, yielding lower levels duced state governments more friendly to state that “politics is essentially a macro phe-
of both bias and responsiveness. Democrats, Democratic dominance in nomenon” (p. 427). The synergy they create by
In one of the early chapters, Cox and Katz Washington produced courts controlled by bringing together the two fields of micro and
test these hypotheses by examining House elec- Democratic judges. Here, then, is another macro political behavior undoubtedly leads to
tions in nonsouthern states under varying con- explanation of why the reapportionment revo- greater understanding.
ditions (e.g., partisan, bipartisan) in the “pre- lution turned out to favor Democrats. Even Two broad perspectives are used to examine
revolution” period beginning in 1946, and where state government was firmly controlled the macro polity. First, the authors investigate
comparing these election results with the first by Republicans, as in the cases of Michigan, how government performance affects citizen
House election held in the “postrevolution” Ohio, New Jersey, and New York, those states evaluations and subsequent partisan identifica-
period. As predicted, the bias and responsive- did not produce legislative maps heavily favor- tion. That is, they study both the government’s
ness scores varied according to partisan condi- ing Republicans. The reason, the authors performance and the consequences of that
tions. Most important, however, was the find- argue, is that legislators in those states could performance on politics for a variety of dimen-
ing that the pro-Republican bias that averaged not afford to take a chance with maps with a sions. These include how the objective
about 6% in the earlier period abruptly disap- pro-Republican bias that depended on only economy drives various aggregate indicators of
peared in the first election held under the new approximately equal population districts consumer sentiment, including both expecta-
procedure. Some Republican leaders had spec- (allowed in the early years), since standing in tions and retrospections; how presidential
ulated that their party would benefit from the the wings were Democrat-controlled courts approval is primarily affected by expectations,
elimination of malapportionment. What those that might impose plans less advantageous to but other political factors as well; and how
leaders failed to take into account was that their party. both economics and political approval affect
under the new system, the pro-Republican ger- Elbridge Gerry’s Salamander is not an easy party identification. This portion of the book
rymanders of the past would become unraveled read. Yet the authors have done their best to draws heavily from the authors’ joint American
with the massive redistricting required by make their work accessible to the “mathemati- Political Science Review articles on these topics,
Wesberry. Also they had not foreseen the cally disinclined” (p. 32). They advise readers but with a new grounding in individual-level
Johnson landslide victory in 1964, which con- that they may skip certain well-marked para- analysis and with the integration that a book-
verted many Republican-dominated state gov- graphs containing technical details of their length manuscript allows.
ernments into bipartisan governments. The model without losing the thread of the argu- Second, the authors discuss how electorates
finding that Democrats were the beneficiaries ment. They also provide numerous “qualita- and politicians interact. In this part of the book,
of the elimination of malapportionment is tive” descriptions of events illuminating their the relationship of government policy and the
contrary to the findings of previous studies, as argument. For example, they cite the electorate’s preferences are studied. They find
is the authors’ argument explaining the disap- Republican governor of Georgia persuading that policy activity is affected by the national
pearing marginal districts and the advantages fellow Republicans to sue him so that friendly mood. As national policy responds, the nation-
that incumbents came to enjoy. That phenom- judges could remake a map produced by a al mood subsides. The discussion of policy
enon, they argue, stemmed in part from the Democratic legislature. Those features aside, mood is one of the most persuasive and pro-
Wesberry-induced regularity of redistricting, what must be stressed is the wonder that near- found parts of the book. Skeptics will wonder
allowing incumbents and strong challengers to ly 40 years after Wesberry, two political scien- how one can even talk about a public response
stay clear of one another. tists have produced a study with important to policies that are passed, given that the public’s
Perhaps the most surprising finding of the new findings relating to the impact of the reap- knowledge of actual government policies is very
study, of interest to both students of politics portionment revolution. low. However, skeptics will be won over to the
and to students of judicial behavior, is that the macro perspective here as the authors
partisan composition of the supervising (actu- clearly show that the direction of desired policy
al or potential) state or federal courts (e.g., “the The Macro Polity. By Robert S. Erikson, is more than direct summation. Erikson,
Democratic Supreme Court”) is shown to be Michael B. MacKuen, and James A. Stimson. MacKuen, and Stimson take the reader through
predictive of the kind of district plan receiving Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. micro and macro steps here, for example, when
judicial approval. Here again the authors pres- 469p. $90.00 cloth, $30.00 paper. discussing why there is a long lag between mood
ent a model of strategic behavior. Judges are and policy. They note how long policies take for
— Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier, Ohio State
assumed to care about both the “jurispruden- an effect to be felt and how few people in the
tial” consequences of their decisions (degree of public are actually affected by policies. They are
population equality) and the political conse- Robert Erikson, Michael MacKuen, and James aware of the need to make a connection
quences (degree of bias and responsiveness), Stimson’s long-awaited book does not disap- between policy and the public response.
and the model is designed to show the relative point. It is the first comprehensive study of Elections are the motivator for political actors to
importance of these goals in the plans that U.S. macro political-system dynamics over respond to the national mood. A future exten-
finally emerged from the judicial process dur- time. Their aggregate research design generates sion to include a discussion of interest groups
ing the1960s. Similar to their model of legisla- novel findings that are fundamental to politics and elite discourse may further strengthen the
tor strategy, the authors predict, and then pres- and political science. For example, they ask discussion of policy and laws. 405
Book Reviews American Politics

Throughout the book the authors get a lot worth pursuing. First, building on the work in The Moral Austerity of Environmental
of leverage on unarguably important questions Chapter 5 where they broke down macropar- Decision Making: Sustainability,
via their aggregate perspective and the use of tisanship by race, region, age, and gender, the Democracy, and Normative Argument
longitudinal data from 1952 to 1996. In the authors could pursue analysis in this frame- in Policy and Law. Edited by John Martin
final part, they bring all of their extensive work. I would suggest that a further break- Gillroy and Joe Bowersox. Durham, NC: Duke
work on presidential approval, partisanship, down of macropartisanship is needed, the University Press, 2002. 382p. $69.95 cloth,
elections, economics, and government policy- level of political sophistication, followed with $22.95 paper.
making together in a system model. an analysis by level of political sophistication.
Specifically, a deterministic simulation is built. When breaking down not only partisanship by — Thomas Clay Arnold, Emporia State University
The authors emphasize the complexity of the level of political sophistication but other series
system’s behavior on the basis of the simula- as well, potential relationships might be Status reports and projections regarding pollu-
tion results. Further substantive lessons uncovered. tion, resource depletion, global warming, and
remain to be drawn out from the simulation. Failure to use the most discriminating time so on increasingly convey a sense of impending
However, the reader is left feeling as though series methods available for determining the large-scale, even global, crisis. Among other
the punchline from the system’s model is not memory of the series may be driving the fail- things, these issues vividly illustrate the prom-
fully delivered. ure to find a relationship between macroparti- ise and relevance of normative political theory.
A major theme and one of the reasons that sanship and mood, as well as some other After all, better environmental practices rest on
this is such an important book is that the results. Macropartisanship is characterized as public policies that are clear about what values
macro-political system produces a more having permanent memory. I am convinced we ought to pursue. Innovative and provocative
sophisticated and intelligent response than that a unit change in macropartisanship is explorations of these values have not been lack-
expected on the basis of previous micro- more important than the larger changes found ing. The essays and discussions found in John
behavior research. The unique aggregate focus in equilibrating time series as the authors state. Gillroy and Joe Bowersox’s The Moral Austerity
does not invalidate microlevel research but However, I am skeptical that the changes are of Environmental Decision Making happily con-
adds to our understanding of the whole permanent. The authors tell us that macropar- tinue that tradition. Students and scholars
process. The project emphasizes that the per- tisanship “carries all its perturbations into the alike will profit from their careful study.
spectives of micro and macro are, and should future,” and that “macropartisanship responds The book is unique in several respects, not
be, very different. At the microlevel, scholars to every perturbation by permanently altering the least of which is its organization and struc-
study typical individual behavior. At the its level. The economic recovery under FDR, ture, a reflection of three years of intercon-
macrolevel, one studies electorates. An impor- for example, should still leverage Democratic nected workshops, panels, and commissioned
tant and recurrent finding of the aggregate is partisanship and affect the outcome in elec- lectures. In Part One, environmental scholars
the regular, orderly movement of the series tions yet to come” (p. 421). Other scholars from various backgrounds address four central
studied. have published work making alternative argu- questions, each connected to the overall issue
The book is also important and exciting ments about the memory of some of the series of sustainability: 1) Is science an appropriate
because the authors not only eloquently defend the authors have studied, and so characteriza- substitute for moral principle in environmen-
the study of macro politics but champion such tion of macropartisanship as having perma- tal policymaking? 2) Must conceptions of
studies as well. They straightforwardly address nent memory is not without criticism more environmental justice include conceptions of
skeptics of aggregate studies by pointing out generally. These substantive conclusions are social justice? 3) Has nature only instrumental
that the key to the macro–micro discrepancy is driven by their methodological conclusions, value? 4) Would policies predicated on
that the aggregate accentuates the orderly. which were derived using knife-edged meth- nature’s intrinsic value undermine democratic
They discuss how random political behavior of ods for characterizing the series. With the governance? These issues are revisited in Part
citizens cancels out and how those who act the inclusion of the possibility of not just station- Three, with the contributors now taking into
same produce no variance, leaving the aggre- ary or nonstationary (e.g., rapid decay or no account the findings of seven original case
gate “signal” to be generated almost solely from decay) but also slow decay, a more accurate studies on sustainability featured in Part Two.
those who are orderly in their behavior. I am characterization of the series could be found. The focus on specific questions, the use of case
confident that the point will lead to more the- The characterization of the series affects not studies, and the vibrant exchanges among the
orizing by scholars about the public will only conclusions about the impact of contributors establish a coherence often lack-
and other macro political entities. The macropartisanship but also its causal relation- ing in edited proceedings.
building of rock-solid linkages between micro- ship with other series. Two of the more lively exchanges are those
and macrolevel research, however, is left Two pathbreaking contributions will linger between Susan Buck and Robert Paehlke on
incomplete. with readers for a long time: first, the authors’ science as a substitute for moral principle and
The performance and policy parts of the work on drawing critical linkages among Gillroy and Bob Taylor on intrinsic value. For
book are surprisingly disconnected. Erikson, important macro processes that are typically Buck, writing from the perspective of the
MacKuen, and Stimson state that “the two studied in isolation, and second, the synergy policy administrator, moral principle is no sub-
subsystems do not come together except as the authors create by bringing together the two stitute for scientific knowledge and expertise.
they present competing sets of variables to fields of micro and macro political behavior. Working from the assumption that the legisla-
drive election outcomes” (p. 438). The elec- Their extensive work accomplishes so much by tive process “has decided the larger moral ques-
tion connection is clearly important, but read- shifting the perspective of political scientists. tions,” she concludes that “policy-relevant con-
ers may be left wanting more here. The Macro Polity will undoubtedly affect the sideration of moral principles does not and
Furthermore, their two central variables, research agenda of many scholars for years to should not shape bureaucratic decisions on a
mood and macropartisanship, are shown to be come. It will be an early entry on any list of routine basis” (p. 26). Paehlke disagrees, citing,
unrelated. Two immediate possibilities seem “The Classics” in political science. among other things, the inevitable gaps in

406 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

scientific knowledge (often used, as in the case flawed. They are ethically austere, woefully address and affect questions that they see as
of Ronald Reagan and acid rain, to justify inac- unable to engage in the inherently moral important for their interests” (Rogers M.
tion on pressing environmental matters) and debate that is environmental policymaking; Smith, “Should We Make Political Science
the all-too-real prospect of power overwhelm- they are ill equipped to answer the question, More of a Science or More about Politics?” PS:
ing science. “What is good environmental policy?” Gillroy Political Science & Politics 35 [June 2002]:
Gillroy and Taylor debate the issue of and Bowersox ground this moral austerity in 201). I concur with his basic point, and I also
intrinsic value. It is interesting to note that two historical factors: 1) the modern belief that wish to highlight a body of scholarship that
their debate is far more over its likely effects on policy is best formulated and pursued outside illustrates the impressive contribution political
a democratic policymaking process (should a the endlessly contentious sphere of moral phi- scientists can make to illuminating contempo-
concept of intrinsic value be adopted) than losophy; and 2) the dominance of a market rary political issues.
over what that value is or how one establishes paradigm, one which instructs policy profes- Since the publication of John Chubb and
it. According to Gillroy, basing policy on the sionals in the principle of Kaldor efficiency and Terry Moe’s (1990) agenda-setting Politics,
intrinsic value of nature is central; without it little else. The hope, of course, is that by mak- Markets, and America’s Schools, a heterogeneous
we will never abandon the instrumentalism at ing sustainability the core concern of environ- group of scholars has produced research on the
the heart of so many of our unsustainable mental policymakers, the market paradigm politics of school choice. Collectively, their
ways. Without directly addressing the meaning will itself be called into question and politics work has addressed critical questions regarding
of the terms involved, or who should decide, and morality reintegrated. Will it work? education politics and policy. The work has
Gillroy nonetheless urges policymakers to Perhaps, but not as completely as one might been methodologically diverse and, very often,
adopt “the integrity of functioning natural sys- hope. As these essays themselves demonstrate, methodologically rigorous—contributing theo-
tems” (p. 73) as their policymaking principle. debates over the many meanings associated retical insights and analytical techniques that
Taylor urges caution. By their very nature, with sustainability do in fact question the mar- have subsequently informed the work of other
intrinsic values trump other values, preempt- ket paradigm and the kinds of policies it political scientists with different substantive
ing public debate and bypassing democratic produces. Meaningful and lasting change, interests. The three books under review here
control of the policy process. Much like Mark however, requires something else. It requires a add to this body of scholarship, making signif-
Sagoff in his contribution critiquing instru- convincing and compelling vision of the envi- icant contributions to our knowledge of school
mental value (pp. 62–71), Taylor prefers reex- ronmental good, which these otherwise very choice and its consequences. They also add to
amining our rich but underutilized intellectual fine essays do not, indeed cannot, given their our stock of knowledge concerning the appro-
traditions for the moral resources sufficient to disagreements, produce—an austerity of priate application of social scientific research
“challenge and confront . . . environmental another sort. methods for addressing public policy questions.
irresponsibility” (p. 89). One reports on the use of randomized field tri-
Similar divisions attend the debates over the als to isolate the effects of introducing school
text’s central topic—sustainability. The con- School Choice Tradeoffs: Liberty, vouchers in urban settings. Another reports on
tributors’ positions vary, a reflection of the Equity, and Diversity. By R. Kenneth carefully designed quasi-experimental research:
numerous ways in which they define sustain- Godwin and Frank R. Kemerer. Austin: University It offers insights on parental behavior both in
ability. Several contributors, among them of Texas Press, 2002. 335p. $29.95 cloth. the presence and the absence of school choice.
Barry Rabe, John Laitos, and Robert Percival, The third makes a primarily theoretical contri-
accept the Brundtland Commission’s defini- The Education Gap: Vouchers and bution, drawing from a vast amount of prior
tion of sustainability as securing “the needs of Urban Schools. By William G. Howell and scholarship to underscore the linkages between
the present without compromising the ability Paul E. Peterson. Washington, DC: Brookings the pursuit of particular values and elements of
of future generations to meet their own needs” Institution, 2002. 288p. $28.95. policy design. Given their relevance to contem-
(p. 195), characterizing it, in effect, as a quest porary policy debates, the insights contained in
for efficiency. Others find this definition man- Choosing Schools: Consumer Choice these books will inevitably filter through vari-
ifestly unsatisfactory. Paehlke (p. 212) finds it and the Quality of American Schools. ous network ties and policy communities to
“thoroughly ambivalent” about the well-being By Mark Schneider, Paul Teske, and Melissa inform the thinking of school-choice policy
of the environment, in reality a definition of Marschall. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University entrepreneurs and policymakers.
sustainable development. Drawing on the lin- Press, 2000. 336p. $39.95 cloth, $19.95 paper. All up, this is high-octane political science
guistics of John Austin (How to Do Things with that delivers practical political and policy
— Michael Mintrom, University of Auckland
Words, 1962), Bryan Norton finds the knowledge. The research teams associated
Brundtland definition guilty of a “descriptivist In a recent symposium on the future of politi- with each book should be commended for
fallacy” (p. 59), that is, of reducing a complex cal science, Rogers Smith argued that political using innovative methods to explore and illu-
concept to purely measurable terms. For scientists should give priority to illuminating minate an issue central to the ongoing devel-
Norton, sustainability is much more performa- important contemporary political issues, using opment of American society. If this kind of
tive, something communities do, in this appropriate scientific methods in the process. political science points to the discipline’s
instance, the act of committing to a certain In his view, a distinctly secondary role should future, then that future is looking bright
kind of “value articulation and goal setting” be accorded to the more narrow task of shoring indeed.
(p. 58). Jonathan Wiener adds to the debate, up the science of political science. Why? From the early 1990s, a politically savvy
preferring instead to speak of sustainable “Because political science, like all science, is group of philanthropists and charitable foun-
governance. pursued out of human interests; because its dations have been working to set up private
For all their differences, the contributors results are inherently linked to people’s self- school voucher programs in cities across the
share the conviction that Western environmen- understandings and interests . . . and because United States. Recognizing the opportunities
tal policymaking processes are dangerously people reasonably expect political science to that these programs offer for the study of 407
Book Reviews American Politics

school vouchers and their effects, Paul Peterson expectations, family involvement, and class excellence in policy research and lay the
worked closely with these actors to make ran- and school size that students experience when ground for even more carefully calibrated
domized field trials integral to the design of they move to the private schools. Chapter 6 future work. New studies designed especially
several programs. Over the years, Peterson and explores the test score gap, a topic I will return so that race is treated as a key dimension of
other researchers—many his own doctoral stu- to shortly. Chapter 7 assesses family satisfac- voucher programs to theorize, model, and
dents—have published articles and book chap- tion with private schools, compared with pub- manipulate are urgently needed.
ters analyzing these voucher programs and lic schools, finding that universally, parents In Choosing Schools, Mark Schneider, Paul
their effects. In The Education Gap, Peterson appear happier when they have been able to Teske, and Melissa Marschall examine the ways
and William Howell bring those earlier find- choose their schools. The final chapter offers parents behave when allowed to choose among
ings together into a coherent whole. (Patrick reflections on the likelihood that insights from public schools. As explained in Chapter 3, the
Wolf and David Campbell are listed as second- the small-scale private voucher programs could study is built around an analysis of parental
ary authors.) The education gap of the title be further tested through the introduction of a behavior in District 4 in Manhattan and in
refers to the oft-observed difference between publicly funded comprehensive voucher pro- suburban Montclair, New Jersey, with compar-
white and African American student attain- gram within an urban school district. isons with neighboring districts that offer lim-
ment on standardized tests. In their preface, Throughout, the authors are careful to qualify ited or no public school choice. The quasi-
the authors report that initially they did not their claims. experimental design employed here presents
consider that the use of vouchers to attend pri- According to Howell and Peterson, the pri- the strongest alternative methodology for
vate schools might have differential effects vate voucher programs they assessed had no studying policy effects when costs or other
across races. We are told: “One day, quite by overall impact on student achievement, at least considerations prohibit the use of randomized
accident, we tried to solve a data-collection as it could be measured within the relatively field trials.
puzzle by examining voucher effects separately short, two–three-year time period of the stud- Schneider and his colleagues find that par-
for African Americans. The results jumped off ies. However, when the student gain scores ents of lower socioeconomic status exhibit
the page” (p. xiii). This apparent anomaly, this were disaggregated by race, the results revealed preferences for their children’s schools that are
observed difference between the educational statistically significant—and substantively different from those of their more highly edu-
attainment of African American students and quite significant—improvements in the per- cated counterparts. The differences reported in
that of other students in the randomized field formance of African American students. Chapter 4 are intriguing. While all parents
trials provides the organizing principle of the Importantly, this same basic pattern was place a high value on teacher quality, low-
book. observed across the independent field trials— income parents are more likely to emphasize
In the first of eight chapters, Howell and in Dayton, New York City, and Washington, the importance of school safety, test scores, and
Peterson discuss the development of the public DC. discipline. Higher-income parents place more
school system and the varieties of school choice Why might the switch to private schools emphasis on things like school values and the
in the United States. But the most significant lead to academic gains for African American diversity of the student population. Given crit-
part of this chapter is the discussion of the students, but not for others? Two general ics’ claims that school choice will fuel further
ways that the current system—whereby fami- responses are possible. The first involves inter- racial segregation, another important finding is
lies “choose” schools on the basis of where they rogating the study design. Is it possible that we that racial preferences apparently play a minor
live, and school funding is tied to local are observing some artifact of the coding role in shaping how parents choose schools.
wealth—serves to disadvantage African schemes used to generate the race variables? The authors acknowledge that this finding
American children, whose household circum- The second possible response is to offer a the- might be driven by socially acceptable re-
stances make them educationally and econom- ory of race and educational outcomes in the sponses provided by parents to the interview-
ically disadvantaged to begin with. The authors United States. Howell and Peterson take the ers. But it might also indicate that in a multi-
contend that these disadvantages provide a the- latter course, and bolster their argument with cultural environment, parents view other
oretical explanation for why “new forms of references to previous findings by other attributes of a school as much more important
choice may be expected to have differential researchers that display similar patterns in the than racial composition. Significantly, in their
effects by racial group” (p. 26). In the second data. In making this argument, the authors interviews with parents, Howell and Peterson
chapter, the authors review the random field adopt a measured tone that adds considerably found much the same result.
trial methods they used to evaluate voucher to the persuasiveness of their interpretation. How do parents act on their preferences? In
programs. This chapter will be valuable read- They also suggest that further research is need- Chapter 5, Schneider et al. note that choosing
ing for anyone interested in experimental ed, and argue that this should be facilitated schools requires a certain level of skill on the
design and its application in policy studies. through introduction of a permanent voucher part of parents. Even though low-income par-
Chapters 3 explores whether the voucher program in a large, inner-city school district. ents might care deeply about the schools their
experiments served to “skim” the best students But in the absence of such a program, there is children attend, they do not always have access
from public schools (for these cases, the answer plenty that researchers could do to further to—or the ability to access—information that
is “no”). Chapter 4 assesses uptake of the ran- understand why African American students would help them determine the best schools
domly assigned vouchers, checking to see if appear to be the only group to have made aca- for their children. When it comes to using
selection biases might have crept into the demic gains over a limited time period from information about schools, the authors find
experiments (again, for these cases, the answer using vouchers to attend private schools. that education matters a great deal. As parents’
is “no”). Chapter 5 reviews the differences Howell and Peterson have made a tremendous levels of education increase, they rely more on
between the public schools the voucher stu- contribution to the study of small-scale vouch- their highly educated friends to supply them
dents previously attended and the private er programs and their consequences. The with information about schools. Less-educated
schools they entered. This chapter reveals methods and findings presented in The parents (who in this study are often African
major differences in terms of academic Education Gap establish a new standard of American) are less able to tap into rich,

408 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

informal networks to gain relevant informa- relationship between schooling and the norma- textbook, and in addition, offers some useful
tion. In Chapter 7, the authors argue that par- tive goals of liberal democracy and schooling insights to professional students of political par-
ents who are allowed to choose their schools do and the pursuit of equality. Chapter 5 reviews ties, campaign finance, and policymaking.
not always possess more knowledge about the the tradeoffs between religious freedom and The book’s title comes from the common-
schools they have chosen than do nonchoosing the separation of church and state. Chapters 6 place accusation that government officials and
parents. and 7, respectively, discuss the economics of special interests have too close a relationship.
Schneider and his colleagues consider that school choice and regulatory regimes. With For Kobrak, politics is cozy “when political
consumer choice in schooling can have positive respect to regulation, the key tradeoff to con- decisions are driven primarily by who benefits
effects on education quality, and in Chapter 9 sider is that between accountability and auton- along the way rather than by the purpose of the
they support this view with time-series test omy. The book concludes with the authors’ program or the regulation” (p. 4). Cozy politics
score data from New York City. But they also own choice proposal. helps produce “compromised [democratic]
appear sympathetic to the claim that school School Choice Tradeoffs makes two major governance,” where the political process vio-
choice can have both positive and negative contributions to knowledge. First, it helps us lates the rules, the spirit—and apparently—the
effects, allowing the children of well-educated to better locate school choice within broader promise of democracy (pp. 7–8). It is not hard
parents to move to appropriate schools while traditions of discourse that inform our political to find fault with these definitions (a point to
leaving others in poorly performing schools. and economic values. Second, it provides an which we will return momentarily), but even
Actually, the authors do not find a great deal of excellent overview of the state of practice and readers who do so will find the text that follows
evidence that this is the case. (Howell and debate in the school choice movement and rewarding.
Peterson find little to support the negative offers a map both for interpreting and guiding The first part of the book describes how the
view, either.) Schneider et al. argue that future developments. As such, this book will new economic and political conditions of the
choosers might produce positive externalities make valuable reading for normative political 1990s allowed for an increase in cozy politics.
for nonchoosers. Thus, in general, parents theorists, policy scholars, and, of course, those Chapter 1 describes the economic problems
might not know much about schools, but the with particular interests in the politics of edu- facing American citizens in the booming
mechanism of choice might produce sys- cation reform. Godwin and Kemerer do some- 1990s, and a parallel decline in citizen trust of
temwide improvements anyway, as is the case thing all too rare in our discipline: They illus- government and involvement in politics.
in other consumer markets. Even so, the trate the huge intellectual and practical gains Chapters 2 and 3 cover the major political par-
authors’ findings suggest that government that can be achieved when normative theorists ties, explaining, respectively, why parties are
agencies could improve the likelihood that and empirically oriented researchers get over important to democracy and how the parties
school choice will yield system-improving their differences and engage together in seri- have performed in recent times. The second
effects, by ensuring that high-quality informa- ous, problem-driven political analysis. In this part of the book deals with cozy politics itself.
tion flows to all parents, leading them to make case, the result is an insightful book on an Chapter 4 covers campaign finance, a chief
educated choices among schools for their chil- important topic that also is a pleasure to read. culprit in cozy politics. After summarizing
dren. Overall, this book fills a gap in our recent developments in political money, the
knowledge of how parents make their decisions next two chapters review its role in producing
when faced with school choice, and the out- Cozy Politics: Political Parties, compromised governance, including congres-
comes and policy implications of those deci- Campaign Finance, and sional (Chapter 5) and bureaucratic decision
sions. In terms of providing practical political Compromised Governance. By Peter making (Chapter 6). The final section is about
knowledge, these authors offer a variety of Kobrak. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, restoring balances in the political system. Here,
insights that could inform not only the design 2002. 273p. $55.00 cloth, $22.50 paper. Chapter 7 argues that the most effective anti-
of school choice programs but also any efforts dote to cozy politics is greater citizen involve-
— John C. Green, Bliss Institute, University of
to make greater use of markets for the delivery ment, a goal that can be best achieved by “rein-
of social services. venting” political parties.
While the close analysis of specific school Peter Kobrak has written a useful description These chapters provide useful summaries of
choice programs is essential for knowledge and critique of contemporary politics in the scholarly and journalistic literature, beginning
generation about how such programs operate United States. The book is a good example of with the economic and social inputs into the
and the effects they produce, sometimes it is reformist and liberal arguments about the failed political process and ending with the policy
good to be able to stand back from the mass of potential of American democracy, of which E. outputs. These summaries tend toward con-
details and ask: What does it all mean? In E. Schattschneider’s The Semisovereign People ventional wisdom and often fail to cite the
School Choice Tradeoffs, Kenneth Godwin and (1960) is perhaps the best example. Kobrak most relevant literature (for instance, Theodore
Frank Kemerer have done just that. This is an argues that the well-being of the American pub- J. Lowi’s The End of Liberalism (1979) is never
impressive work. Its originality lies in both the lic is diminished by the twin problems of spe- noted in the policymaking chapters). However,
coherent synthesis of previously available, but cial interest power and enfeebled citizen they also provide numerous cogent and con-
widely dispersed, information and the effort— involvement in politics. He has a special focus temporary illustrations of the topics covered.
presented in the final chapter—to offer a on the major political parties, and argues that Examples include a “future Opportunity Cost
design for a school choice program that would they offer a means to address these problems. Index” of citizen well-being (pp. 34–35) and a
minimize the overall costs of the tradeoffs On the one hand, this book resembles Darrell baseball analogy for the variety of individual
embodied within it. The book is organized West and Burdett Loomis’s The Sound of Money campaign contributors (p. 126).
along the following lines. The first two chap- (1998), and on the other hand, Steven Schier’s In addition, the text has a lively and acces-
ters provide an overview of the school choice By Invitation Only (2000). Although Cozy sible style. It uses metaphors effectively, such as
issue and a review of the observed outcomes of Politics is less focused than either, it covers a applying Hardin’s “tragedy of the commons” to
current programs. Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the wider range of topics. It will make a good the quality of public discourse in campaigns 409
Book Reviews American Politics

(p. 70) and offering “global corporations” as a Federalism in the Forest: National Service, the Bureau of Land Management, and
model for reinventing parties under the present versus State Natural Resource Policy. state forestry and natural resource agencies.
circumstances (p. 210). The text is also charac- By Tomas M. Koontz. Washington, DC: Georgetown “Timber crisis” solutions range from proposals
terized by wonderful turns of phrase, such as University Press, 2002. 248p. $24.95. to continue near-historic levels of timber cut-
power being the “ultimate aphrodisiac” for ting to those that would drastically reduce and
interest groups (p. 215), and “protecting the — Brent S. Steel, Oregon State University even eliminate timber production from public
citizens from journalism” (p. 71). lands.
Sometimes this flashy writing gets the In recent years many policymakers, natural In analyzing the performance of state and
author into a bit of trouble, however, as in resource managers, interest groups, academics, national forest policymaking processes, Koontz
“Fully three-fifths of U.S. citizens are absent and citizens alike have called for new devolved utilizes two theoretical constructs—the func-
without leave from their political system” and collaborative institutional arrangements to tional theory of federalism and bureaucratic
(p. 8). To which authority does a citizen apply the management of public lands in the United behavior theory. Both approaches are well
for leave to be absent from the political system? States. In part, this approach to the manage- developed and appropriate given the focus of
Does such an “absence with leave” make any ment of public lands is rooted in many the study. The functional theory of federalism
sense? Americans’ belief that it will: 1) increase gov- focuses on policy outputs from elected offi-
One of the strengths of Kobak’s argument is ernment efficiency; 2) lead to better working cials, which results in state and local govern-
the recognition that the AWOL citizenry is an relationships with the private sector; and 3) be ments “encouraging industrial activities that
important reason for an increase in cozy poli- more amenable to local citizen concerns and favor economic development over environ-
tics. It is thus important to improve mass citi- preferences. While there is a growing body mental protection” (p. 9). It is argued that state
zenship. Another strength of his argument is of research that examines the effectiveness and local elected officials are more susceptible
the recognition of the need for alternative of devolved natural-resource management to repercussions “from capital flight if they
sources of political power to combat cozy pol- approaches on public lands—including various pursue economic development” (p. 11).
itics. Kobrak notes that limiting the power of ecosystem- and watershed-based management Conversely, “policy made by elected officials at
special interests (as in campaign finance approaches—there have been few studies that the federal level is expected to favor environ-
reform) is useful, but not enough to overcome examine intergovernmental differences within mental protection more than does policy
cozy politics. It is thus important to harness natural resource policy. This is especially true made by elected officials at the state level”
the countervailing power of “numbers” in the of studies that compare state and national gov- (p. 13). As Timothy Egan has commented:
mass public. The book makes a plausible argu- ernment approaches to the management of “Environmentalists have learned that taking
ment that “reinventing citizen-based politics” such public lands as forests and rangelands. their case to a larger audience may be the best
via political parties can achieve both these Given the federal nature of environmental and strategy for preserving forests” (“Fighting for
goals. natural resource policy processes in the Control of America’s Hinterlands,” Journal of
In this regard, Kobrak offers some modest American system of governance, and the cur- Forestry 89 [1991]: 26–29).
suggestions for reforming political parties. The rent movement to decentralize or devolve such Because of the limitations of the functional
most interesting of these proposals is legal policy processes, Tomas Koontz’s book is a theory of federalism in explaining nonelected
action to require political parties to spend their timely and welcome addition to the literature. officials’ behavior—such as agency personnel
soft money building stronger state and local Koontz compares the public forest manage- in natural resource agencies—Koontz also
party organizations. This idea is relevant to the ment process at the national and state level incorporates bureaucratic behavior theory into
Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 using a case study approach. His study investi- his study and examines such factors as citizen
(passed after this book was published) and the gates two midwestern states (Indiana and pressure, rules, agency official beliefs, and
litigation over its constitutionality. Ohio) and two western states (Oregon and agency community. Special attention is paid to
Cozy Politics ends with a description of rein- Washington). Each of these states includes citizen participation and the various rules and
vented political parties as a series of dialogues both national forests (managed by the national regulations applying to public forest manage-
among citizens, activists, party leaders, and forest service) and state forests (managed by ment, with federal forest policy much more
government officials (pp. 228–29). Such par- state forestry departments). At the same time, likely to be influenced by citizen pressure to
ties would foster a link between the public and the economic importance, type of forest, and preserve forests and laws that favor environ-
the government that is—well, cozy. So, appar- quantity of public forested lands in each region mental protection over commodity produc-
ently coziness in party politics is good, while offer an interesting and contrasting set of case tion. State natural resource managers are much
coziness in government is bad. This distinction study states. The focus on public forest policy more susceptible to state and local commodity
in the value of cozy relationships by location is particularly intriguing because it has been interests, leading Koontz to conclude that
can be defended, of course, but the text does a characterized by fragmentation and even paral- “state agencies devoted much less effort to
poor job. This point reveals the major defi- ysis (e.g., the Pacific Northwest) in recent proactively identifying and protecting rare
ciency of the book: The vision that motivates years. While the size and economic contribu- species that did not affect their ability to sell
the description and critique of American poli- tion of the timber industry is much larger in timber,” whereas federal officials “completed
tics is largely implicit. It is on these grounds the Pacific Northwest when compared to the more proactive work to identify and protect
that scholars may find fault with Kobrak’s Midwest, public forestry issues have been rare species than did state officials” (p. 65).
notions of cozy politics and compromised gov- politicized in both regions for more than a The author’s analysis of public forest policy
ernance, and thus with his prescription for decade. Local, regional, and national interests in the federal context leads him to conclude
reinventing political parties. A fuller discussion have urged a varied and often contradictory that the level of government responsible for
of normative standards by which contempo- set of public policy recommendations on management does make a difference. As
rary politics are judged would have made this natural resource agencies, such as the U.S. hypothesized by Koontz and confirmed by
useful book even more so. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Forest those of us who have been directly involved in

