Article Review

REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL
Dosen Pengampu: Moh Yasir Alimi,S.Ag.,M.A.,Ph.d.
Oleh:
Reni Alfiyah (0301517007)
PENDIDIKAN ILMU PENGETAHUAN SOSIAL

PASCASARJANA
UNIVERSITAS NEGERI SEMARANG
2017
JOURNAL REVIEW 1
1. Tittle of the Article
“An Exploration of Rural Community Branding Efforts from the Perspective of Community
Residents”
2. Writer’s Identity and Affiliation
Jane Swinney, Chunmin Lang and Rodney Runyan
International Journal of Rural Management
8(1&2) 35–47
© 2012 Institute of Rural Management
SAGE Publications
Los Angeles, London,
New Delhi, Singapore,
Washington DC
DOI: 10.1177/0973005212461984
http://irm.sagepub.com
3. Abstract
Community brand identity, as measured by brand image and positioning symbols,
typically fails to reflect the perceptions of the residents of the community. The current study,
focused on residents in four rural and culturally distinct communities in the mid-western
United States, finds that residents feel neither agreement nor disagreement with either image
or positioning constructs of community brand identity. The results suggest a need to
strengthen image and positioning constructs and we urge co-creation of the community brand
with greater involvement of the local residents.
4. Introduction
Rural communities with their traditional dependence on agriculture and limited
expansion resources are especially vulnerable in times of economic downturn. The primary
business district (downtown) in the rural community is often the centre of retail activity and
is intertwined with the identity of the community itself (Robertson 1999). From Walmsley
and Jenkins’ early work (1993, 1998) ‘town as brand’ has emerged as a viable and useful tool
for community analysis in economic development studies. Research has begun to view the
down town business district as a composite whole with a unique identity more than only the
compilation of small businesses in a central area. Runyan and Huddleston (2006)
conceptualized the composite whole of a downtown business district as a single firm in their
work utilizing the resource-based theory to identify resources possessed by the community.
They defined brand identity as the image that a community has, one that differentiates it from
other community shopping areas or competing business districts and extended the definition
of brand to represent more than products, goods and services and viewed brand to represent a
community.
This is an exploratory study built on the foundation of place brand theory. Our research
is a preliminary investigation of community resident perceptions of their community’s brand
image and position as constructs of brand identity. This moves the place branding work to the
rural community level and from the outsiders’ (often tourists) perspective to the local
residents’ perspective. We report our findings from community residents in the exploration of
the perceptions of the community place brand identity in four rural and culturally distinct
communities. This allows for a better understanding of place branding decisions in rural
markets and the role of residents in the co-creation of place branding. First we briefly review
previous work on place branding, the importance of cocreation of the brand and the
constructs of place branding used in the study. We then present a short description of each of
four rural communities used in this study. The methodology and findings are shared and we
conclude with implications for positive community brand development.
5. Objective of the article
Our research is a preliminary investigation of community resident perceptions of their
community’s brand image and position as constructs of brand identity. This moves the place
branding work to the rural community level and from the outsiders’ (often tourists)
perspective to the local residents’ perspective.
6. State of art of the article
Recommendations are given for co-creating a meaningful community brand to further
community economic development.
7. Method of the Article
Qualitative with a self-report questionnaire was mailed to 2,905 residents in the four
communities in a one week time frame. Usable responses were obtained from 287 residents.
This was about a 10 per cent response rate. Fifty-five (55) respondents reported their
ethnicity as African–American, Native American, Hispanic or a mix of two races. We chose a
random sample of 55 Caucasian majority residents for conducting the equal sample size t-test
to address our research questions. The instrument utilized existing scales to measure the
brand identity constructs of image and positioning and incorporated approach/avoidance
questions.
8. Result and Discussion
The results suggest a need to strengthen image and positioning constructs and we urge
co-creation of the community brand with greater involvement of the local residents. This
research was an initial attempt to see if residents find image and position to be meaningful
constructs. One step in the process of understanding community brand co-creation is
documentation of residents’ perceptions about image and positioning of the community.
Residents’ perceptions can guide community development leaders in building collective
ownership of the community brand.
Our findings suggest the need to improve and strengthen community brand image and
the communication of the brand through improved positioning strategies that are meaningful
to community members. Involvement of residents in cocreation of the brand image and
position may be effective in building favourable strong responses to both the image and
position and thereby brand identity of the community. Communities without strong and
positive resident perceptions of image and position are limited in their ability to attract new
businesses and build economic growth to improve the positive developmental impact on rural
people. The finding in all four communities of responses to approach/avoidance below the
midpoint of four reflects the residents’ lack of interest in spending time in the downtown
business district.
9. Thesis Statement
This is an exploratory study built on the foundation of place brand theory. Our research
is a preliminary investigation of community resident perceptions of their community’s brand
image and position as constructs of brand identity.
10. Conclusion
Brand identity is how the owners of the brand want the brand to be perceived.
Determining how the community brand is desired to be perceived is another element of the
branding process and an avenue for future research. Further work is merited on the
relationship between residents’ perceptions of brand image and position and their reported
approach/avoidance behaviours for the downtown business district.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 2
“Social Change and Psychological Change in Rural Mali”
Carmi Schooler, Leslie J Caplan, Pakuy Pierre Mounkoro, and Chiaka Diakite
Journal of Asian and African Studies
2017, Vol. 52(7) 965–981
© The Author(s) 2016
Reprints and permissions:
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DOI: 10.1177/0021909616632278
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3. Abstract
We examine the effects of socio-environmental change on personality in Mali in three
ways, using data from a longitudinal two-wave (1994, 2004) survey conducted in rural Mali.
Firstly, we compare the betweenwave personality stability of Anxiety, Self-confidence,
Mastery/Fatalism, and Authoritarianism with that in USA, Japan, Poland, and Ukraine.
Secondly, we examine socio-economic hardship and political instability in pre-industrial
Mali. Thirdly, we examine patterns of psychological reaction to political and social change
during the study period.
