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GEOGRAPHICAL RECORD
*£> Mr. Beorn is a doctoral student in history at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, Chapel
Hill, North Carolina 27599. DR- Cole is a senior lecturer in history at the University of Bristol, Bristol
BS8 1TB, England. Dr. Gigliotti is a senior lecturer in history at Victoria University of Wellington,
Wellington 6140, New Zealand. Dr. Giordano is an associate professor of geography at Texas State
University, San Marcos, Texas 7S666. Dr. Holian is an assistant professor of history at Arizona State
University, Tempe, Arizona 85287. Dr. Jaskot is a professor of art and architectural history at DePaul
University, Chicago, Illinois 60614. Dr. Knowles is an associate professor of geography at Middlebury
College, Middlebury, Vermont 05753. Mr. Masurovsky is a manager of archival projects at the U.S.
Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, D.C. 20024. Mr. Steiner is an interactive cartographies
project manager at the University of Oregon InfoGraphics Lab, Eugene, Oregon 97403.
The Geographical Review 99 (4): 563-574. October 2009
Copyright © 2009 by the American Geographical Society of New York
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564 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
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GEOGRAPHICAL RECORD 565
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566 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
Unfixed spaces like military fronts and transit can be extended temporally into
the postwar period, as Anna Holian pointed out in her presentation on displaced
persons (DPs) in postwar Germany. She examined how the treatment of displaced
persons oscillated between "care and control ." On one hand, the Allied occupation
forces and the international relief agencies sought to provide DPs with food, shel-
ter, and medical care; on the other, they saw controlling the movement and activi-
ties of displaced persons as their responsibility. Both care and control were pro-
foundly spatialized processes, especially through the use of DP camps, which were
established along a military model as sites for mass feeding and housing. For Holian,
seeing the DP camps not as fixed spaces but as fluid, temporal spaces that often
came from preexisting National Socialist installations is one way of questioning the
established chronologies and geographies of the Holocaust. Thinking about the
camps as sites of care and control makes it possible to pose spatial questions at both
the most intimate, private level and the most abstract, political level.
The presentations that focused on the possibilities of historical geography and
GIScience intersected with these concerns specific to Holocaust Studies. Anne Kelly
Knowles pointed out that historical geographers tend to think comparatively. She
argued that visualizing data is itself an important step toward understanding how
patterns and processes vary with scale. Knowles presented several examples of such
visualizations, including her own work on the development of the U.S. iron indus-
try, which raised questions of distribution, production, labor, and development over
time that could be usefully compared with the Nazi bureaucratic organization. Com-
mon to many projects in historical geography are both the issues of physical control
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GEOGRAPHICAL RECORD 567
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568 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
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GEOGRAPHICAL RECORD 569
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570 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
We presented the results of the workshop to the public at the U.S. Holocaust M
morial Museum in a collaborative format. In addition to introducing the core is
sues of our interdisciplinary venture, we combined visual models with summarie
of the analytical and conceptual points that such models could address if extende
into long-term research agendas. Two presentations traced the paths of differen
ethnic and social groups. The first examined the Holocaust in Italy, drawing on
rich database containing information on approximately 9,000 Jews deported from
Italy. Focusing on Jews who were initially sent to two Italian "collection points," the
city of Verona and the town of Borgo San Dalmazzo, individual maps traced th
routes to the concentration camps on both the macrolevel of the transports and the
microlevel of an individual family. They examined the intensity of the flow fro
the collection points to different concentration camps and compared death rates
each of the camps. The second transport study traced survivors from the Hungar
ian city of Munkacs through the system (see Figure 1). Their forced journey bega
with their transport to Auschwitz in May 1944 and continued on to a variety of
labor camps. Comparative mapping revealed shared as well as different paths through
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GEOGRAPHICAL RECORD 571
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572 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
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and known- by inmates, just as the creation of viewsheds representing the angle of
vision captured in photographs taken by SS guards (from the so-called Auschwitz
Album, a series of photographs of the arrival of Hungarian Jews taken at Auschwitz
in 1944) indicated the particular geography and racialized perspective of the per-
petrators. The comparison of multiple spatial experiences through the combina-
tion of text, photographs, and other historical evidence in maps not only revealed
both the individuality and the isolation of the eyewitness experience of genocide
but also suggested collective patterns at the level of the camp.
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GEOGRAPHICAL RECORD 573
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574 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
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