410 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

the public forest policy process in the Pacific political psychology section of APSA even political psychology, no matter the history
Northwest, “people who favor economic devel- more recently. Yet from the outset most, if not of antagonism and the different styles of
opment and profitable resource use would be all, political theorists in the Western tradition theorizing. He demonstrates with an empirical
better served with state-level authority, where- can be said to work as political psychologists. study on persuasion how integrating both lit-
as those favoring environmental protection Explicit theories of human nature provide the eratures can be more productive than continu-
and citizen participation, especially from non- foundation for politics for Plato, Aristotle, ing feuding practices. Conover and Searing
economic interests, would prefer federal-level Epicurus, Hobbes, Rousseau, Adam Smith, argue that the boundaries of political psychol-
control” (p. 192). Many observers of state nat- David Hume, and Madison, to name just a few ogy, even as wide as they have been cast, may
ural resource policy processes in the West of the more obvious examples. Engaging this be nonetheless too narrow. Contextual effects,
would go further and describe the situation as field is a challenge as it can be claimed that especially when considered from a comparative
an “iron triangle” with a tight community of every variant of politics has at least some polit- perspective, can enable political psychologists,
natural resource agencies and commodity ical psychological dimension. they argue, to escape theorizing solely within a
interests largely determining the direction of The broad reach of the field poses quite a radical individualistic framework. Krosnick
natural resource policy. This leads me to the challenge for edited volumes. The challenge of seeks to expand political psychology in another
only significant problem with this study— constructing a first course in political way. He argues that the field may have come to
the absence of any systematic analysis of the psychology is made difficult with so many premature conclusions about the validity of
numerous and very powerful interest groups choices as to theoretical approach, method, propositions because at the outset, methods of
that are typically involved with public forestry and substantive areas of application. It is not inquiry are drawn from the dominant and con-
issues. Interest groups have been key to the surprising that no one has as yet written a suc- ventional and are not sufficiently tailored to
management of public forest lands at both cessful textbook for the field. Edited volumes assess competing alternative accounts. He
the state and federal levels. For example, in assemble chapters that, it is hoped, offer exem- demonstrates that what often appears to be
the Pacific Northwest it was the efforts of the plary, cutting-edge research or comprehensive straightforward—the case he explores is the
Portland Audubon Society and other environ- reviews. The annual series Research in projection hypothesis—may not be so trans-
mental groups that led to years of political Micropolitics, edited by Michael Delli Carpini, parent in empirical studies. Cross-section sur-
activism and litigation resulting in the 1990 Leonie Huddy, and Robert Y. Shapiro; the veys may reveal what appears to be evidence of
Northwest Forest Plan, which shifted USDA forthcoming annual series Advances in Political projection (voters guesstimating where candi-
Forest Service goals away from timber produc- Psychology, edited by Margaret Herman; a dates, or parties, stand on the issues) but do
tion in the Pacific Northwest to habitat pro- forthcoming Handbook in Political Psychology, not exclude other alternative explanations.
tection for the northern spotted owl and the edited by David Sears, Leonie Huddy, and Thus, Krosnick argues, political psychologists
marbled murrelet (both listed under the Robert Jervis; and a companion volume, must be adept in a variety of empirical meth-
Endangered Species Act). The formation of Citizens and Politics: Perspectives from Political ods and willing to use them (e.g., surveys,
environmental groups has been key in helping Psychology (2001), also edited by James panel studies, experiments, etc.) to fully
many citizens deal with the complexities of Kuklinski, exemplify this approach. For this explore whether any given hypothesis can be
public forest policy environmental issues. volume, editor Kuklinski ably pursues a differ- sustained when adequately matched against
Similarly, industry and industry associations ent purpose, the critical examination of politi- competing accounts.
(e.g., Western Forestry and Conservation cal psychology as a social science discipline, Section 3, the psychology-politics nexus,
Association) have been key actors at both with original contributions by some of the begins with a second contribution by the team
the federal and state levels in the Pacific most able practioners in the field. The 10 of Rahn, Sullivan, and Rudolph. In this chap-
Northwest to advocate the case for commodity chapters are organized into four sections each ter they demonstrate, by means of a review of
production. around a different trajectory of concern. political psychology publications in the three
Notwithstanding this criticism, Tomas In the opening chapter, and the sole chapter leadings journals of political science, the grow-
Koontz has written a timely and important for the first section, John L. Sullivan, Wendy ing influence of this field. They also show how
book that makes an important contribution to M. Rahn, and Thomas J. Rudolph argue that political psychology has deepened our under-
the literature. Federalism in the Forest will be of although the field has seen a variety of theoret- standing by the application of psychological
particular interest to social scientists and ical approaches, reflecting different concerns models to political science topics and by the
policymakers interested in the federal nature of evident in three different eras—initially per- use of research on politics to nourish psy-
natural resource policy, and to those wonder- sonality, followed by attitudes, and then politi- chological theories. Jon Krosnick provides a
ing about the consequences of devolving natu- cal cognition—they can be subsumed under second chapter here to examine political psy-
ral resource policy to state and local levels of information processing, that is to say, how chology from yet another concern: whether
government. humans engage the world and respond to its political psychology is just a subfield of psy-
many challenges. The chapter offers an excel- chology (the happenstance inclination to apply
lent overview as well as thoughtful considera- psychological theory to political behavior, just
Thinking About Political Psychology. tion of various lacunae in the field. as psychology can be applied to economic and
Edited by James H. Kuklinski. Cambridge: The next section, concerning theory and social behavior) or something more, a psycho-
Cambridge University Press, 2002. 354p. $65.00. research, offers three chapters, by Arthur logical perspective on politics. He illustrates
Lupia, Pam Conover and Donald Searing, and with examples how more of the latter will gen-
— George E. Marcus, Williams College
Jon Krosnick, each of which pushes to widen erate a political psychology, “true to its name,”
Political psychology is a young social science the field. Lupia argues that although rational that not only will illuminate our understand-
discipline. The International Society of choice theorists and political psychologists ing of politics but also will enrich psychology.
Political Psychology was founded in 1978, the often proclaim themselves to be in different Robert Luskin ends this section with a chapter
journal Political Psychology a year later, and the fields, rational choice theory falls well within that explores how individual processes, when 411
Book Reviews American Politics

properly specified, provide a basis for aggregate from the field of cognitive psychology, scholars democracy, and hence, explains their demand
models. Of particular value is his exploration have argued that ordinary citizens derive their for equal rights. Representative of this perspec-
of the variety of ways in which models can be opinions from the leadership of elite actors tive is a 1962 letter by an African American:
misspecified, perhaps the most important who, in contrast to the masses, are politically “As an American, I am ashamed that such con-
being ignoring the likelihood that individual attentive and well informed. The upshot of this ditions are permitted to exist in our country.
models often will contain nonlinear terms. perspective is that the elite members of society As a Negro, I am ashamed of the federal gov-
The final section includes three chapters, by lead and masses follow, which, as Lee rightly ernment’s inability or unwillingness to take
Jim Stimson, Luskin, and Michael MacKuen, concludes, pushed to its extreme, mocks repre- positive actions which will guarantee all
which explore in substantive detail how indi- sentative democracy. Americans—regardless of race, creed, or
vidual and aggregate models can be linked. Lee’s alternative theory of public opinion color—the unimpeded right to enjoy the fruits
Stimson provides a micro model to account for offers a different characterization of the nature of democracy” (pp. 156–57). Racially liberal
the aggregate shifts in the macro model of pub- of public opinion, one in which the masses whites typically made broad appeals for the
lic mood he previously developed. Luskin and take a leading role in directing the actions and principle of equality and equal rights, without
MacKuen show how micro analyses can add opinions of the political elite. Masses lead personalizing as much. Southern whites, the
insight into mass politics by enriching our notably during historic cycles of insurgent pol- largest source of mail among whites, were gen-
understanding of mass political behavior, itics. Lee’s model is not, he claims, a “bottoms- erally defensive. Nearly one-quarter of the let-
Luskin with respect to whether the apparent up” alternative to the “top-down” theory of ters from southern whites equated support for
rationality displayed at the aggregate level is public opinion formation. Rather, it represents equal rights for blacks to a communist act, in
sustained at the individual level, and MacKuen a rejection of the mininalist view of public defiance of popular will and states’ rights. One
arguing that while improved micro-level mod- opinion in which the central sources of public woman from Dallas sent John F. Kennedy the
els may help bridge the micro–macro gap, opinion are chiefly members of the political following letter: “Dear Mr. President . . . are
there may be macro-level phenomena that are elite. The public sphere is conceptualized as you going to move out, after selling this coun-
independent of micro-level processes. encompassing more than elected officials and try down the river. . . . You should be shamed.
The overall quality of the chapters is very the media, but those working outside of it How can you sleep? Communist!” (p. 162). Lee
high. But, more importantly, there is no com- within the realm of a “counterpublic sphere.” shows how key civil rights–movement events
parable resource for encouraging a reflective Oppositional ideologies as opposed to main- explain the ebb and flow of letters sent to pres-
and critical examination of the foundations stream points of view thus are included in his idents. In documenting the flow, Lee establish-
and status of the field. Thinking about Political model as having the capacity to impact the es the centrality of movement insurgency as a
Psychology is an important collection for those wider public. This inclusion of minority voices leading source of mass opinion.
who work in the field, and for those entering it is a significant modification of the convention- Through his analysis of constituency mail,
is essential reading. al theory of public opinion. Lee makes a critical contribution to public
In Chapter 2, Lee challenges the view that a opinion scholarship. His study exposes the fal-
chance set of elections in the 1960s empow- lacy of a singular approach—reliance on public
Mobilizing Public Opinion: Black ered liberal Democrats in Congress, who, in opinion polls—that has generally painted the
Insurgency and Racial Attitudes in turn, pushed rank-and-file Democrats to favor mass public as poorly informed and politically
the Civil Rights Era. By Taeku Lee. black civil rights. The 1964 national elections, inconsistent. More valuably, in challenging
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002. 293p. according to some scholars, were pivotal conventional wisdom, Lee has in effect pried
$55.00 cloth, $19.00 paper. because civil rights finally had emerged as off the cap of the elite model of public opinion
a partisan issue. Utilizing the 1956–60 formation, in which actors are overwhelmingly
— Katherine Tate, University of California, Irvine
American National Election Panel Study, Lee members of a dominant group working
President Dwight D. Eisenhower once famous- shows that partisan affiliation prior to 1964 through conventional politics. He presents an
ly declared that white Americans would never Democratic affiliation was closely associated alternative model of public opinion formation
comply with civil rights laws that violated their with racial liberalism. The data analysis in this that is richer and significantly more demo-
core beliefs about race and race relations. Yet in chapter confirms that elite actors were salient cratic. His scholarship represents a marriage of
less than a generation, civil rights legislation forces behind the great liberalization of minority politics and mainstream public opin-
ultimately won broad public support. The American racial attitudes, but notably fewer ion scholarship that works to the advantage of
transformation of racial attitudes in America congressional leaders than black protest lead- both.
represented the most radical shift in public ers, since the timing of the liberalization began
opinion in American history. Public opinion before the critical elections of 1964.
researchers have provided strong documenta- One of the ingenious features of Mobilizing Financing the 2000 Election. Edited by
tion of the liberalizing trend in racial attitudes. Public Opinion is Lee’s analysis of constituency David B. Magleby. Washington, DC: The Brookings
The political forces that lie behind the liberal mail. Writing to officeholders has increased in Institution, 2002. 272p. $54.95 cloth, $19.95
trend, as well as the gaps in the public’s policy popularity, yet few public opinion analysts paper.
preferences and principles on race relations, have made use of such data. In his analysis of
— Joanne Connor Green, Texas Christian
however, remain deeply controversial matters. letters written to presidents concerning black
Taeku Lee’s study of racial attitudes in the civil rights from 1948 to 1965, Lee effectively
civil rights era is one proffering grand theoret- establishes that mass opinion is neither shallow Interest in the funding of American elections
ical ambitions. His study represents a challenge nor random. About 25% of the time, blacks has increased dramatically since Herbert
to the conventional wisdom that has long char- who wrote letters stressed both their identities Alexander wrote the first book of this series in
acterized the nature of American public opin- as Americans and identities as blacks; this 1960. Objective, empirical studies, like those
ion as rootless and fickle. Drawing insights exposes the real contradictions of American presented in this edited volume, are needed for

412 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

students of politics, academics, politicians, and plex nature of the changing environment of analysis of the heightened role of soft money
others interested in the democratic process in electoral financing. A thorough examination of and issue advocacy in elections in the year
order to effectively analyze current funding the sources of and competition over campaign 2000, persuasively demonstrating the impor-
practices and their implications for effective money permeates the entire text, providing a tance of regulated and enforced disclosure. The
reform. This book provides a systematic and wealth of knowledge to the reader. The volume book concludes by supporting the need for a
thorough examination of the sources of cam- also provides an interesting analysis of the pragmatic approach to finance reform in an
paign funding in what amounts to a com- teamwork approach to fund-raising, with an incremental manner and provides clear sup-
pelling indictment of the current finance sys- examination of victory committees and the port for the main components of the
tem. Time will only tell if the reforms enacted multifaceted relationship among candidates, McCain/Feingold approach to campaign
last year (Public Law 107–155) will prove to officials, parties, and political action commit- finance, while cautioning the reader to be sen-
be the salve needed or if they will, as reform tees (PACs) (for example, the use of leadership sitive to the unintended consequences of these
of past, fall victim to the infamous Law of PACs to funnel money from candidate to can- reforms. I look forward to reading the next vol-
Unintended Consequences (the possibility of didate). Of special value is the inclusion of the ume in the series so that the authors can more
which is explicitly examined in the last chapter analysis of judicial elections. That chapter directly examine reform legislation in light
of the volume). frames the tension in judicial elections between of the most recent activity. This provocative
The book clearly and consistently illustrates the necessity to campaign, take issue positions, book is useful to all who want to become
the controversies in financing elections by focus- and raise money versus the need to appear to better informed about who funds elections
ing on four key issues: 1) the increased role of be neutral and nonpolitical. The remarkable in the United States and the implications
money in elections, especially in targeted, com- increase in the need for money, well docu- of our financing system for our democratic
petitive races; 2) the remarkable increase in the mented in the research presented, coupled government.
use of soft money, coupled with the confusing with the changing character of judicial elec-
and complex transfer of money from party tions (noted to be at times “sleazy” and “dis-
organization to party organization; 3) the diffi- graceful,” p. 218), demonstrate the heightened Piety, Politics, and Pluralism:
culty in documenting the sources of money level of competitiveness in these often under- Religion, the Courts, and the 2000
influencing elections (largely due to the studied and increasingly significant elections. Election. Edited by Mary C. Segers. Lanham,
increased use of issue advocacy and soft money The book would have been a bit more use- MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. 264p. $75.00
and the lack of true disclosure requirements); ful if there was a more direct examination of cloth, $24.95 paper.
and 4) the decreased impact of public financing the financing of initiatives and referenda.
— James L. Guth, Furman University
in presidential electoral politics. While there is a brief reference to these impor-
The organization and flow of the book is tant components of the electoral landscape on Religion permeated almost every phase of the
one of its strongest features as the reader is able the state and local level in Chapters 2 and 8, 2000 presidential election. George W. Bush
to examine clearly and carefully the key aspects more detail and analysis of these forms of astonished pundits by naming Jesus as his
of electoral financing in the United States. direct democracy would nicely supplement the favorite political philosopher, and other
Chapter 1 nicely frames the entire manuscript research presented. Additionally, there is very Republicans rushed to establish their own
by demonstrating the unique characteristics of little reference to the role of gender and/or race bona fides. Failing to attract religious conser-
the highly competitive elections in 2000, cou- and ethnicity in campaign financing. Chapter 5 vatives, John McCain countered by attacking
pled with a brief discussion of the legal regula- briefly examines the role of gender in guberna- those who supported Bush. Even Democratic
tion of campaign finance and clear evidence torial fund-raising, but there is no reference in candidates were quizzed on the political impli-
revealing the systematic circumvention of these other chapters (most notably in the chapter cations of their faith: Al Gore answered at
regulations by parties, interest groups, and can- examining the funding of congressional elec- length, but Bill Bradley insisted that religion
didates. There is a very logical flow, leading the tions). One last weakness of the text is the peri- was a private concern. Gore later upped the
reader through the complex and multifaceted odic inconsistent presentation of data. For religious ante by choosing running mate
nature of financing executive, legislative, and example, several different values were present- Joseph Lieberman, an observant Jew whose
judicial elections on the national, state, and ed regarding the amount paid in public financ- speeches soon abounded with Biblical refer-
local levels. Every chapter serves to provide ing for the presidential elections in 2000 ences. And during the fall campaign, Bush and
empirical evidence to fulfill the promise of the ($208.3 million, p. 28, and $147.8 million, Gore appealed to religious constituencies on
concluding chapter, “Lessons for Reformers.” p. 89) and for the aggregate expenditures for various issues, campaigned in religious venues,
For example, nearly every chapter examines the presidential campaigns ($326 million for the and endorsed “faith-based” participation in
complex dynamic involved in issue advocacy nomination, p. 54, and $183 for general elec- federal programs.
from a multitude of perspectives. In the con- tions, p. 89, for a total of $509 million, rather There is obviously an important book to be
clusion, the proposals to reform issue advocacy than $607 million presented on p. 24). written on the role of religion in this election.
are examined in light of the research presented Additional inconsistencies for party expendi- Piety, Politics, and Pluralism is not that book,
in order to explore the likely impact and effi- tures in hard money exist between Chapters 5 but it does underline the potential for one.
cacy of each plan. and 6. I realize the difficulty in aggregating Unfortunately, Mary Segers’s volume has
One of the most significant strengths of the data, but inconsistency tends to confuse the somewhat less coherence than the typical
book is its longitudinal nature (in both the reader, serving to slightly diminish the effec- edited work. Originating as special conference
continuity of the series itself and the specific tiveness of the presentation. papers, some chapters focus on the 2000
analyses in each chapter), which serves to place These minor criticisms notwithstanding, campaign, others concern religious freedom in
the election of 2000 in the larger historical the contributions of Financing the 2000 the courts, and two deal with the postelection
context. The depth and breadth of the analysis Election to the academic literature are great. controversies in Florida and the courts.
provides comprehensive evidence of the com- Most notably, the volume provides a thorough Despite the diversity of topics, several 413
Book Reviews American Politics

individual chapters stand up well as solid played by the authors: They are strongly political slogans, party discipline, and incre-
scholarly contributions. Republican in identification, ideologically con- mentalism. The challenge for policymakers is
Part One addresses the role of religion in servative, and more in tune religiously with to know when to apply a specific rule and
the 2000 election. In the first chapter, Segers Bush. Once McCain decided to win when to avoid simple rules in favor of in-depth
reviews the events in Florida, discussing “what Republican primaries with independent, approaches. Political wisdom derives from
went wrong,” the activities of the Bush and Democratic, and liberal voters, his fate was accumulated experience concerning how to
Gore camps during the postelection controver- sealed with Christian conservatives, including make sound judgments about choosing one
sy, and the long-term consequences of the the large contingent who have little love for rule over another.
affair. In the next chapter, Elizabeth Hull Falwell or Robertson. The book begins with an overview of the
examines the Court’s decision in Bush v. Gore, Part Two turns to the constitutional issue of role of simple decision rules in dealing with
assessing it as a “self-inflicted wound,” with religious free exercise, focusing on Employment complex situations. Its perspective is closely
negative effects on public respect for the Division v. Smith, the famous 1990 “peyote” associated with the writings of Charles
Court. Neither chapter addresses religious case, and its aftermath. Students can learn a Lindblom, Herbert Simon, James March, and
themes, and both seem out of place in this vol- good bit from these chapters, but specialists Aaron Wildavsky, who studied the lack of
ume. They are also unduly partisan in tone and will find little new here. George Garvey comprehensive rationality in government deci-
could have been written by the Gore legal reviews the history of free exercise and suggests sion making. The crux of Ira Sharkansky’s
team. a standard for constitutional review of state argument is that policymaking is too complex
The rest of Part One consists of well- restrictions that is midway between the Court’s and uncertain for cognitively limited decision
informed chapters on religion in the campaign. position in Smith and that of Congress in the makers to make effective choices. Instead they
Mark Rozell argues that despite initial expecta- Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 adopt simplifying rules. Sharkansky contends
tions to the contrary, the Christian Right (later struck down by the Court). Bette Novit that these rules, which often exasperate critics
proved to be a “king-maker” within the GOP, Evans summarizes her provocative argument interested in more thorough analysis, actually
critical to George W. Bush’s success. Segers fol- that the preservation of religious liberty in the offer policymakers workable solutions to real
lows with an excellent assessment of how United States depends on two kinds of “plural- problems.
Bush’s dependence on this core GOP clientele ism,” religious diversity and constitutional Rather than addressing directly the ques-
threatened (or at least complicated) his appeal diversification of power. This optimistic assess- tion of simplicity, the next chapter (pp. 15–84)
to an important “swing” constituency, ment is questioned by Ted Jelen, who argues launches into a complex discussion of the pol-
Catholics. Molly Andolina and Clyde Wilcox that in the inevitable struggles over free exer- icymaking process. This following chapter
provide a careful analysis of the religious and cise, religious minorities are perpetually disad- (pp. 85–106) discusses the complexity of
moral issues in the election. After reviewing vantaged. Finally, Clyde Wilcox and Rachel organizational decision making. These two
the candidates’ stances, they use National Goldberg join Jelen in exploring public atti- chapters together include 170 footnotes and
Election Study data to show that abortion and tudes toward establishment and free exercise comprise roughly half of the book. Their
gay rights had significant effects on vote issues, using a survey of Washington DC resi- description of the policy process contains
choice, even after partisanship is taken into dents. In a partial confirmation of Evans’s the- mostly well-worn material. It starts with a sys-
account, but that vouchers and capital punish- sis, they find that support for religious free tems approach to policymaking, proceeds to
ment did not. Segers wraps up this section exercise grows with increased religious plural- John Kingdon’s analysis of the agenda-setting
with a positive evaluation of Lieberman’s invo- ism, but not among all religious groups. process, and ends with the implementation lit-
cation of religious values, contrasting it with All in all, this collection might have been erature. There are 22 sub-subheadings under
more questionable uses of faith by the strengthened by some strategic deletions and the subheading of implementation alone. If the
Christian Right and the Bush campaign. additions. One or two chapters on the impact two chapters were designed to convince the
Although none of the authors could be of religious influences on vote choice in the reader of the complexity of the policy process,
accused of excessive sympathy with the GOP general election might have replaced those on the author succeeds in achieving this goal.
campaign, they do a solid job of recounting the postelection controversies. Several of the Chapter 4 “is the key chapter of the book.”
important campaign developments. True, there authors have contributed to such analyses in In chronicles the various ways in which policy-
are some annoying mistakes: Elizabeth Dole, a the past; thus, the absence of a chapter on reli- makers follow simple rules for making choices.
self-described “life-long Methodist,” is con- gious voting seems inexplicable. Nevertheless, The chapter describes 5 major simplifica-
verted to a “born-again southern Baptist” newcomers to the growing literature on reli- tions—parties, incrementalism, slogans, cop-
(p. 58), and Dr. James Dobson, head of Focus gion in American politics will find much ing, and doing nothing—followed by 16 other
on the Family, is peremptorily ordained, useful information and argumentation in this rules, including “create a crisis,” (p. 148)
becoming “Rev.” Dobson (pp. 61, 78). The volume. “claim credit,” (p. 149) and “blame someone
more basic problem, however, is a tendency to else” (p. 152). The detailed examples of each
exaggerate religious interest groups’ impact on rule make an important contribution, and the
the outcome of the GOP nominating contest. Politics and Policymaking: In Search examples of slogans are especially insightful for
McCain’s defeat is repeatedly attributed to of Simplicity. By Ira Sharkansky. Boulder, CO: the political communication literature. This
attacks by Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, and Lynne Rienner, 2002. 220p. $49.95. comprehensive set of practical rules for policy-
various Christian Right and pro-life organiza- makers combines a variety of writings into a
— Jack H. Knott, University of Illinois
tions, which purportedly feared the Arizona common perspective on the subject.
senator’s campaign finance reform proposals. This book presents a description of the simple The final two chapters attempt to show how
The real story is more complicated. Evangelical rules that policymakers use to deal with the difficult it is for policymakers to apply these
Protestants did in fact favor Bush by over- complexity of politics and policymaking. rules in the best way at the right time. Some of
whelming margins, but for reasons down- These rules include such familiar behaviors as this material has the quality of “Look before

414 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

you leap, but he who hesitates is lost.” Over what the other players are doing, simplifying Students of the environment will receive a
time, policymakers learn to judge which of strategies will be suboptimal. Yet without more cutting-edge education in the nuances of atti-
these contradictory nostrums to apply in diffi- precise specification, one cannot assert which tude formation and the contours of public
cult situations. These chapters also contain is the case. opinion. Public opinion scholars will be
material on inevitable policy trade-offs. Given that the book is about simplifying exposed to the challenges that a dynamic issue
Sharkansky provides numerous in-depth exam- rules, one might expect an application of cog- like energy presents to leading theories of pub-
ples of these policy dilemmas. The goal seems to nitive psychology to decision making. Indeed, lic opinion. State scholars will be encouraged
be to provide the reader with a wise and experi- there is a growing literature on the application as well as stunned to learn that state-level opin-
enced assessment of various policy choices of cognitive psychology to voting, political ion data provide the best insights into this
based on Sharkansky’s many years as a political attitudes, and foreign policy. This theoretically important topic. Policymakers will confront
scientist and political commentator in Israel rich literature, however, does not guide the vexing realities of public opinion concern-
and the United States. Sharkansky’s discussion. ing energy. In all, this book makes important
Sharkansky claims that the book is stimu- The volume contains numerous examples contributions across subfields or even disci-
lated by formal theory and rational choice, from Israel and the United States where plines, and it should be considered must read-
even though writers in these schools might not Sharkansky has worked and lived. Comparing ing for those interested in public opinion for-
recognize their work. Any real connection to Israel and the United States on these various mation on policy matters.
formal theory, however, remains pretty well behaviors might make sense, but Sharkansky Eric Smith begins his book with an intrigu-
hidden. He fails to distinguish between gaming fails to discuss the methodology of his case ing account of how energy issues evolved in the
situations in which the interdependent deci- study approach. Usually in choosing cases, one United States generally and in California
sions of multiple actors affect outcomes and would try to look at extremes or at representa- specifically. His focus on California is the
situations in which external forces over which tive cases. Sharkansky could have argued that result of extensive polling data in that state
the actors have no control determine out- the two countries differ on key variables and over time and the varying importance of oil
comes. He also fails to discuss the difference thus offered useful opportunities for identify- exploration and related pollution to California
between cognitive limits on understanding a ing similarities and differences. residents over time. As it turns out, oil was
complex problem and the effects of risk in In sum, Politics and Policymaking has excel- almost as important as gold to early California
dealing with uncertainty. In addition, he lent strengths but also notable weaknesses. The development. The rapid outbreak of oil
makes no distinction between individual strengths of the book are rich description, drilling also gave rise to early environmental
rationality and collective outcomes. insightful use of examples in Israel and the concerns in the state, and in many ways
This theoretical vagueness creates problems United States, and the bringing together of a California provides an ideal venue for explor-
for the explanation of simplicity. For example, disparate literature on simplifications in deci- ing the evolution of both energy development
is the simplicity rule of constituency service a sion making. The weaknesses are a lack of and concern with the environmental conse-
problem of coping with complexity, or is it an theory either in cognitive psychology or in quences of that development.
example of the prisoner’s dilemma? One could rational choice for what causes simplification, Smith documents three basic eras in con-
argue that policymakers understand the prob- as well as a resulting vagueness in definitions of temporary energy development. In the first
lem completely but face individual incentives complexity and uncertainty. In many ways, the period following World War II, when energy
that lead them to provide benefits to their con- book is a vehicle for Sharkansky to expound on was plentiful, considerable optimism about the
stituency in order to stay elected. The result of his views about several policy issues, from prospects for a nuclear future (“too cheap to
this individual behavior, however, might lead abortion to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It meter”) kept prices low and public concern
to irrational policies for the legislature as a also reveals his understanding of the policy about energy and energy development was
whole. Similarly, one could argue that simplic- process gained from years as an astute observer minimal. In the second period, a significant
ity derives from the need to build coalitions for and participant. Consequently, the book con- shift occurred with the Santa Barbara oil
the passage of legislation. Policymakers may tains several wise observations about political spill of 1969, and later with the oil embargoes,
understand fully the nature of the problem but behavior and policy that make it worthwhile gas shortages, and Three Mile Island in the
use ambiguity, slogans, and rhetoric to entice a reading for politicians and political scientists. 1970s. Suddenly, the public faced the dual
broader set of interests to provide support. problems of energy scarcity and environmental
Simplicity may be used more for advocacy and threats posed by energy. In the final period,
coalition building than for enhancing under- Energy, the Environment, and Public energy has once again become plentiful,
standing of problems that are too complex. Opinion. By Eric R. A. N. Smith. Lanham, MD: prices have dropped and, with some notable
Sharkansky asserts that these simple rules Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. 264p. $72.00 exceptions (Exxon Valdez), energy-related
are “reasonable” but not “optimal.” Without cloth, $26.95 paper. environmental threats no longer dominate the
specifying precisely the game’s rules or equilib- headlines.
— Paul Brace, Rice University
rium, he cannot know whether this assertion is Smith provides solid documentation for his
true in all cases. A Bayesian updating rule, for It is rare when a book comes along that can interpretation of trends in energy. He traces
example, which empirically might appear as offer substantive insight and provide an inci- the supply and prices of energy through time.
incremental, under some complex situations sive theoretical and methodological perspective Against this backdrop he skillfully documents
may indeed be optimal. In addition, incremen- on a topic. Rarer still are books that can, in the the varying degree of media coverage devoted
tal behavior is not necessarily suboptimal; it process of exploring a policy area of substantial to energy and related environmental trends.
depends on the definition of incrementalism practical concern, also critique and synthesize He offers social scientists (this one, at least) an
and the nature of the game. Some policymak- leading theories in a comprehensive and whol- enlightening discussion of models predicting
ers do use these rules in a suboptimal fashion. ly plausible manner. Energy, the Environment, how long the world’s oil reserves will last.
If they fail to understand the game or misjudge and Public Opinion is just such a book. From this he predicts the consequences of 415
Book Reviews American Politics

declining oil resources that will be felt in the Egalitarian-individualistic inclinations interact- evaluations of specific policies toward the
next 10 to 40 years. ing with differing levels of knowledge shaped by news media.
Given the seemingly inevitable crisis in varying media and public discourse provide a far The background of The First Amendment
energy availability that awaits us, Smith’s treat- stronger account of over-time changes in envi- and the Media in the Court of Public Opinion is
ment of public opinion about this issue and ronmentalism. the scholarship going back to the 1950s and
how opinions about it change over time are From this very careful, theoretically driven 1960s that pointed to a discrepancy between
easily accepted by this reader as vitally impor- analysis, Smith is able to offer projections the public’s support of civil liberties in the
tant topics. Students of the environment will about our energy future, at least as it relates to abstract and its willingness to restrict those lib-
be dismayed, but public opinion scholars will the public. The public wants cheap and plenti- erties in concrete cases. Yalof and Dautrich
be little surprised, to learn that the public has ful energy. Politicians will likely heed their raise questions with this literature’s tendency to
very little knowledge about important facts wishes. Declining oil supplies, rising prices, deprecate citizens on this basis. They note that
concerning energy and the environment. As in and OPEC- or Middle East conflict–induced Supreme Court decisions often diverge
other areas, the public takes cues from the price spikes will upset the public and put pres- between ringing defenses of freedoms and will-
media and opinion leaders to form considera- sure on politicians to find “painless” solutions ingness to restrict their reach. The authors ask:
tions of these topics. While energy and related for these problems. The public’s response will Can we think of the public, too, as deliberat-
environmental concerns certainly have eco- be neither informed nor carefully reasoned, ing over the contours of freedom of the press?
nomic implications, Smith skillfully illustrates and resulting policy choices will likely be Their answer is “yes.” They do find only a
how these concerns parallel attitudes about shortsighted. This state of affairs will probably modest correlation (r = .30) between respon-
social issues much more closely. forestall the hard choices that ultimately must dents’ abstract support for freedom of the press
In unfolding the sources of public opinion be made, with the consequence that our con- and their endorsement of a variety of concrete
about energy, the author carefully considers tinuing thirst for oil will disrupt national and policies in its pursuit. But they suggest that this
alternative explanations. As noted, energy international economies for years to come. is due less to respondents being inconsistent
opinions tend to follow social opinions, with Smith has produced an important book that than to their weighing freedom of expression
liberals being pro-environment. Youth and is must reading for both public opinion and against other legitimate considerations. For
educational attainment are associated with lib- environmental policy scholars. More broadly, instance, in Chapter 5, the authors impres-
eral, pro-environmental positions although age Energy, the Environment, and Public Opinion sively show that the public’s support for free-
differences diminish over time. Smith employs offers any student of American politics and dom to distribute sexually explicit material
John Zaller’s “Receive-Accept-Sample” (RAS) policy important insights into issue formation varies, systematically, depending on the intru-
model to account for this, noting that media and diminution and opinion change. siveness and easy availability of the medium,
attention to energy-related issues declined over ranging from video stores and subscription
time, and people were receiving less and less cable television at one end to broadcast televi-
information about this topic. Without the The First Amendment and the Media sion and billboards at the other. Similarly, in
stream of reminders coming from public in the Court of Public Opinion. By David Chapter 6, when asked if tabloid outlets (e.g.,
debates about energy in the 1970s and early A. Yalof and Kenneth Dautrich. Cambridge: the National Enquirer, Hustler, or Jerry
1980s, differences among age groups start to Cambridge University Press, 2002. 155p. $55.00 Springer) have the same freedom to publish or
disappear. Elsewhere, different subgroups cloth, $19.00 paper. air what they want as establishment modalities
would change in different ways as the energy do (e.g., the New York Times, Newsweek, or
— Timothy E. Cook, Louisiana State University
issue faded from the daily news. ABC News), citizens tend to agree, though less
Public opinions about energy and the envi- The declining trust of Americans in many of so with television than with print. Yalof and
ronment provide an opportunity to test two their political institutions has hit one in partic- Dautrich argue that the public’s evaluation of
alternative explanations for contemporary atti- ular the hardest: the news media. While the freedom of the press is not simply more posi-
tudes about the environment. Mary Douglas public saw the press positively as a “guiding tive than commonly depicted but that “the
and Aaron Wildavsky offered a cultural theory institution” in the 1970s and 1980s, recent public appears to be more sophisticated; its
that emphasizes egalitarianism and individu- General Social Surveys have put it dead last in approach is similar to the ones the courts have
alism to account for differences in environmen- the confidence accorded to its leaders. used in applying free press principles” (p. 116).
tal attitudes. Ronald Englehart’s postmaterial- Why should political scientists care? This Do these findings reveal an Eastonian
ism theory emphasizes generational differences, concise and thought-provoking book by “reservoir of goodwill” or not for the news
with prewar generations favoring material values David Yalof, a constitutional law expert, and media? This is a more open question than Yalof
and postwar generations giving greater emphasis Kenneth Dautrich, an investigator of public and Dautrich imply. One problem is that they
to postmaterial values of freedom, self- opinion, gives two reasons. One is that the fail to show anything more than bivariate pre-
expression, and quality of life. Smith finds that news media are now a political institution dictions of support, making it difficult to judge
neither approach provides a satisfying account among the “authorities” that David Easton how widely shared these assessments are. Their
of varying environmental opinion over time, posited as recipients of political support (or own data also contradict their argument at
and the postmaterialism interpretation is partic- alienation). Second is that public attitudes times, most notably by finding, as other stud-
ularly weak. He argues that these theories toward the news media may well influence ies do, that the public sees freedom of the press
are weak because they are static, containing Americans’ responses to the principle of free- as far less salient (in an open-ended question)
no mechanism to explain rapid change or dom of the press, and to policies designed to and also as more abused than other First
current events. When he synthesizes the address it. Accordingly, Yalof and Dautrich Amendment liberties.
Douglas and Wildavsky cultural theory with present results from two national telephone In addition, inexplicably overlooked is
knowledge variables derived from Zaller’s surveys, from 1997 and 1999, about citizens’ the most central recent work on political
RAS approach, this weakness is overcome. support for freedom of the press and their support—John Hibbing and Elizabeth