4. Introduction
In this paper, we examine over-time stability of four psychological characteristics and
its relation to socio-political change. Our data come from a longitudinal study conducted in
Mali, and we present those data in the context of previously published data from four
industrialized countries. We begin by presenting strong, striking, evidence from previously
published studies of countries as diverse as the USA, Poland, Japan, and Ukraine. For the
first three countries (i.e., the USA, Poland, and Japan), research conducted under conditions
of relative socio-political stability has demonstrated a relatively high level of over-time
stability in individuals’ scores on the psychological measures of Anxiety, Self-confidence,
Fatalism, and Authoritarianism.
We focus on the psychological characteristics Anxiety, Self-confidence,
Authoritarianism, and Fatalism because they are relevant to individuals’ mental health and
their reactions to changes in the social and political environment, particularly in the Malian
context. Changes in Anxiety might be expected to result from the challenges posed by such
general environmental changes. In addition, environmental changes might affect individuals’
own beliefs in their abilities to control their lives beliefs that would be reflected in Self-
confidence and in Fatalism. Since Mali’s Muslim influenced culture emphasizes
Authoritarianism and Fatalism, massive cultural and political changes might also be expected
to affect individual levels of these personality characteristics, at least under some conditions
(e.g., Acevedo, 2008; Hess and McKinney, 2007).
The purpose of the article is examine over time stability of four psychological
characteristics and its relation to socio-political change.
Our findings have implications for comparisons and generalizations across times and
cultures about the contribution of socio-environmental conditions to over time change in
personality.
Method of the article is Qualitative with Sample, Survey Interview, Longitudinal Measures.
The critical question resulting from these findings is why the over-time correlations of
psychological variables that are so high in the USA and other industrial and/or post-industrial
societies are so low in Mali. The possibility that great societal change can lead to great
psychological changes within individuals, resulting in dramatic reductions in the over-time
stability of important psychological characteristics, raises the questions of what social
changes, of what magnitudes, had occurred between the two waves in the rural area of Mali
where our research took place.
9. Thesis Statement
We focus on the psychological characteristics Anxiety, Self-confidence,
Authoritarianism, and Fatalism because they are relevant to individuals’ mental health and
their reactions to changes in the social and political environment, particularly in the Malian
context.
10. Conclusions
In this paper, we have three major findings. Firstly, we demonstrated that over-time reliability
of personality characteristics can vary across national or cultural settings. Secondly, we
demonstrated that the stability of personality characteristics can be lower in countries
experiencing massive cultural or economic change than in those that do not.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 3
“Civic Community, Population Change, and Violent Crime in Rural Communities”
Matthew R. Lee and Shaun A. Thomas
3. Abstract
This analysis investigates the relationships between measures of civic community,
population change, and violent crime rates in rural communities. Rural communities that are
civically robust are hypothesized to have lower violent crime rates and to experience less
change in violent crim over time. Alternatively, sustained population change is hypothesized
to elevate violent crime rates and to moderate the protective effect that civic robustness
provides against violent crime over time. Results from both lagged panel and cross-sectional
negative binomial regression models of county-level data support these expectations. In
substantive terms, these findings suggest that civically robust communities are much better
positioned to weather population change than civically weak communities, but continuous
change over time compromises the protective effect that civic robustness provides against
serious crime.
4. Introduction
Images of rural communities that are safe and insulated from the ravages of urban
influence are commonplace (Frank 2003). Among rural crime scholars, it is axiomatic that
rural communities vary in their social control capacities and, thus, in their ability to maintain
well-integrated and nonviolent social units. Even though rural communities are not uniformly
placid, scholars have long championed the sense of community thought to characterize rural
milieux and lamented the harmful consequences of population change for more traditional
forms of social organization (Wilkinson 1986). One reason that these dynamics are not well
understood is that the dimensions of community life that may be diminished by population
change have not been well conceptualized or measured at the macro-social level.
Recent developments related to the civic community perspective in sociology, however,
bode well for understanding this and other issues. Our use of the term civic community is
consistent with that of Tolbert (2005), who argues that “the perspective focuses on social and
economic structures and institutions that buffer communities from external, usually global,
forces” (p. 1311). In this case, the term civic pertains to individuals as members of society,
and civic communities can be conceptualized as places where the form of local social and
economic institutional organization facilitates a strong social fabric by densely interweaving
citizens together through mostly locally oriented institutions and organizations. Some
communities can probably be characterized in a categorical sense as civic or not, but in the
real world, civic community is clearly a variable attribute of communities that can be
differentiated on the basis of its robustness.
The civic community perspective emphasizes that a robust civic infrastructure coupled
with a locally oriented business climate produces a strong and flexible social fabric that is
resilient in the face of social change. In the criminological literature, it has only recently
made inroads, but the results from available research strongly suggest that civically robust
communities have much lower rates of serious crime (Lee 2008). What remains unknown is
the degree to which this protective effect can be disrupted by rapid population change. This
study adds to the empirical literature on rural crime by examining the intersection of these
two themes. Below, we posit a process whereby what we call civically robust communities
have lower crime rates and experience less change in crime rates over time. We also expect
that when sustained population change does occur, it will be disruptive to the social fabric,
directly driving up crime rates and ultimately diminishing the protective effects of a robust
civic climate.
By investigating these processes, this study seeks to illuminate generalized sociological
processes pertaining to the interplay between community social structures, population
dynamics, and violent crime in rural America.
This study adds to the empirical literature on rural crime by examining the intersection
of these two themes
Method of the article is quantitative and implement a lagged panel negative binomial
regression model for some equation.
The point estimate of the effect of the logged 1980 violent crime rate is positive,
indicating that counties with higher 1980 violent crime rates, on average, experienced
significantly more change in their violent crime rates between 1980 and 2000. Furthermore,
on average, more racially homogeneous communities experienced significantly less change in
their violent crime rates, whereas the point estimate for the structural disadvantage measure
indicates that communities that were more structurally disadvantaged in 1980 experienced
more change in their violent crime rates between 1980 and 2000. Most important to this
analysis, however, is the strong negative effect of the 1980 civic robustness index. This
negative effect suggests that those communities characterized by a more robust economically
independent and civically engaged middle class, a more stable residential and institutional
base, and a proliferation of small firms in 1980 tended to experience smaller increases in their
violent crime rates over time. Thus, as hypothesized (Hypothesis 1b), the negative effect of
the civic robustness index in this model suggests that, between 1980 and 2000, civically
robust communities were able to maintain their already low rates of violent crime
Results from the empirical analysis of more than 900 rural counties between 1980 and
2000 provide fairly unambiguous support for the hypotheses. In straightforward terms, the
three main lessons to be drawn from this analysis are (a) civically robust communities
generally experience lower rates of violence; (b) a high rate of population change is harmful
in terms of elevating violent crime rates; and (c) although the implication is that civically
robust communities experience less population change, over time a high rate of change can
undermine the protective effect of civic robustness, as illustrated by the interaction effects.
9. Thesis Statement
Some communities can probably be characterized in a categorical sense as civic or not,
but in the real world, civic community is clearly a variable attribute of communities that can
be differentiated on the basis of its robustness.
10. Conclusion
Research on the macro-social correlates of serious crime has focused mostly on the
negative dimensions of community social structures that undermine social organization and
produce higher rates of violence. The civic community perspective adopted here focuses not
on community deficits but on the sociological and institutional aspects of community
organization that facilitate integration and social control. Rural areas present some problems
for classic criminological theories like the social disorganization perspective because of their
low density, high level of geographic isolation and low level of social privacy (see Weisheit
et al. 2006). The civic community perspective provides a nice analytical compromise because
it is not wed to a particular unit of analysis like the neighborhood and because it emphasizes
social and institutional features of communities instead of purely economic ones.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 4
Cross-Cultural Effects in Conflict Management: Examining the Nature and Relationship
between Culture and International Mediation
Bercovitch, Jacob, Jon Foulkes
International Journal of
Cross Cultural Management
12(1) 25–47
ª The Author(s) 2012
DOI: 10.1177/1470595811413105
ccm.sagepub.com
3. Abstract
While the importance of culture in organizational behavior has long been accepted,
scholars of political science are still trying to come to terms with the concept and its
implications. Traditional approaches to conflict emphasize the supremacy of the state while
ignoring many of the unique internal features which differ between states.We argue that this
is a mistaken approach and that one feature in particular, namely culture, does indeed have a
profound effect on how states perceive the world, behave in it, and manage their conflicts.
Culture has become more important in the current environment, where much conflict takes
place not just between states, but mostly between groups, divided along cultural or religious
lines, within a state. In this paper we want to examine how culture affects the process and
effectiveness of international mediation. We develop a theoretical framework to examine
culture, its dimensions, and how these may impact on mediation. We use a largescale dataset
of international mediation events to assess the relevance of our notions, and find that cultural
variation does indeed have a significant impact on mediation and conflict resolution. We
conclude by suggesting that greater attention be paid to cross-cultural factors in international
conflict management.
4. Introduction
Since the end of the Cold War, scholars of international relations have been trying to
understand the emerging system – seeking a new paradigm, if indeed one has emerged, with
which to understand our new world (dis)order. In a world that had been characterized by what
many called the realist paradigm, in which well defined states within accepted territorial
boundaries were the main actors, questions are now being asked as to whether this
framework, which treated all states the same, is still relevant to explain the reality of
contemporary international relations. Increasingly, we are seeing a greater focus on all forms
of conflict, not just the interstate conflict which was so dominant in the bipolar system.
Although intra-state conflict has always been present, its effects were somewhat muted by the
Cold War, and it is only now that many of these conflicts are attracting more serious
attention. As a result of the renewed interest in these types of conflict, more attention is also
being paid to their management and resolution, and the factors that may affect these.
Mediation, as one method of dealing with conflict, has grown in popularity as it seems
to offer the promise of being the most suitable method for achieving positive transformations
in intra-state conflicts, which are often characterized by high levels of intractability, multiple
issues, and disputants who differ from each other politically and culturally. Mediation may
also play an important role in the management of other international conflicts which have a
pronounced cultural component. After a brief discussion of the mediation process, we will
discuss the term ‘culture’ and offer a new definition..
We will discuss the effects of culture on several aspects of the mediation process in
order to generate a more complex, complete, and structured account of how culture and
cultural differences affect mediation and its outcomes.
The concept of culture, as defined here, will then be applied to the mediation process
and conclusions will be drawn to help practitioners enhance their chances for successful
conflict resolution
This study used a literature study to conceive an international mediation dataset to
assess the relevance of our notions, and find that cultural variation does indeed have a
significant impact on mediation and conflict resolution.
Cultural differences clearly exist at different dimensions of any social interaction.
These differences are even more pronounced in the case of a conflict situation. To manage a
conflict successfully, mediators have to accurately understand the nature of the dispute, the
way in which the disputing parties perceive the dispute (which may be quite different from
the way in which an uninvolved third party may perceive it), and the differences that may
exist in their respective perceptions both internally and vis-à-vis one another.
Cultural similarity between one or more of the disputants and the mediator may
produce a form of leverage which can be utilized in an effort to move the disputants toward
agreement. Moreover, a mediator possesses both personal and representative attributes. Both
of these are based on the cultural background of the mediator or the organization to which
they belong. In this sense, the mediator can be considered to be bringing their own cultural
makeup into the conflict. As will be described in the nest section, a mediator’s cultural
makeup can also influence whether an offer to mediate will be accepted by the parties.The
initiation of mediation and the strategies used by the mediator are the two main factors of a
mediation process.
Culture and cultural differences affect both of these aspects of the process. The notion
advanced here is that in order to enhance the chances of mediation success, mediators need to
be knowledgeable not only about the potential for culture to affect the process, but also the
particularities of both the parties’ and their own cultures, so that appropriate strategies can be
tailored to meet the specific dynamics. A careful and considered application of this
knowledge would, it is argued here, increase the chances of mediation success.