416 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

Theiss-Morse’s Congress as Public Enemy ple with the ways in which judges interact with where there was congressional ambiguity in
(1995)—which not only discredits the theo- other institutional actors, and how each statutes delegating power to executive agencies,
retical framework Yalof and Dautrich borrow branch influences or constrains the others. the Court would adopt a default presumption
from Easton of diffuse and specific support, We have paid attention to the process of in favor of executive discretion (Chevron v.
but also provides incisive and nuanced alter- judicial selection, nomination, and confirma- National Resource Defense Council, 467 U.S.
native ways to measure the complexity of atti- tion, but what happens after a justice takes 837). Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia
tudes toward institutions, particularly such the oath of office? Far too little has been writ- more fully developed this theme in a law
collective political institutions as Congress ten about the “president’s ability to contem- review article in 1989 (“Judicial Deference to
and the news media. This failure becomes poraneously influence the policy-making of Administrative Interpretations of Law,” Duke
crucial since Yalof and Dautrich’s results may the justice already sitting on the Court” (p. Law Journal (June 1989): 511–521). Scalia
well be skewed by their question wording, 74). Popular Justice is an effort to help fill wrote that Congress was on notice that any
which constantly cues venerated objects, such that gap. ambiguity or gap in a statute would (and
as the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Does presidential popularity make a differ- should) be read as tacit delegation of discretion
First Amendment, and freedom of speech. By ence to sitting justices? Jeff Yates makes the to executive or administrative agencies.
beginning a list of policies with “I’m going to modest but compelling claim that we should Congress, he wrote, “now knows that the
read you some ways that freedom of the press consider presidential prestige or popularity as a ambiguities it creates, whether intentionally or
may be exercised” (p. 133), the authors could supplementary explanation for judicial deci- unintentionally, will be resolved, within the
easily have primed their respondents to think sion making in three broad areas. He argues bounds of permissible interpretation, not by
in those terms. Similarly, by asking, that presidential prestige can make a difference the courts but by a particular agency, whose
“Magazines such as Playboy and Hustler in cases where the president is defending exec- policy biases will ordinarily be known.”
should have the same freedom to publish utive power, in legal challenges to the discre- Although presidential popularity may well
what they want as other magazines such as tionary authority of executive agencies, and in make a difference, the existence of long-
Time and Newsweek” (p. 139), they force a cases concerning substantive policy preferences standing philosophical, ideological, and even
criterion for comparison that could lead where the president has a strongly held and labor-saving default assumptions by the Court
respondents to endorse the statement. Absent publicly expressed preference. Employing well- need to be integrated into any study of
demonstrations through split-half samples or established quantitative methods, Yates argues executive-judicial relations.
experiments that these question wordings did that though presidential popularity “does not The quantitative evidence presented in this
not push the results in a positive direction, equate to political capital . . . trends in public book rightly reminds us that Supreme Court
Yalof and Dautrich’s claims of widespread and support do make a difference” (p. 46). justices do pay attention to the world in which
sophisticated support for freedom of the press If it is the case that justices pay attention to they live. Their own power and prestige
in practice must be taken with a large grain of presidential popularity, strategic presidents depends upon the perceived legitimacy of their
salt. would be wise to consider their public standing decisions. But while overruling a popular pres-
The authors’ concern with the approaches not only in dealing with Congress but also in ident, particularly one who has taken strong
that government should and should not develop deciding between a legal versus a legislative public positions on salient policy questions,
toward political information takes on unusual strategy. Yates suggests this possibility, can be risky, the Yates study tends to assume
importance today. American politics is ever although a full examination of executive strat- that this is a bit of a one-way street, with the
more oriented toward news and publicity. And egy falls beyond the scope of the book. It is, Court and president alike focused on executive
American public policy toward the news, with nevertheless, an interesting example of the prestige. But the justices are not without
the rise of the Internet and the World Wide research possibilities for those willing to see the resources. They have independent standing in
Web, faces perhaps the biggest turning point Court as part of a wider, interactive, and multi- the public eye, and there is reason to ask
since the Communication Act of 1934, which iterated political process. whether there might be situations when oppos-
was to set the essential terms for the political Yates next asks if the advantages enjoyed by ing a popular president could help rather than
information environment for the next half a popular president spill over to the executive’s hurt the Court’s own prestige.
century. Yalof and Dautrich’s intriguing findings agents. He concludes that the justices are “gen- We know that the Court’s decisions oppos-
provide a valuable step in starting to bring the erally deferential toward agency action” (p. 69) ing Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal were
public into that discussion. and often operate “as facilitators of presidential already on the wane when FDR proposed his
bureaucratic power” (p. 70). This may well be ill-fated court-packing plan in 1937, but that
true, and presidential power and prestige may can hardly explain the vitriol with which his
Popular Justice: Presidential Prestige be part of the explanation, but here the book proposal was greeted by his own party. The
and Executive Success in the might be significantly strengthened by Senate Judiciary Committee, dominated by
Supreme Court. By Jeff Yates. Albany: State acknowledging that although the courts and Democrats, concluded that his proposal was “a
University of New York Press, 2002. 131p. $54.50 the other institutions of the national govern- measure which should be so emphatically
cloth, $17.95 paper. ment have much in common, there are impor- rejected that its parallel will never again be
tant ways in which they are different. presented to the free representatives of the free
— Gordon Silverstein, Lewis & Clark College
Why would judges tend to defer to execu- people of America” (Senate Report No. 711,
While there are excellent studies of judicial tive agencies? Presidential popularity may 75th Congress, 1st Session, 1937). Even an
behavior, and particularly of the behavior of make a difference, but one could well argue extraordinarily popular president may lack
U.S. Supreme Court justices, too often we for- that this deference is actually a long-standing prestige and clout on particular issues, a reality
get that the judiciary cannot be understood in philosophical commitment on the part of a that would be apparent to any strategic justice.
isolation from the elected branches. A full number of Supreme Court justices. In 1984 Popular Justice helpfully encourages us to
understanding of judicial behavior must grap- the Supreme Court clearly announced that begin to look beyond the confines of the 417
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

courthouse in thinking about judicial behavior. as well the degree to which long-standing es of government, we need to keep in mind
Yates’s empirical instincts are sound, but future philosophical commitments and judicial pre- that their institutional differences and the very
research would do well to consider the strategic dispositions and default assumptions might different incentives faced by legislators and
impulses (and strategic advantages) held by the make a difference. As much as we need to life-tenured judges shape and constrain their
Court as well as the president, and to consider understand the similarities of the three branch- interactions as well.

COMPARATIVE POLITICS entail. Faced with a left-wing threat, the right nations based on the national political culture,
might hedge, in some cases for an indefinite, as well as on the various devices, such as pacts
though generally not too long, period of time. and grand coalition governments, to “tame”
The Sources of Democratic In other cases, the threat being imminent and the Left and/or to assuage the preoccupations
Consolidation. By Gerard Alexander. Ithaca, serious, the Right has decided to defect from of the Right. He also denies the validity of
NY: Cornell University Press, 2002. 304p. $39.95. democracy. Finally, all the cases of democratic what he calls the theory of International
consolidation have been achieved following the Demonstration Effects. On this, his rebuttal is
— Gianfranco Pasquino, University of Bologna
evaluation by the Right that the Left was no less convincing because the international envi-
Much has been written on the processes of longer posing any threat to its safety and prop- ronment appears to have played a significant
democratization and democratic consolida- erty. Because the Left had become moderate or role both in the collapse of the admittedly frag-
tion. So far, however, few exceptions aside, because the moderate Left could in fact control ile democracies of Italy, Germany, and Spain,
most studies have been atheoretical descrip- the more limited extreme Left, the Right could and in the reconstruction and buffering of the
tions of events, providing only idiosyncratic commit itself to democracy. new democratic regimes. Perhaps, it also affect-
explanations. The best among these studies The author stresses that the basic prefer- ed the views and the evaluations of the Right.
have produced some sets of generalizations, ences of the Right for safety and property are Certainly, it was not a matter of “demonstra-
though of limited applicability. Utilizing a soft relatively fixed. On the contrary, the prefer- tion effect,” but of a hostile and/or supportive
or flexible version of rational choice theory, ences for either democracy or authoritarianism international climate, ideas, and actors. For
Gerard Alexander has attempted to offer an are induced. They depend more on the behav- instance, the Cold War was definitely a factor
elegant and parsimonious theory of democratic ior of the Left than just on the perceptions of in stabilizing Italian democracy, although at
consolidation based on four different the Right. Nevertheless, perceptions do count, the same time, it made its consolidation rather
European cases: Spain, Weimar Germany, but they are influenced and shaped by the difficult. The French case, both in the interwar
France, and Italy (plus a glimpse of Britain). In statements and the declarations of the leaders period and after 1945, appears to make
all four major cases, the democratic framework of the Left, by the programs of left-wing par- Alexander’s interpretation of the decisiveness
was challenged by the Right and ultimately ties, and by the behavior of the rank and file of of the behavior of the Right less compelling. In
collapsed. In a subsequent period, all four these parties (and the inability of the leaders to fact, the major intervening variable seems to
countries have reinstated a democratic regime curb extremist positions). have been represented by the socialists. Closely
that has been fully accepted by the Right. The theory is then applied to four case allied in their behavior with the communists
Alexander starts his analysis by saying that studies. All are presented and analyzed through before 1940 and potentially exposed to radical
in principle, right-wing forces are neither in an in-depth perusal of a vast secondary litera- pressures, the socialists prevented the Right
favor nor against democracy and authoritarian- ture: articles, books, memoirs of the protago- from committing itself to democracy. Capable
ism. The fruitful questions to be asked do not nists. Indeed, Alexander has definitely relied of resisting radical pressures, they detached
pin democracy against authoritarianism, but on the best products of the scholars of the dif- themselves from the communists after the war,
are “democracy with whom?” and “authoritari- ferent countries. Because of its importance, the and their role and stance encouraged the
anism with whom?”. At least in these four case of Spain has been researched in even more Right to move from hedging to democratic
countries, the Right has been fundamentally depth, adding to the existing literature inter- commitment.
interested in protecting its property and in views with 17 right-wing leaders of the All this said, that does not amount to sug-
looking for safety, but Alexander claims that 1976–77 transition and a sample of 50 small- gesting a revision of Alexander’s framework,
his hypotheses, his analysis, and his generaliza- business owners. The success of the Spanish but just to indicating the need for the integra-
tions can be extended profitably to Latin transition to democracy and of its rapid demo- tion of some elements within it. There is no
American and East and Central European cratic consolidation has been variously doubt that the author has succeeded in his
postcommunist political systems. Therefore, explained, especially with reference to pacts overall task: He has convincingly established
anytime a threat from the Left would material- and to the favorable and supportive interna- that what counts more in leading to and pro-
ize, the dominant question for the configura- tional environment (that had, on the contrary, ducing democratic consolidation are the
tion of right-wing forces was whether that supported the creation of a very repressive induced preferences of the Right concerning
threat could be accommodated and absorbed authoritarian regime after 1939). In other the (assessment of ) expected behavior of the
without risks within the democratic frame- cases, the emergence of an authoritarian Left. He has written a remarkable book
work, or whether it had to be dealt with by regime and the difficulty of creating and main- that challenges some received wisdoms.
installing an authoritarian regime. To be more taining a viable democracy have been attrib- Theoretically innovative, founded on solid
precise, the author suggests that, indeed, the uted to the various national political cultures. research and much incontrovertible evidence,
Right would weight the costs of repression and Both in his analysis of Spain and his explo- The Sources of Democratic Consolidation is a real
exclusion of the Left, as well as the costs to ration of France, Weimar Germany, and Italy, and significant contribution to the existing lit-
itself, in terms of all the restrictions that the author casts serious and perhaps insur- erature. Indeed, it does so by going well
inevitably an authoritarian regime would mountable doubts on the validity of the expla- beyond most of this literature.

418 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

Postcommunism and the Theory of proposes a middle way between these two alter- to support most claims of that school, as the
Democracy. By Richard D. Anderson, Jr., M. natives: A democracy is consolidated when at authors of this book effectively demonstrate.
Steven Fish, Stephen E. Hanson, and Philip G. least the “enforcers of democratic institutions” This negative message is not enough to give
Roeder. Princeton: Princeton University Press, are seriously committed to democracy. the book unity, however, and it is not enough
2002. 224p. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 paper. The argument that the fragmentation of for an intellectual manifesto. What is, then, the
elites is of fundamental importance for democ- positive message the authors deliver in their
— Karol Edward Soltan, University of Maryland
ratization is explicit in Fish’s and Roeder’s conclusion? They argue that we should expand
The main body of this book consists of four chapters, but it is present in all four. This is, of the range of elements of the democratization
chapters, each written by one of the listed course, an old familiar theme in the literature process we consider. They claim that disper-
authors, all of whom are prominent scholars in on democracy, and so a quick summary of sion of political power is important for demo-
“postcommunist studies” and authors of these chapters seems a bit unfair. The authors cracy. And they support an understanding of
important book-length works on the collapse do not simply repeat a well-known story; they democratization, which is not deterministic,
of communism in the Soviet Union. They each give it new strength. The detailed arguments in but allows for human agency. All these are
challenge the current received wisdom in three of these chapters (Roeder, Fish, Hanson) undoubtedly good things, but they do not
accounts of democratization, using evidence are smart and convincing, making them into really add up to a coherent intellectual strategy
from the postcommunist region. important article-length contributions to the or research program.
The emergence of democracy is preceded literature on democratization. Yet, in fact, the authors contribute to, and
by the failure of authoritarianism, and so I do have a quarrel with Anderson, however. show the fruitfulness of, a very important
Philip Roeder analyzes the sources of the fail- He poses the basic problem in a novel and research program in contemporary social sci-
ure of authoritarianism in some post-Soviet interesting way: the importance of a strong, ences. This program centers on two basic claims.
regimes and its remarkable success in others, distinct, elite identity for the preservation of It suggests that the best way to explain political
especially in Central Asia. He finds that the authoritarian patterns of rule, and of the phenomena (whole regimes, or some of their
fragmented communist regimes collapse into breakdown of that distinctive identity (and the aspects) is to show the sequence of events that
some form of democracy, while the unified social boundary it maintains between the elite produced them. And to do that well, we must
regimes preserve their authoritarianism, even and the population) for the beginnings of understand the microstructure of those events,
as it sheds its communist packaging. democracy. His empirical evidence also shows including the role of instrumental rationality,
M. Steven Fish considers those postcom- that there were linguistic changes accompany- institutions, and ideas. This is the program of
munist regimes that first democratized, and ing this transformation. But his evidence does both the new institutionalism that derives from
then de-democratized (at least partially). Using not support his claim (which is a little hard to rational choice and the one that appeals to the
the full range of postcommunist regimes as his believe) that the linguistic change was itself critics of rational choice. But many of the new
evidence, he considers and rejects many possi- causally important. institutionalists are misleadingly labeled. They
ble explanations for such backsliding. He set- These four core chapters could have been are equally happy to consider ideas and cultures,
tles on “hyper-presidentialism” as the best easily published as separate articles. But what is not just institutions, because their main point is
explanation. The backsliders are all systems the argument of the book as a whole? To find that political battles of the past have left a shared
that gave unusually large powers to the chief an answer, we must turn to George Breslauer’s inheritance (culture, ideas, identities, institu-
executive. Those powers were then used to brief introduction or the authors’ collectively tions) that influences the political battles of
undermine, or at least to weaken, democracy. written concluding chapter. Neither succeeds the present. The key messages are that the
Richard Anderson aims to explain the sud- in really explaining why the volume exists. past matters, and that its influence can be
denness of the changes that he believes are the You can approach the book in one of two understood in a way that is both detailed and
key to the transition to democracy in Russia, ways. It is essentially an edited volume (though theoretical. Postcommunism and the Theory of
and elsewhere: the willingness of the members without editors), with the usual problems (of Democracy promotes this message quite effec-
of the nomenklatura elite to begin to compete coherence and uneven quality) of edited vol- tively through its four core chapters. One can
with one another for external popular support, umes. But these problems are not serious: The only wish that the authors had made their ver-
and the willingness of the population to take volume contains some very interesting and sion of it more explicit.
sides in this competition. He finds the answer valuable contributions, and it is certainly more
in shifts of political identity driven by changes intellectually unified than most edited volumes. Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs:
in discourse, in the grammatical and semantic I could stop here with the sort of conventional Gender Identity Politics in Nicaragua,
structures of the language used by the nomen- praise one gives successful edited volumes. 1979–1999. By Lorraine Bayard de Volo.
klatura. Democracy emerges as the elite begins But one can also read the book as a missed Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001.
to speak a form of Russian measurably closer to opportunity to deliver a significant intellectual 320p. $25.95.
that of the population at large. manifesto. The manifesto is directed against a
Finally, Stephen Hanson is concerned with broad range of theories of democratization, After the Revolution: Gender and
the problem of the consolidation of democracy and this part is delivered effectively. The Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua,
in general, and in the postcommunist countries authors are developing an alternative to the old and Guatemala. By Ilja A. Luciak. Baltimore:
in particular. His chapter is largely a critique of “preconditions” school of explaining the emer- Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 336p.
the conceptions of consolidation found in the gence of democracy, which saw economic $26.00.
modernization-and-civic-culture literature, on development, economic equality, moderniza-
— Waltraud Queiser Morales, University of
the one hand (looking for a broad civic consen- tion, class structure (including a strong bour-
Central Florida
sus on democracy), and the rational choice liter- geoisie), ethnic homogeneity, or a strong dose
ature on the other (democracy as Nash equilib- of Protestantism as preconditions of demo- Research on women’s issues and comparative
rium or as the “only game in town”). Hanson cracy. The experience of postcommunism fails gender roles has achieved a critical mass in 419
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

both data collection and theorizing. interviewees. Secondary data collection and President Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, who
Progressing beyond descriptive and narrative archival research of more than 15 years of encouraged a return to conservative and tradi-
testimonies of women’s “voices” on the one newspapers in Nicaragua and the United States tional gender relations that restricted women’s
hand and cold statistics on the other, the recent supplement her field research. choices on sexuality and reproduction, and
literature on women and politics offers greater The Nicaraguan women interviewed, as instituted policies during her administration
in-depth analysis and intriguing theoretical Bayard de Volo readily admits, were atypical of that increased the “feminization of poverty.”
explanations. The two studies under review most poor Latin American women. Five were Ironically, the author notes that the Sandinista
substantially advance gender research generally experts with an AK-47, and others were former representation of women as mothers helped
and in Latin and Central America specifically. guerrilla fighters, urban insurrectionists, and Violeta Chamorro, who made effective politi-
The relationship between gender and power Sandinista collaborators; but all were mothers, cal use of the maternal imagery, to the presi-
in Latin America has deep historical roots and and “most had prepared the destroyed body of dency (p. 103).
has inspired controversy over “natural” femi- a son or a daughter for burial” (p. xii). Despite Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs reminds the
nine behavior and acceptable sociopolitical extensive scholarly attention to the official reader that in Nicaragua, simple dichotomies
roles. Women have figured prominently in the Sandinista women’s organizations, Nicaraguan have failed to explain women’s motivations to
social revolutions of the twentieth century, and maternal movements and their important and organize. The Nicaraguan women that Bayard
since the 1970s an unparalleled number have distinctive role in the gendered hegemonic de Volo studied developed a collective identity
joined guerrilla movements and served as com- struggle of the Sandinista revolutionary process from both expressive and instrumental motiva-
batants in Central America’s major insurgen- have largely been ignored. Bayard de Volo’s tions; women pursued both economic and
cies. Much “revolutionary” literature on gender research, therefore, fills an important void in symbolic stakes. The early members of the
politics tended to glorify male–female relations the literature on women and politics. She Mothers, the Continuadoras, joined and sup-
while ignoring persistent gender problems after argues that “images of women, particularly ported the FSLN’s women’s movement during
guerrilla movements were transformed into maternal images were mobilized by opposing and immediately after the revolution primarily
governments and integrated into the traditional forces in the battle to capture Nicaraguan to share moral resources as mothers, and they
political party structure. In contrast, extensive hearts and minds,” and that these “mobilizing continued in the struggle to defend the revolu-
and stimulating analysis of the status of identities were both enabling and constraining tion for which their children died. Later mem-
women “after the revolutions” in Central to women” (p. 4). Overall she investigates sev- bers, the Interesadas, included FSLN and
America represents the single most important eral key questions: how revolution, war, and Contra mothers who were drawn to the
contribution of these two books. democratic transitions are gendered; why and women’s movement largely for material and
Despite mixed progress in gender equality how women organized politically as mothers; economic reasons after the Sandinistas’ elec-
by Central American women in the postrevo- and how maternal organizations negotiated the toral defeat.
lutionary polities of El Salvador, Nicaragua, complexities “of revolution, civil war, neoliber- Bayard de Volo concedes that the maternal
and Guatemala, both studies conclude that the alism, and gendered hegemonic struggle” identities examined in her study are “tempo-
ultimate goal of substantive, in contrast to (p. xv). rary and historically specific” and do not corre-
legal, gender equality and democratization Bayard de Volo effectively demonstrates that spond to all Nicaraguan women (p. 10).
remains elusive. Among the reasons, both in revolutionary Nicaragua, the ideological bat- Motherhood cannot be dismissed as simply
authors emphasize two persistent and central tle was also fought over the nature of the mater- natural; it entails complex images that are
problems: sexist notions of women’s identities, nal identity and how and who would define socially, culturally, and historically derived.
roles, and natures held by men and women; “female consciousness” (p. 16). In power, the The FSLN articulated the imagery of the “suf-
and sexist attitudes about gender (male– Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) fering Mother” from without and molded and
female) relations in general. The Central manipulated the women’s movement to assure imposed the dominant gender images of the
American case studies also reveal that although the survival of the revolution and the political revolution on Nicaraguan women. This
revolutions may significantly reorder tradition- advantage of the party, at the expense of process of constructing and resisting “maternal
al gender relations, once the societal crisis women’s issues and gender equality. A majority mobilizing identities,” she maintains, is gener-
passes and the fighting ends, confusing self- of loyal Sandinista women, many ex-guerrilla alizable “to state-mobilized collective action
perceptions and conflicting external social and fighters and some former military command- and even anti- or extra-state social movements”
cultural perceptions of gender roles quickly ers, supported the party’s actual, in contrast to elsewhere in Latin America (p. 17). In the end,
reemerge. This finding may readily apply to its public and official, gender policy, compro- “mobilized mothers are a case of resistance as
the rest of Latin America and the Third World. mising the autonomy of the women’s move- well as accommodation to gendered power
Lorraine Bayard de Volo’s Mothers of Heroes ment. Nevertheless, maternal collectivities relations” (p. 18).
and Martyrs draws upon field research in demonstrated the potential for both structural Bayard de Volo anticipates future progress
Nicaragua during 1992–93 and extensive and individual change, and between 1990 and toward gender equality in Nicaragua through a
open-ended interviews with the most active 1996 the Mothers were also able to employ strategy of reconciliation rather than con-
members of the pro-Sandinista Committee of maternal symbolism to further women’s inter- frontation, and as long as women’s organiza-
Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs of Matagalpa. ests and broker greater autonomy. tions maintain their relative autonomy from
Bayard de Volo also interviewed members of Another bitter lesson in gender equality was party and state structures. Analysis of the polit-
the mothers’ committee of Esteli and of the learned after the FSLN adopted an informal ical crisis around the Zoilamérica case, where-
Mothers of the Resistance (or the mothers of quota policy. In Nicaragua (as well as in El in Daniel Ortega’s stepdaughter accused him of
the anti-Sandinista ex-Contra fighters), who Salvador and Guatemala), women in high sexual assault since childhood, demonstrated
later joined the Matagalpa mothers’ group. In office and positions of power did not always how gendered power relations could impact
1998 and 1999, the author conducted follow- advance women’s interests or feminist agendas. national politics. FSLN party loyalists (men
up interviews with about a third of the initial Bayard de Volo is especially critical of former and women) closed ranks and protected

420 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

Ortega. The party also manipulated the quota process, and the demobilization and integration balanced study of nationalist mobilization as a
system and electoral rules against women can- of the FMLN (Farabundo Martí National series of waves is a model for those seeking a
didates for office. These policies indicated that Liberation Front) into postwar politics. He also blend of quantitative and qualitative approaches
“the FSLN elite never viewed the elimination examines Nicaragua and Guatemala in order to to worthy subjects.
of patriarchy as fundamental to its democratic provide a context and more comprehensive view Beissinger crosses deftly between interna-
agenda.” Moreover, “democracy itself,” Bayard of the Salvadoran experience. His comparisons tional relations and comparative politics with
de Volo concludes, “seems to be an endangered reveal that timing and a supportive internation- his argument that the transnational influence of
aspect of the FSLN agenda, in no small part al climate were critical in the advancement of one wave of nationalism upon another is critical
because women’s emancipation is not seen as gender awareness in the region. Thus, women’s for political success or failure, when joined with
an integral aspect of democracy” (p. 248). issues played a more important role in the peace the variables of preexisting structural condi-
In After the Revolution, Ilja A. Luciak sets out process in Guatemala in 1996–97 than in El tions, institutional constraints, and event-specif-
to provide a balanced assessment of the revolu- Salvador in 1992. The Guatemalan case was fur- ic influences. Drawing on the medium-level
tionary Left’s record on gender equality in the ther complicated by the special role of indige- data set offered by the 15 Russian republics and
years after former guerrilla movements were nous women, who were some 80% of the a number of subrepublican national minorities,
transformed into political parties. This book is URGN (Guatemalan National Revolutionary he develops a sophisticated set of indicators to
based on extensive field research during Unity) guerrilla forces. predict the outcome both of nationalist mobi-
1984–89 and 1992–2001 in El Salvador, Luciak suggests that gender equity has pro- lization and of the resulting political struggle.
Nicaragua, and Guatemala, as well as structured gressed in all three cases as a result of women’s The relatively few mispredictions are treated in
interviews with key officials in the three coun- participation in the guerrilla movements, espe- full and used to bolster the book’s argument that
tries and a survey of two hundred Salvadoran cially in El Salvador and within the FMLN. the iterative effects of nationalism require an
ex-combatants. A central thesis is that “mean- Salvadoran women learned important lessons approach sensitive to timing and historical expe-
ingful democratization at the national level” from “women’s subordination in the FSLN” rience (pp. 222–33, 243–52).
requires internal party democracy, a unique and fought for autonomy within the party at This study grapples with the role of individ-
challenge for the parties of the Left, which have the outset (p. 232). And despite relative success ual choice driven by a complex set of influences
recently emerged out of “authoritarian, hierar- in formal gender equality, none of the three in abnormal political periods (described as
chical, [and] military organizations” (p. xv). countries had passed national quota laws. “thickened history”). The way things turned out
Luciak’s study confirms the persistence of Indeed, in Nicaragua and El Salvador, recent is cast as the product of real people reacting to
patriarchy in the revolutionary and postrevolu- developments suggest that “the fight for gender actual events, not some sort of predetermined
tionary politics of Central America, expressed equality is suffering a backlash” (p. 230). With pattern of nationalist initiative or regime repres-
in the epigram: “Of all those who shouldered a the exception of Europe and North America, sion. Repeatedly the reader hears the voices of
rifle, only to the women did they give back a the revolutionary Left in Central America political actors, as well as the more typically apo-
broom” (p. 32). Luciak basically argues that “looks quite good when compared with the litical, as they apprehended incidents at the time
without “a fundamental rethinking of tradi- rest of the world” in terms of formal gender of their occurrence, not the events as recon-
tional gender relations” there can be no gender equality (p. 231). And Luciak’s extensive quan- structed in public imagination or scholarly
equality, and therefore no substantive democ- titative data on rising female representation in minds. Sources range from Belorussian school-
ratization in the region (p. 225). Ultimately, he political parties and leadership roles clearly children chanting “Perestroika” as they go on
warns, quotas, although “an essential part of bears this out. But formal equality “has yet to strike (p. 91) to the rationales provided by polit-
the struggle to increase women’s representation translate into substantive change” (p. 230). ical elites for their decisions (e.g., Anatolii
in the public sphere,” can easily be manipu- His research and that of Bayard de Volo Sobchak’s claim that Georgian political leaders
lated to “trap women in mere statistical equal- strongly support the conclusion that substan- expected the exhaustion of protestors to avert
ity” (p. 225). tive gender equality can be achieved only by violence on the eve of the infamous April 9,
Both Luciak and Bayard de Volo consider a mutual cooperation between men and women, 1989 massacre in Tbilisi (pp. 184–85). One of
controversial dilemma in gender politics for the and that the mainstreaming of gender equality the most important myths—that the Soviet dis-
Latin American political Left: la doble militan- remains a prerequisite for substantive demo- solution was inevitable, and understood as such
cia, or “double militancy.” Can women activists cracy in the region. by most participants in nationalist move-
be loyal to both the women’s movement and the ments—receives a chapter-length treatment
political party at the same time? Or does this early in the volume. Beissinger’s findings concur
dual loyalty compromise the autonomy of the Nationalist Mobilization and the with this reviewer’s experiences in the Baltic
women’s movement and, ultimately, gender Collapse of the Soviet State. By Mark R. states during the crucial years leading to inde-
equality? Double militancy, a critical concern in Beissinger. Cambridge: Cambridge University pendence, a process that took participants by
all three Central American cases, became espe- Press, 2002. 520p. $80.00 cloth, $30.00 paper. surprise and often ended up hurting political
cially acute in Nicaragua where, ironically, the moderates because only nationalist extremists
— Martha Merritt, University of Notre Dame
women’s movement realized greater advances had predicted early victory over the seemingly
after the 1990 Sandinista electoral defeat than in Behind its prosaic title, Nationalist Mobilization impervious Soviet regime.
the previous decade immediately after the victo- and the Collapse of the Soviet State is a big, origi- Institutionalists might be particularly inter-
ry of the FSLN. Luciak comes to many of the nal book brimming with conceptual innovation ested in the book’s nuanced consideration of
same conclusions as Bayard de Volo, and he also on two much-visited topics: nationalist move- constraint. As Beissinger argues, “Institutional
finds that the FSLN was more self-serving than ments and the Soviet collapse. Mark Beissinger constraints are powerful mechanisms for affect-
grounded in its support for women’s rights. constructs a rigorous empirical edifice that ing the ways in which individuals think about
The core of his study, despite a comparative serves to advance his first-rate theoretical reflec- their identities, for in times of normalized poli-
methodology, centers on El Salvador, the peace tion rather than to overwhelm it. This carefully tics people tend to adjust their beliefs to the 421
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

boundaries of the permissible” (p. 152). When offer a more detailed picture of how his analysis tions offered by liberal intergovernmentalist,
those boundaries are challenged, the process of contradicts solely self-interested motives for neofunctionalist, and multilevel governance the-
changing beliefs about limits is described here as enlisting nationalism. ories (Part I). Yet her model selects and com-
“emboldening”; the transformation of con- Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse bines elements from these theories into a more
sciousness about which the author writes was of the Soviet State should prove useful for complex framework. The model predicts, first,
indeed experienced by participants as an “awak- graduate and sophisticated undergraduate- that the more European insti-tutions challenge
ening” or a “rebirth” (p. 153). Refreshingly, he is level courses on transnational movements, domestic ones (degree of misfit), the greater the
less concerned about the tired and artificial nationalism, and post-Soviet politics. The chances of domestic institutional change.
debate of primordialism vs. instrumentalism— book’s carefully constructed arguments and Second, domestic institutions based on a coop-
that is, whether nationalist beliefs that emerge weave of evidence make for absorbing reading erative institutional culture possess higher
are best understood as preexisting or whether and will likely stimulate fruitful discussion. adaptability and are less likely to undergo signif-
they are created by elite manipulation—than he icant change than competitive institutions
is about the circumstances that make individu- (p. 39). Formal institutions “delimit the range of
als more willing to risk boundary crossing. States and Regions in the European strategy options,” whereas “informal institutions
A key factor in his analysis is the role of persua- Union: Institutional Adaptation in [i.e., institutional culture] impact upon their
sive events that demonstrate the likely rewards Germany and Spain. By Tanja A. Börzel. ultimate strategy choice” (p. 214). These are
of action, for in essence, the regime and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. important conditions that help in the under-
the nationalist mobilizers are competing for 284p. $65.00 cloth, $24.00 paper. standing of institutional effects. Overall, I agree
the support of the less committed, the possible with Tanja Börzel’s complex picture and com-
— Christian Tuschhoff, Emory University
fence-sitters. This process ends, as it did for the parative analysis of second-image reversed
Soviet republics, if political incumbents succeed In the tradition of second-image reversed stud- effects, including a convincing causal chain of
in co-opting the nationalist message. ies, Tanja Börzel analyzes the impact of institutional change (Figure 2, p. 28).
In an especially significant treatment of European integration on territorial institutions Minor criticism cannot dilute the positive
repression, Beissinger weighs the options avail- and federalism in Germany and Spain. In both impression of States and Regions in the European
able during the Gorbachev era to impose order. cases, the European Union exerted considerable Union. This is one of the very few studies that
He builds upon a meticulous account of pressure in order to adjust separation-of-power creatively combines and integrates rational
episodes of protest and violence (in graph form arrangements by modifying the “say and pay” choice and constructivist explanations (p. 230).
on p. 163), during which the leaders of the balances between central and regional govern- The attempt enriches our understanding of how
Soviet Union found themselves falling short on ments. However, Germany and Spain respond- policymakers make choices. However, such
the resources a victorious regime would use to ed quite differently. Börzel convincingly shows increased descriptive complexity has its price. It
repress nationalist expression. The failure of how actors combine the “logic of consequential- does not always allow for the identification of
the Soviet state to defend itself adequately was ity” with the “logic of appropriateness” when the causal mechanism at work. For example,
thus rooted in a widely held conception of how choosing and changing their strategies. Börzel argues that the initial choice of strategy
order should be maintained, a case where the Following their cooperative federalism culture, results from institutional culture, but subse-
boundaries of the permissible did not expand the German regions (Länder) consistently quent strategy changes are determined by
for the leadership (p. 329). In contrast to the responded to Europeanization challenges by rational cost–benefit calculations. Yet it remains
current vogue for personalizing regime choices cooperating with the central government and unclear why the initial choice is based on the
and, in Russia, finding Mikhail Gorbachev continuously adjusting joint decision-making logic of appropriateness and the subsequent
weak-willed, Beissinger documents the reluc- and sharing arrangements. The Spanish choices are determined by cost–benefit calcula-
tance of even the more order-bound members Autonomous Communities initially pursued a tions. A mechanism such as path dependency or
of the Politburo to exercise state repression. On strategy of confrontation by trying to build a trial and error might have filled the gap.
the few occasions when they tried to flex fence around their competencies and shifting Consideration of alternative hypothetical
regime muscle, the use of force backfired, costs consistent with the culture of competitive outcomes might have further illuminated
abetted nationalist mobilization, and precipi- federalism. Only after confrontation failed did the reasons for choice. Just imagine how the
tated the breakdown of Soviet power. they change to a cooperative strategy and adjust autonomous communities exiting from the
The book suffers only from a reluctance to domestic institutions. The author finds that Spanish federation and becoming independent
engage more fully with the wide range of litera- Europeanization resulted in facilitating coopera- members of the EU could have made their ini-
ture tapped here. In particular, reference to the tive federalism in both cases. While this rein- tial strategy of defending their competencies a
work of David Laitin, Elie Kedourie, and Steven forced the existing type of cooperative federal- success. Börzel does not reveal why the exit
Solnick (obliquely) begs greater, and sometimes ism in Germany, competitive federalism in option was unavailable and/or not a credible
more critical, comparison with the author’s own Spain was fundamentally transformed. threat to support a noncooperative strategy.
findings. Laitin’s emphasis on linguistic assimi- Europeanization exposed both EU members to Nevertheless, the omission leads to an implied
lation receives significant support, though the same pressure of adjustment, but the type of overestimation of the range of strategy choices
Beissinger’s treatment of the contrast between federalism determined its adaptability, that is, available to the Spanish regions determined by
the Belorussian and Ukrainian cases introduces the degree of change. formal institutions. Without such an exit
important additional subtlety. Kedourie’s beau- Börzel explains these choices of strategy and option, the Spanish regions were as trapped in
tiful prose is quoted to effect, though without a institutional adaptation and thus makes an joint decision making as the German Länder.
treatment of his insistence that nationalism is a important contribution to the growing body of In addition, had the Spanish constitutional
pathology. Beissinger challenges the notion that literature on the impact of institutions on choic- court sided with the regions instead of the cen-
officials were only or mostly “stealing the state,” es. She develops her own “Institution tral state, the outcome of institutional adjust-
to quote Solnick’s excellent phrase, but could Dependency Model” to move beyond explana- ment would have been quite different than the

422 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

adoption of cooperative federalism. Yet the rea- scholarly works represent a latest installment, port—that liberal market alternatives are simi-
sons for the court’s decision to side with the and mark a further intellectual development in larly vulnerable; the accounts of Chile and
central government remain a mystery beyond the unfolding literature. As the pace and range Hungary are particularly convincing in this
the explanatory variables. of the privatization revolutions gathered force respect. Privatization itself provides numerous
I also slightly disagree with Börzel’s throughout the 1980s, we first produced most- opportunities for collusive behavior, opening up
argument that Germany’s adjustment of ly single-country studies trying to comprehend rich rent-seeking possibilities. The policy impli-
cooperative federalism to accommodate what was going on; latterly, comparative studies cation of this is obvious, but, for all that, impor-
Europeanization effectively protected the com- have chiefly been about attempts to map the tant: Industries do not just privatize themselves,
petencies of regions. This common mistake international contours of privatization. These and protecting any liberal order from rent-
derives from falsely equating the upper house two works are part of a third stage: the attempt seeking behavior is a matter of complex institu-
of the German parliament, the Bundesrat, with both to subject the privatization experience to tional design. And although Schamis does not
the Länder. Constitutionally, the Bundesrat is a existing analytical tools and to use privatization quite say this, a pessimist might conclude from
body of the central government. Liberal inter- itself as a laboratory to further test some of those the range of very different cases here that suc-
governmentalists can still argue that the analytical tools. It is a crude but, I think, fair cessful institutional design is well nigh impossi-
increased role of the Bundesrat in European summary of these two volumes to say that ble. I am not sure that all this is quite such a sur-
affairs is evidence for their claim that European Hector Schamis is primarily interested in priva- prising insight as Schamis wants to maintain. It
integration strengthened the central state tization itself, and in applying existing analytical looks pretty much like some familiar problems
rather than the regions. The Länder can exer- tools to its understanding, whereas Mark Cassell of regulatory capture that are standard in the
cise their veto rights not individually but only is more interested in what a couple of privatiza- regulation literature, and which are certainly
collectively. This distinction is not trivial tion stories can tell us about some other estab- familiar to liberal critics of state enterprise. But
because it is at the heart of William Riker’s lished social theories. what is valuable is the care with which the
classical definition of federalism and ultimately Descriptively, Schamis offers a set of linked empirical material is assembled from his thick
affects the state quality of the Länder. In addi- country case studies organized into discrete case studies.
tion, once policy competence moves to the chapters: Chile, Britain, Mexico and Argentina The second analytical driver of the book is
European level, the Länder lose the right of leg- (paired in a single chapter), and Hungary. Of the argument hinted at in the punning title:
islative initiative and considerable discretion of these, Chile is given both precedence and Privatization does not shrink the state; it
policy implementation. In short, cooperative weight: It is his first, and is by far the most reforms it, and in reforming it almost always
federalism has not prevented centralization, as detailed. The justification offered is couched in strengthens central state control capacities.
Heidrun Abromeit already showed in Der the language of comparative research Here his slightly skimpy treatment of Britain
verkappte Einheitsstaat (1992). design—in essence, that Chile, in part by virtue has actually deprived him of an important
There are also some minor methodological of being first in the field with an unusually rad- piece of evidence. In the British case, the key
problems. For example, in the assessment of the ical program, is a kind of template against which reforms have not only involved change in the
effectiveness of institutional coordination in to size up the others. I am not sure that this is larger architecture of the state after
Spain (pp. 140–47), there is no measure for the analytically quite convincing, and in any case, Thatcherism—which he covers—but have also
level of conflict. Consequently, coordination the actual execution suggests someone who is involved, via the new regulatory agencies, the
might be considered effective even though com- simply much more at home in Latin America. creation of an increasingly active and interven-
mon positions made it irrelevant. Or Börzel At the start of his Hungarian chapter, he cites tionist regulatory order.
presents mostly subjective assessments by poli- scholars who are skeptical of how far transition Schamis has produced an ambitious, com-
cymakers she interviewed for her theory can carry across continents, and one plex book that will repay the time of anybody
statement that the Länder are not using might ask the same thing of privatization theo- interested in privatization. Cassell’s study is nar-
extrastate channels to bypass the central govern- ry. At any rate, the only seriously weak chapter rower in scope, but correspondingly richer in
ment (pp. 77–78) and are thus refraining from in the book is that on Britain, where the core of detail. It offers thick case study in the sense that
competition. However, such stated subjective the privatization experience—the unfolding reg- good soup is thick—full of juicy morsels. How
intentions do not amount to a pursued strategy. ulatory system and the unfolding clashes over Governments Privatize is a comparative study of
the place of privatized utilities in the market two agencies. The American Resolution Trust
economy—barely gets a look in. Corporation was established to sell off the assets
How Governments Privatize: The
But any book organized, like Re-forming the of the thrifts that fell into the lap of government
Politics of Divestment in the United
State, around a series of thick case studies of following the great savings-and-loan collapses of
States and Germany. By Mark Cassell.
individual countries is vulnerable to sniping the 1980s. The Treuhandanstalt was established
Washington DC: Georgetown University Press,
from single-country specialists. In fact, the ana- following the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989
2002. 296p. $59.95.
lytical arguments that drive the description are to privatize the assets of the old German
Re-forming the State: The Politics of highly successful. They take two loosely related Democratic Republic. Although the scale of the
Privatization in Latin America and forms. First, Schamis begins by summarizing a thrift asset sell-off is certainly impressive, I am
Europe. By Hector E. Schamis. Ann Arbor: range of political economy criticisms of state not sure it is a particularly illuminating privati-
University of Michigan Press, 2002. 216p. $55.00 enterprise, such as those derived from the work zation case study; it looks more like a glorified
cloth, $19.95 paper. of Mancur Olson. These, in essence, see public fire sale. But that, in any case, hardly matters
enterprise as vulnerable to rent-seeking behavior because Cassell really wants to use the two cases
— Michael Moran, University of Manchester
by key interests. The policy prescription is as fol- to explore issues that could just as easily be
The great world privatization revolution brings lows: To abolish rent-seeking opportunities, pri- explored by comparative studies of other agen-
in its wake, predictably, a boom in academic vatize. Schamis argues by contrast—and his cies in other circumstances: issues to do with the
studies of privatization. These two impressive descriptions provide highly convincing sup- connection between agency mission, structure, 423
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

and organization; and issues to do with the way extraction of taxes and resources in the process. state administration; the relative lack of a preex-
agency behavior is shaped by the national In turn, this encourages and supports the estab- isting state capacity; an export-based economic
administrative setting (in the latter case, a lot). lishment of a central authority. Furthermore, the strategy that prioritized international markets
There is not much to be learned in this book importance of conscription and the definition of over domestic ones; and the resistance of domi-
about privatization theory, although the descrip- an “enemy” can contribute to the development nant classes within Latin America to unite in
tion of the two agencies is riveting in the detail, of “citizens” and a nationalist ethos. The author’s support of more powerful centralized authori-
much of it derived from interview material. This central goal is to determine how effective this ties. The last point is critical to Centeno, who
is the sense in which the privatization experience theory is in explaining the record of failed states concludes that elite support was central to the
is used as a laboratory to explore other issues. In in Latin America. few cases in which war making had some type of
essence, two themes emerge. One is the extent Focusing on the nineteenth century, a high positive affect upon state development (p. 273).
to which these agencies depart radically from point of war and international conflict in Latin Thus, in comparing the experiences of
models of Weberian bureaucracy: Their hierar- America, Centeno analyzes cases of military Western Europe with Latin America and
chies are fluid and flat, their internal division of conflict in South America and Mexico. He is the respective developments of their states,
labor often chaotic, their jurisdictional bound- interested in determining their impact upon the positive relationship between war and state
aries often fuzzy. A second theme is the extent to state development, nationalism, and citizen- capacity that has been demonstrated in the
which they do indeed reflect the shaping of the ship. The author’s central finding is that state European case is lacking. What this demon-
wider national political and bureaucratic envi- development in Latin America does not fit the strates for Centeno is not the irrelevance of war
ronment. In the American case, the result is to expectations of the “bellicist model,” as Latin to state development, but the importance of
encase much decision making in legalism and America’s war experience has had little positive understanding how a region’s international or
adversarialism; in the German case, to allow a influence upon this process. The reason lies in domestic context can lead to different out-
(most surprising) flexibility and entrepreneurial- a more sophisticated understanding of the comes. In essence, the positive consequences of
ism. This is not quite as novel or unexpected as impact that different types of war can have war and state development in Western Europe
Cassell wants to maintain. Goal displacement, upon development and the societal and inter- have had more to do with certain environmen-
turf struggles, American legalism and adversari- national context in which they take place. tal and preexisting factors that were not present
alism—all seem pretty second nature by now. Centeno makes a distinction between “limit- in the Latin American case. In the end, he sug-
And while this is offered as a counterpoint to a ed wars” and “total wars.” He refers to total wars gests that the process of state development rep-
Weberian model, it would hardly come as a sur- as conflicts that include high levels of lethalness resents such a complex and contingent process
prise to Weber. But what makes the book valu- on the battlefield, the militarization of society, that no “all encompassing general law” (p. 18)
able is the care and detail with which the argu- and an association with a moral or ideological or “universalistic paradigms” (p. 165) can ade-
ment is documented and the vivid way the story crusade. In order to survive and be victorious in quately predict or explain outcomes for differ-
is told. I sense that Cassell’s book is done a dis- such wars, states are required to perform certain ent regional and national contexts.
service in being marketed as a study of privati- functions that potentially lay the foundation for Centeno does an excellent job of demon-
zation; its real value lies in the fact that it is a rare greater state development and influence in the strating the centrality of context and the con-
comparative study of agency politics. larger society. The wars that have traditionally tingent nature of state development. However,
been fought in Latin America have been limited in demonstrating the importance of context
wars. These conflicts have lacked the duration and social conditions in restraining the likeli-
Blood and Debt: War and the Nation- and mass mobilization of men and resources, as hood and influence of war upon state develop-
State in Latin America. By Miguel Angel well as the loss of life, to have had the same ment, he leaves the reader with more ques-
Centeno. University Park: Penn State University impact upon state development as the Civil War tions, specifically in regard to that context, or
Press, 2002. 344p. $45.00. did for the United States or the Napoleonic wars what he refers to as “starting points” (p. 264).
for Western Europe. Compounding the limited The most important starting point for war
— William Avilés, University of Nebraska, Kearney
nature of Latin America’s wars is the fact that the making, according to Centeno, seems to be
Blood and Debt represents a profound effort to enemy has more often been identified as coming some level of elite unity or support from dom-
examine the origins of “weak states” in Latin from within (potential slave revolts or peasant inant classes in order to establish the condi-
America. Such states have historically failed in uprisings), rather than externally. This has tions in which total wars can take place.
monopolizing control over violence, in main- reduced the potential contribution that war Again and again the author refers to the
taining and establishing their legitimacy, and/or could have had upon the development of a resistance or lack of consensus among Latin
effectively managing their respective fiscal or greater sense of nationalism in the region. America’s ruling elites in the nineteenth centu-
economic affairs. Miguel Centeno explores this Having established that wars in Latin ry that repeatedly undermined greater progress
subject by examining the applicability of bellicist America have been of a different type than wars in war making and/or state development. Thus,
theories to state development in Latin America. fought during the period of European state Centeno argues that “class structures, organiza-
Bellicist theories of state development, widely development, Centeno then turns to the ques- tional power and international constraints
applied to studies of the state in Western tion of why. What was it about Latin American enveloped the Latin American states in a peace-
Europe, argue that a relationship exists between states, societies, or their international context ful embrace” (p. 26); or “a society’s preexisting
the process of war and state development. Thus, that contributed to the relative lack of interna- class structure helps determine the type of coer-
the external threats associated with international tional conflict and total wars? The author finds cive and extractive apparatus built by the state”
war can generate military needs, which are satis- that the particular conditions that defined the (p. 27); and finally, “wars only make states
fied through some already existing administra- process of state creation on the continent pre- when there already exists some form of union
tive capacity within a state. This preexisting cluded the type and consequences of “state- between a politically or militarily dominant
administrative capacity grows in response to the making war” (p. 20). These particular condi- institution and a social class that sees it as the
external threat, becoming more effective in the tions included the geographical obstacles to best means with which to defend and repro-

424 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

duce its privilege” (p. 106). These findings are success, the former in western Canada, the lat- exists would worsen, thus the relatively pes-
completely consistent with the work of state ter in Quebec; the historic referendum in simistic conclusion of the study (pp. 275–76)
theorists that have applied economic elite Quebec in 1995, which the separatists narrow- because the authors reject the “life-cycle”
analyses (e.g., see G. William Domhoff, Who ly lost; and the Quebec provincial election of hypothesis, which suggests that levels of support
Rules America, 2002; George A. Gonzalez, 1998, which saw the reelection of the separatist for sovereignty will be relatively static across age
Corporate Power and the Environment, 2001; governing Parti Québecois (PQ). cohorts but dynamic within them as they move
Eduardo Silva, “Capitalist Coalitions, the State, The result of the Quebec election prompts through the electorate (p. 277).
and Neoliberal Economic Restructuring— the authors to express concern about the possi- In this connection, it should be noted that
Chile, 1973–88,” World Politics 45 [July 1993]: bility of near-term dissolution of Canada events have, at least momentarily, outrun the
526–59), or Marxist scholars who have because of the promise by the PQ to hold anoth- fears expressed at the book’s ending that Canada
examined democratization in Latin America er referendum, should conditions be positive for is “on the edge.” The authors’ concern emerging
(e.g., see William Robinson, Promoting so doing. Harold Clarke, Allan Kornberg, and from the 1998 Quebec provincial election about
Polyarchy, 1996), or the behavior of capitalist Peter Wearing frame their argument well. They the end of Canada in its present form appears to
states (e.g., Ralph Miliband, The State in devote an initial chapter to an incisive history of be far off. As of this date (January 2003), the
Capitalist Society, 1969). Unfortunately, the Canada, reviewing the key drivers of fragmenta- PQ government is in disarray, fearful of facing
author fails to incorporate this literature in his tion and providing extensive references to the an electorate that has turned to other concerns,
analysis, or consider its possible contribution to myriad studies discussing the issue. The evolu- and which, in fact, may be favoring a party
an alternative explanation for the fascinating tion of Canada’s political culture, the role of fed- other than the opposition Liberals, the Action
cases that are presented. One can hope that eralism and the electoral system, and the per- Démocratique du Québec, a relatively recent
future scholars examining state development formances and policies of its governments since arrival on the scene. Still, given the age-related
will consider this broader literature of state the- World War II are all discussed. There is special hypothesis, there is reason for ongoing concern.
ory, as well as the possibility that the search for focus on reconstruction after the war, bilingual- A small point of clarification: A good deal
a universal paradigm might not be over. ism and biculturalism, the “stagflation” of the of the commentary about the Charlottetown
seventies, and, finally, the specifics of the output referendum in this volume implies that the
of the Conservative government led by Brian Mulroney government had some choice with
A Polity on the Edge: Canada and the Mulroney from 1984 to 1993—the Free Trade regard to its being held or the conditions under
Politics of Fragmentation. By Harold D. Agreement, the Meech Lake Accord, the which it was conducted (pp. 112–17). The
Clarke, Allan Kornberg, and Peter Wearing. Charlottetown Agreement, and the Goods and authors seem to have forgotten that the date of
Toronto: Broadview Press, 2000. 335p. $22.95. Services Tax. Each of the six key events is then October 26, 1992, was chosen specifically
analyzed in turn through the prism of survey because the Quebec government had sched-
— Peter Regenstreif, University of Rochester
research, replete with the most sophisticated sta- uled a referendum on that date, a referendum
Over the last two decades, Canada has drawn tistical bells and whistles, all of them appropriate which, had it passed, would have resulted in
attention from scholars by appearing to be, on to the data and material at hand. giving Quebec new powers and, perhaps,
the one hand, a stable, well-functioning consti- Many provocative points are covered here. moved the agenda of separation forward. The
tutional democracy and, on the other, a politi- For example, the authors point out that voters federal government of the day therefore felt it
cal system riven by an array of ethnic, religious, expect governments to have a role in the for- had little choice but to go forward with its own
social, and regional tensions. As recently as tunes of the economy, but while they blame referendum to the people.
seven years ago, it was threatened by a referen- governments if things are going poorly, they do That aside, A Polity on the Edge is an impor-
dum in Quebec that came within a percentage not reward them commensurately when the tant volume for students of Canadian politics,
point of giving a victory to the separatists and economy and their own personal fortunes are the stability of states, and mass behavior of
splitting the country. succeeding. The result is that an economy that various types. It could also serve as a useful
This study is an excellent analysis— is not performing well can defeat a government, review of the recent Canadian past for courses
essentially an intensive historical review of the but a government should not expect to be in Canadian politics.
past 15 years—of six significant recent public rewarded if the economy is doing well. Shades
events reflecting the tensions operating in of the American presidential contest of 2000!
the Canadian polity. Using extensive survey In another context, the authors put forward The Making of the Chinese Industrial
evidence, some of it produced by the authors several interesting models to help explain the Workplace: State, Revolution, and
themselves, combined with data from ongoing sovereigntist impulse in Quebec: There Labor Management. By Mark W. Frazier.
systemwide investigations carried out by oth- is the “economic conditions” argument in which Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
ers, the authors cover the 1988 federal election people support sovereignty depending on 304p. 60.00.
and the debate over the proposed free trade whether they would be “better off” or “worse
agreement with the United States; the failure off ” in a sovereign Quebec. The authors China in the World Market: Chinese
in 1990 of the Meech Lake Accord, the demonstrate that a constitutional “settlement” Industry and International Sources of
attempt to bring Quebec into consensual would make little difference in this relationship Reform in the Post-Mao Era. By Thomas
alignment with the constitutional change that (pp. 272–75). There is also the pure age– G. Moore. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
was passed in 1982; the follow-up referendum related hypothesis, which shows that support for 2002. 344p. $65.00 cloth, $24.00 paper.
in 1992 over the Charlottetown Agreement, sovereignty decreases with the age of respon-
— Scott Wilson, The University of the South
the unsuccessful attempt to rectify the after- dents (r = .93). Young people are strongly sover-
math of Meech Lake; the 1993 federal election eigntist while their elders are relatively less so. As The two books under review both analyze
in which two new parties, Reform and the Bloc time goes on, one would expect that circum- China’s textile and shipbuilding industries,
Québecois achieved relatively high levels of stances for the continuation of Canada as it now especially such firms as are located in two 425
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

leading commercial cities, Shanghai and on pay rather than socialist principles). the author, works such as Margaret Pearson’s
Guangzhou. Beginning in the 1920s, Mark W. Depending on which political orientation was in (1991) Joint Ventures in the People’s Republic of
Frazier’s study examines these two industries’ ascendance, the Communist Party would China and Susan Shirk’s (1994) How China
development through the 1970s. Thomas G. increase or decrease its commitment to expand- Opened Its Door, among others, explain China’s
Moore’s account of textile and shipbuilding ing workers’ welfare through wages and non- open-door policy in terms of Chinese domestic
firms covers the peri-od of the early 1970s wage benefits such as housing. Workers, too, determinants and give short shrift to exoge-
through the late 1990s. Despite the books’ were split along these lines through the Mao era. nous explanations. To demonstrate the force of
shared subject matter, the authors’ research Older workers who had lesser skills enjoyed the such exogenous factors, the author analyzes the
questions, methodologies, and conclusions are compressed wage levels and the seniority system Chinese textile industry’s and the Chinese
quite distinct, requiring a separate analysis of for promotion and pay, while younger workers shipbuilding industry’s reactions to the
each. Nevertheless, reading them conjointly sought greater weight placed on performance Multifiber Arrangement (MFA) and the global
provides a historical overview of the two indus- and skill formation. When the First Five-Year surplus capacity of ships, respectively in the
tries’ institutional development and the causes Plan was adopted in 1952, China committed 1980s and 1990s. He argues that such con-
of those changes. itself to large-scale investment in industry, which straints, labeled “moderate economic closure,”
Frazier develops an historical analysis of necessitated wage controls. To limit consump- comprised a structure conducive to reform of
firm-level institutions to challenge existing liter- tion and wage growth, China relied on firm- the shipbuilding and textile industries.
ature on the Chinese work unit (danwei). level provision of housing and other social The world market’s leading importers used
Andrew G. Walder’s (1986) Communist Neo- goods, a pattern established under the the MFA to hem in China by placing quotas on
Traditionalism describes the Chinese work unit Nationalists. In the same period, the China’s textile export. Through the early 1980s,
as a creation of Chinese communism, primarily Communist Party rid China of the Nationalist- China continued to produce textiles for the
as a means of controlling workers through era labor bosses and substituted planned alloca- severely limited world market without reform-
dependence on state-distributed goods, and of tion of labor to state-owned enterprises. Yet ing its factories. In the mid-1980s, China
disseminating Chinese Communist Party poli- enterprise officials still enjoyed a great deal of undertook several reforms in its textile industry,
cies to populations in urban state-owned enter- personal authority over workers due to their including upgrading its products to increase the
prises. Against that work, Frazier demonstrates ability to assign workers to posts within firms per product profit rate, shifting production to
that many institutions associated with the and to monitor workers with individual dossiers. areas not covered by quotas or into textiles with
danwei, such as firm-level provision of social Frazier delivers an important and insightful unfilled quotas, and, perhaps most importantly,
services, compressed wage distribution, empha- contribution to the field’s understanding of the devolving authority from CHINATEX, the
sis on worker seniority rather than skill develop- origins and development of the Chinese work state-designated exporter of Chinese textiles. It
ment in determining pay, raising walls around unit. In particular, it will cause researchers to is interesting to note that until 1994, China’s
factories, and labor bosses, in fact originated in reconsider the rationale for the firm-level pro- silk producers did not face MFA constraints,
the late 1930s as a consequence of Nationalist vision of resources and other control mecha- and the industry continued to produce for the
Party policies. The outcome and main thrust of nisms. The main target of his critique appears world market with scant institutional reform.
these policies was to create cellular communities to be Walder’s seminal Communist Neo- Only after the imposition of export constraints
organized around factories. Traditionalism, which analyzes Chinese work- in 1994 did China reform its silk industry.
Two shocks—hyperinflation and Japan’s ers’ dependence on their firms in the context of During the 1980s, China’s shipbuilding
1937 invasion of China—pressed the Nation- other communist economies’ similar institu- industry greatly improved its stature in the
alist Party to assert control over industry and to tions. During the late 1980s and 1990s, the world marketplace. The 1980s began with an
reform firm institutions. The Nationalists latter work oriented much of the research on oversupply of ships on the international mar-
compelled newly nationalized firms to distri- Chinese institutions and political economy. By ket. In 1982, China created the China State
bute such goods as food and housing directly focusing on the historical continuities with the Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC) to navigate
to workers in order to combat hyperinflation; Nationalist era in China, Frazier advances an its industry through these difficulties. By the
decreasing the supply of money (wages) in argument that the Chinese Communist Party mid 1980s, the international oversupply of
circulation would counter competition among did not create these institutions in their own ships had become critical, and the Chinese
consumers. Too, mechanisms that limited manner or with the intent of fostering depend- state was forced to consider reform of its ship-
labor movement and that distributed goods ence but inherited them from the Nationalists. building industry. According to the author,
through firms allowed the Nationalist Party Yet the two explanations are not so distinct as China devolved authority from the CSSC to
to control industry in the midst of invading they appear. In the 1930s, the Nationalist Party shipyards, which broke the pattern of bureau-
Japanese forces. After relative calm was was deeply interested in rationalizing labor, an cratic direction of the shipbuilding industry.
restored in 1945, the Nationalist Party persi- issue that had imbued Lenin’s thinking on the With a restructured industry, China’s ship-
sted in its focus on firm-level provision and the Soviet industrial workforce. In fact, China’s building yards were able to gain contracts for
creation of firm-level communities. Nationalist Party took many cues from the repairing ships and diversified production, a
When the Chinese Communist Party seized Soviet Union, and so there may be little con- move that the CSSC had previously been
power in 1949, it accepted many of the institu- flict between Walder’s emphasis on the com- reluctant to undertake. In the cases of ship-
tions created by the Nationalist Party. Yet the munist influence over Chinese danwei institu- building and textiles, moderate economic
Communist Party was split by two political tions and Frazier’s argument on the historical closure induced a shift from bureaucratic to
principles: 1) improvement of worker discipline, continuity between firm-level institutions dur- market coordination of producers.
which required greater wage differentiation and ing the Nationalist and Communist eras. In his analysis, Moore draws from Chinese
reliance on bonuses, and 2) egalitarianism and In China in the World Economy, Moore crit- newspapers and journals and on international
wage control, which were often couched in icizes works on China’s post-1978 opening of publications for data on world market condi-
“anti-economism” (to combat workers’ fixation trade and investment channels. According to tions, the MFA, and developments within the

426 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

two analyzed industries. He supplemented is quite mixed across federalisms. Leslie new candidates for membership. However,
these sources with interviews primarily con- Friedman Goldstein attempts to explain aggressive action by the European Commission
ducted in Hong Kong in order to sketch the these differing patterns of member-state resist- acting under EC/EU legislative authority has
structure in which Chinese industries reformed, ance and acquiescence and to draw some recently provoked a backlash against the
but he, by his own admission, has little to say implications for the future of the EU. Commission and has led it to operate through
about agents operating in China and their deci- The history of the European Commu- a committee process that is dominated by
sions. Understandably, in the period following nity/European Union (EC/EU) motivates her member-state representatives. The Commission
the Tiananmen Square massacre, the author inquiry, especially the widespread acquiescence seems not to enjoy the same level of respect and
had limited access to Chinese interviewees, but of the member states in activist decisions by the deference as the ECJ.
his critique of the existing literature on China’s European Court of Justice (ECJ). In this illumi- The strongest parts of the book are
opening hinges on the international context nating and thoughtful book, she compares the Goldstein’s comparison of the ECJ with the
shaping domestic actors’ decisions. Without recent experience in Europe with three other United States Supreme Court. She points out
interviewing domestic actors, it is difficult to federal unions: the American republic before the that in the early years of the EC, with the leg-
determine that international forces rather than Civil War, the seventeenth-century Dutch islative process limited to issues on which all
domestic decision making led China to reform Union, and the Swiss federation after 1848. The states could agree, many controversial issues
its textile industries and shipbuilding. comparative case study approach is very helpful were placed before the ECJ. The ECJ was asked
Moore’s China in the World Market and in illuminating the debate over the nature and to interpret the treaty, and it did so in ways that
Frazier’s The Making of the Chinese Industrial future of the European Union—a debate that generally supported a stronger and more con-
Workplace will make important contributions too often ignores similar historical experiences. solidated union. These decisions produced few
to the scholarship of China’s open-door policy Goldstein starts with a puzzle. Overt resist- official objections except in France. Goldstein
and the Chinese danwei, respectively. Moore’s ance by state governments was much more seeks to explain why activist judicial decisions
book, although limited by the author’s access to common in the early years of the United States were accepted more easily in the EC/EU than
local actors, will push the burgeoning field of republic than it has been in the European in the early decades of the American republic.
Chinese political economists to be more con- Union. As she puts it (p. 15): [T]he nominally The comparison suggests that some existing
scious of the complex way that international sovereign government of the United States of explanations for the influence of the ECJ do
structure constrains domestic actors in their America experienced several decades of overt not hold up to a comparison with the United
policymaking. Frazier’s analysis will force those and occasionally even violent official defiance States. In contrast, several explanatory proposi-
who analyze Chinese firm-level institutions, a of its authority by the member states of the tions do have weight (pp. 63–64): 1) A system
somewhat smaller field of researchers, to fun- American union, while the nominally sover- that arises out of a colonial rebellion against a
damentally reconsider many of their assump- eign member states of the European Union vir- distant power will have difficulty establishing a
tions of the Chinese work unit’s origins. tually from the start obeyed as a legitimate strong central authority. In contrast, if the
higher authority the dictates of the judiciary of member states form a union of former warring
their federal union.” She documents her factu- powers, deference to the center is likely as a way
Constituting Federal Sovereignty: al claim with tables that canvass the incidents to avoid further bloodshed. 2) Obedience to
The European Union in Comparative of resistance by member states. central authority will be more easily established
Context. By Leslie Friedman Goldstein. The first way to resolve the apparent para- if the rule of law is well established in the com-
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. dox is to note that the treaties establishing the ponent states. 3) Consolidation will be helped
256p. $34.95. European Community awarded less power to if member-state officials obtain status from fos-
the central authorities than did the United tering a tighter federal union. 4) An education-
— Susan Rose-Ackerman, Yale University
States Constitution and required unanimous al campaign that targets legal and judicial elites
Federal unions face an ongoing problem of bal- agreement by the member states before limits resistance. 5) If member-state elites are
ancing central and member-state political anything could be done under the treaties. more pro-federal than the general public, the
power. Member states may resist central author- Thus, there was simply less reason for member empowerment of nonaccountable, elite mem-
ity, and in the extreme, the federal union states to object in the EU than in the United ber-state officials limits resistance. Goldstein’s
may simply split apart. Constituting Federal States. In this regard, a key aspect of the subsequent analyses of the Dutch Union and
Sovereignty analyzes this problem for federal EC/EU is its limited budget and taxing pow- the Swiss federation are supportive of these gen-
unions formed by the voluntary agreement of ers. In the future, Goldstein would do well to eral conclusions. This is especially so for the
sovereign states. The European Union is the look more closely at this aspect of EU behavior claim that there is an optimal level of confeder-
book’s most important contemporary exam- because it supports her general argument that ation that trades off member-state consent
ple—one that is still evolving from a customs weak central governments provoke less contro- against the effective exercise of power.
union of former combatants to a more broad- versy than do strong ones. Differences in the underlying respect for the
based polity with a wider mandate. However, another aspect of the present EU rule of law also distinguish the Dutch and Swiss
A union’s founding treaty or constitution casts some doubt on the general claim that exer- cases. The role of war is also more clearly artic-
cannot resolve all the issues that will subse- cises of authority by the EU have been little ulated by the addition of these two cases.
quently arise. Furthermore, domestic political marked by controversy. Goldstein’s legislative- These conclusions leave Goldstein in some
forces within the member states and at the fed- and court-centered approach leads her to ignore doubt about the ease with which the prospective
eration level may shift over time. As a result, controversial EU assertions of regulatory new members can be incorporated into the
even member states that have no interest in authority. She is correct that EU’s wide range of Union. She ends her book (p. 160) worrying
withdrawing from the union may resist some directives and regulations are not overtly about the relative weakness of the rule of law in
aspects of federal policy, either formally or opposed by members, and that member states some former Eastern Bloc states. To me this
informally. In practice, the record of resistance support the imposition of these rules on the raises a new paradox. Debate over the future of 427
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

the EU is full of discussions of “subsidiarity,” research related to economic mobility, a vari- these countries. These frustrated achievers are
meaning, in some quarters, greater devolution able at the center of later empirical chapters. not likely to be happy, and therein lies the
of authority to member states. But if the new The authors examine a wide variety of mobili- dilemma—the increasing marketization and
members have less capacity to carry out policies ty’s determinants, with education emerging as openness providing the context for their large
in a law-bound way, this suggests the need for the most crucial, particularly for residents of income gains also provided the reference points
greater, not less, central authority. Greater less developed countries. By the end of leading to unhappiness with those gains.
member-state resistance would be a cost of Chapter 3 (p. 70), readers will likely find Economic liberalization is threatened if those
expansion but, to me, not necessarily a reason themselves more than adequately prepared for gaining from it are unhappy with their progress.
for delay. the empirical chapters to follow. The final chapter addresses the implications of
One also wonders what Goldstein makes Graham and Pettinato arrive at their own this dilemma, suggesting policies that might
of the current spate of 5–4 decisions by puzzle in the fourth chapter by addressing three alleviate the frustrations of this group, along
the United States Supreme Court, where the propositions utilizing survey and macroeco- with ideas about how to “reduce the insecurity
highest federal court is itself limiting the reach nomic data from Latin America and Russia. The and enhance the upward mobility” of the poor
of the federal government at the behest of vari- first is that the determinants of happiness are and middle class (p. 145).
ous state plaintiffs. Could such a pattern also quite similar across more and less developed Graham and Pettinato have much to offer on
develop in EU jurisprudence, or do aspects of countries. The authors confirm their proposi- several levels. First, Happiness and Hardship pro-
the ECJ and it jurisdiction make such a result tion, finding that more income, higher educa- vides an accessible and thorough introduction
unlikely? tion, and a job go hand in hand with happiness. to connections between economic conditions
Their second proposition is that relative eco- and happiness, while breaking new ground by
nomic position matters more than absolute focusing on emerging markets. Second, the
Happiness and Hardship: position in determining peoples’ life satisfac- authors present an interesting puzzle peripheral
Opportunity and Insecurity in New tion. They provide several empirical cuts that to numerous ongoing debates, including those
Market Economies. By Carol Graham and back up their view, starting with a look at the on relative deprivation, on connections between
Stefano Pettinato. Washington, DC: Brookings effect of income on happiness in Russia. For macroeconomic performance and political legit-
Institution Press, 2001. 208p. $42.95 cloth, instance, that absolute increases in income make imacy, and on nonrational determinants of eco-
$17.95 paper. poorer Russians happier, but wealthier Russians nomic behavior. Third, after examining those
care more about how their position compares to conditions and experiences that tend to make
— Adam L. Resnick, Western Washington
that of others. The authors also show that hap- people happy, they add their voices to the cho-
pier people in these countries are more likely to rus of globalization scholars who suggest that
Carol Graham and Stefano Pettinato provide a maintain positive attitudes toward open markets improved state protection for the vulnerable is
thorough and illuminating examination of how and democratic governance, although these atti- necessary for securing long-term support for
economic conditions in emerging market coun- tudes are not directly related to the relative ver- open markets. Last, this work highlights some
tries affect peoples’ happiness. In particular, the sus absolute issue. The third proposition is that counterintuitive results of rapid economic
authors explore how economic mobility, oppor- macroeconomic factors including inflation and growth, particularly that those who gain the
tunity, and relative income levels affect life satis- unemployment play a role in happiness, beyond most often perceive that they are falling behind.
faction. A central concern for them is how these traditional demographic measures. Findings On the downside, the book falls short on one
variables affect attitudes toward market reform, suggest that inflation and unemployment pro- of the most important goals it sets for itself, the
globalization, and democracy—are people made duce unhappiness, with fear of unemployment degree to which exposure to markets and inte-
happier by the liberalizing international political having a stronger negative effect than the rate of gration into the global economy makes people
economy, and to what degree will citizens sup- unemployment. The notable nonfinding in this happier. The authors provide data on attitudes
port continuing shifts toward economic open- chapter is the lack of “any discernible evidence toward market reforms, but their use of income
ness and political participation? They argue that of the general effects of market reforms on hap- volatility and unemployment as proxies for mar-
“relative income levels” and “subjective assess- piness” (p. 100). ket exposure falls short. Why not include a
ments of economic progress” (p. 1) are key to Graham and Pettinato deepen their exami- gauge of economic openness or state strength to
understanding these relationships, cautioning nation of relative economic level and economic get more directly at hypotheses regarding happi-
that a reliance on “rational, material self- mobility, using detailed data from Peru and ness and markets? There are other quibbles, but
interest” (p. 3) provides an insufficient under- Russia from various years between 1990 and overall, this work adds up to a valuable analysis
standing of economic behavior. Further, they 2000. An important category emerges here, that of the determinants of happiness in a small set
propose a framework where traditional gauges of the “frustrated achiever.” These people had of less developed countries—useful knowledge
of well-being, such as marital status and consistent income gains but “perceived their for students, scholars, and policymakers.
employment, are combined with measures of past mobility as negative” (p. 112). Even more
international economic integration (p. 6). surprisingly, greater upward mobility often led
The body of the book begins with an to greater frustration. For instance, of those with Constructivism and Comparative
exhaustive discussion of past work on the eco- income increases of 30% or more in Russia, Politics. Edited by Daniel M. Green. Armonk,
nomic and noneconomic determinants of hap- 79% gave negative or very negative evaluations NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2002. 278p. $64.95 cloth,
piness. Readers interested in how psychologists of their economic progress (p. 128). What $26.95 paper.
and economists understand why some groups explains this frustration? Upwardly mobile peo-
— William L. Richter, Kansas State University
of people are happier than others, within and ple care about how their incomes compare to
across societies, will find a valuable introduc- others, possibly due to “international consump- Constructivism as an approach to understand-
tion here in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 provides an tion standards,” an “unattainable” goal (p. 134) ing political and social reality has grown in
overview of conceptual issues and existing for all but the most economically successful in popularity and application in recent years, espe-