9. Thesis Statement
Although intra-state conflict has always been present, its effects were somewhat muted
by the Cold War, and it is only now that many of these conflicts are attracting more serious
attention. As a result of the renewed interest in these types of conflict, more attention is also
being paid to their management and resolution, and the factors that may affect these.
10. Conclusion
Research on culture and conflict management has mostly been conducted at the
individual level. In this exploratory paper, we have looked at the national/international level
of analysis, and on balance found culture to be very resistant to globalization. Culture acts
like a lens through which all our thoughts and actions are refracted. Culture is therefore a
major determinant of party behavior because such behavior is based on culturally derived
interpretations of the self and other. The ‘lens of culture’ not only influences the parties’
behavior, but it also affects the way conflict and its resolution is perceived.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 5
“Culture and Emotion: The Integration of Biological and Cultural Contribution”.
David Matsumoto and Hyi Sung Hwang
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
43(1) 91–
118
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0022022111420147
jccp.sagepub.com
3. Abstract
In this article, the authors integrate the seemingly disparate literature on culture and
emotion by offering a biocultural model of emotion that offers three premises heretofore not
introduced in the literature: (1) emotions need to be distinguished from other affective
phenomena, (2) different types of emotions exist, and (3) within any emotion different
domains can be studied. Previous controversies have occurred because writers have called all
affective states “emotion” without regard to the type or domain of emotion sampled. The
authors argue that not all affective states should be called emotion, that emotions that may be
biologically innate are different than those that are not, and that different domains of emotion
are more relatively influenced by biology or culture. The authors offer researchers a
terminology biological versus cultural emotions, Priming Reactions, Subjective Experience,
and Emotional Meanings provide hypotheses concerning the relative contributions of biology
and culture, review the available literature that supports those hypotheses, and argue that the
literature can be somewhat neatly integrated into a cohesive whole.
4. Introduction
In recent years, studies continue to pepper the literature with evidence supporting both
universality and cultural specificity, and biological and cultural determinants. But despite
advances in our understanding of the relationship between culture and emotion,
disagreements concerning universality versus cultural specificity still exist, as well as
concerning the contributions of biology and culture. In this article, we present a framework
that goes beyond previous reviews to explain disparate research findings and integrate
universality with culture-specificity and biological innateness with cultural construction. To
do so, we offer a biocultural model of emotion that introduces three premises to clarify the
literature, none of which has been offered previously: (1) emotions should be distinguished
from other affective phenomena, (2) different types of emotions exist, and (3) within an
emotion different domains of emotion exist, some more influenced by biology and some by
culture.
We define culture and provide a high-level framework for understanding the
relationship between culture and emotion. We then describe the propositions that fall out of
our framework and present evidence that supports our claims.
The authors contend that the relative contribution of biological and cultural factors to
emotion depends on what emotion is being studied and the specific domain of emotion
assessed. While the authors acknowledge that their delineations are not the only or the best
delineations that can or should be used, they contend that some kind of delineations should be
made and can help to synthesize and integrate a large and seemingly disparate, contradictory
literature.
Method of the article is cross-cultural research documenting the universality of facial
expressions and physiological responses.
The cultural calibration of the core emotion system allows for a multiplicity of uses.
Cultures calibrate the emotion system by linking emotion with culturally available events,
allowing for emotions to be elicited in a wide range of situations, ensuring that culturally
relevant stimuli get a response. When cultural events are identified as worthy of an emotional
response, cultural calibration influences the reactions produced, linking emotions with
specific repertoires of behavior that each culture deems appropriate and necessary for social
coordination. This calibration allows for a complex interplay between evolved biology and
cultural learning on priming reactions that is moderated by context (Figure 3). While the
“press” of culture may influence priming reactions, they are also influenced by the “push” of
biology. In some contexts, the biological push will be greater than the cultural press, allowing
for greater pancultural similarity in response; in other contexts, the cultural press will be
greater than the biological push, allowing for cultural influences.
9. Thesis Statement
We define culture and provide a high-level framework for understanding the
relationship between culture and emotion. We then describe the propositions that fall out of
our framework and present evidence that supports our claims.
10. Conclusion
We have tried to integrate the seemingly disparate literature on culture and emotion by
suggesting that the literature can be understood in a cohesive manner by distinguishing
emotions from other affective phenomena, among different types of emotion, and the specific
domain of emotions assessed. We contend that previous controversies in the literature on
culture and emotion have occurred because writers have called all affective states “emotion”
without regard for the type or domain of emotion sampled. If there are differences between
emotion and other affective phenomena, between different types of emotions, and between
different domains of emotion, then it is no wonder that previous controversies have existed.
Instead our biocultural model of emotion suggests that not all affective states should be called
emotion, that different types of emotions exist, and that different domains of emotion are
more relatively influenced by biology or culture. If these premises are accepted, then
universality and cultural differences can be somewhat neatly integrated into a cohesive
whole, and questions can focus on the relative contributions of biology and culture. Our
position is that the type of emotion examined and the specific domain of emotion assessed
should moderate effect sizes associated with cultural differences.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 6
“Citizenship Education for Proactive Democratic Life in Rural Communities”
Robert A Waterson and Eric D Moffa
Education, Citizenship and
Social Justice
2016, Vol. 11(3) 213–
230
DOI: 10.1177/1746197916648286
ecsj.sagepub.com
3. Abstract
To assist rural teachers in fostering students’ democratic skills and dispositions, this
article examines the convergence of literature on citizenship education, rural communities,
and rural education and extrapolates the challenges and possibilities of rural citizenship
education for proactive democratic life. Four assertions are elicited from a review of the
literature to bring about cognizance to rural citizenship education for K-12 teachers and
teacher educators: (a) civic republican notions of citizenship likely dominate rural
communities, but liberal citizenship discourses may offer meaningful pathways for a
proactive democratic life; (b) rural individualism must be assessed for its strengths and
weaknesses; (c) economic hardships can lead to political distrust, but can also become fuel
for citizen empowerment; and (d) rural social norms can jeopardize educational goals, so they
must be acknowledged. Each assertion is accompanied by a discussion to elucidate the
assertion and make recommendations on how to utilize rural possibilities to improve
citizenship education.
4. Introduction
Teaching citizenship to rural students presents both challenges and possibilities because
of the unique contexts of rural communities. Research suggests relationships exist between a
community’s sociopolitical characteristics and teachers’ conceptualizations of citizenship,
consequently impacting teachers’ citizenship education curricula (Anderson et al., 1997;
Saada, 2013). Rural social studies teachers, whether new to their communities or established
residents, must be prepared to overcome the negative affects of rural-specific sociopolitical
factors while building upon those that present democratic possibilities. We suggest this can
be accomplished by teaching forms of citizenship that empower rural citizens for a thriving
democratic life and, therefore, assist rural residents in sustaining their communities. Because
citizenship education does not occur in a bubble, good teachers must also be aware of their
community contexts that impact their students’ lives (Haberman, 1996). We believe efforts
must be made to understand the impact rural communities have on the political socialization
of the child and on learning forms of citizenship congruent with proactive democracy.
To inform rural citizenship educators of these circumstances, this article presented conceptual
ideas based on existing literature and recommended strategies to utilize the possibilities of
rural life to enhance democratic engagement.
This article contributes to context-specific citizenship instruction and, therefore, the
possibility of stronger democratic relationships in rural communities.
The method in this research is qualitative by using literature study approach.
Result and discussion in this article is (1) Civic republican notions of citizenship likely
dominate rural communities, but liberal citizenship discourses may offer meaningful
pathways for a proactive democratic life. (2) Rural individualism must be assessed for its
strengths and weaknesses. (3) Economic hardships can not only lead to political distrust but
can also become fuel for citizen empowerment. (4) Rural social norms can jeopardize
educational goals, so they must be acknowledged.
9. Thesis Statement
We suggest this can be accomplished by teaching forms of citizenship that empower rural
citizens for a thriving democratic life and, therefore, assist rural residents in sustaining their
communities.
10. Conclusion
Teaching citizenship within the unique contexts of rural communities creates both
challenges and possibilities for proactive democratic life. This article shares four distinct
assertions that highlight some of these challenges and possibilities. While civic republican
notions of citizenship work to transmit civic culture and foster a commitment to the political
community, liberal notions of citizenship may empower rural citizens to lift themselves out of
their marginalized statuses by utilizing group deliberation and decision making. In teaching
liberal citizenship discourses, rural teachers must display expertise in negotiating the
divergent perspectives both inside and outside the classroom. Teacher education programs
that cater to rural areas play a critical role in preparing prospective teachers with these
abilities. This article provides K-12 teachers and teacher educators with an overview of key
issues and suggests methods to prepare rural students with citizenship skills to invest in their
community.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 7
The Socio-Economic and Physical Contributors to Food Insecurity in a Rural Community”
Quynh Lê, Stuart Auckland, Hoang Boi Nguyen, Sandra Murray, Gretchen Long, and Daniel
R. Terry
SAGE Open
January-March 2015: 1–21
DOI: 10.1177/2158244014567401
sgo.sagepub.com
3. Abstract
Australia is considered a highly food-secure nation; however, this is not always the case
for every individual, household, and community. This article examines the physical and
financial access to food of the population of Dorset, a rural municipality in North East
Tasmania (Australia); the impact that socio-economic factors have on their food security; and
the coping strategies they use when food shortages occur. A mixed-methods approach was
used: Quantitative data were collected through the Tasmanian Household Food Security
Survey and qualitative data through nine community focus groups conducted throughout the
Dorset municipality. A total of 364 respondents (response rate 63%) completed the survey.
Two main themes were identified within the data: food availability and food access. Food
availability considered food origin, sustainability, and food production, whereas food access
considered physical access, financial access, and other access issues such as awareness, skills,
cultural preferences, and social support. The data revealed the wide-ranging effects of the
importation of cheaper food alternatives, which had long-term implications not only on
individuals’ health but also on the economic health of the community. A number of
respondents indicated they were at times unable to buy nutritious foods due to limited
finances, which led some to go without food or use other strategies to feed themselves. Thus,
the implications for policy from this study are centered on providing further support for
strategies that focus on ensuring equity and food security for all, particularly the rural
inhabitants of many food-secure nations.
4. Introduction
Food security is the ability of individuals, households, and communities to acquire food
that is sufficient, reliable, nutritious, safe, acceptable, and sustainable (Grewal & Grewal,
2012; Rychetnik, Webb, Story, & Katz, 2003). Recent literature highlights a link between
food security and regional disadvantage. By definition, regional disadvantage is reliant on
socio-spatial, socio-economic, and sociorelational determinants (Gleeson & Carmichael,
2001; Gleeson & Randolph, 2000). Generally, geographical remoteness, low income, and
social isolation are some of the easily recognized causes of being disadvantaged. In Australia,
there is growing research that confirms the association between food security and
geographical disadvantage nationwide, whereby the disparity in food availability and access
between advantaged and disadvantaged communities is underscored (Queensland Health
Treasury, 2000). For example, healthier foods were found to exhibit the greatest geographical
price difference with fruit, vegetables, and dairy all higher in price in remote areas
(Department of Health in Western Australia, 2010; Meedeniya, Smith, & Carter, 2000), and
geographical access to healthy food stores and availability of healthy foods within stores
were better in the more advantaged neighborhoods (Ball, Timperio, & Crawford, 2009).
Differential access to healthy foods between socio-economically advantaged and
disadvantaged groups has led to inequality in diet or healthy food intake. Low-income
households and those in remote areas are less likely to consume the recommended intake of
fruit and vegetables per day (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW], 2010;
Second Bite, 2011). These inequalities can partially explain why there is food insecurity in
otherwise food-secure nations.