428 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

cially in the field of international relations. The comparative politics that assumes “the usually Redeeming the Communist Past: The
eight contributions in this work seek to extend tacit premise that the nation-state is the funda- Regeneration of Communist Parties
constructivist analysis to comparative politics. mental normative framework for political order, in East Central Europe. By Anna M.
The contributors all share a commitment and and that the territorial state demarcates the Grzymala-Busse. Cambridge: Cambridge
theoretical assumptions that help to give this nation,” making indigenous peoples “innately University Press, 2002. 360p. $60.00 cloth,
book a greater degree of integration than is nonsovereign: ‘ethnic groups’ or perhaps ‘racial $23.00 paper.
often found in edited volumes. The essays are formations’” (p. 153). Tilley’s focus is particular-
— Jack Bielasiak, Indiana University
well written, well documented, and interesting. ly on Latin America, but her approach is easily
The book is divided into two parts. The first applicable to other parts of the world. Few would have predicted, at the time of the
four chapters focus on “Theoretical Issues and The remaining chapters are more specifically communist collapse in 1989, the rehabilitation
Overview,” and the last four consist of case stud- case studies, dealing respectively with Benin of the ruling parties and their emergence as
ies. This division is somewhat misleading, how- (Bruce A. Magnusson); the United States, viable political contenders in the new demo-
ever, since some of the four theoretical chapters Canada, and the European Union (Patricia M. cratic order. Yet within a few years, the former
contain case materials, and some of the case Goff); and postwar Germany (Patrick Thaddeus communist parties in Poland and Hungary had
chapters provide fairly extensive theoretical dis- Jackson). Magnusson shows how national iden- reinvented themselves to the point of success at
cussion. Daniel Green’s introductory tity in Benin is conditioned by relations with its the polls and legitimate rule in government. In
“Foundations and Framework” chapter (pp. larger West African neighbors, especially contrast, in the neighboring Czech Republic,
3–59) is roughly twice as long as each of the Nigeria. Goff’s discussion of culture-industry the successor party remained isolated and
other contributions and fully one-fifth of trade policies in North American (NAFTA) and unable to convince the electorate of its reformed
the book. It provides a thorough review of the global (GATT) trade negotiations illustrates status. Meantime in Slovakia, the successor
rationale for constructivism in IR and for its how the culture industry (significantly, called organization emerging from the same ruling
application to comparative politics. Green sug- the “entertainment industry” in the United party as in the Czech lands attained political
gests the applicability of constructivism to the States) is related to national identity issues in all respectability but tenuous voter support.
study and reinterpretation of structures and three of the political entities that she considers. What explains these substantially different
institutions, cultures, identities, and issues of Jackson explores the role that the deep-seated outcomes in the fate of the successor parties
global governance. notion of “the West” had in legitimizing post- within the confines of East Central Europe? In
The next three chapters dovetail well with war reconstruction in Germany. He contends addressing this puzzle, Anna Grzymala-Busse
Green’s theoretical introduction, but each adds that “the rhetorical commonplace of occidental- tackles some of the most important theoretical
significantly to the discussion. Kurt Burch ism, when incorporated into the public legit- debates in the fields of democratic transition
explores the development of property rights imization of policies, exercised a causal . . . and party development. Her survey of party
and “of sovereignty and the boundary separat- impact on the course of German reconstruction, reforms in Eastern Europe contends with ques-
ing politics from economics in early modern helping to shape the process at almost every tions of path dependency during systemic
Europe” (p. 81). Rodney Bruce Hall similarly step” (p. 242). change, institutional adoptability at the time of
reviews the historical development of national Constructivist approaches to political sci- environmental shocks, elite agency in the face
identities in Western Europe, from the Peace of ence force us to rethink our understanding, or of structural constraints, and the impact of
Augsburg through the creation of Westphalian social construction, of what we have thought reform sequencing on political transformation.
territorial sovereignty, to the period of nation- to be political realities. The essays in this book This is an impressive investigative menu, ren-
states. Patrick Thaddeus Jackson and Daniel demonstrate not only the applicability of con- dered even more so by a rich analytical execu-
Nexon deal with the interesting question of the structivism to comparative politics, but many tion that culminates in a provocative study.
phenomenon of globalization and its impact other benefits as well. My major criticism is Grzymala-Busse weaves effortlessly between
on comparative method: “The comparative that at least some of the authors do not seem to big theoretical issues and empirical case studies.
method presumes distinct and symmetrical recognize the applicability of the approach to The latter consist of four main protagonists, the
objects of comparison, such as cultures, civi- their own analytic categories, especially the political parties that emerged out of the ruling
lizations, states, regions, ethnic groups, or political science subfields of international rela- communist organizations in Czechoslovakia
social movements.” In these and other respects, tions and comparative politics. Daniel Green, (reconfigured as the Czech and Slovak entities),
“processes of globalization erode our ability” to for instance, refers to comparativists and inter- Hungary, and Poland. Much evidence, from a
make comparisons (p. 89). Jackson and Nexon national relations scholars as distinctly separate variety of sources and employing diverse meth-
suggest a few strategies for dealing with these groups of people, like those divided by nation- ods, is brought to bear on the party transfor-
challenges, including the comparison of social ality or ethnicity. Surely, these are also socially mations. Historical and archival records, survey
constructions and of processes, as well as look- constructed categories that, we might further data, interviews with political leaders, and elec-
ing at globalization itself as a process. As an argue, become less adequate as the boundaries tion results are interwoven to define the type of
illustrative case, they review the evolution of between domestic and international politics political reconstruction undertaken by each
Polish national identities during the nine- become more blurred. party. These form the basis for assessments of
teenth century (pp. 106–109). The constructivist approach laid out in this the former communist parties’ performances as
Of the four case study chapters, Virginia book provides a foundation, not just for inform- democratic institutions, on the criteria of orga-
Tilley’s “The Role of the State in Ethnic ing and enhancing the study of comparative nizational reform, programmatic appeals, and
Conflict: A Constructivist Reassessment” politics but also for superseding traditional cat- party-in-the-electorate and party-in-parliament
(pp. 151–74) is perhaps the most interesting egories of political analysis. Constructivism and effectiveness.
and stimulating. She explores the relationships Comparative Politics will be most useful to grad- What explains success or failure of party
of ethnic identities, states, and the nation-state uate students and scholars, not just in compara- resurgence? The analysis discounts the usual
system. She notes, for instance, the bias in tive politics but in other fields as well. structural explanations emphasizing the costs 429
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

of transitions and the pain of economic reform The paradox is that in Poland and Hungary, they were much studied. Why, then, yet
to concentrate on the “parties’ own actions” the constraints of history emerged during the another book on guerrilla movements? Karen
(p. 4). The primary explanation for successful transition as political opportunities. Commu- Kampwirth shows us why in Women and
recasting of the monopolistic ruling organiza- nist parties here attained power with little pop- Guerrilla Movements.
tions into democratic competitors is political ular support, and subsequently contested that Much of what we know about the leadership
entrepreneurship by party leaders, so that the power with society. In the process, party elites and social base of guerrilla movements is male-
“book focuses on the leaders’ decisions to developed a more regenerative style that serves centric. Left undocumented, almost without
transform the party” (p. 9). Still, the analysis well the needs of contested politics in the exception, are the women who in Nicaragua, El
reveals a tension in the author’s interpretation democratic transition. Party leaders in these Salvador, and Chiapas (Mexico) comprised
between the impact of elite agency and path countries are more pragmatic and more experi- roughly 30 percent of the combatants and
dependency. Time and time again, political enced at negotiating with society. These skills important support bases for guerrilla move-
action open to the new party activists is enable a push for a lean organization, effective ments in the three countries. In Nicaragua, the
limited, defined by resources inherited from campaigning, and persuasive action. The result guerrilla movement successfully ushered in a
the past, so that the political transformation of is the swift transformation of the parties into regime change; in El Salvador the civil war
the successor parties rests primarily in “the democratic players that achieve extensive suc- ended with a negotiated settlement by which
combination of their elite portable skills and cess. Yet in Poland, due to recent party- the guerrillas traded arms for electoral represen-
their usable past” (p. 264). Solidarity rift, victories at the polls do not tation; and in Chiapas, guerrillas, together with
It is in fact the emphasis on past legacies bring acceptance for the successor party as a unarmed sympathizers, pressed for greater gen-
and contemporary resources that ensures the coalition partner in governance. In Hungary, a der equity and greater respect for the rights of
explanatory power of Grzymala-Busse’s study. more extensive reformist past translates into women and indigenous peoples, plus a deepen-
The communist pasts not only are negative success in both the electoral and parliamentary ing of societal democratization.
baggage but can also serve as important arenas. In contrast, in Czechoslovakia the Left Why did women in these countries become
reserves for the parties’ emergence as demo- had an initially more prominent historical active to the point of taking up arms, and why
cratic formations. Two main theoretical standing, and as a result, the ruling party more so than women in earlier revolutionary
propositions drive the analysis. First, the com- became more self-reliant and enclosed. The movements? And what impact did their
bination of a “usable past” and “elite portable consequence is that in the new era, the Czech involvement have? Bringing women into the
skills” determines the former communist par- successor party could evolve only into a ideo- analysis of revolutionary movements rests on a
ties’ performances in the post-1989 political logically driven, closed political formation, gendered understanding of the social context of
game. The former refers to the nature of the incapable of opening up to the exigencies of the the movements, at both the domestic and inter-
communist period, defined by either a posi- democratic game. In Slovakia, the nationalist national levels. Implicitly, Kampwirth’s book
tive, reformist profile that can be used as a sentiment within the party, during and after suggests that women and gendered concerns
resource in the new democratic politics, or a the 1968 Prague Spring, did leave a residue of can no longer be left out of any full under-
legacy of regime divide between party and reform and adaptation that provided the suc- standing of major grassroots societal move-
people that hinders party reformation. The cessor elites with better resources and rendered ments for greater social justice.
latter concerns the type of skills developed the party more acceptable as a political partner Kampwirth relies on secondary sources for
during the diverse authoritarian pasts that can for the emerging democratic parties. her “big picture” portrayal of the national set-
be transported to the new political circum- The distinct pathways into democracy fol- tings in which the guerrilla movements she
stances. These variations in communist lowed by the successor parties demonstrate studied occurred. Over a 10-year period, how-
regimes, such as the nature of political rule, clearly the import of past historical development ever, she interviewed, in an “open-ended”
the form of party organization, elite recruit- and elite action in determining the former com- manner, some two hundred women in the
ment, or regime-society interaction, impact munists’ capacity to recast identities, organiza- respective countries who were activists, includ-
significantly on the second major explanatory tions, and constituencies. In detailing these ing combatants, in guerilla struggles in the
factor. This concerns the interconnection paths, Redeeming the Past tells us much about 1980s and early 1990s. Through the author we
between the capacity to reform early during democratic transitions, party development, and hear their voices, including their reasons for
the transition and subsequent success in the agency-structure interactions. As such, the study taking up arms. Even if other scholars have
democratic polity. The long-term prospects bears on much larger issues than party evolution provided gendered analyses of revolutionary
for the successor parties’ fruitful adaptation to in East Europe, as it informs theories of regime movements in one of her case studies,
democratic politics depend on organizational change and institutional adaptability. Kampwirth is unique in studying women’s
and policy reconstitution. The centralization involvements systematically and comparatively.
and streamlining of the party organization and What does she find? She finds that a combi-
membership is necessary to enable broad elec- Women and Guerrilla Movements: nation of factors are both necessary and suffi-
toral appeals, and assure party responsiveness Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas, cient for large numbers of women to take on a
to the demands of political competition. A Cuba. By Karen Kampwirth. University Park: central role in guerrilla movements, some fac-
break with past ideology and policy is essential Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002. 194p. tors shared with men, others not. The necessary
in order to signal a new commitment to polit- $35.00. social conditions include a combination of
ical democracy and economic recovery. But long-standing political authoritarianism and
— Susan Eckstein, Boston University
success is also dependent on strategic action: post–World War II agrarian restructuring (tied
Rapid, decisive reform of the party structure The Cold War has ended. Revolutionary to the intensification of agro-export produc-
and program is essential at the start of the movements “as we knew them” have been rele- tion), and a related breakdown of the
transition to build political credibility and gated to the dustbins of history. And before traditional family household structure and
attain popular support. they entirely disappeared from the public stage increased migration. But, most importantly,

430 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

Kampwirth traces women’s break with historical women’s rights, both for gender equity and for to count, are all steeped in the politics of the
precedent to an unintended impact of changes those based on gender differences. day. In the American and Brazilian cases, for
in the Catholic Church. Against this backdrop, Kampwirth’s analysis thus, implicitly, leaves example, Melissa Nobles argues that the cen-
it is women enmeshed in organizational ties and us with a frame to better understand how suses have helped construct a racial discourse
in student as well as parish-based groups, and movements in the post–Cold War are likely to that, in turn, shapes public policy outcomes. In
women who come from families with a history be different in form and content than earlier postslavery Brazil, the discourse is one that her-
of political activism, that are most inclined to movements. So long as deep inequities and alds the “mixing” of Brazil’s populations, in
join guerrilla struggles. Through organizational injustices prevail and even deepen, as is likely, contrast to measurable segregation in the
involvements, women develop collectivistic she suggests, with increased economic integra- United States. In the United States, every cen-
concerns, contacts, and skills. tion of poor countries into the world economy, sus since 1790 has asked a race question,
Kampwirth highlights cross-country differ- movements for change can be expected, even if whereas in Brazil, marked by less regime conti-
ences as well as similarities in women’s guerrilla their social base and demands are likely to dif- nuity, censuses are not as regularly adminis-
involvements. Contrasts between the two fer from and be more gendered than grassroots tered, and the color question is not as regularly
Central American and Chiapas movements, on armed movements of times past. asked. The dynamic surrounding the rationale
the one hand, and the Cuban revolution, the for a color/race question has changed in both
“mother” of late-twentieth-century Latin countries as well. While earlier it was largely
American revolutions, on the other hand, help Census and Identity: The Politics of the state making the case in collaboration with
us understand why in Cuba women played a Race, Ethnicity, and Language in experts for particular categories of enumera-
relatively insignificant role in the armed strug- National Censuses. Edited by David I. tion, in more recent years, it is activist mem-
gle against the established order. The difference Kertzer and Dominique Arel. Cambridge: bers of civil society demanding reform and/or
is partly historically explained. Castro’s revolu- Cambridge University Press, 2002. 210p. $55.00 inclusion of new categories in the census, rec-
tion occurred in the 1950s, the other move- cloth, $22.00 paper. ognizing such inclusion as a vehicle for redress-
ments 20 to 40 years later. Why was the timing ing past discriminatory practices.
— Kathleen M. Dowley, SUNY New Paltz
consequential? According to the author, Not all of the authors agree on the degree to
because in the interim years the Catholic The disintegration of the Soviet states along which states can “construct” something from
Church underwent organizational and theolog- the boundaries of its 15 constituent national nothing, as has often been suggested for what
ical change. Liberation theology, and liberation republics stimulated renewed interest in the happened in the colonial period in Africa as well
theology–linked base communities introduced relationship between state policies and collec- as Soviet Central Asia. In the chapter on
by priests, involved women in new ways. tive identity formation and change. While the Rwanda and Burundi, Peter Uvin makes a
Clergy appealed to women’s concerns, though editors of this volume note that scholarly nuanced argument about Belgian categorization
neither in a feminist nor a militant manner. attention to this question has quite a long of Hutu and Tutsi. These ethnic categories were
The theological “new thinking” and parish- pedigree, this collaboration brings something not invented by the Belgian census takers. They
based organizational activity, nonetheless, new to the table. The editors and contributors existed prior to the arrival of the colonial elite
served to empower women, to change their all used state-sponsored national censuses as a and were part of the social fabric of what is
mindset, and to predispose them to engage in lens through which to observe the impact of today Rwanda and Burundi. But the colonizers
collective action. Although women did not ini- state policies on the evolution of collective added new elements, a “deeply racist and preju-
tiate the guerrilla movements, under the cir- identities. The approach is multidisciplinary, as dicial interpretation of the origin” of differences
cumstances they became predisposed to partake contributors hail from anthropology, demogra- (p. 159) and a policy of indirect rule that
in armed movements for radical change when phy and political science, and comparative favored one group to the exclusion of the other.
they appeared on the political stage, especially political science, including chapters that focus Potentially, then, these legacies hardened identi-
as movements in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and on the United States Brazil, Canada, Israel, ties that were previously more fluid and reduced
Chiapas sought mass bases. In Cuba, in con- France, Rwanda and Burundi, and Uzbekistan. overall social mobility. But even this, he
trast, the guerrillas relied, tactically, on selective The book has a three-part structure. The acknowledges, is a contested interpretation in
small foco. first is a substantial and well-written introduc- Rwanda and Burundi.
Historical timing also proved important in tion to the themes of the volume and the the- In contrast, state policy in Soviet Central
the most recent of the four movements oretical perspective that largely (but not uni- Asia seems more clearly to have “created” col-
Kampwirth studied, in Mexico’s impoverished, formly) informs the chapters that follow. The lective, even national, identities from an assort-
indigenist South. For one, feminist concerns second part focuses on the three major modes ment of prenational clan and linguistic com-
were important in the Zapatista movement in of categorizing citizens: race (Chapter 2), eth- munities. In the chapter on Uzbekistan, David
a manner that they were not in the other cases. nicity (Chapter 3), and language (Chapter 4). Abramson agrees with Rogers Brubaker (1994)
Second, Marxist-Leninism was noticeably The final section examines three cases where that one of the central ironies of a system that
absent as ideological discourse and inspiration. recent debates over the census and the ways of privileged, in theory, socialist internationalism
The Zapatistas focused on such women’s rights counting and categorizing people have been was that actual policies in fact “incubated” new
as access to health care and education, partici- especially acute, such as in France, Rwanda nationalities and national differences. Inclusive
pation in community decision making, and and Burundi, and Uzbekistan. and demonstrative of this effect is the Soviet
freedom from domestic violence. Such issues The editors argue convincingly that the cen- census whose design reinforced the wisdom of
were new to the global repertoire of revolu- sus does much more than reflect or count; it belonging to a nationality. Both of these chap-
tionary movements. The shift reflects the can actually assist in the construction of social ters, as well as the discussion of Brazil, finish by
impact of women’s movements and a broaden- reality. So the decision to count (and in some noting the late but important entry of external
ing of human rights concerns at the interna- instances, not to count), and the subsequent actors, particularly donors, into the census fray.
tional level that by the 1990s included series of decisions about how to count and who The donor community now has additional 431
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

political and development reasons for seeing bat this trend, virtually all countries in the shares a weak group membership and strong
that national censuses “count” particular cate- Organization for Economic Cooperation and feelings of external constraints.
gories of interest to their development projects Development have adopted some adjustments Societies are multicultural, and usually all
and goals. These will exercise increasing influ- to their pension policies. Interestingly enough, major value orientations are represented among
ence in all parts of the developing world. these adjustments display an astonishing the elites making decisions on social policies.
The chapter on France, by Alain Blum, is degree of variation among countries. However, societies differ from one another
particularly rich in its interpretation of a recent Charles Lockhart’s aim is to provide an when it comes to the relative importance of rival
debate over the need to include an ethnic iden- explanation for this variation. The central grid-group cultures, and that is why policy solu-
tity question on the French census. In response question of the book is why societies react so tions also differ among countries. In the United
to the rise of the extreme Right and its abuse of differently to the seemingly similar problems. States, dominated by elites with individualist
demographic data on North African immigra- Lockhart has chosen four countries for closer value orientations, the demographic challenge
tion to support its anti-immigration platform, scrutiny: the United States, Germany, Japan, was resolved by relying more heavily than in the
French public officials are considering the and the Soviet Union. In the three former other countries on cuts in benefits. The German
need, for the first time, to identify particular countries, the policy area studied is pension pension pact was based on a hierarchial and
ethnic groups in order to “act” to prevent dis- insurance in the 1980s, whereas in the Soviet egalitarian high-group coalition that increased
crimination against them. French censuses to case, he analyzes the struggle over consumer contribution rates rather than cutting pensions.
date have not asked questions about race or price subsidies. These subsidies serve as a func- Russian political culture, despite the rapid evo-
ethnicity, distinguishing largely between tional equivalence to pension policies in the lution of alternative grid-group cultures during
French citizens and foreigners. What Blum other countries. In addition to the country- the 1980s, was dominated by hierarchy and,
brings to the debate and the chapter is an insid- based case studies, the book contains biograph- therefore, consumer price subsidizes were sus-
er’s view of the way French social scientists have ical diagnoses of Ronald Reagan, Helmut Kohl, tained until the demise of the whole Soviet
responded, “unmasking” underlying tensions Yoshida Shigeru, and Mikhail Gorbachev. regime. From the grid-group perspective Japan
and documenting the dawning recognition Lockhart relies on three concepts: rationality, behaves strangely. Although hierarchists were
that “the construction and naming of statistical institutions, and culture. However, he does the leading group, benefits were cut and the
categories are not neutral exercises” (p. 143). not accept the standard version of rational government in fact refused to increase pension
Each of the chapters is empirically rich and action and blames it for taking preferences contributions to cover the costs of remaining
consistent in documenting how the states in as exogenous and for not being able to explain benefits. As the Japanese case indicates, the grid-
question have historically conducted their cen- how persons acquire their preferences. He pre- group theory is not omnipotent. Lockhart is
suses, and what have been the most salient fers a version of “bounded” rationality where well aware of the limitations of his approach and
points of debate surrounding their development preferences are culturally and institutionally openly discusses them.
over time. They vary substantively in terms of constrained. Neither does he accept the hard- Although my overall impression of the book
the disciplinary focus of the author, and they core version of institutionalism, arguing that is positive, I have some reservations. To begin
vary in terms of theoretical development. A con- individuals’ social preferences and cultural ori- with, the title of the book is a bit misleading.
cluding chapter that highlighted points of agree- entations are explained by their institutional The book is not that much about pension
ment and disagreement among the authors affiliations. For the author, cultures create insti- policies but the goal is much more demanding.
would have been helpful. The volume as whole, tutions. More specifically, supporters of rival Lockhart’s task is to show how political culture
however, holds together quite well, better than cultures formulate institutional designs that theory can be used to explain differences in
usual for edited volumes. Despite differences in embody their cultural values, and these designs, public policies, not so much to analyze protec-
disciplinary emphasis and a very diverse set of in turn, maintain and foster certain values. tion for the elderly. In the former task he per-
country cases, Census and Identity is quite read- In the first part of the book, Lockhart elab- forms much better than in the latter one.
able for a wide variety of audiences, from the orates his conceptual tool, the grid-group theo- Furthermore, the book would have been
advanced undergraduate in a seminar on ry, to be applied in the empirical analyses in the more consistent if the individual-level diag-
nationalism to the scholar interested in state and second part of the book. The grid-group theo- noses of political leaders had been omitted.
nation building. ry operates on two dimensions: the legitimacy They are interesting but their overall contribu-
of external prescription (grid) and the strength tion remains scanty. I also think that the Soviet
of affiliation with others (group). By combin- case with its consumer price subsidies does not
Protecting the Elderly: How Culture ing these two dimensions, he ends up with four fully fit in with the three other case studies that
Shapes Social Policy. By Charles Lockhart. ideal types. Low values on both dimensions are explicitly on pension policy. Perhaps a
University Park: Pennsylvania State University indicate an individualistic orientation with core country from the social democratic welfare
Press, 2001. 274p. $45.00 cloth, $23.95 paper. values of liberty, individualism, economic effi- cluster would have been a better choice (the
ciency, and procedural fairness. A high group Swedish pension reform of the 1990s?). I would
— Olli E. Kangas, University of Turku
affiliation combined with a low grid position is also highly encourage Lockhart to expand his
All developed countries face similar problems, typical for egalitarians who regard humans as analysis to more recent changes (including ben-
with their graying populations. Demographic equal and capable of mutual, consensual agree- efit cuts) in the German pension system.
projections indicate that in the next two ments fortifying social solidarity. Hierarchists In the beginning of his book, the author
decades, the pensioner-to-worker ratio will score highly on both dimensions. According to stresses the symbiotic interaction between cul-
steeply increase and more and more resources the hierarchists, unequal and feeble-natured ture and institutions. He could have followed
will be needed to sustain the pension levels. It individuals need to be guided and corrected his testimony a bit more in the second part of
has been calculated that in many countries, through vertically organized collective institu- the book. The wonder about the robustness of
pension contributions will rise to between tions. The fourth, fatalist orientation—that is the German system opened possibilities for
30% and 40% of the payroll. In order to com- not applied in Lockhart’s empirical analysis— that. In fact, Lockhart does not pay much

432 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

attention to the institutional aspects (financ- Affair.” According to the authors, this conflicted tions, U.S. domestic considerations prompted
ing, coverage, benefit calculation, institutional relationship changed in the early twentieth cen- the U.S. Congress to deny Clinton “fast track”
veto points, etc.) that may contribute to the tury when a cooperative spirit characterized negotiating authority to complete the task.
robustness. The explanation may lie more in U.S.-Chilean relations. It lasted until the 1970s The U.S. failure to understand Chilean needs
the institutional inertia and less in the value when it again became embittered with the U.S. has impeded fuller cooperation between the
basis of the leading elites. response to the Marxist administration of two states, and has prompted Chile to look
All in all, Protecting the Elderly is a thought- Salvadore Allende and remained strained due to elsewhere for economic partnerships.
provoking book and a creative presentation on the human rights violations committed during Mares and Rojas Aravena have made an
how a particular version of political culture the- the regime of General Augusto Pinochet. Since important contribution to the study of inter-
ory can be fruitfully applied in analyzing poli- the end of the Cold War in 1991, both nations American relations by presenting a persuasive
cymaking. Lockhart shows convincingly that have supported the principles of democratiza- argument regarding the issues confronting the
cultural conceptions provide an important— tion and free market economies. Despite this two nations during the 1990s. But their over-
although often neglected—variable in explain- policy symmetry, the cooperative spirit of the reliance upon Chilean newspapers in The
ing cross-national differences in social policies. earlier time period did not return. United States and Chile will prompt scholars to
The authors explain that several issues look elsewhere to complete the story.
strained U.S.-Chilean relations during the last
The United States and Chile: Coming decade of the twentieth century, most notably
in from the Cold War. By David R. Mares the continued controversy over human rights Equality for Same-Sex Couples: The
and Francisco Rojas Aravena. New York: violations committed during the Pinochet Legal Recognition of Gay
Routledge, 2001. 192p. $70.00 cloth, $17.95 administration, which included the car bomb Partnerships in Europe and the
paper. killing of Orlando Letelier in Washington, DC. United States. By Yuval Merin. Chicago:
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), like University of Chicago Press, 2002. 408p. $25.00.
— Thomas M. Leonard, University of North Florida
Amnesty International, and several U.S. mem-
— David Rayside, University of Toronto
According to the series editors Jorge bers of Congress placed responsibility at
Domínguez and Rafael Fernández de Castro, Pinochet’s doorstep and demanded justice. Any cross-national comparison of the recogni-
The United States and Chile is one of 10 pro- Thirty-six members of Congress supported tion accorded same-sex relationships requires
jected volumes on recent U.S.–Latin American Pinochet’s extradition from Great Britain to formidable labor, and Yuval Merin has mar-
relations that intends to show how the transi- Spain in 2000 to be tried for the disappearance shaled precisely that. This is highly complex and
tion from authoritarian to constitutional gov- of Spanish citizens during his administration. fast-changing terrain. And as Merin quite prop-
ernments in Latin America, the shift toward There seemed to be little understanding in the erly argues, the privileging of some relationships
open market economies following the conti- United States that Pinochet’s alleged crimes over others is the product of hundreds of state
nent-wide depression of the 1980s, and the end were a Chilean domestic issue. Environmental policies and private institutional practices—
of the Cold War led to a transformation in the groups also contributed to the interstate ten- covering social insurance, taxation, employ-
relations between the United States and Latin sion. When several NGOs desirous of saving ment benefits, inheritance, property division,
America in the 1990s. But within the broader thousands of hectares of environmentally sensi- family law, immigration, medical decision mak-
historical context, little has changed regarding tive forest regions in central and southern Chile ing, parenting, and other areas.
U.S.–Chilean relations. While authors David found a benefactor in Douglas Tompkins, Merin’s central tasks are threefold. The first
R. Mares and Francisco Rojas Aravena describe President Eduardo Frei placed insurmountable is to chronicle what he quite properly sees as
the relationship as cooperative, in the end they obstacles in his path. Tompkins and his sup- significant shifts toward recognizing same-sex
leave the distinct impression that the United porters appeared as foreign interlopers to relationships across a range of countries in the
States remains the dominant partner in the rela- Chilean sovereignty. Again, U.S. interest liberal democratic West. The second is to point
tionship and that Chile continues to challenge groups failed to understand Chile’s concerns. out contrasts among countries in the extent of
that dominance at almost every turn. Within These controversies, however, paled by such recognition. The third is to argue in favor
this context, the authors also are critical of the comparison with trade issues, such as the “poi- of marriage rights and to advise on the legal
U.S. policies vis-à-vis Chile. soned grapes” case in 1990 and the ongoing argumentation most likely to work. As back-
The conflicted relationship has many rea- failure of Chile to gain access to the North drop, the author provides a nuanced survey of
sons, and the authors devote two-thirds of the American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). In historical changes in marriage regimes. He
volume establishing those factors. From the start the first instance, the Chileans charged the argues that recent developments, particularly
of their relationship in the early nineteenth cen- United States with overreacting to the discov- over the last half century, have created at least
tury, Chile viewed the United States with dis- ery of a few poisoned grapes among the tens of some openings for activists seeking an end to
trust. The latter refused to accept the former as thousands that made their way to the United the almost universal exclusion of same-sex cou-
an equal or Chile as having legitimate interests States. Not only did the incident frighten U.S. ples from marriage.
in the Southern Cone similar to those the consumers away from Chilean grapes, but sub- The political system that has come closest to
United States had in North America. For the sequent congressional legislation that further according full equality to same-sex couples, and
Chileans, United States transcontinental expan- limited Chilean imports had a serious adverse which by late 2002 was still unique in allowing
sion in the mid–nineteenth century and subse- impact upon the Chilean economy. Of greater such couples to marry, is the Netherlands. The
quent interventions in the circum-Caribbean economic importance was the possibility of countries Merin identifies as next in line are the
region served as harbingers of U.S. intentions in Chile becoming a partner in NAFTA. Nordic countries. His careful treatment of the
South America. Equally important was the Although Presidents Bill Clinton and George legislative changes in those and other European
biased U.S. interference in Chilean affairs, such W. Bush have both advocated such an agree- systems points out the significant gaps that per-
as the War of the Pacific and the “Baltimore ment because Chile has met all the qualifica- sist between the rights and obligations extended 433
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