This article examines the physical and financial access to food of the population of
Dorset, a rural municipality in North East Tasmania (Australia); the impact that socio-
economic factors have on their food security; and the coping strategies they use when food
shortages occur.
This study highlights the inappropriateness of the continuation of individual behavior change
as a policy focus, as many of the problems facing communities are beyond individual
abilities.
A mixed-methods approach was used: Quantitative data were collected through the
Tasmanian Household Food Security Survey and qualitative data through nine community
focus groups conducted throughout the Dorset municipality.
A total of 364 respondents (response rate 63%) completed the survey. Two main
themes were identified within the data: food availability and food access. Food availability
considered food origin, sustainability, and food production, whereas food access considered
physical access, financial access, and other access issues such as awareness, skills, cultural
preferences, and social support. The data revealed the wide-ranging effects of the importation
of cheaper food alternatives, which had long-term implications not only on individuals’
health but also on the economic health of the community.
This research found that factors that drove choice around food consumption, and
whether or not participants consumed nutritious foods, were strongly associated with
availability, supply, and whether people can get access to appropriate, affordable, and
preferred foods. Food consumption, specifically the choice of what to eat, was largely
influenced by place of residence within the municipality. The Dorset municipality has diverse
areas from rugged coast, dense bush, and rich farming land. While participants indicated an
awareness of what was required for a nutritious meal, their capacity to obtain it was
challenged by where they lived in the municipality.
The findings of this research also indicate the importance of government being kept
accountable for continued policy commitment to the social determinants of health. While the
issue of preventive health in public policy is on state and national government agendas, there
needs to be a sophisticated understanding of how to include social determinants of health in
these agendas. Elucidating strategies that enable policy makers to make the radical changes
necessary to public policy such as including social determinants of health is essential. While
there may never be agreement on priorities in terms of health, this study has shown there
could always be agreement on the importance of policy, which is reflective of the social
determinants of health.
9. Thesis Statement
Although participants indicated an awareness of what was required for a nutritious
meal, their capacity to obtain it was challenged by where they lived. Popular coastal holiday
areas were subject to seasonal price rises while inland areas were subject to availability
challenges. While growing your own is often put forward as an option, it is not always
possible in all areas.
10. Conclusion
Australia is considered a highly food-secure nation; however, over the last decade,
many Australians have struggled to feed themselves adequately, particularly in rural areas.
This article has examined the physical and financial access people have to food in the Dorset
LGA, Tasmania, and the coping strategies they use when food shortages are experienced. In
addition, the study has provided a broad description of the lived experience of food
insecurity, which members of the Dorset community encounter as they live and work in the
municipality. The residents of Dorset are physically limited by distance and transport when
accessing food shops. There are wide-ranging and long-term economic and social
implications for importing cheaper food alternatives, not only on health but also in terms of
the economic health of the community. Residents are also concerned with their vulnerability
to food insecurity, which was a consequence of access availability, affordability, and
knowledge issues.
The group most vulnerable to food insecurity was identified as those who were living
on a lower income and greater distances from populated areas. This study further supports the
inappropriateness of the continuation of individual behavior change as a policy focus, as
many of the problems facing communities are beyond individual abilities. Thus the
implications for policy from this study are centered on providing further support for strategies
that focus on ensuring equity and food security for all, particularly for the rural inhabitants of
many food-secure nations. Despite these findings, the study identified a sense of social
connectedness and highlighted a number of coping strategies used by the residents to ensure
adequate food security.
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16-30). London, England: SAGE.
Umberger, W. J., Feuz, D. M. R. C., & Sitz, B. M. (2003). Country-of-origin labeling of beef
products: U.S. Consumers’perceptions. Journal of Food Distribution Research, 34(3),
103-116.
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Vozoris, N., Davis, B., & Tarasuk, V. (2002). The affordability of a nutritious diet for
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JOURNAL REVIEW 8
“Socioeconomic Status and Out-of-School Citizenship Education in China’s Shanghai”
Wangbei Ye
Education and Urban Society
1–29
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0013124517713609
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3. Abstract
Many studies have noted the important role family socioeconomic status (SES) plays in
students’ out of-school learning. However, very little is known about the relationship between
student’s SES and citizenship education in out-of-school contexts. To address this research
gap, this study conducted an out-of-school citizenship education survey (involving 2,950
teachers, 7,388 students, 2,564 parents, and 112 out-of-school education organizations in
Shanghai, China), in 2015, to explore the relationship between SES and students’ out-of-
school citizenship education. This article found SES affected primary and junior middle
school (but not high school) students’ participation in out-of-school citizenship education.
This article adopted a power–knowledge relationship perspective to explain this pattern, and
found that the relationship between education and power is not so mechanical that only
powerful groups in society can determine knowledge and learning; instead, educational forces
and students may mediate the influence of SES.
4. Introduction
One’s socioeconomic status (SES) can be defined as an indicator of one’ economic and
social position, and is best demonstrated by one’s occupation, education and income (Rausa,
2008). The influence of SES on citizenship education has also been addressed by numerous
studies, which have highlighted disparities in citizenship education for students from different
backgrounds (Ho, 2012; Rubin, 2007; Torney-Purta, Barber, & Wilkenfeld, 2007; Wood,
2014) and differing levels of access to civic learning opportunities (Niemi & Smith, 2001).
The literature (e.g., Keser, Akar, & Yildirim, 2011) emphasizes the positive roles played by
extracurricular activities and involvement in community-based organizations in increasing
voting rates and engagement in civic affairs. Therefore, out-ofschool citizenship education
can be viewed as a reflection of the shortcomings of traditional school-based citizenship
education (Eurydice, 2005, p. 10), which emphasizes loyalty to the nation-state and relies on
the accumulation of factual knowledge of history and tradition, in an attempt to move our
understanding of citizenship education beyond the current school-based model to include the
wider society, so as to cultivate active citizens who can participate at a range of levels, from
local to global (e.g., Bullock, Muschamp, Ridge, & Wikeley, 2010; Hahn, 2015; Leighton,
2013; Mayo, Gaventa, & Rook, 2009; Mutch, 2011; Quaynor, 2015).