to lesbian and gay couples and those already in ual diversity. This is a supportable claim on American settings by turning assumptions
place for married (heterosexual) couples. He gender, but not on race. Merin seems also to about the desire for reelection, the type of
rightly highlights an insidious pattern of exclud- argue that there is more popular acceptance of electoral and party system, and the constitu-
ing parental rights in Europe, although he rec- sexual diversity than in the United States— tional powers of the president and Congress
ognizes that some such exclusions were being part of the general view that social change pre- into independent variables. Case studies of the
reconsidered as he was going to press. cedes legal/political change—but he provides Argentine, Brazilian, Chilean, and Mexican
Merin’s survey includes brief references to little evidence. The claim is in fact sustainable congresses explore the effects of variance in
Australia and New Zealand, and more substan- for the Netherlands, but not so much for other these factors on the behavior of legislatures.
tial treatment of Canada. These are distinctive countries, and not at all on the question While acknowledging that Latin American leg-
cases in the extent to which they have extended of adoption by same-sex couples. In general, islatures are not proactive policymakers like the
political recognition to heterosexual cohabiting there is a complex relationship between U.S. Congress, this book shows that Latin
couples, with Canada having gone furthest in political/legal change and public acceptance American legislatures do “insert themselves
that direction, as well as in recognizing same- that warrants fuller treatment. In a generally into the policy process in a variety of ways”
sex couples. Some of his treatment, but not all, plausible way, he argues that movement on (Morgenstern, p. 444). The overarching pur-
is alert to a sea change that includes parenting relationship issues as a whole requires earlier pose of the book is to explore how the interac-
rights and almost all other relational issues, political steps to decriminalize homosexuality, tion of institutions induces Latin American
placing Canada close to the Netherlands in its still not fully effected in the United States, and legislatures to play different types of “reactive”
overall regime. In the admittedly complex to install basic nondiscrimination protections, roles in the policy process.
Canadian case, Merin does not quite grapple effected in only a minority of American states Static versus progressive ambition is a cen-
with federal and provincial jurisdictions, and and localities. Such gradualism fits most coun- tral component of the analysis. All authors
exaggerates the pioneering role of Quebec. tries, although it does not quite mesh with the address the types of political career ambitions
The author is back on surer ground in the play of parenting claims in the United States. deputies have, what is rational behavior given
even more complicated and generally discourag- As the book nears its conclusion, Merin lays these ambitions, and how deputies’ ambitions
ing American case. He talks with knowing detail out arguments for the inclusion of same-sex affect the organization of the congress, execu-
about the vast differences in legal and policy couples in marriage, showing that even the tive-legislative relations, or the policymaking
change across states, localities, and employers, most advanced registered-partnership systems role of the congress. They all assume that
and the variation in pace of change from one discriminate, and asserting that “separate but Latin American legislatures do matter in the
issue to another. He pinpoints an important equal” regimes are inherently marginalizing. In policmaking process, and so it is worthwhile
anomaly in a pattern of generally slow move- doing so, he takes up debates among sexual to rigorously study how institutions create or
ment toward relationship recognition—namely, diversity activists about the merits of marriage dampen incentives for deputies to take part in
the number of court rulings that have favored as a goal. Although he may underestimate the policymaking, and for the legislature to coop-
the rights of de facto parents to adopt the bio- “assimilationist” pressures associated with the erate with the executive or be obstructionist.
logical children of their same-sex partners. quest for marriage, and the risks of widening In the body of the book, three parts each
This book is somewhat less than satisfying the public’s perceptual gap between respectable have case study chapters about the four legisla-
when Merin explains differences across coun- same-sex couples who look most like their het- tures written by 12 country experts. Part I
tries and issues. When, for example, he con- erosexual counterparts and the not-respectable examines executive-legislative relations and the
templates the unusual progress in “step-parent” others, he addresses the debate with perceptive causes of a subservient versus obstructive con-
adoption in the United States as compared to intelligence. gress. Part II explores how parties organize the
Europe (at least up to early 2002), he ends up Equality for Same-Sex Couples has analytical business of the legislature, and thus how par-
prematurely discounting the explanatory power limits, to be sure, and some repetitiveness, but ties and the nature of the party system influ-
of cross-country variations in judicial leverage. its completion represents a major accomplish- ence deputy behavior. Part III investigates the
He also pays too little attention to the size of ment, not least because of its comparative scope legislature’s role in the policy process and con-
the baby boom among same-sex couples in the and the rapid and continuing change in most of ditions under which the legislature (or parties,
United States, in part a function of relatively the countries he discusses. Sexual diversity poli- state delegations, or individual deputies) exacts
easy access to assisted reproduction there. tics is at its most complex in relationship issues, policy concessions from the executive.
American activist networks have also helped and our understanding of them requires just the The country study chapters alone would
force parenting issues onto the legal and public care that Merin brings to the task. make Legislative Politics in Latin America
agenda by their preparedness to pursue claims important reading. Each chapter could stand
in court or support those already launched. alone as a journal article, as the authors test
In a few different places in this large manu- Legislative Politics in Latin America. hypotheses with extensive data, often using
script, Merin refers to factors that explain the Edited by Scott Morgenstern and Benito Nacif. innovative means to test hypotheses when the
relatively substantial progress in northern Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. “conventional” data used to study the U.S.
Europe on nonparenting fronts, but his 528p. $65.00 cloth, $25.00 paper. Congress are not available or would be inap-
attempts are partial and uneven. He mentions propriate in their legislature. Barry Ames, for
— Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson, Texas A&M
the power of the American religious right, example, collected data from media sources
although he might have made more of the about policy initiatives the Brazilian executive
truly exceptional character of U.S. religiosity. Scott Morgenstern and Benito Nacif ’s edited floated publicly but never proposed to the leg-
He also argues that the development in north- book makes a major contribution to the com- islature, after determining that they lacked
ern Europe of relatively egalitarian approaches parative study of legislatures. Theories devel- support. Nacif examined whether bills were
to other historically marginalized populations oped to explain behavior in the United States reported out of committee in the Mexican
paved the way for equitable approaches to sex- Congress are adapted to different Latin congress as a substitute for roll-call votes.

434 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

The country study chapters explore questions American legislatures to verify, or possibly parliamentary government, or the efficiency of
ranging from how presidential cabinet forma- expand and refine, the theory presented here. two-party versus multiparty parliamentary sys-
tion in Brazil affects cooperation in congress, Do other legislatures, with their own combina- tems. Work that focuses explicitly on the inter-
to how deputy career ambitions in Mexico cre- tions of type of deputy ambition, party nal workings of the legislature has tended to
ate a lack of incentive for deputies to specialize structure, electoral system, and constitutional examine only one legislature at a time, and
and develop policy expertise (compared to powers, fit into the subservient, recalcitrant, comparisons to other legislatures, while
incentives to professionalize and develop tech- workable, and venal categories, and under what implied, are usually not explored in any detail.
nical competence in the Chilean congress), to types of institutional conditions? The four legis- Thus, Joel Ostrow’s explicit comparison of the
how the need to curry provincial favor in latures studied in this book provide theoretical- internal workings of three legislatures in two
Argentina caused deputies to modify President ly interesting variance on the variables, and the emerging democracies is an immediate contri-
Menem’s economic reform bills, to voting on multiple chapters dedicated to each case give the bution to the comparative study of legislatures.
the Labor Committee of the Chilean senate. book valuable depth. However, four legislatures Ostrow’s study is a systematic comparison of
In the Conclusions (Ch. 14), Morgenstern, cannot cover all permutations of the key the effect of different institutional designs on
and in the Epilogue (Ch. 15), Morgenstern and explanatory variables, or other potentially the functioning of three legislatures, the
Gary Cox, bring these independent stories important variables. For example, Argentina, Russian Supreme Soviet, the Russian Duma,
together with a concluding chapter and then Brazil, and Mexico are all federal systems, and so and the Estonian Riigikogu. By focusing on
an epilogue that masterfully weave together politicians have the option of building their committees and political parties, the two most
the findings from the country chapters. political career in state politics after serving in widely studied features of legislative institu-
Morgenstern uses the rich evidence from those the legislature. All four countries have bicamer- tions, Ostrow engages an important debate in
chapters and additional comparative data to al legislatures, and hence the career option of the study of legislative institutions, whether
show how variance in reelection rates, rules of moving from one chamber to the other. They committees or parties are more important for
the electoral system, party systems and party also all have midterm or other forms of ensuring the stability and proper functioning of
unity, and the constitutional powers of the pres- staggered elections for the congress, president, a legislature. Echoing the findings of Gary Cox
ident affect legislative politics. He argues that it and local government, and so incumbent presi- and Mathew McCubbins in their study of the
is inadequate to simply label Latin American dents, even those who cannot be reelected, can interrelationship of committees and parties in
legislatures as “reactive.” Morgenstern and influence deputies’ political futures, by offering the U.S. House of Representatives (Legislative
Morgenstern and Cox break open this single or withholding resources to help win elections Leviathan, 1993), Ostrow finds that legislatures
category type into four types: subservient (the or through appointive positions. But what function best when committees are controlled
traditional rubber-stamp legislature); recalci- about deputy ambition in unitary states, with by a partisan majority, or in his own terminol-
trant (the type of legislature that Juan Linz is concurrent elections for local and national gov- ogy, when committees and parties are “linked.”
concerned about as contributing to the “perils ernment, and a unicameral congress? How do Thus, Ostrow’s careful research on legislatures
of presidentialism”); workable (a legislature that these institutional differences affect the role the in emerging democracies provides welcome
wants a seat at the negotiating table and bar- legislature plays in the policy process, the incen- empirical evidence to flesh out the formal story
gains for concessions from the executive on pol- tive deputies have to create a professionalized of legislative institutions as exemplified in
icy issues); and venal (where deputies sell their legislature, and executive-legislative relations? much of the work on the U.S. Congress or on
votes to support executive bills in return for Morgenstern and Nacif ’s book does an parliamentary systems in Europe.
pork and patronage resources that help the excellent job of laying out a theory of how The Supreme Soviet, which in many ways
deputy achieve future career goals). party, electoral, and executive institutions and resembles the nonpartisan, committee structure
This theme of deputy ambition, and how the political career ambitions of deputies pro- modeled by Kenneth Shepsle in his seminal
electoral, party, and executive institutions create duce different modes of executive-legislative paper (“Institutional Arrangements and
cues for “rational” deputy behavior toward relations. In so doing they have moved forward Equilibrium in Multidimensional Voting
achieving career goals, make this book a signifi- the comparative study of legislatures. They also Models,” American Journal of Political Science
cant contribution to legislative studies. It stands contribute in a rigorous, analytical, data-rich 23 [1979]: 27–60), was internally efficient and
apart from other important volumes because of fashion to our understanding of how institu- capable of passing a coherent and stable legisla-
its focus on the legislature—rather than the tions influence democratic consolidation and tive program. However, the Supreme Soviet was
executive, parties, or electoral rules. Of course, the conditions under which the “perils of pres- short-lived because of its inability to resolve
those other institutions receive much coverage identialism” are likely to obtain. partisan conflict with the executive branch. As
here because they create the incentive structures critics of Shepsle’s original formulation of leg-
to which deputies respond when deciding how islative structure have noted, political parties
to pursue their political career goals. But the Comparing Post-Soviet Legislatures: must be brought into the model, and Ostrow’s
focus is on the legislature, and the case studies A Theory of Institutional Design and explanation of the dissolution of the Supreme
show that this focus is not misplaced. While the Political Conflict. By Joel M. Ostrow. Soviet helps us understand just how important
president may be the primary initiator of suc- Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000. political parties are to a functioning legislature.
cessful bills, and typically enjoys an important 288p. $65.00 cloth, $26.95 paper. On the other hand, because its committees
first-mover advantage, the legislature often are so weak, the Russian Duma resembles a
— Josephine T. Andrews, University of California,
amends, delays, blocks, or increases the cost of purely partisan legislature, one without the
projects. Thus, the executive must anticipate the additional structure of a committee system. As
legislature’s response to its policy proposals. Most work comparing legislatures across Ostrow documents, the Duma is excellent at
This study, and the new typology of legisla- democracies does so implicitly, since the com- resolving partisan conflict with the executive
tures it has produced, paves the way for theoret- parison is generally embedded in a broader branch, but it is highly inefficient at drafting
ically driven case studies of other Latin issue, such as the utility of presidential versus and passing legislation. In his description of the 435
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

internal “chaos” of the Russian Duma, he seems incorporate insights from this work into his scientists have long argued that political factors
to describe the kind of chaos anticipated by analysis. The most egregious example occurs on are largely to blame, and see Africa’s economic
Richard McKelvey’s original presentation page 198 where, in a remark referring specifical- woes growing out of distinctive government
of cycling in a majority rule legislature that lacks ly to Cox and McCubbins’s Legislative institutions and inappropriate development
any kind of institutional structure (“Intransit- Leviathan, Ostrow writes: “The Russian Duma policies. John James Quinn’s book contributes
ivities in Multidimensional Voting Models and demonstrates the absurdity of the assumption to the literature on the political origins of
Some Implications for Agenda Control,” that parties produce majorities which then con- Africa’s development failures.
Journal of Economic Theory 12 [1976]: 472–82). trol committees and agendas.” Obviously, Cox Quinn starts with the conventional observa-
On the basis of on his analysis of Russia’s two and McCubbins are well aware that the U.S. tions that in the period following independ-
post-Soviet legislatures, Ostrow concludes that Congress has only two political parties and ence, most African countries chose inward-
while political parties are necessary to legislative hence a guaranteed majority. As he reveals in his oriented development strategies and that this
responsibility, “it is how partisan entities are discussion of the Estonian Riigikogu, Ostrow was counterproductive for growth. Africa’s
included that is important, not merely their understands the importance of a stable majority regimes were apt to overvalue their exchange
inclusion” (p. 130). To further explore the in controlling committee activity, and so I find rates, subsidize inefficient domestic industries,
respective roles of committees and parties, he it very surprising that he would misread these and penalize the agricultural sector where most
turns to a legislature in which both committees authors so completely. It is especially strange people worked—which contributed to eco-
and parties are present, but where neither oper- given that his study falls very nicely within this nomic stagnation and political instability. The
ates in isolation from the other, in his terms a body of research! Theoretically, the book could novel part of his argument is his explanation of
“linked” institutional design. In the Estonian have been well situated as a truly comparative why so many states went down this path, and
Riigikogu, committees are controlled by a parti- testing of Cox and McCubbins’s work on the why a few diverged and took a more outward-
san majority, which coalesces as a result of the importance of a stable majority for committee oriented course of export-led development. The
incentives to form and maintain a government decision making and legislative stability. reason has to do with state ownership of impor-
that are built into a parliamentary system. Although I think that Ostrow’s discussion of tant economic sectors: Where the state owns
Ostrow’s description of how the partisan major- the role of parties and committees explains more than half the largest exporting sector or
ity coordinates the activity of the committees much of the variation among the three legisla- most of the capital-intensive industries, it will
greatly resembles Cox and McCubbins’s descrip- tures, the book would have been strengthened opt for an inward-looking strategy that favors
tion of partisan influence in the committees of by a deeper discussion of alternative explana- production for the domestic market.
the U.S. House. Thus, whether the majority is a tions, in particular the impact of the constitu- Quinn offers a plausible theoretical ration-
single party or a multiparty coalition govern- tional separation of powers on the resolution of ale for such behavior. Decisions in state-owned
ment, when a partisan majority controls com- conflict between the executive and legislative firms tend to be made on political criteria
mittee composition and activity, the legislature branches. For example, is it not possible that rather than sound business reasons. The lead-
is efficient and responsible. differences between how the Supreme Soviet ing political concern in the typical African
In a strong concluding chapter, Ostrow and Duma handle conflict with the executive system is the production of economic rents,
provides some intriguing advice for emerging branch have also to do with the balance of con- which leaders need to reward political allies,
democracies on how to set up efficient, useful, stitutional power between these two branches buy off potential opponents and line their own
and politically responsible legislatures. Clearly, and not only with the internal structure of the pockets. Economic rents evaporate under com-
parliamentary systems help forge majorities. legislatures? Also, the reason that the Estonian petitive conditions, and so leaders who rely on
However, as he notes, in most presidential sys- Riigikogu functions as well as it does may state-owned firms would logically opt for anti-
tems currently in existence, “parliamentarism have more to do with its parliamentary competitive, inward-oriented development
would require fundamental constitutional design than with the linkage between parties strategies. The empirical basis for this argu-
changes,” and “such changes are not necessary and committees. As Ostrow notes in Chapter 7 ment is debatable, however, because state-
to create an effective legislature” (p. 242). It is (pp. 216–19), committees in the Estonian par- owned enterprise is not especially widespread
possible to link parties and committees within liament are weak, as is typical in parliamentary in Africa compared with other regions, accord-
a presidential constitutional design, and he systems; in fact, they seem to have almost noth- ing to data in the World Bank study
provides several creative mechanisms, all of ing to do with drafting and passing legislation. Bureaucrats in Business (1995).
which could be specified within the legisla- Therefore, the linkage between parties and Quinn marshals two types of evidence to
ture’s rules of procedure (see pp. 242–45). committees may be unimportant as compared test the proposition that state-owned enter-
In general, I was impressed with Comparing to the direct ties between government and leg- prise drives policy choices in Africa. One is a
Post-Soviet Legislatures both for the strength of islature typical in parliamentary systems. simple statistical analysis of 11 countries,
the empirical research and for the many which shows that state ownership was indeed
thoughtful points it makes about the impor- inversely associated with export orientation
tance of legislative design for emerging democ- The Road Oft Traveled: Development from 1973 to 1985. This evidence is not par-
racies. However, the book would have been Policies and Majority State ticularly compelling, due to the challenge of
stronger if Ostrow had made more of his con- Ownership of Industry in Africa. By finding a reliable index of economic openness,
tribution to the formal debate about commit- John James Quinn. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. so Quinn also looks in detail at four matched
tees and parties. Although he is aware of at least 256p. $64.95. pairs of countries: Zambia and Kenya, Nigeria
some of the literature contributing to this and Zimbabwe, Zaire and Botswana, and
— Arthur A. Goldsmith, University of
debate, he never describes the arguments of its Congo and Côte d’Ivoire. The most novel part
Massachusetts Boston
most important proponents. Instead, he dis- of The Road Oft Traveled is these case studies,
misses the formal work without appropriate Sub-Saharan Africa stands out as the world’s chosen to represent both a most-similar case
analysis or criticism, missing the opportunity to poorest and least developed region. Political model and a crucial-case design.

436 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

Quinn uses the cases to investigate and reject they tolerated and sometimes encouraged state data from Denmark and Switzerland, he
several competing accounts for inward-oriented ownership; during the 1980s and 1990s, they reports that with respect to occupation and
development. He finds that the presence of a demanded that African states sell government education, especially in Switzerland, some
large commercial landholding class—an interest assets and open their economies as a condition groups (higher social status, more education)
group that would normally favor exports over for development assistance. Another disregard- are overrepresented, while others (lower social
import substitution industrialization—is not ed factor is democratization, which swept the status, less education) are underrepresented.
important. The same is true of urbanization, region in the 1990s and put conflicting pres- This over- and underrepresentation is slightly
which might have been expected to give rise to sures on African states to end corrupt systems attenuated in elections in these two countries.
urban bias and political pressure for overvalued of patronage but also to shield local people Nevertheless, the author concludes that these
currencies. Ethnic heterogeneity is another fac- from the ill effects of globalization. results challenge the elitist position that refer-
tor that looks promising—highly diverse soci- While Quinn gives too much weight to the endums lead to the underrepresentation of
eties presumably need more rents to paper over independent effects of state-owned firms, and some groups in the decision-making process.
cleavages—but which Quinn finds to have little thus overstates the case for privatization, he is He also rejects the claim that voters in referen-
explanatory value in accounting for inward-ori- correct that a more robust private sector would dums are poorly informed, again on the basis of
ented development in Africa. Regime ideology have payoffs for many African countries. A com- data from Denmark and Switzerland. For both
does not count for much, either. The independ- petitive business environment creates incentives countries, he reports figures suggesting that
ent variable that seems best to fit each pair of for firms to use their resources for investment only few voters have a very poor knowledge
cases is state ownership: The countries with and production, as opposed to consumption by about the issues they decided in referendums.
more of it—Zambia, Nigeria, Zaire, and clientelistic networks. These would be steps for- And finally, describing a set of referendums,
Congo—looked inward; the countries with less ward but not a cure-all for Africa’s problems Qvortrup concludes that “the referendum is
of it—Kenya, Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Côte with development. compatible with the ideal of minority protec-
d’Ivoire—looked outward. tion, as long as we refrain from holding refer-
The book finishes with an econometric endums in small divided societies” (p. 19).
analysis of 24 African countries from 1966 to A Comparative Study of Having addressed these normative criteria,
1986. Quinn contends that, on average, the Referendums: Government by the Qvortrup turns to discussing A. V. Dicey’s (lib-
worst economic performers were the ones with People. By Mads Qvortrup. Manchester: eral theorist, 1835–1922) view on referendums
majority state ownership of large industries or Manchester University Press, 2002. 192p. in Chapter 3. Dicey envisioned referendums
the chief exporting sector, which, he deduces, $69.95. mostly as a people’s veto on important consti-
led these countries to shun export-led develop- tutional issues. Thus, he proposed a very
— Simon Hug, University of St. Gallen
ment strategies. The policy implication is that restricted use of referendums, mostly because
African governments should privatize, which Citizens around the world have more and more he considered the upper house of his time to be
would presumably put them on an outward- opportunities to vote directly on policy pro- an insufficient check on the lower house.
looking policy track and therefore lead to faster posals. This comes about because increasing Qvortrup cites Dicey’s proposal for a referen-
growth (p. 150). However, the political leader- larger numbers of constitutions explicitly allow dum act “enacting that . . . a referendum
ship and most important interest groups in the for referendums. Not surprisingly, many schol- might be required by a resolution of either
region benefit from the status quo, making the ars have attempted to assess whether this “gov- House, in respects of any Act e.g., affecting
prospects of reform unlikely (p. 179). ernment by the people” is a valuable comple- 1) The rights of the Crown, 2) The constitu-
Subsequent events call this causal chain into ment to representative government, or whether tion of Parliament, 3) The Acts of Union &
question. Many African states did liberalize it might be detrimental. Unfortunately for other large constitutional topics which might
(though with inconsistent commitment and constitutional framers, agreement hardly exists easily be enumerated” (quoted on p. 67). Such
success) in the years following the period under in the scholarly assessments. In this growing referendums obviously might act as conserva-
analysis in this book. They sold off state-owned literature, Mads Qvortrup’s book stands out by tive instruments. Addressing this issue in
enterprises and they reduced trade barriers. As its largely favorable assessment of referendums. Chapter 3, Qvortrup almost inevitably engages
Quinn concedes (p. 167), these economic His study broadly attempts to assess whether in dangerous terrain. While recent empirical
reforms happened at approximately the same referendums are compatible with consensus work on referendums has explicitly eschewed
time, and one would be hard-pressed to say that government, and more precisely, whether refer- such normative terrain (e.g., Shaun Bowler and
one caused the other. The results, moreover, endums are democratic institutions. According Todd Donovan, Demanding Choices, 1998,
have been uneven. Privatization schemes were to Qvortrup, institutions are democratic if they p. xiii), Qvortrup attempts to assess the possi-
often a thinly veiled mode of patronage for gov- allow for equal participation of all groups and ble conservative bias by studying votes having
ernment allies who received public assets at classes, for enlightened participation, and for occurred in OECD countries. This qualitative
bargain prices, according to Roger Tangri’s the protection of minorities (p. 2). assessment leads him to the conclusion that
(1999) The Politics of Patronage in Africa. Chapter 2 is devoted to assessing whether “the surveyed empirical evidence does not sug-
Africa’s economic liberalization of the past these criteria apply to referendums. First, gest that the referendum obstructs the system
two decades suggests that state-owned enter- Qvortrup finds that at least in countries of the of representative government” (p. 93). Apart
prises and import substitution policies are Organization for Economic Cooperation and from the difficult normative issue, such an
often two sides of one coin, and that some Development (OECD), a more frequent use of analysis also suffers from the fact that institu-
third set of factors possibly leads governments referendums depresses turnout, a finding tions allowing voters a final say on some poli-
to choose both of them. What additional fac- paralleling those reported by other scholars. cies have not only direct effects (i.e., policies
tors might be important? The international This decrease in turnout is obviously mostly that pass or are rejected in referendums) but
financial institutions played a larger role than harmful if the participating citizens fail to be also indirect effects (i.e., legislative proposals
they are given in this book. During the 1970s, representative of the voting population. Using that are altered or not passed by Parliament). 437
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

Thus, focusing exclusively on referendums by Parliament. Similar definitional issues the independent variables may be irrelevant or
having occurred is likely to give a biased view plague the author’s discussion of popular refer- idiosyncratic. Thus, for instance, Western
of the effects of this institution. endums (which may occur both on laws strategic embargo as a determinant of Chinese
Dicey’s proposal, apart from the possible already in force and on bills only adopted by foreign economic policy loses some of its com-
conservative bias of referendums, also raises the Parliament [p. 127]) and of initiatives (both pelling force in view of the fact that countries
question whether governments would neces- statutory and constitutional initiatives may be not facing this environmental constraint such
sarily submit constitutional issues to referen- direct or indirect [p. 58]). Thus, while A as India and Brazil, had also pursued varying
dums, or whether they would only do so if Comparative Study of Referendums offers inter- forms of import substitution and autarky. The
assured of victory. In Chapter 4, Qvortrup, esting insights and thoughts, it does not offer communist ideology becomes less persuasive as
using again as empirical foil the referendums the definitive answer to the question of an explanation because, after all, a regime pro-
having occurred in OECD countries, reports whether referendums are valuable comple- fessing this ideology has been known to adopt
that few referendums are triggered by govern- ments to representative democracy, or whether alternate policies. The statements of leading
ments. Finally, in the last chapter, he assesses such institutions are detrimental. cadres also do not quite help except for retro-
the effect of two institutions for referendums spective reconstruction, since they can be used
that take the triggering of referendums out of to support a variety of policy positions (as
the hands of government. On the one hand, he The Reluctant Dragon: Crisis Cycles these statements typically present bimodal
elucidates in more detail what he calls the in Chinese Foreign Economic Policy. injunctions, such as emphasizing both redness
minority veto in Denmark and the popular ref- By Lawrence C. Reardon. Seattle: University of and expertise, self-reliance and learning from
erendum in Italy. The underlying question the Washington Press, 2002. 368p. $45.00. foreign experts). Indeed, the same person (such
author wishes to address is whether these insti- as Chen Yun) can appear to be a supporter of
— Steve Chan, University of Colorado, Boulder
tutions might allow citizens to decide on other economic liberalization at one time but a con-
important issues that are not necessarily dealt This book studies China’s foreign economic servative favoring central planning at another
with in constitutions. While the Danish orientation in the first thirty years of the time. As a final example, although economic
minority veto has only rarely been used, the People’s Republic. The performance of the crises can present opportunities for change,
Italian referendum has been used with increas- domestic economy, the policy outlook of they can also provide occasions for vested
ing frequency, and had important political major figures, and public pronouncements and interests to become even more entrenched. An
consequences in the 1990s. Thus, Qvortrup documents with limited circulation are used to economy can continue to slide for a long time
concludes that the Danish provision hardly account for the regime’s changes, with an while the elites repeat and even compound ear-
allows the voters “a check on the majority” emphasis on self-reliance, import substitution, lier mistakes without undertaking any funda-
(p. 137), while this is the case in Italy. On this and export promotion. mental reform.
note he concludes his study with a positive In drawing attention to the discontinuities First-order explanations based on these fac-
assessment of referendums, which are “not in China’s foreign economic policy, Lawrence tors do not quite satisfy, therefore, as they tend
a challenge to representative government” Reardon introduces a sense of dynamism and, to leave unanswered questions about the “whys
(p. 153), and states that “the device has been indeed, tension in the choice of this policy. An of whys.” When faced with similar policy envi-
consistent with the normative criteria, at least inward-looking orientation pursuing autarky ronments and challenges, different elites—
in the period surveyed” (p. 158). has not been preordained by the nature of the sometimes, the same elite—can respond differ-
These rather broad-sweeping conclusions regime or its ideology. There were among the ently. Economic opening presents a double-
might be reasonably questioned by some Chinese leadership proponents of various edged sword. Foreign trade and investment
scholars having come to more nuanced assess- degrees and forms of economic liberalization offer the desiderata of job creation, technology
ments in their studies. These scholars might and openness. Naturally, the existence of diver- transfer, and export earnings. They also entail
emphasize the unevenness of the empirical evi- gent views makes one cautious about treating liabilities, such as foreign management or own-
dence marshaled in support of the author’s Beijing as a unitary rational actor. Rather, it ership control and dependency on foreign mar-
arguments. For the reader, it is often hard to points to the dynamics of coalition politics kets and capital, which can be used as a lever
know why and when countries and American competing for policy and power. As Reardon for extracting political concessions, becoming
states that use referendums frequently (e.g., also notes, the domestic and foreign environ- a source undermining national autonomy.
Switzerland and California) are excluded from ment presented opportunities and constraints Moreover, economic opening would presum-
the analysis. Some of the conclusions are also to Chinese leaders. Economic setback, such as ably create domestic winners and losers across
based on very few cases, and many analyses that from the Great Leap Forward campaign, different regions, sectors, and elite segments by
might have profited from inspiration drawn provided the impetus for policy adjustment. redistributing their income, status, and power.
from similar comparative studies that have Similarly, the rise and fall of Cold War tension Second-order explanations would then, on the
been carried out at the subnational level in the limited or expanded the menu of choice avail- one hand, seek to explain the relative bargain-
United States and Switzerland. For the reader, able to Beijing. One would therefore surmise ing power between China and its foreign part-
a consistent use of the various terms might also that changes in China’s foreign economic poli- ners. Rather than facing a dichotomous choice
have been profitable. Qvortrup seems to use cy resulted from a combination of domestic between ideal types (e.g., import substitution
the term “referendum” both in its generic form and foreign factors. versus export promotion), the actual or
(i.e., citizens voting on policies) and in more This account seems, paradoxically, to be prospective terms of exchange are a matter of
specific forms (e.g., required vote on constitu- both overdetermined and indeterminate. It is contention. How does Beijing try to unbundle
tional issues). Relatedly, the author also intro- overdetermined because the number of inde- the various elements of foreign commerce so
duces the notion of plebiscites (p. 90), which pendent variables, additively and interactively, that it maximizes the desirable ones while min-
he defines as votes triggered by government, exceeds the policy changes that they are sup- imizing the undesirable ones? On the other
but seems to extend it later to votes triggered posed to explain. It is indeterminate because hand, economic opening would presumably