Hofferth and Sandberg (2001) found that children who have better-educated parents are
more likely to spend more time studying, reading, and doing housework, and less time
watching television, than do children of less-educated parents. However, most of these
studies were based on analyses of the relationship between out-of-school education and
students’ achievement in reading, mathematics, and science; very little is known about the
relationship between student’s SES and citizenship education in out-of-school contexts.
Shanghai, China, is an interesting case through which to explore this gap. On one hand,
Shanghai has experienced rapid urbanization and extensive internal migration in recent
decades, which have exacerbated the differences in its students’ SES. On the other hand, it
has also aimed to provide students more equal out-of-school citizenship education. Therefore,
the goal of this study is to examine the role of SES difference in explaining students’
participation in out-of-school citizenship education. In the following sections, this article first
reviews the literature on SES and out-of-school education in China and Shanghai, and then
describes the design and implementation of the study. The major patterns of its findings are
presented next, after which some possible explanations for these patterns are proposed.
Finally, this article concludes by presenting a framework for understanding SES and out-of-
school citizenship education in Shanghai.
It has also aimed to provide students more equal out-of-school citizenship education.
The goal of this study is to examine the role of SES difference in explaining students’
participation in out-of-school citizenship education.
This article first reviews the literature on SES and out-of-school education in China and
Shanghai, and then describes the design and implementation of the study. The major patterns
of its findings are presented next, after which some possible explanations for these patterns
are proposed. Finally, this article concludes by presenting a framework for understanding
SES and out-of-school citizenship education in Shanghai.
This study investigates the influence of students’ SES on their participation in out of
school citizenship education in Shanghai, through the employment of four questionnaires ,
one each for students, parents, teachers, and out of school organizations.
This article found SES affected primary and junior middle school (but not high school)
students’ participation in out-of-school citizenship education. This can be explained by three
possible factors. First, students’ tendency to spend less time in the home during and after
adolescence, together with the increasing influence of peers and school environments,
outweighs the impact of family SES (West, 1997). Second, Shanghai’s secondary school
entrance examination policies prevent migrant children from attending ordinary high schools,
thus decreasing the apparent impact of differences in high school students’ SES. Third, the
Shanghai government’s decision to make both ordinary high school students’ performance in
out-of-school contexts and their academic performance important factors in their College
Entrance Assessment
9. Thesis Statement
However, most of these studies were based on analyses of the relationship between out-of-
school education and students’ achievement in reading, mathematics, and science; very little
is known about the relationship between student’s SES and citizenship education in out-of-
school contexts.
10. Conclusion
This study found SES played an important role in affecting students’ out-of-school
citizenship education time allocation patterns, and influenced access to online information,
areas of residence, and parental supports; echoing many extant studies, this study also found
that, unlike for primary and junior middle school students, SES factors were not closely
correlated with high school students’ out-of-school citizenship education learning. In
addition, this study found that, as students grow older, the impact of gender difference and
the parent– child relationship on out-of-school citizenship education learning grew.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 9
“Self, Belonging and Social Change”
Vanessa May
Sociology
45(3) 363–378
Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0038038511399624
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3. Abstract
One of the central interests of sociology is the relationship between self and society,
and in particular how social change affects individuality, constraining or liberating the selves
that we can be. This article proposes that because a sense of belonging plays a central role in
connecting the person to the social, it can act as a window into studying the relationship
between social change and the self. Furthermore, belonging offers a complex person-centred
and dynamic approach that avoids reifying social structures, but rather depicts them as
actively lived. A focus on belonging thus allows a dynamic examination of the mutual
influence between self and society, and of how everyday practices are both regulated and
creative, and hence generative of social change.
4. Introduction
One of the central interests of sociology is the relationship between self and society.
This article examines whether the concept of belonging can bring something new to sociolo-
gists’ attempts to understand the link between the self and the social, in particular the effects
of social change on our selves. This article begins by examining two sociological accounts on
social change that have come to dominate the discipline. The first posits that modernity has
led to psychosocial fragmentation, while the second maintains that the conditions of
modernity have increased people’s capacity for reflexivity. This article addresses two central
weaknesses of these theses. First, their view of the past as ‘fixed’ and stable compared with a
fluid and unpredictable present is misguided (Burkitt, 2004; Williams, 1977). Second, they
depict ‘society’ as an entity entirely separate from the ‘self’, and, in so doing, prioritize the
role of social structures in their accounts of social change. However, as Simmel (1950) and
Elias (2001) have pointed out, self and society are mutually constitutive and therefore cannot
be examined separately.
In light of these criticisms of the psychosocial fragmentation and extended reflexivity
theses, the self is here taken as the starting point in order to examine the interconnections
between social structures and the self, as well as the impact that social change has on our
selves. In doing so, I draw inspiration from the sociology of everyday life and the sociology
of personal life. The former examines how people engage with pre-existing social structures
in both regulated and creative ways (e.g. De Certeau, 1984), while the latter understands
human life as comprised of complex, interconnected spheres, and selves as connected to other
people as well as culturally and socially embedded (Smart, 2007).
Furthermore, I propose that belonging is an apt concept for studying this relationship
between the self and society for four reasons. First, it is person-centred; second, it takes us
into the everyday where the official and unofficial spheres interact; third, it allows us to view
the relationship between self and society as complex; and fourth, its dynamic nature allows us
to examine social change. But first, I briefly outline the key elements of the two dominant
sociological accounts on the effects that social change has on our selves.
This article examines whether the concept of belonging can bring something new to
sociologists’ attempts to understand the link between the self and the social, in particular the
effects of social change on our selves.
In light of these criticisms of the psychosocial fragmentation and extended reflexivity
theses, the self is here taken as the starting point in order to examine the interconnections
between social structures and the self, as well as the impact that social change has on our
selves.
The method of the article is qualitative by using literature study.