438 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

entail internal bargaining so that those interest three decades. In both nations, the transition to Royo undertakes a twofold task: to trace the
groups likely to suffer from a reallocation of democracy in the mid-1970s recast relations resurgence of social bargaining in these two
resources and influence would be sufficiently between the government and a fledgling civil nations, while using these empirical observa-
compensated (or coerced) into facilitating society. A notable trend was the establishment tions to critique neo-corporatist theory. The
domestic ratification. A sense of how this two- of national-level negotiations among labor theory is faulty, he argues, because it slights the
level game was played would surely enhance unions, employer organizations, and the gov- role of actor agency and organizational strategy
our understanding about Chinese decision ernment over labor market issues. Although as explanatory factors. While institutional pat-
making on foreign economic relations. social bargaining in the two nations has differed terns help define the possibilities and limits of
Reardon’s analysis ends with the late 1970s in terms of timing, continuity, and content, what states, unions, and employers can do,
and, therefore, just after another round of eco- representatives of labor, management, and the ultimately the actors themselves define their
nomic reforms under Deng Xiaoping and government have successfully negotiated on own strategies on the basis of complex calcula-
before China’s economy expanded tremen- such major questions as wages, labor flexibility, tions of costs and benefits. The author con-
dously in the ensuing years. A natural question pension reform, dispute resolution procedures, cludes that the neo-corporatist framework is
would be the extent to which China’s foreign and even the organization of collective bargain- not so much wrong as incomplete; one needs
economic orientation has become consolidated ing itself. to take account of both institutional structures
and the extent to which it is still fragile and This rise of social bargaining in Spain and and organizational choice.
therefore subject to another reversal. Another Portugal is noteworthy, argues Sebastian Royo, For Royo, three factors explain this resur-
question would be whether China’s economic because it does not square with a major branch gence of social bargaining. First, the major
growth has prepared it to pursue import substi- of theorizing in comparative politics, namely, economic actors have faced new opportuni-
tution or autarky more effectively now than the theory of “neo-corporatism.” Beginning ties and constraints as a result of technologi-
before. Has its economy become more or less with Philippe Schmitter’s seminal article (“Still cal innovation, European integration,
dependent on external commerce since Deng’s the Century of Corporatism?” Review of “postindustrial” shifts in occupational struc-
reforms? Has domestic demand in an economy Politics, 36[no. 1, 1974]: 85–131), compara- tures, and other changes. The chief result is
of China’s continental size become the main tivists have sought to specify the conditions that in Spain (in the late 1980s and early
engine of its growth? Have foreign commercial that foster particular patterns of state-interest 1990s) and Portugal (early to mid-1980s),
ties created sufficiently powerful domestic group interaction, along with the economic unions grew organizationally weaker, yet gov-
stakeholders to resist a return to economic iso- consequences of those patterns. Focusing on ernments and employers were unable to con-
lationism? These questions become relevant in the principal economic actors, Schmitter iden- trol wages in a labor-relations framework
view of the attempts at linkage politics whereby tified a trend toward a new corporatist pattern marked by fragmentation and decentraliza-
the United States, for instance, tries to use eco- in which governments, labor unions, and tion. National social bargaining served the
nomic incentives and sanctions to promote employer groups engage in regular, national- interests of all three parties, as unions gained
political goals (e.g., the annual debate, until level negotiations over wage levels and other in clout while governments and employers
recently, tying the most-favored-nation trading labor-market issues. This trend was important, were able to entice unions to agree on wage
status to Beijing’s human rights performance). Schmitter and others subsequently argued, restraint and other conditions. Second, the
Such attempts assume that foreign commerce because neo-corporatism contributed to posi- main unions in both countries—historically
will become a more important driver of China’s tive economic performance, notably wage divided along partisan and regional lines—
economy, that domestic lobbies favoring for- moderation, labor peace, and steady growth. underwent a process of institutional learning
eign commerce will gain increasing influence in What made this form of corporatism possible and increasing autonomy from political par-
the policy process, and that the Chinese leaders’ was a specific institutional pattern based on ties that led them to reject confrontational
relative valuation of political and economic encompassing, centralized unions supported strategies as counterproductive. Finally, new
objectives will shift to the latter, The accounts by governments dominated by social demo- institutional structures have played a role,
of past deliberations provided by The Reluctunt cratic parties. According to the theory, such specifically the establishment of state-spon-
Dragon are unclear about whether these expec- institutional configurations ensured that sored bodies (the Economic and Social
tations are warranted. The discourse of China’s strong unions would produce wage restraint, Council in Spain and the Permanent
leaders presented in this book is remarkably while sympathetic governments would deliver Committee for Social Concertation in
silent on the external political consequences of generous social benefits. Portugal) that bring together labor and
foreign economic relations. Critics have long observed that neo-corpo- employer representatives in both formal and
ratism’s felicitous effects on national economic informal discussions.
performance proved short-lived—essentially The author develops this argument
“A New Century of Corporatism?”: ending in the late 1970s—and that the pattern through a copiously documented history of
Corporatism in Southern Europe— of regular peak-level bargaining largely col- social bargaining during the past three
Spain and Portugal in Comparative lapsed in such neo-corporatist paragons as decades. The scholarship is consistently
Perspective. By Sebastian Royo. Westport, CT: Sweden, Belgium, and Denmark. What is sur- impressive, based not only on a thorough
Praeger Publishers, 2002. 336p. $74.95. prising in Spain and Portugal, Royo notes, is grounding in the neo-corporatist and compar-
that corporatist-style bargaining has reemerged ative political economy literatures, but also on
— W. Rand Smith, Lake Forest College
where neo-corporatist theory would not have extensive use of the press, original sources
This ambitious book successfully uses case predicted, namely, in nations where unions are (government documents, union reports, etc.),
studies to illuminate broader theoretical weak and fragmented; moreover, social bar- and personal interviews. (The author inter-
concerns. The case studies focus on the gaining has flourished under conservative viewed more than 50 people, including top
“resurgence of national-level social bargaining” governments, not social democratic ones. How trade union, political party, employer, and
(p. xiii) in Spain and Portugal during the past can this anomaly be explained? government ministry officials.) This is likely 439
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

the most complete account of the scope, con- ning, and most of all, shows how these are not growth and sprawl, and dispersed low-income
tent, and range of labor-market accords that separate but interrelated parts of the same housing in all sorts of neighborhoods. The
have occurred in Spain and Portugal since the whole. difference was due largely to strong national
mid-1970s. Royo convincingly demonstrates At the core of the book are analyses of three parties and government staff (Weberian
that in the Spanish and Portuguese cases, orga- towns (and their surroundings) in the United bureaucrats!), who maintained these policy
nizational choice counts for more than insti- States: Research Triangle Park, NC, New commitments despite neighborhood group
tutional patterns in producing corporatist- Haven, CT, and Madison, WI, as well as six protest. By contrast, so-called NIMBY move-
style bargaining. (It must be said that this is a similar towns in France and Germany. Sellers ments (“not in my backyard”) in the United
“labor-leaning” account, with much heavier analyzes these towns from various perspectives States and France were far more successful.
focus on labor’s choices and strategies, as and locates them via: This counters our expectations for these places,
opposed to employers and the government.) (1) Globalization. The global world swamps although Madison is the most like Germany
The author also establishes that this emergent all cities today. The author sketches this more and New Haven the least. Sellers provides rich
variant of corporatism has contributed to sensitively than most urban politics studies, detail on these critical points, incorporating
improved macroeconomic performance (lower and adds detail. These towns are in many considerable past work, showing, for instance,
inflation, enhanced labor flexibility, higher respects even more internationally connected how Robert Alford and Harry Scoble noted in
growth), lower unemployment, and an than the bigger cities that get more press. the 1960s that Madison had “a pervasive
improvement in work status for many workers Foreign students and visitors, the Internet, moralism and a concern with aesthetic and
(e.g., many temporary work contracts have advanced service and high-tech jobs, and link- public amenities” (p. 245). But Sellers’s com-
been converted into indefinite ones). ages to universities generate remarkable cos- parisons show how even politically correct
Are Spain and Portugal harbingers of a new mopolitanism and global connectedness there. neighborhood groups often find it appropriate
“liberal corporatism” (p. 237) in Western Lesson: Look not just at big cities for global- for new development to keep sprawling and for
Europe, one based on a reorientation of union, ization processes; there may be more elsewhere. the disadvantaged to live a little farther away.
employer, and government strategies in a con- (2) Postindustrial political economy. Sell- He frames his own findings within the history
text of monetary union and growing interna- ers synthesizes a wide body of analyses on and culture of these towns, building on his
tional competition? Royo is careful not to pro- high-tech, postindustrial processes that lead own archival work and decades of past studies.
claim a “new century of corporatism,” as he him to disagree with many past analysts of (4) Midsize cities focus. The hubris of big-
underlines the inherent instability of national- urban politics, who see traditional economic city residents and writers blinds them to their
level agreements struck among multiple organ- interests driving a local policy of “growth” in a limited generalizability, in two ways. First,
izations having conflicting goals and facing “treadmill of production.” Rather, he con- smaller locations can be more extreme than
pressures from both anxious constituents and cludes that “local and regional economic inter- bigger cities, or nations, and thus illustrate
shifting markets. But he does view this new ests in a service center, for instance, should new or distinct trends more powerfully. These
pattern of corporatism as promising significant have more reason to follow a logic of serving nine towns illustrate more about aspects of
benefits for all three sides in an age of eco- and maintaining consumer demands than one “postindustrial society” than do New York or
nomic uncertainty, and thus having the poten- of producing goods. . . . These collective inter- Paris, as Sellers shows with many tables com-
tial of becoming a more generalized pattern. ests at the core of an urban political economy paring these larger cities to his towns. Second,
(Analysts have noted variants of such a pattern can furnish economic rationales for the pursuit he reminds us that “applied innovation and
in such nations as Ireland, Italy, and the of other aims besides economic development” services take place predominantly outside the
Netherlands.) “A New Century of Corporatism?” (pp. 14–16). Here Sellers joins the new view of largest cities” (p. 14). That is, more people live
does not attempt to predict the future, but it urban development that is less business-elite in midsized towns, many of which are sub-
provides an astute assessment of the factors driven and more citizen driven; locations must urbs. Still, these are parts of regions and
that will likely shape it. In doing so, it con- compete for talented citizens who innovate. involve multiple overlapping governments in
tributes not only to our understanding of Unbridled growth is not embraced; it is often key policy decisions, in ways that Sellers
Spain and Portugal but also to major debates in resisted. If these concerns are widely shared, details, especially for land-use policy. But
comparative political economy. they vary substantially in implementation. rather than just label it all governance or plu-
Sellers show why. ralism, he maps specific differences.
(3) Decentralization. Most work on decen- (5) Multiple methods, sensitive combinations.
Governing from Below: Urban tralization is narrowly legal or fiscal. It does not Sellers constructs an integrated portrait from
Regions and the Global Economy. By show what actually happens. Critics within a many diverse sources. His is a model to con-
Jefferey M. Sellers. Cambridge: Cambridge country often point to gaps between laws and sider here, closer to Seymour Lipset than most
University Press, 2002. 420p. $75.00 cloth, “reality”; writers on France have thus conclud- current studies that mine one data source and
$30.00 paper. ed that decentralization made little difference consider that a virtue. Richly complementing
(p. 394). Sellers looks deeper. National and each other in a way that seems effortless, these
— Terry Nichols Clark, University of Chicago
local differences in this book emerge more include census data, local government official
Jefferey Sellers innovates repeatedly, yet makes sharply than in most past studies. Even though reports, interviews, newspaper accounts,
it look easy and obvious. His style is unobtru- local civic groups in all countries favored eco- national citizen surveys like the World Values
sive and understated. Most comparative inter- logical sensitivity and social tolerance of immi- Survey, planning codes, work by dozens of past
national work is by teams of experts on their grants, policies differed substantially. The researchers on these towns, and sensitive appli-
own country or city, in edited books. Sellers United States and France kept immigrants and cation of results from a synthesis of several
pushes deeper to learn more. He contributes to disadvantaged residents more geographically overlapping literatures (on civic participation,
urban politics, public policy, comparative poli- segregated, and permitted more sprawl. The social movements, political parties, the welfare
tics, political parties, legal studies, and plan- German towns, especially Freiberg, controlled state, high-tech growth, globalization, etc.) For

440 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

instance, the degree to which all German par- Israel and failure to compare it to other coun- state, although they do not explain why as late
ties have embraced green policies is powerfully tries in the real world make their treatment less as 1999, 28% voted for Jewish parties. The dis-
documented. Sellers does this by detailing the persuasive than it might otherwise have been. cussion of religious issues is good, although the
party coalitions by city and by year, linking They conclude with a surprisingly naive, sim- religious point of view or theological and
them to key policy developments in the man- plistic prescription for simultaneously solving Jewish-legal sources of religious positions on
ner of classic in-depth case studies like Robert the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and most of public issues are not presented. There is an
Dahl’s (1961) Who Governs? Sellers computes Israel’s domestic problems. interesting discussion of women in Israeli soci-
density gradients for all cities from 1970 to The discussion of Israel’s colonialist prac- ety. The authors note the consistent failure of
1990 to show how the German cities sprawled tices ignores the traditional Zionist narrative of women’s parties in Israel but blame it on the
least (p. 60) and ranked lowest on social “dis- the return of a diasporic people to its historic “colonial frontier context” (p. 108). Shafir and
similarity” by neighborhood (p. 75). He com- homeland, a myth that motivated hundreds of Peled ignore the possibility that Israeli women
putes spending and staffing per capita meas- thousands to move to Israel. The book asserts have a different assessment of their roles and
ures for planning and land use, again ranking that the “massive wave of Mizrachi [Jews from status than what the authors regard as proper.
the Germans very high. The municipality of Islamic lands] immigrants” was “by no means a Throughout, they set up standards of practice
Freiberg owns 64% of the land, and Bielefeld spontaneous movement. It was initiated, they consider right, and judge Israel by them.
53%, but Montpellier and Madison own just orchestrated, and carried out by the State of They do not distinguish between “ideal” and
10% each (p. 326). “Land banking” is thus a Israel”—which is technically, partially true— “real” or compare Israel’s performance with
powerful German tool. though, it is noted, “relations between these other countries so that one may gauge that per-
Quibbles? The key points are not always Jews and the states in which they were residing formance in the “real world,” and not only by
sharply articulated. The subtlety of argument is were indeed becoming tense due to the Jewish- the authors’ desiderata.
sometimes too great. Some tables and figures Palestinian conflict” (p. 77). “Tense” might be The rich narrative is often introduced by
are opaque and unclearly labeled (e.g., pp. 153 inadequate to describe public lynchings of Jews flat assertions originating in political prefer-
ff., 216). There are citation errors (p. 111). in Iraq and severe restrictions, arrests, and tor- ences rather than dispassionate analysis. An
Still, to do fieldwork in three languages and ture in Syria. Many Jews left North Africa dur- example is the assertion (p. 159) that the “pur-
nine cities, assemble masses of information ing decolonialization and nationalization of pose [of Israeli ‘colonization’ after 1967], as
(maybe 10 times as much as in most similar private enterprise. Did Israel arrange the mass before 1948, was to establish a permanent
monographs), integrate it smoothly, and pres- migration of North African Jews to France, presence in the designated [?] areas, alter their
ent it as a coherent, readable account is most Quebec, and elsewhere? Perhaps these were demographic constitution, and essentially
unusual. Sellers does more: He presents a self-motivated refugees and émigrés, not pawns annex them to Israel.” This was very likely true
framed perspective, summarized in multiple in the hands of manipulative Israeli colonial- of East Jerusalem. But as the authors almost
tables and charts, to contextualize cities and ists. Five Arab states attacked Israel immediate- immediately point out, both the government
clarify their sociopolitical dynamics. Read ly upon its declaration of independence—two and the Israeli public saw most of the occupied
Governing from Below closely, as the writing is have made a formal peace with Israel—sug- areas as temporary holdings, cards to be played
modest and understated. Much is here. gesting that they might have their own dis- in negotiations. Another example is the claim
putes with Israel, aside from the Jewish- that “[t]he most distinguishing characteristic
Palestinian conflict. of the Jewish Labor Movement in Palestine was
Being Israeli: The Dynamics of The circumstances that brought a “new colo- that it was not a labor movement at all [sic].
Multiple Citizenship. By Gershon Shafir and nial drive” (p. 19) in 1967—closing of seaways Rather, it was a colonial movement in which
Yoav Peled. Cambridge: Cambridge University to Israeli shipping, infiltration of murder squads the workers’ interests remained secondary to
Press, 2002. 412p. $65.00 cloth, $23.00 paper. into Israel from Gaza, bombardment of Israel the exigencies of settlement” (p. 37).
from Syria, Jordan’s fateful joining the war on Shafir and Peled propose for Israel an
— Zvi Gitelman, University of Michigan
Israel—are not mentioned. What originated as a “incorporation regime” combining “universal
This reinterpretation of Israeli political history preemptive or defensive war is accommodated civil, political and social rights of individuals,
assumes a contradiction between being a to the authors’ scheme as a new colonial drive. regardless of ascriptive affiliation, with group
Jewish state and a Western-style democracy. Since 1985, they say, the previously dominant cultural rights for different cultural minorities”
Israel had “colonial beginnings” (p. 1) and has republican citizenship discourse has been dis- (p. 343). (No examples of such systems are
“continued colonial practices.” Gershon Shafir placed by the ethno-nationalist one, but the lib- cited.) Somehow, the resulting “multiple pub-
and Yoav Peled identify three “citizenship dis- eral one may be ascendant at present. This fails lic spheres” would interact harmoniously. By
courses” in Israel: liberal, republican, and to explain Ehud Barak’s triumph over Benyamin “being public and engaged in contestation
ethno-nationalist. The liberal mode stresses Netanyahu in 1999 and the overwhelming pub- with other discourses . . . counterpublics mili-
personal liberty and the worth of private prop- lic support given his fruitless attempt to induce tate against separatism and contribute to the
erty; the republican, favors the community the Palestinians to make a peace with Israel, cohesiveness of society, rather than undermin-
pursuing a common good even at the expense abandoning most of Israel’s “colonizing” gains. ing it.” Always? Everywhere? Once Israel with-
of individual preferences; and the ethno- Being Israeli contains a great deal of infor- draws from Gaza and part of the West Bank
nationalist sees citizenship as “membership in a mation, perhaps too much for the nonspecial- and divides sovereignty over Jerusalem—
homogeneous descent group” (p. 6). This ist. It ranges widely over culture, politics, eco- ceding the Temple Mount to Palestinian sover-
schema proves useful in organizing much of nomics, the military’s role in society, gender eignty—“citizen Palestinians would no longer
Israel’s political history. But the authors, who issues, and immigration. The treatment of be suspected of sympathy to the enemy”
prefer the liberal citizenship discourse, ignore “Israel’s Palestinian citizens” is comprehensive, (p. 346). Would Palestinian-Jewish hostility
alternative interpretations and narratives and sober, and balanced. The authors point to the and suspicion cease as soon as such arrange-
distort Israeli history. Their exclusive focus on growing alienation of these citizens from the ments were made? 441
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

Hostility to Mizrachi culture would dimin- have considerable experience with such contingent support [I may lose from reform, but
ish because “the main reason for the negative volumes–in my view, Executive Decree I will lose even more if I am seen to oppose it].
attitude toward Mizrachi culture was its origins Authority (1998), coedited by Shugart and They also discuss various prior failed attempts
in Arab and other Muslim societies” (p. 347). John Carey, is a masterpiece—and it pays off at electoral reform, important dog-that-didn’t-
An alternative explanation is that Mizrachi cul- here in relative coherence and pithiness. bark events ignored in most reform narratives.
ture was denigrated, as was Arab culture, The mixed system phenomenon raises two Richard Katz notes the importance of exist-
because it was not oriented toward democracy, questions. Why have they been so widely ing institutions where incremental reform is
technology, science, and what Europeans saw adopted in recent years, and how do they affect desirable or constitutionally necessary. In
as rationality. the politics of the countries that adopt them? Italy, reform could be accomplished only
This book is full of rich information and is Roughly half of the book is committed to each through the deletion of words from the exist-
well organized by an appropriate conceptual of these questions. Shugart starts with a theory ing law. The result was a unique—yes, a bit
scheme. Its value is diminished by manipula- of MM reforms, and chapters on the reform bizarre—institution that reveals our previous
tive practices stemming from ideological com- experience of 10 countries (and potential ignorance. Institutional details that were
mitment. reforms in the UK and Canada) follow. The entirely ignored as trivial in previous descrip-
second half of the book discusses the postre- tions of the old Italian system were central
form experience with MM systems in each of determinants of the new system. We see simi-
Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: these 10 countries, with a concluding chapter lar phenomena in the systems of postcommu-
The Best of Both Worlds? Edited by by the editors. nist states where electoral designers took pains
Matthew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Shugart’s theory of MM reforms is straight- to maintain as much of the predemocratic
Wattenberg. Oxford: Oxford University Press, forward and compelling. He characterizes sys- administrative apparatus, especially geograph-
2001. 680p. $72.00. tems by their deviations from an idealized “effi- ic districts, as possible.
cient” type that provides for “the articulation of The inferences to draw from the second
Burt L. Monroe, Michigan State University
policy-based electoral majorities” (p. 28). half of the book are more ambiguous. The edi-
Not that long ago, it was reasonable standard Systems may deviate on an “interparty” dimen- tors conclude with an upbeat assessment that
practice to split the world of electoral systems sion by being extremely pluralitarian or, con- MM systems do indeed provide the best of
into three categories: plurality, proportional versely, hyperrepresentative (p. 29). They may both worlds, but the case chapters suggest that
representation (PR), and “other.” The [West] also deviate on an “intraparty” dimension by the question mark in the book’s title cannot
German electoral system, at its inception a tending toward hyperpersonalistic or hyper- yet be erased. The visceral reaction of Tullock
unique combination of plurality and PR con- centralized extremes. I quibble with labeling and others suggests a suspicion that mixed sys-
cepts, was treated awkwardly as a PR variant or the origin of this space “efficient,” but this two- tems might provide some inconsistent PR-
even more awkwardly as an outcast “other.” dimensional space immediately suggests the majoritarian mush, or even the worst of both
While many noted the German system’s appar- theory. Those systems that veer too far toward electoral worlds. Indeed, the more or less
ent stability over time, our inability to shoe- the extremes on one or both dimensions meet unique mixtures chosen by each country dis-
horn it into one of the two familiar categories the precondition for reform, needing only a cussed here have resulted in several intriguing
made some scholars uneasy, especially as the catalyst (e.g., a scandal) to get things moving. unintended consequences.
model began to be mimicked. My favorite MM systems naturally lie in the middle of this For example, plurality systems (or, more
example: “New Zealand, Russia, and Italy have space and make for reasonable equilibria of the generally, those with single-seat districts—
recently adopted a bizarre hybrid of the two sys- resulting processes, whatever the details. SSDs) almost never conform to the cartoonish
tems copied from Germany” (Gordon Tullock, Moreover, a simple index Shugart devises for versions of the Duvergerian two-party plotline,
On Voting, 1998, p. 191, italics added). locating electoral systems on the inter- and and their effects are even more complex in
But such “mixed-member” (MM) electoral intraparty dimensions places prereform systems MM systems. Roberto D’Alimonte notes that
systems are now firmly entrenched on consti- outside, and postreform systems inside, an Italy’s SSDs have been “proportionalized,”
tutional designers’ lists of what’s hot, even apparently stable region of the institutional with mutual stand-downs serving as bargaining
while they have diverged in innumerable ways space. The situation of new democracies choos- chips for the creation of PR coalitions. René
from the original German model. In the ing MM systems is similar: For those designing Antonio Mayorga argues that SSDs have
1990s, MM systems were adopted for legisla- or negotiating over an entirely new system, the resulted in greater fragmentation from region-
tive elections in a diverse set of places, includ- extremes of pure systems are less attractive than alization of Bolivia’s party system. Robert
ing at least Albania, Armenia, Bolivia, the middle ground established by the apparent- Moser writes that Russia’s electoral system is
Georgia, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Lithuania, ly successful German model. In short, mixed now flush with independents, who win rough-
Macedonia, Mexico, New Zealand, the systems have been widely chosen because they ly half the votes and seats in the SSDs, with
Philippines, Russia, South Korea, Thailand, promise “the best of both worlds.” nationalized party consolidation years away at
Ukraine, Venezuela, and new regional parlia- In the reform/design chapters, Shugart’s best. Reed and Thies report that Japanese par-
ments in Scotland and Wales. That’s a full- general assertion appears supported, and sever- ties have achieved better list performance
blown phenomenon and it calls for explana- al new theoretical insights are offered to sup- where SSDs are contested—it should not take
tion and analysis, exactly what Matthew plement it. In their discussion of Japan, Steven long for that interesting behavioral tidbit to
Soberg Shugart, Martin Wattenberg, and a Reed and Michael Thies directly address the draw notice elsewhere—so hundreds of no-
cast of thousands offer here. why-would-turkeys-vote-for-Christmas para- chance candidates are now fielded where they
The diversity of this country list more or dox inherent in electoral reform, noting the were not before.
less demands an edited volume. A few of possibility of both outcome-contingent support In other words, the two components of
the form’s inherent weaknesses are on [I am a winner now, but I think I will be a loser mixed systems interact to provide complex
display here, but surprisingly few. The editors tomorrow unless I change the rules] and act- strategic incentives to many players, and there

442 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

is no reason to expect that the results are in all Analytically speaking, the book divides into his analysis seems to assume that inherited
cases and on all dimensions something inter- three main parts. First is a sophisticated and legacies linger for generations after the work
mediate between the two pure types. And the comprehensive discussion of twentieth-century patterns that gave rise to them have disap-
devil is in the institutional and contextual organization theory, its Western origins and peared, or at least disappeared from the view of
details. None of the systems here mimics development, and its application to the indus- the industrial workers themselves. That
Germany’s exactly, with some (Hungary, Italy, trial workplace. Sil analyzes both Frederick assumption needs stronger empirical verifica-
Russia, Thailand) bearing only a passing Winslow Taylor’s “scientific management” tion, especially in the Russian case, where sur-
resemblance. Very similar systems (Venezuela, school of organizational behavior and its vey data were not always available. Similarly,
Bolivia) have had very different experiences antithesis, the “human relations” school for the the author assumes that managerial elites have
and even the system of postunification hidden universalistic assumptions upon which accurate knowledge about the traditional cul-
Germany has had a different feel from that of they are based. As Sil notes, the concept of eco- ture of their workers, an assumption that may
preunification West Germany. nomic efficiency itself that underlies both not be accurate at all given the large
So, while this volume is not ultimately the Taylorist and human relations schools of urban–rural divide in modernizing societies.
final word on the subject of mixed systems, it thought may take on different meanings in The third and, to this reviewer, most inter-
is better than that. It is the first word, setting modernizing societies: “The overall rise in esting analytic part of Managing “Modernity” is
the agenda for the study of our new conven- production and the preservation of social about the management ideologies of NWLI
tion-busting world of mix-and-match demo- stability tend to be regarded by political and management elites, institution builders who
cratic institutions. As such, and despite the economic elites [in NWLI countries] as no stand at the crux of Western management ide-
price, Mixed-Member Electoral Systems will be less significant than the maximization of effi- ologies, on one hand, and the exigencies of the
viewed as a mandatory component of the mod- ciency or productivity at the individual level” traditional societies which they are trying to
ern electoral scholar’s shelf. (pp. 73–74). He emphasizes the importance of modernize, on the other. These elites have the
these other-than-efficiency values in the historically determined task of selectively
modernization enterprise. applying Western management models to their
Managing “Modernity”: Work, The second analytic part of the book is own societies. How these elites make their
Community, and Authority in Late- about the peasants-cum-workers who com- strategic choices goes a long way toward deter-
Industrializing Japan and Russia. By prise the industrial work force in the NWLI mining the successes and failures of the mod-
Rudra Sil. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, societies. Here the question is what the rele- ernizing enterprise in the two countries. Sil’s
2002. 504p. $60.00. vant inherited legacies (preexisting norms, discussion of management theory debates in
practices and forms of work-related social the two countries is exhaustive.
— Aron G. Tannenbaum, Lander University
organization) are that workers carry with them This discussion does not do justice to the
Elites in non-Western late-industrializing from their previous (usually agricultural or complexity and sophistication of the author’s
(NWLI) states such as Japan and Russia/Soviet artisan) work communities onto the factory analysis. Terms are defined at all times, theories
Union know what “modern” societies in the floor. Sil focuses upon the Japanese mura are examined both logically and empirically,
West look like. They also know, or may be aware (preindustrial village communities) and upon the relevant literature is cited appropriately,
of, the political culture of their own premodern the Russian mir (peasant communities) and and the writing is as clear as this complex argu-
and largely peasant populations. Their task, if artels (urban craftsmen guilds). Both Japanese ment can allow. But therein lies a problem:
they desire modernization of their own societies, and Russian traditional work communities The argument is so complex, and Sil’s knowl-
is to find some way of adapting the features of emphasize collective identities but in rather edge is so encyclopedic, that even an attentive
the modernized West to their own country’s tra- different fashions. In both Japan and reader may lose sight of the forest for the trees.
ditional structures. In this analytic masterpiece, Russia/Soviet Union, the introduction of To the rescue, therefore, spring a series of a
Rudra Sil provides a sophisticated and nuanced Taylorist management theory, based on highly dozen charts, scattered throughout the book,
comparative analysis of how elites in these two individualistic Western and American norms, that sum up the argument as it presents itself
states attempted to “manage modernity” and came into sharp conflict with the more collec- up to the given point in the book. The reader
came out with very different results. tivist culture of the factory working class. would be well advised to scan the charts before
Building on the pioneering work of Before World War II, tensions were high in reading the text in order to keep the main
Reinhardt Bendix a generation ago, Sil focuses both countries from this conflict. After the points clearly in mind.
not on the high ground of national political war, however, Japanese managerial elites were It is rare that one book makes contributions
decision making but on the lowly factory floor successful in adapting the human relations to so many different and usually unrelated dis-
where the interplay of the modern and the tra- school of thought to a higher degree of con- ciplines and fields. Russian area specialists will
ditional takes place among the ordinariness of gruence with Japanese worker legacy attitudes, find new light shed on the old debate about
everyday life. At the center of attention is a thus contributing to Japan’s postwar econom- the adaptability of traditional Russian institu-
seemingly simple question: How can manage- ic growth. Post-Stalin Soviet managerial elites tions, such as the mir, to both Soviet and post-
rial elites create a sufficiently high level of con- were less successful in adapting human rela- Soviet realities. Organization theorists will be
gruence between management and workers to tions to their structures, however, resulting in challenged to reexamine the universalistic
produce political stability in societies undergo- continued labor tensions. Mikhail Gorbachev, assumptions that Sil demonstrates are built
ing the stresses of modernization? This work although well-intentioned, fashioned reforms into some of their work. And academics in
integrates some highly disparate academic that reemphasized Taylorist norms, thus mak- general will realize that the spread of American
fields: organization theory, the sociology of the ing a bad situation even worse and contribut- soft power predates the current globalization
workplace, Russian and Japanese area studies, ing to the Soviet collapse. process by about a century. All in all, a great
and modernization theory. It is no small The analysis demonstrates Sil’s competence deal of new light is shed upon some old and
accomplishment. in both Japanese and Russian area studies. But traditional questions. 443
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

Mythmaking in the New Russia: nationalist-oriented communists in the 1996 talents as an insightful and shrewd analyst, able
Politics and Memory in the Yeltsin presidential race. Finally, the last chapter con- to integrate contemporary cultural history and
Era. By Kathleen E. Smith. Ithaca, NY: Cornell siders Yeltsin’s post-1996 efforts to promote a Russian domestic politics. Without simplifying
University Press, 2002. 256p. $29.95. usable past for the Russian Federation by complex, often conflicting crosscurrents, she has
attempting to build foundations for a demo- produced a well-written, jargonless, and well-
— George O. Liber, University of Alabama at cratic patriotism and seeking a reconciliation argued monograph, which all instructors of
Birmingham of historical opponents. Russian and post-Soviet politics courses should
In light of the overwhelming triumph of the Smith concludes her book by claiming that seriously consider adopting.
liberals over the coup plotters in August 1991, “[i]mages of the past are not infinitely mal-
how and why did the transformation of leable. The Russian experience shows that
politicians can neither escape the past nor Veto Players: How Political
Russian society after 1991 fail to anchor the Institutions Work. By George Tsebelis.
democratic reformers? By investigating the mold it completely to their will” (p. 184).
Inasmuch as individuals, groups, and events Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. 320p.
efforts of competing elites in the Russian $55.00 cloth, $18.95 paper.
Federation to forge the post-Soviet identity shape collective memories, these conflicts and
and to mobilize society’s collective memory, negotiations over collective memory will con-
— Olga Shvetsova, Washington University
Kathleen E. Smith’s second monograph pro- tinue into the near future. Identities and mem-
vides an answer to this crucial question. ories generally remain in flux, especially in In this book, George Tsebelis perfects the veto
National identity contains many complex societies experiencing major transitions. players theory championed in his earlier work
layers, including memories of the past, reac- In short, Mythmaking in the New Russia and applies it to the full spectrum of institu-
tions to the present, and expectations for the provides an excellent description and analysis tional and partisan settings in which policy
future. Of these components, memory remains of the rise and fall of the democratic forces in decisions might be made in a democracy. Here
the most malleable, if not the most volatile. Russia after August 1991. As the communists is a harmonious balance of formal theory and
According to Smith, “collective memory is successfully linked themselves with the comparative research. While each reader will
more fluid than history. Unlike an accounting achievements of Russia’s past (such as the have a personal bias in favor of one or the
of events that exists at a remove from social life, Soviet victory in World War II), the electorate other, any reader will find the material engag-
collective memory ‘continuously negotiates came to perceive the democrats as weak-willed ing, accessible, and encyclopedic in its breadth
between available historical records and cur- individuals who did not represent Russia’s real of coverage. Sophisticated theory building is
rent and political agendas’ ” (p. 7). interests. As the economy contracted in the subordinated to the overall goal of understand-
The author begins her inquiry into the 1990s, Russian public opinion identified the ing politics, and the author draws on the work
political mobilization of memory with an downturn with the democrats, Western libe- of scholars worldwide in order to support his
account of how loyal communists after 1991 ralism, and the economic “shock therapy” conclusions. This book will be read in every
fought for the right to preserve their old name introduced by Yeltsin’s reformers: “Unlike the core seminar in comparative politics, as well as
in the Russian Constitutional Court. During communists, who had been fine–tuning new in courses in positive political theory.
the court proceedings, the communists suc- historical narratives since the demise of Soviet Veto players theory (VPT) enables the ana-
cessfully began to redefine their own group rule, liberals had little practice in conceptualiz- lyst to evaluate the likelihood and the direction
identity and to rehabilitate their public image ing a new patriotism” (p. 157). Unable and of policy change on the basis of information
by rewriting their own history. She then exam- unwilling to imagine or to present it to the about the institutionalized process of decision
ines how the ruling democrats adopted a “lais- public, the liberals marginalized themselves making by governing bodies. Such institutional-
sez-faire attitude” toward commemorations of and became highly unpopular. ized processes are often described and classified
their new regime’s founding moment. After By concentrating on the conflicts over in terms of constellations of formal institutional
President Boris Yeltsin’s bloody conflict with monuments, symbols, commemorations, and variables (e.g., the distinction between presiden-
the Russian parliament in October 1993 and historical interpretations, Smith’s highly tialism and parliamentarism). Tsebelis, however,
after parliament’s subsequent amnesty of the nuanced and perceptive account recognizes the argues against that and in favor of taking as a
August 1991 coup leaders, the triumphal myth political uncertainties in the Russian point of departure something that is derivative
of August 1991 weakened. Other chapters Federation after 1991, after the collapse of from the formal rules and participant strategies,
trace debates over the return of trophy art cap- empire and superpower status. In analyzing the namely, the actual configuration of political
tured from the Germans during World War II struggle between the democratic and the com- actors who can veto policies and shape agendas.
and celebrations of commemorative holidays. munist visions of the past, she recognizes the This actual configuration of relevant powers, he
In both situations, the Communist Party importance of cumulative historical contingen- says, is not fully determined by the formal vari-
renewed its efforts to capture the patriotic cies and clarifies how the communists took ables, so that different formal institutions can
mantle, and the liberals downplayed their pre- advantage of the fluid political environment to lead to similar veto structures, while the same set
viously harsh criticism of the Soviet era. rehabilitate their party. By tracing the continu- of formal institutional variables may produce
Later chapters consider the democrats’ ous negotiation of the Russian collective mem- veto structures substantially different. Since,
efforts to introduce their own ideas of appro- ory in the 1990s, she supplies us with the con- theoretically, it is the veto structure that makes
priate versions of the national past. One chap- text in which to understand the emergence of policy change possible and determines locations
ter examines the means by which the mayor of Vladimir Putin and how he represented a polit- of feasible policies, stressing formal institutional
Moscow, Iurii Luzhkov, applied his view of the ically winnable synthesis of the two conflicting variation alone cannot be expected to generate
Russian heritage onto the capital’s architectural visions during the 2000 presidential elections. sufficient predictive ability and may not be
landscape. By concentrating on the use of his- One of the best assessments of the Russian methodologically supportable.
torical symbols, another chapter evaluates the political situation at the end of the twentieth Veto structures in VPT do include formal
confrontation between liberal reformers and century, Smith’s book demonstrates the author’s rules as one of their components. Formal rules

444 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

(though possibly also the informal norms, as in pendence and are associated with attempts to action, on the other. While social scientists
the case with the noncoalitionable parties in restrict bureaucracies by legislative means. The accumulated empirical details, there was little
parliaments) dictate whose consent is required last chapter offers the application of the theory theoretical growth or innovation.
for a policy change and, crucially, the sequence to the analysis of successive European Union Carrie Rosevsky Wickham’s book chal-
in which players move, specifying prerogatives institutional systems and demonstrates how lenges this stasis. The author adopts a social
with regard to setting the legislative agenda. policy predictions change with the institution- movement theory framework to explain how
Other determinants of veto structures are the al change, summarizing and extending the opposition activism emerges in authoritarian
information about who the relevant players are author’s extensive and influential prior contri- political settings. Whereas earlier approaches
(e.g., which parties participate in the govern- butions on the subject. to the study of Islamic activism suggested that
ment, or which peak associations are the de VPT’s ultimate reliance on the country-spe- mobilization is inexorably produced by an
facto veto players) and the spatial locations of cific context, the value of specialized expertise accumulation of grievances rooted in political,
their ideal points, as well as of the status quo. for animating the veto players model, is gener- economic, and cultural crises in the Muslim
Taking the actual configuration of relevant veto ally a very attractive aspect of both the book world, she notes that “[e]ven under the most
players as the point of departure means putting and the theory. And at the same time, the cur- extreme conditions of human misery and
side by side players that are constitutionally rent treatment still leaves room for modeling exploitation, the emergence of collective
defined, such as presidents and parliamentary specific institutional and partisan configura- protest is not assured” (p. 7). Using the mobi-
chambers, and players whose existence and tions based on more restrictive formal assump- lization of university graduates into Islamic
strength is endogenous to the political process, tions. Thus, the book promises to become a activism in Egypt as a case study, she argues
such as political parties. In a one-period model seminal influence in both the comparative and that mobilization depends on the conscious
of policy choice, players of both types are treat- the formal fields, as it generates compatible efforts of movement members to motivate par-
ed as exogenously given. On the other hand, research agendas for both. ticipation, generate resources, and take advan-
VPT defines the status quo endogenously, on Veto Players is an excellent treatment of its tage of opportunity structures.
the basis of the content of the policy change subject. But it remains to be seen if the field In emphasizing human agency, Wickham
under consideration, to account for the dimen- will find ways to integrate Tsebelis’s methodol- does not ignore the role of grievances as fodder
sionality of the proposed legislation. ogy with research questions in comparative for mobilization. In fact, Chapters 2 and 3
Tsebelis offers the discipline a powerful politics that address long-term institutional offer the richest available empirical detail
tool. With all needed parameter values known, and partisan development. These are, in about the growing frustration of the university
“veto players theory can make accurate predic- essence, questions about the origins of veto graduate cohorts that eventually participated
tions about policy outcomes” (p. 284). But the structures—formal institutions and veto play- in Islamic activism. Under Gamal ‘Abdel
basic model is not dependent on specifying all ers’ “preferences.” How can one extend the Nasser, the Egyptian regime repressed the
the details and, in some sense, generalizes and method to the choice of rules, formal and opposition while concurrently co-opting
absorbs a variety of formal theoretical argu- informal? How to incorporate the possibility lower- and middle-class youths (possible tar-
ments made for specific institutional configu- that the electoral process may be policy ori- gets of opposition appeals) by offering free uni-
rations and based on more specialized assump- ented and that future veto players’ interactions versity education and guaranteeing govern-
tions about the decision-making process. In in governmental bodies are already strategical- ment jobs for all graduates. The expansion of
the author’s words, “veto players theory pro- ly processed and shape electoral outcomes opportunities, however, eventually outstripped
vides the contours of the possible outcomes on (e.g., as in the electoral balancing hypothesis)? the capacity of the Egyptian patron-state to
the basis of minimal assumptions” (p. 285). And what is the role of “absorbed” players in deliver entitlements under Nasser’s successors,
The ability to do so, at times, requires going internal bargaining, as veto players are decid- swelling the ranks of the “lumpen intelli-
for good theoretically justified approximations ing on a policy? These are but a few tasks that gentsia.” Wickham provides unparalleled qual-
that nonetheless may be vulnerable to the exis- the veto players theory can be expected to turn itative and quantitative details about the gap
tence of counterexamples. Where theory leads to next. between the social mobility aspirations and
one to expect a tendency of a particular sort, a actual employment of university graduates. For
corresponding trend in the data can be reason- those seeking empirical substance about the
ably hypothesized. Mobilizing Islam: Religion, Activism socioeconomic background of Islamic activists,
Moving from the basic model to more spe- and Political Change in Egypt. By Carrie her contribution is one of the most thorough.
cific institutional settings, the book assesses the Rosefsky Wickham. New York: Columbia University It is at this point in the book that Wickham’s
properties of policymaking by referenda (dif- Press, 2002. 300p. $49.50 cloth, $22.50 paper. analysis departs from the well-trodden path of
ferentiated by the type of agenda setting). It deprivation arguments to explore institutional
— Quintan Wiktorowicz, Rhodes College
shows that since qualified majorities and choices and dynamics of mobilization. She
bicameralism raise the number of veto players, The study of Islamic activism has long been shows that although Anwar Sadat and Hosni
both lead to an increase in policy stability; that criticized for its overly descriptive orientation. Mubarak institutionalized a limited form of
the more numerous veto players cause policy To some extent, description was necessary political party pluralism and elections, the
stability with respect to legislative outcomes as due to a paucity of information about the expansion of formal political space was utilized
well as the legislative instruments; that prox- myriad groups that mobilize under an to manage moderate dissent and reinforce
imity of veto players’ ideal points accounts for “Islamic” banner. Where theory was addressed, patron-client networks. Limitations on political
the durability of governments because it makes it was typically an implicit adoption of socio- party freedom stymied the creation of mass-
them not merely better able to formulate and psychological functionalist accounts of mass party linkages and engendered political
execute a policy program but also to deal more behavior that posited a linear causal relation- alienation among educated youths, who came
effectively with exogenous shocks; and that ship between grievances, anomie, and structur- to view the system as corrupt and amoral
many veto players lead to greater judicial inde- al strain, on the one hand, and collective (Chapter 4). 445
Book Reviews Comparative Politics

On the periphery, Islamic activists mobi- a definitional disagreement about what consti- The book has a tall order: to analyze the
lized these disaffected graduates though a “par- tutes “high risk,” but a number of passages in performance of the 19 richest democracies over
allel Islamic sector” consisting of ostensibly the book seem to indicate that participants did the last 50 years or more. From the usual set of
nonpolitical institutions, such as private not view their behavior as extremely risky. For countries of the Organization for Economic
mosques, welfare societies, cultural organiza- example, Chapter 8 provides an excellent and Corporation and Development, the author
tions, businesses, and publishing houses detailed overview of Islamist participation in excludes Greece, Portugal, and Spain, mainly
(Chapter 5). The decentralized nature of this professional associations, but given that the because they are not yet rich enough to be seen
institutional network, limitations on state regime permitted this mobilization, how is it as belonging to the same club as the other
resources, and Islamic sympathies among gov- high risk? In fact, the author notes that “the countries. One country—the United States—is
ernment bureaucrats impeded the ability of the middle-generation Islamists moved closer, in given particular attention, as can be seen from
state to effectively curtail its growth. appearance and in practice, to the norms of the the fact that some of the chapters are written
Wickham’s central theoretical contribution status quo” in what amounted to a “shift from with the aim of contrasting the U.S. experience
emerges in Chapters 6 and 7, which argue that direct confrontation with the regime to a cau- with that of the 18 other rich countries and
activists utilized institutions at the periphery to tious and grudging accommodation” (p. 193). that most of the prescription contained in the
launch effective ideological outreach programs Elsewhere, she observes that “Islamic Trend volume aims at making the United States a bet-
and persuade graduates to engage in risky leaders deliberately chose to avoid a major ter country by the author’s standards.
forms of collective action. Research on high- escalation of conflict that could have led to a Rich Democracies builds on a wealth of
risk activism tends to focus on either the social violent showdown with the regime” (p. 201). quantitative data drawn from primary sources
networks that draw individuals into move- And in the final chapter, she notes that during and the literature (resulting in 90 pages of ref-
ments or the rational calculations of utility- the period of de-liberalization in Egypt in the erences) and from 400 qualitative interviews
maximizing participants. Wickham, on the 1990s, many activists “merely lapsed from with decision makers, advisors, and academics
other hand, offers what can be described as an action to inaction, unwilling or unable to used as background information. The quantita-
ideational approach. She argues that although adopt more radical tactics when legal channels tive data in some cases extends to the mid-
selective incentives may have initially attracted of protest were closed off ” (p. 210). Toward 1990s, although mostly the endpoint is in the
individuals to low-risk Islamic activism, they the end of the book, the reader gets the sense 1980s and sometimes in the 1970s. Typically,
do not explain the transition to riskier con- that ideological outreach failed, since activists more recent developments are then discussed in
tention. Her explanation is that activists used seemed to back down when the risks were the text. Throughout the volume, Wilensky
the social linkages in the parallel Islamic sector raised. develops a wealth of empirical measures and
to promote new political values, identities, and Regardless, Mobilizing Islam is easily one of indicators. Data analysis typically is complex
obligations. In particular, “Islamists challenged the best books on Islamic activism. Wickham’s cross-tabulation (including analytical categories
dominant patterns of political alienation and use of social movement theory and remarkable and countries), followed by regressions.
abstention by promoting a new ethic of civic fieldwork produced a book that speaks to area The book falls into three parts. The first is
obligation that mandated participation in the specialists and students of contentious politics devoted to theory, the second to government
public sphere, regardless of its benefits and alike. Amidst the onslaught of ill-informed policy, and the third to system performance.
costs” (p. 120). The ideological appeal stressed books on Islam in the post-September 11 peri- All three parts are data-rich. The main differ-
the ephemeral nature of this life, the need to od, Wickham provides a refreshing reminder ence is that Part I is devoted to evaluating the-
implement God’s will, irrespective of the costs, that there is rigorous scholarship on Islamic ories, while in the remaining parts, system
and the inevitable triumph of Islam, thus pro- activism. comparison is the name of the game. In the
viding psychic empowerment to overcome fear theory part, Wilensky evaluates four theories:
and translate grievances into activism. convergence theory, the theory of democratic
Although Wickham often couches this Rich Democracies: Political Economy, corporatism, the theory of the mass society,
argument in the language of the framing liter- Public Policy, and Performance. By and the theory of the postindustrial society. He
ature, she makes a distinct theoretical contri- Harold L. Wilensky. Berkeley: University of finds convergence theory—that is, the idea
bution. Theories of framing in social move- California Press, 2002. 941p. $85.00 cloth, that as rich democracies became richer they
ment research typically argue that mobilization $45.00 paper. became more alike—the most convincing
occurs, in part, because movement entrepre- explanation of the historic development of the
— Wolfgang C. Müller, University of Vienna
neurs successfully frame messages that tap into 19 countries. Yet there are remaining differ-
the biography and worldview of potential par- This is a landmark study. It also has a remark- ences that need to be explained by other theo-
ticipants (frame alignment). Wickham, how- able history. The almost 900 large-size pages ries. His champion is the theory of democratic
ever, contends that Islamic activists not only can be considered the life work of Harold corporatism, or, as he would prefer, the idea
foster frame alignment but also change individ- Wilensky. To be sure, the book is not a reprint that five types of political economy can be dis-
ual understandings about obligations and pri- of the many influential chapters and articles he tinguished: left corporatism (e.g., Sweden),
orities. In other words, individuals are taught, has produced. Rather, it draws on, synthesizes, left-Catholic corporatism (e.g., Austria),
persuaded, or socialized to believe in the neces- and extends his research over the last three Catholic corporatism (e.g., Italy), corporatism
sity of action. decades. As the author points out, the book without labor (e.g., Japan), and the least cor-
While this is certainly an important argu- was nearly completed when the Berkeley- poratist countries (e.g., the United States).
ment, the evidence seems a bit incomplete. Oakland firestorm destroyed most of the man- This typology is used throughout to explain
Her central contention is that ideological out- uscript, related files, and the author’s library in differences in government policies and system
reach motivates individuals to engage in high- 1991. It was reconstructed and further updat- outcomes among the 19 rich democracies. The
risk activism, but there is very little evidence of ed in the subsequent years. The discipline shall theory of mass society figures prominently in
high-risk activism in the book. Perhaps this is be grateful for this effort, in many ways heroic. one of the theory chapters but does not have

446 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

much impact on subsequent chapters, mainly performance. This part also contains a chapter would not have been included if the underly-
due to the problem of finding reliable compar- on the impact of globalization and concludes ing research had been planned from scratch.
ative data. In a further chapter, Wilensky dis- with a chapter on American exceptionalism. In Likewise, the internal organization of the
cusses the theory of postindustrial society the latter, the author not only summarizes the chapters continues to strongly reflect their
(including postmaterialism) and concludes story from a U.S. point of view but also spells original context. Specialists in some of the
with the suggestion to drop “postindustrial out his own agenda for reform and the condi- many fields covered in the volume invariably
society” from our vocabulary because it can tions required for its implementation. will take issue with some of the author’s theo-
neither explain the structural uniformities of Overall, Wilensky finds that democratic retical assumptions, the choice of data, his or
modern society nor national differences. corporatist systems outperform the least corpo- methods. Yet no single volume offers this
Part II maps out the historic development ratist ones, yet the “economic” explanation does breadth of information on the public policy
of the welfare state, analyzing government not work equally well with regard to all vari- and system performance of the rich democra-
spending patterns, family policies, and the size ables (e.g., health output). It would be interest- cies. Even more important, it allows us to see
and efficiency of public bureaucracies in the ing to see some of the more dated analyses these developments from a single theoretical
19 countries. It also devotes a long chapter repeated with more recent data. Probably the perspective. In this respect, the present volume
to the “U.S. welfare mess.” In Part III, performance of corporatist systems would be is without competition. Wilensky leaves no
Wilensky is concerned with system perform- less impressive. Also, corporatism itself has doubt about his personal preferences and not
ance. Somewhat surprisingly, he begins by declined everywhere (though without removing all readers will share his normative concerns
specifying conditions for the tax-welfare back- all differences among the countries or affecting and policy recommendations. Yet even those
lash and discussing party decline before he their rank order according to this criterion). who disagree will find these reflections worth
turns to more conventional indicators of sys- While Rich Democracies is much more than reading. Everyone who is interested in the per-
tem performance. He provides a wealth of a collection of chapters and articles written formance of the rich democracies, the differ-
information on economic performance (well over three decades, it is not a research mono- ences among them in the second half of the
beyond inflation, growth, and unemploy- graph by design. While all chapters address a twentieth century, and the causes of these dif-
ment), crime, and environmental and health set of closely related questions, probably all ferences must turn to the present book.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS come. Structure includes the context (princi- Despite their diverse areas of applicability,
ples, location), parties, and participants, as all four cases are treated as virtually equiva-
well as the agenda. Process emphasizes the lent. Other than noting the differing sub-
Justice and Fairness in International stance of the agreements, no fundamental
decision rules, fairness of procedures, and
Negotiation. By Cecilia Albin. Cambridge: distinctions are made among the environ-
notions of reciprocity and fair division.
Cambridge University Press, 2001. 284p. $60.00 mental, economic, arms control, and ethnic
Finally, the outcome is influenced by the
cloth, $22.00 paper. conflicts. Yet there exists at least one impor-
extent of impartiality of the agreement and
the parties’ willingness to later abide by its tant difference. While the first three are sus-
— Manus I. Midlarsky, Rutgers University
terms. This framework is applied to four ceptible to positive sum outcomes in which
What is just and fair in international cases of negotiation in disparate areas of both sides gain, the last, ethnic conflict, fre-
politics? Attempts to answer this question are international life: the battle against acid rain quently is subject to a different calculus based
increasingly prominent. The present work is (environmental), the Uruguay Round of on zero sum conditions. Any gain to one side
another addition to this literature, with special GATT (economic), the Israel–Palestine can be, and frequently is, interpreted as a loss
attention to the processes and outcomes of Liberation Organization interim talks (eth- to the other. When a circumscribed territory
international negotiations. nic), and the extension of the Nuclear Non- is at issue, no elasticity is allowed. Either side
This topic is currently salient, especially in Proliferation Treaty (arms control). In each A gets the territory, or B does; there is no pos-
light of such failures as the collapse of the Oslo case, Albin gives the requisite details of struc- sibility of joint territorial gain under condi-
peace process. And Cecilia Albin does a fine ture, process, and outcome needed to esti- tions of circumscription. Only the division of
job of reviewing major theories of justice and mate the extent of fit of her framework. And a territory or its substitution by another is
their applicability to international negotia- she finds that in all cases, the agreements available as a remedy.
tion. Equality, equity (as proportionality), reflect “justice as a balanced settlement of This condition of circumscription stands
compensatory approaches, and even Rawlsian conflicting claims,” thereby facilitating their in marked contrast in the remaining cases.
criteria of fair selection are considered. She consummation. Environmentally, each side can gain with no
wisely settles on a concept of justice as “the So far so good. Alas, one immediately asks loss to the other when agreements are
balanced settlement of conflicting claims why three of the four agreements have thus far reached. Carbon dioxide emissions, for exam-
which calls for a degree of impartiality, a withstood the test of time, while in the ethnic ple, affect the environments of many coun-
balance between different principles and inter- case, a dramatic collapse has occurred. In tries equally; hence, their control can benefit
ests, and compliance with freely negotiated fairness to Albin, this book must have been all parties to the agreement. To be sure, there
agreements” (p. 21). written almost entirely prior to the widespread may be internal political costs in incurring
Albin’s conceptualization then forms the realization that massive failure had occurred. the ire of large-scale carbon dioxide emitters,
basis of an inclusive theoretical framework Yet if a different sort of comparison had been or manufacturers of polluting products. But
(of necessity presented here in summary made, perhaps some early intimations of fail- these costs can be absorbed internally or even
form) based on structure, process, and out- ure could have been ferreted out. countered entirely by aggressive educational 447
Book Reviews International Relations

efforts supported by concerned governments. importance of international ethics is further centric world. They expect international rela-
International economic agreements also have embedded in our collective consciousness. tions to continue to be complex, dynamic,
their internal opponents, but they can be per- and turbulent.
suaded by the benefits of increased trade. Frank Webster’s essay focuses on the impact
Even trade unions can be mollified by the pos- Technology, Development, and of IT on global capitalism. In this realm, he
sibilities of increased wages resulting from Democracy: International Conflict argues that new technologies essentially sup-
corporations enriched by the increase in trade. and Cooperation in the Information port existing propertied classes because they
Arms control has an obvious benefit, especial- Age. Edited by Juliann Emmons Allison. Albany: are at an advantage in a knowledge economy
ly when applied to the nuclear arena. The neg- State University of New York Press, 2002. 248p. through their dominant position in the educa-
ative sum consequences of a nuclear war or $75.50 cloth, $25.95 paper. tion system. Ominously for social stability, he
even the extreme costs of nuclear arms races — William J. Long, Georgia Institute of Technology warns that those on the lower rungs of the eco-
can be so unattractive to many protagonists nomic ladder, once thought to be a source of
that nuclear arms control agreements become “Don’t judge a book by its cover,” they say. In surplus value, could be rendered virtually irrel-
mutually desirable. Only a circumscribed, ter- this case, it is an appropriate aphorism evant in an economic system where knowledge
ritorially based conflict like that between because the cover of this compact edited vol- has become the source of profit.
Israel and the PLO is intractable in these ume establishes a demanding standard. The The chapters addressing the impact of IT
terms. editors assert that the book will allow us to on democratization and human rights are the
Impartiality, one of Albin’s key ingredients “understand the impact of the communica- most intriguing and original contributions in
of a just and therefore successful agreement, is tions revolution on international security, the this collection. In particular, the complemen-
far more difficult to achieve in an ethnic con- world political economy, human rights, and tary chapters by Chistopher R. Kedzie and by
flict. Long histories of international enmity gender relations” (back cover). Not surpris- David L. Richards offer careful statistical
typically are not salient in affecting environ- ingly, it does not deliver completely on its studies that provide empirical support for
mental, economic, or even nuclear arms con- claim. It does, however, raise several interest- important hypotheses about the impact
trol agreements. In contrast, ethnic conflicts ing questions about the role of the new infor- of information connectivity on political
are far more vulnerable to the impacts of his- mation technology in world politics and it control. Together they find a positive correla-
torical and mythological grievances. The eth- provides useful insights, partial answers, and tion between information technologies and
nic conflict often penetrates to the core identi- provocative perspectives on several important democracy and that enhanced interconnectiv-
ties of people in ways that the remaining issue issues. ity indirectly increases governments’ respect
areas almost never do. Thus, Palestinian terror- Those interested in fundamental questions for the rights of its citizens through this
ism, as well as support of Hitler during World about the impact of information technology democratizing influence. These are exciting
War II and of Saddam Hussein during the Gulf on the nature of international relations, state contributions to the debate over whether new
War, certainly count against them in the Israeli security, and global welfare will be somewhat technologies are more likely to enhance the
view, just as Israeli military victories, occupa- “underwhelmed” by the equivocal but reason- responsiveness of governments to their people
tion, and impact on refugees influence the able analysis of the opening three chapters. or merely reinforce governmental control and
Palestinian perspective. In other words, the Cherie Steele and Arthur Stein reject “prophe- means of repression. The authors modestly
weight of history is simply heavier in many cies of revolution” forecast by some and con- and accurately note that their findings should
ethnic conflicts. The remaining, largely ahis- clude that the impact of the Internet and other encourage further investigation.
torical, functional areas of international life are information technologies on the prospects for The book ends on a polemical note with
more tractable. international relations are unclear because new chapters by Deborah Steinstra on the impact
David Mitrany’s early emphasis on the technologies increase the returns to both coop- of information technology on gender and
greater ease of international agreement in func- erative and conflictual strategies. Specifically, woman’s organizing and by Ali A. Mazrui and
tional areas like trade and the environment improvements in the speed of communica- Robert L. Ostergard, Jr., on information
could have helped clarify these differences. It is tions can lower the costs of trade and invest- technology and African development.
interesting that in the Israeli-Palestinian case, ment or broaden the scope, speed, and lethal- Steinstra maintains that the Internet sustains
agreements over economic arrangements and ity of military action. Whether governments existing hegemonic world order and unequal
water rights were successfully negotiated use these technologies for welfare or warfare gender relations. Women, she asserts, have
according to Albin’s principles of justice and depends primarily on the system’s underlying used, and should continue to use, this tech-
fairness. Territorial issues (including the return power relations. The authors conclude opti- nology to organize their nascent “counter-
of Palestinian refugees to current Israeli territo- mistically, but provisionally, that on balance, hegemonic” voice against the forces of
ry) predictably would have had a much harder new technology is being used more to foster inequality. Likewise, Mazrui and Ostergard
row to hoe, whatever the justice and fairness of cooperation than conflict. warn that new information technologies may
the pending agreement. The following essay by James N. Rosenau carry the risk of a new form of colonialism.
Yet in one important sense Justice and and David Johnson also rejects technological Information technology may be contributing
Fairness in International Negotiation breaks determinism and reminds us that the impact to modernization, but it also adds to depend-
new ground. It is one of the few large-scale of new information technologies (IT) on state ency. True development—modernization
efforts to apply ethical criteria to important sovereignty and globalization is best viewed as minus dependency—may be undermined by
international phenomena and to do so empiri- neutral. Rosenau and Johnson find that these the introduction of these technologies in the
cally by using an articulated theoretical frame- new technologies both support system conti- African context. These two essays may or may
work. Other scholars can profitably build on nuity by enhancing state power and con- not prove convincing to the reader, but the
Albin’s work. Her conceptualization is clear, tribute to change by enhancing the power and editor should be commended for providing a
her framework is comprehensive, and the associations among other actors in a multi- critical perspective on technologies that are so

448 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2

often viewed as a positive or indeterminate significance of those fateful weeks and months moral interrogation. The manner in which the
force in world politics. requires an accounting that includes, but narrative and argumentative elements of this
Technology, Development, and Democracy extends beyond, a careful delineation of acts book are combined and made to cohere is an
offers an interesting collection of works. It pro- and omissions. How could it have come about admirable accomplishment, as is the sense of
vides thoughtful, if not unexpected, assess- that “the bureaucratic arm of the world’s tran- moral indignation that propels it, controlled
ments that there is more continuity than scendental values” (p. 175) did nothing in the though it is.
change in fundamental dilemmas of world pol- face of such an appalling crime against human- In the end, Barnett “cannot definitively
itics despite the proliferation of new informa- ity? This is an urgent, dislocating question, conclude that the Secretariat withheld infor-
tion technology. Further, it offers focused similar to George Steiner’s agonized reap- mation [from the Security Council]”; never-
empirical pieces that provide support for the praisal in the aftermath of the Holocaust: theless, “circumstantial evidence suggests that
notion of a positive relationship between new Having accepted as an article of faith that the it selectively presented information to the
information and communication technology humanities humanize, what are we to make of council, opted to avoid the language of ethnic
and democratization and protection of human genocide perpetrated by individuals steeped in cleansing in favor of the morally neutral lan-
rights. Finally, it provides some cautionary and that tradition? guage of civil war, and refrained from making
critical voices warning that these technologies To accomplish his aim, Barnett sets out to the strongest case available for intervention”
could exacerbate economic and gender “reconstruct the moral universe at the UN” (p. 174). And he directly accuses the UN
inequality. The collection may not deliver all (p. xii). Its structural aspects largely comprise a Secretary General of the time, Boutros
that its cover advertises, but it is a worthwhile brief discussion of bureaucratic dynamics, with Boutros-Ghali of having violated his profes-
read for those interested in exploring the possi- Max Weber and Hannah Arendt as guiding sional responsibilities. Nor does Barnett pull
ble impacts of new information technology on lights. However, in addition, the disillusion- his punches over the behavior of some states—
international relations. ment and dashed hopes of the vastly expanded notably the United States and France. But
post–Cold War peacekeeping—and in particu- what comes through most strongly in this
lar, the fear of failure that followed the U.S. study is expressed succinctly in one of his con-
Eyewitness to a Genocide: The debacle in Somalia—appear to have been so per- cluding remarks: “The very institutions that
United Nations and Rwanda. By Michael vasive that it does not seem exaggerated to we develop to realize our highest humanitarian
Barnett. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002. include it as part of the UN’s moral “universe,” ends can generate ethical principles that are
215p. $25.00. rather than as the “moral climate” of the time. disconnected from those in whose name they
Against this background, the many actors act” (p. 181).
— Jim Whitman, University of Bradford
involved were able to invoke values as well as If Eyewitness to a Genocide has a short-
Michael Barnett is an academic who received rules to justify their decisions. What ensued, coming, it is in that final, brief consideration of
a fellowship from the Council on Foreign argues Barnett, was not the simple “depraved whether it is possible to build “moral institu-
Relations to spend 1993–94 as a political offi- indifference” that so many now assume, but tions.” One cannot disagree that “[t]he desire
cer in the U.S. Mission to the United something of an altogether different and more to build moral institutions must include an
Nations. He was therefore in a position to surprising character: “By withholding informa- examination of those who staff them” (p. 180).
observe the political, diplomatic, and bureau- tion from the council and denying [United However, the more precise, far-reaching theme
cratic machinations that took place within the Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda force that this study opens up is the fundamental
United Nations as Rwanda descended into commander] Dallaire’s requests, the Secretariat question of whether institutions can have
genocidal frenzy in the spring of 1994. Then was protecting the operation and the organiza- moral agency. As international relations schol-
and for a year thereafter, he concluded that tion” (p. 163). National interests (essentially in ars begin to develop this theme, it is certain
the UN’s studied indifference to the unfold- the form of reluctance or refusal) are not disre- that studies of the United Nations and its per-
ing horror had been “proper and correct”— garded in this account, but are presented as formance—in Rwanda and beyond—will be
indeed, that its conduct was the only path being formative of the disposition of the UN central to the enterprise. This deeply felt,
open to it, given the practical and political Secretariat: that “[because] any move might engaged, and engaging study not only paves
realities at the time. prove disastrous, [it] quietly closed its eyes” the way for the furtherance of this literature; it
This study is a painstaking reexamination (p. 163). is a first, valuable contribution.
of the evidence in support of that still widely However, none of this is presented as
held position. But the purpose here extends tragedy, and Barnett brings a forensic scrupu- The Compromise of Liberal
beyond asking whether individuals, states, or lousness to his consideration of moral culpa- Environmentalism. By Steven Bernstein,
UN organs and departments can be held bility, concentrating on three areas: “the New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. 288p.
morally accountable for a failure to act. More relationship between moral and causal respon- $45.00 cloth, $19.50 paper.
fundamentally—and more disturbingly—the sibility, the standing of omissions, and the
— Don Munton, University of Northern
author “conclude[s] that the UN’s actions were nature of excuses” (p. 17). The narrative his-
British Columbia
guided by situated responsibilities and ground- tory is largely confined to the crucial first
ed in ethical considerations” (p. 4). The pur- three weeks of April 1994 through the three In The Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism,
pose of this work is therefore “to replace the central chapters, although there are few pas- Steven Bernstein argues that the three decades
secure conclusion that unethical behavior sages even in these chapters that are without since the Stockholm environment conference of
begat indifference with the discomfiting possi- searching examination, whether evidential or 1972 have witnessed the emergence of a new
bility that for many in New York the moral moral. This is one of the book’s considerable “norm-complex”—“liberal environmental-
compass pointed away and not toward strengths—that such morally consequential ism”—and that this emergence can best be
Rwanda” (p. 5). This is a striking assertion, yet acts and omissions are never presented as explained by a “socio-evolutionary” construc-
as Barnett makes clear throughout, the moral “bare facts,” but as part of an unrelenting tivist theory. “Liberal environmentalism” (LE) 449
Book Reviews International Relations

encompasses the notion of sustainable develop- “norms” in the conventional sense? Are they cant environmental action. He nevertheless
ment, as well as the polluter pays principle new? And are they now accepted? maintains it is a “powerful normative underpin-
(PPP), market-based approaches to environ- Few readers would argue that internation- ning” for environmental governance (p. 111).
mental protection, privatization of the com- al economic thinking has not shifted in key It is not obvious where one should look for
mons, free trade, and sustained economic ways since the 1970s. Some readers may agree strong evidence of LE in action. Bernstein
growth. These elements make a plausible if with Bernstein that international actors have notes that areas where concerns about the com-
broad package. Sustainable development is the implemented sustainable development, that mon environment conflict with state sover-
only one explored to any significant extent, these efforts coalesced into new norms by the eignty pose a particularly difficult challenge to
however, and the conceptual and practical con- early 1990s, and that liberal environmental- LE, and have not proven amenable to new gov-
nections among these diverse elements are for ism “dominates” state practices. Others will ernance regimes. In response, it could be
the most part left rather vague. argue that today’s ubiquitous references to argued that important international environ-
For example, the precautionary principle sustainable development are mostly rhetoric, mental issues where there is no such conflict
may well not be incompatible with market- albeit a changed rhetoric at a new altar; that would not seem particularly numerous.
based approaches (as Bernstein claims), but it the actual norms of international environ- As noted, this book is focused primarily on
also seems quite compatible with a classic mental behavior have not shifted much; that theory development. Empirical evidence and
environmental regulatory approach. Similarly, sustainable development notions have substantiation sometimes seem sketchy. To
the assumed link between the PPP and mar- brought no fundamental transition in envi- take just one example, Bernstein claims (on
ket-based instruments may seem reasonable, ronmental governance; and that traditional the basis of one interview) that scientific stud-
but polluters presumably pay either when environmental policies are still prevalent in ies on acid rain led Sweden to suggest the
they lack marketable permits to go on pollut- most states. 1972 Stockholm conference. In fact, the for-
ing or when forced to reduce emissions by Sustainable development itself remains, as mal Swedish proposal to the United Nations
regulation. Bernstein notes, an ambiguous concept. (in 1967) predated by a year the first scientif-
To suggest that the various elements of LE Depending on one’s spin, it is as easily equat- ic article on acid rain in Sweden. Bernstein
are all prevalent ideas in the current milieu is to ed with economic growth (p. 104) as with asserts that the Kyoto Protocol is a good
state the obvious. To say they have prevailed environmental constraint. Can a concept so example of LE. In fact, while the Protocol fea-
and comprise a coherent, accepted norm- given to differing meanings provide a clear tures a number of market-like mechanisms,
complex is more debatable. This book is more norm? At the end of Chapters 2 and 3, he enu- these are arguably not its “emphasis.” They are
one of theory construction than an exposition merates the elements of LE. To some readers, ancillary, cost-cutting aspects of an accord, the
of sustainable development or, even less, of the items there will sound less like norms than core of which is simple percentage emissions
other LE elements. Bernstein’s sophisticated general priorities, or “to-do” notes (e.g., “coop- reductions. In other words, market approach-
treatment of theoretical issues comprises eration to conserve the global resource base,” es are more the frosting on Kyoto’s old-fash-
almost half the volume. His case for an alter- p. 68). There is surprisingly little discussion ioned regulatory cake than the cake itself. The
native socioevolutionary model is strong, pol- herein of specific norms of environmental Bush administration’s rejection of Kyoto
ished, and insightful. His critique of the epis- behavior, such as the famous Principle 21 of relates, to be sure, not to the frosting but to
temic communities model is thoughtful and the Stockholm declaration, a norm that goes the cake.
challenging, although one might question the back in international law not just to 1972 but The Compromise of Liberal Environ-
claim that the evolution of LE constitutes a at least to the 1930s. mentalism is an ambitious book, tackled with
“most-likely” case for the epistemic communi- Has the norm-complex shifted? While style and commitment. To his considerable
ties model. Surely, evidence of scientific influ- some environmentalists saw liberal economic credit, Steven Bernstein takes on broad and
ence is more likely to be found behind specific tenets as incompatible with environmental important issues and advances provocative
international environmental agreements (such policies in the 1970s, few governments ever arguments. To question his conclusion that lib-
as ozone depletion) than in the adoption of lib- fully accepted this view or allowed environ- eral environmentalism has triumphed is not to
eral economic principles and in the increasing mental concerns to override economic needs. dismiss his theoretical arguments. This is a
use of market approaches in environmental Governmental policies before and after book that many should and will want to read,
governance. Stockholm were arguably more often aimed at both for its assessment of environmentalism
On the other hand, if one is assessing the ensuring that the pursuit of environmental internationally and for its original contribution
influence of ideas of economists, both dead objectives did not undermine economic to constructivist theory.
and alive, then liberal environmentalism growth than that economic growth did not
would seem a better case to tackle. Bernstein damage the environment. Their rhetoric aside,
continually dichotomizes market-oriented governments have for decades made compro- Intervention and Transnationalism in
environmental policies and old-style “com- mises to fit environmental protection into a Africa: Global-Local Networks of
mand and control”—as do many others. I liberal economic system with growth promo- Power. Edited by Thomas Callaghy, Ronald
would suggest that the dichotomy is a false one tion as its top priority. Kassimir, and Robert Lathan. Cambridge:
and the terms misleading. So-called market- What then has changed, if not the norms? Cambridge University Press, 2001. 322p. $70.00
based approaches cannot work without certain Most clearly, Western governments in the late cloth, $25.00 paper.
political “commands.” twentieth century became more forthright in
— Carol Lancaster, Georgetown University
This book is an important contribution to articulating the liberal economic principles
the development of constructivist thought. Its underlying their policies, principles to which This collection of articles asks an important
value still depends in part on the case it makes they had long subscribed. Bernstein himself question: How do networks of global, state,
for the emergence of what it is attempting to admits that sustainable development remains and local forces intervene in African countries
explain. Are the ideas Bernstein identifies problematic and that LE has not led to signifi- and influence the structures of power, authority,

450 June 2003 Vol. 1/No. 2