Belonging offers a complex person-centred and dynamic approach that avoids reifying
social structures, but rather depicts them as actively lived. A focus on belonging thus allows a
dynamic examination of the mutual influence between self and society, and of how everyday
practices are both regulated and creative, and hence generative of social change.
9. Thesis Statement
The aim of this rather crude overview of social theory, which glosses over the tensions and
complexities included in the theorists’ work, is to point to two related aspects that seem
prevalent in both accounts of social change.
10. Conclusion
A focus on belonging allows us to examine who is allowed to take part in the reflexive
arguments that contribute to changes in society, who is excluded from these and on which
grounds, and the effects that such inclusion and exclusion have on people’s sense of self. In
other words, it is important to explore how a sense of belonging can be achieved and by
whom. Belonging should, however, not be seen as automatically superior to not belonging.
Not belonging can in fact be the more productive of the two in terms of social change if, as a
result of questioning who ‘we’ are, people construct alternative identities and ways of life.
Thus it is also crucial to examine who does not belong, and how experiences of not belonging
help contribute to social change.
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JOURNAL REVIEW 10
“Youth Migration, Rurality and class: a Bourdieusian Approach”
Johan Fredrik Rye
European Urban and Regional Studies
18(2) 170–183
Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0969776410390747
eur.sagepub.com
3. Abstract
Drawing on Bourdieusian social theory, the paper combines class and social
constructionist perspectives to reconceptualize youth’s rural-to-urban migration. It discusses
how structural properties of everyday lives, e.g. class background, inform rural youth’s
evaluations of rurality, and how these evaluations generate specific rural/urban residential
preferences and migration practices. The theoretical discussion is informed by a survey study
among rural teenagers in a remote rural region in Norway – the Mountain Region. The results
show significant correspondence between informants’ location in the rural class structure as
measured by parents’ economic/cultural capital resources and occupation, their evaluations of
rurality and, finally, their preferences along the rural–urban dimension for a future place to
live. The findings indicate that the social background of rural youth has a greater influence on
migration decisions than has been acknowledged in contemporary and predominantly social-
constructionist rural migration research. Thus, the paper advocates a theoretical framework
that conceptualizes the migration decisions of rural youth as resulting from individualized
and free choices, but still structured by predispositions of their rural class habitus.
4. Introduction
Every year in late August a stream of cars leaves the rural areas of Norway, carrying
high school graduates about to embark on their new lives as students in the country’s
university cities. Their journey takes only a few hours on the road, yet the distance between
their past childhood and adolescence in the countryside and their future lives in the cities is
vast. As for other young people who leave the countryside, the decision to out-migrate from
rural areas will have profound implications for their lives – in terms of education and jobs,
finding a spouse, a location to raise their children, and their lifestyle. Rural-to-urban
migration is about far more than moving in physical space, from one place to another. It is
just as much a journey in social space. The youths’ drive to the cities is expectant with new
lives that will set them apart from the peers whom they leave behind.
The paper is divided into four sections. The first is a review of current developments in
rural migration research, particularly the dominance of social-constructionist perspectives and
their emphasis on agents’ freedom to construct their life biographies. In the second section,
these developments are contrasted with some research that demonstrates the persisting class
pattern in rural youth migration practices. However, this has largely been ignored and
untheorized in terms of social-constructionist perspectives. A Bourdieusian approach is
suggested for solving this incoherence, and a strategy along these lines is developed in the
third section. Results from a small-scale survey among rural young people in a peripheral
region of Norway demonstrate how residential preferences across the rural–urban dimension
are formed in an interplay between actors’ class location and their evaluations of rurality.
Thus, in the fourth and concluding section, the paper advocates conceiving of rural youth
migration as resulting from actors’ ‘structured freedom’.
This paper discusses the journey of these rural youths along the rural–urban dimension,
how such geographical mobility is integral to the construction of their life histories and the
ways in which social circumstances influence their migration practices.
In this paper, an attempt is made to mediate between these approaches in rural
migration research by discussing the ways in which migrants make history their own and that
of their societies. The paper furthermore reflects on the discussions related to the new
mobility paradigm on how practices of mobility unfold in contemporary societies, since it
analyses migration as an inherently geographical and social phenomenon.
This article uses theoretical discussion to drawing on Bourdieusian social theory, the
paper combines class and social constructionist perspectives to reconceptualize youth’s rural-
to-urban migration.
The results show significant correspondence between informants’ location in the rural
class structure as measured by parents’ economic/cultural capital resources and occupation,
their evaluations of rurality and, finally, their preferences along the rural–urban dimension for
a future place to live. The findings indicate that the social background of rural youth has a
greater influence on migration decisions than has been acknowledged in contemporary and
predominantly social-constructionist rural migration research. Thus, the paper advocates a
theoretical framework that conceptualizes the migration decisions of rural youth as resulting
from individualized and free choices, but still structured by predispositions of their rural class
habitus.
9. Thesis Statement
Moreover, these migration practices are more diversified than previously; they are also
less pre dictable. Correspondingly, the migration becomes less open to systematic scientific
enquiry.
10. Conclusion
As noted, such a class perspective is not able to account for all facets of rural migration,
or even most of them. However, the discussion does document the relevance of reintroducing
class analysis as one approach among others when attempting to understand the underlying
logic of actors’ movements in social and geographical space. This is long overdue, as class
analysis has been out of fashion for decades within mainstream rural studies. There are
important divisions in rural societies that follow a class logic, and these have an impact on
migration practices. Where rural youths ‘migrate to’ and ‘what awaits them’ are both depen-
dent on the travelling provisions they bring along.
Further, elaborating on insights from contemporary social-constructionist perspectives
within rural migration research, the discussion suggests processes through which the weights
of actors’ inherited capital and their position in the social structure are mediated into actual
migration practices partly through their cognitive and normative social constructions of
‘rurality’. People’s decisions to move in and out of rural areas, or to stay, are embedded in
their evaluation of ‘the rural’ and its alternatives.
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