Abstract

The Forgotten Mystic: Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141) and the Andalusian Mutabirn
Yousef Alexander Casewit

2014

This dissertation examines the historical and religious context, life, works,

qurnic hermeneutics, and cosmological teachings of Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141), an

understudied Andalus mystic who spent most of his life in Seville and its environs. He

was the most prolific, influential, and prominent mystic of the formative period in al-

Andalus, as attested to by both his contemporaries and biographers. By highlighting his

unique and influential contributions to the Islamic scholarly tradition, this study will

hopefully serve as a step toward recharting Andalus intellectual history by connecting

the earliest expressions of mystical thought of Ibn Masarra (d. 319/931) with later

writings of Ibn al-Arab (d. 638/1240).

Following a brief historical sketch of the al-Murbin period in the Introduction,

Chapter One assesses the legal, theological, and mystical developments in al-Andalus

from the earliest phases in the 2nd/8th century under the Umayyads and ifas, then

during the al-Murbin dynasty in the 6th/12th century, and finally in the wake of the

immediate collapse of the al-Murbin. This early period provides the backdrop against

which Ibn Barrajns scholarly contributions can be assessed. Extensive attention is paid

to the rise of Mlikism, the revitalization of adth studies, incorporation of ul al-fiqh

into Andalus religious discourse, theological literalist tendencies among Andalus

scholars, the introduction of Asharism in al-Qayrawn (modern Tunisia), the ascetic

i
tradition, and the mystico-philosophical works of Ibn Masarra. For the formative al-

Murbin period when Ibn Barrajn lived, I analyze the state-jurist entente, the tacit

opposition of the scholars who retreated from power (munqabin), the beginnings of

the dissemination of Asharism under figures like Ab Bakr Ibn al-Arab (d. 543/1148),

Sufi epistemological rivalries in al-Andalus, and the role of Ab mid al-Ghazl (d.

505/1111) in catalyzing Sufism in al-Andalus. Finally, a brief analysis of the religio-

political revolutionary movements of Ab al-Qsim b. Qas (d. 546/1151) in al-Andalus,

and Ibn Tmart (d. ca. 522/1128) in North Africa is tendered.

Chapter Two presents the evolving hagiographical portrait, life, educational

training, family circumstances, legacy, students, and political views and activities of Ibn

Barrajn on the basis of both biographical literature and an in-depth engagement with the

historical-contextual evidence scattered throughout his nine-volume corpus. This chapter

also analyzes why Ibn Barrajn was hailed as the Ghazl of al-Andalus, arguing that

this honorific does not entail intellectual indebtedness to al-Ghazl but rather a shared

position of preeminence and mystical bent.

Chapter Three establishes the titles of Ibn Barrajns works, and their

chronological sequence of composition. This is followed by an analysis of his earliest

work on adth-Qurn concordance which survives partially in heretofore unnoticed

excerpts from the writings of Badr al-Dn al-Zarkash (d. 794/1391). I then examine the

structure, contents, and general approach of his commentary on the divine names.

The primary focus of Chapter Four is Ibn Barrajns exegetical hermeneutics. I

examine his use of intra-qurnic exegesis, adth literature, esoteric interpretations

ii
(tawl) of qurnic verses, differentiation between different levels of the Qurn which

he calls Tremendous vs. Exalted Qurn, his firmly fixed and consimilar verses

(mukamt wa-mutashbiht), orderliness (nam) of the Qurn, axial themes around

which the sras revolve, his theory of abrogation of qurnic verses (nsikh wa-

manskh), variant qurnic readings and the seven aruf.

Chapter Five, also on exegetical hermeneutics, looks at how Ibn Barrajn used

the Arabic Bible not polemically, but as proof-text for his qurnic-Symbolist doctrines. I

show how his Principle of Qurnic Hegemony, that is, the idea that all branches of

knowledge (including Biblical and adth passages) should be assessed in light of their

alignment with the Qurn, is a hermeneutical principle to which he adheres in all of his

scholarship. Moreover, Ibn Barrajns work appears to be the earliest extensive non-

polemical engagement with the Bible in Islamic history. In addition to showing ways in

which he uses biblical material, I demonstrate that Ibn Barrajn was relying upon a

translation of the Bible into Arabic from the Latin Vulgate, thereby offering a glimpse

into a heretofore uncharted terrain of Arabic Biblical studies.

Chapter Six outlines Ibn Barrajns central cosmological teachings and applied

spiritual practices. The main doctrines analyzed are the Universal Servant (al-abd al-

kull); the principle of correspondence between man, the universe, and revelation; the

Real According to Which Creation is Created (al-aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq); his

hierarchical ontological oneness; and symbolism (yt Allh). I then turn to his spiritual

practices, beginning with Masarr intellectual/spiritual notion of cross-over (ibra) from

the visible to the invisible, as well as his methodical practice of prayer and invocation

(dhikr).

iii
 The Forgotten Mystic:
Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141) and the Andalusian Mutabirn

A Dissertation
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School
of
Yale University
in Candidacy for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

by
Yousef Alexander Casewit
Dissertation Director: Gerhard H. Bwering

December 2014
 2014 by Yousef Alexander Casewit
All rights reserved.
 Acknowledgments

According to a famous proverb, one of the blessings of knowledge is ascribing it

to its folk (min barakat al-ilm nisbatuhu il ahlih). First and foremost, I wish to express

my profoundest appreciation and gratitude to my advisor and dissertation director

Professor Gerhard Bwering. His continuous encouragement, steadfast dedication, gentle

mentorship, assiduous feedback, humility, and unfailing supportboth academic and

otherwiseover the years have kept this study and its author afloat. Through his

example, I have come to appreciate the beauty and subtlety of the scholarly ideal, and I

am honored to be his student. I also wish to express my immense gratitude to my mentor

and dissertation reader Professor Frank Griffel for his thought-provoking comments, one-

on-one lunches, and pedagogical savoir-faire. His constructive feedback has saved me

from countless embarrassing errors. I am also grateful to my first external dissertation

reader Professor Beatrice Gruendler for her support and refined literary touch. Finally, a

heartfelt thanks is due to my inspiring external dissertation reader Professor William

Chittick. Certain key parts of this dissertation would have gone amiss had it not been for

our long conversations about Ibn al-Arab and Ibn Barrajn over cups of unsweetened

Japanese green tea. I cherish his profound wisdom, kind generosity, piercing wit, and

warm hospitality.

Other illustrious names at Yale and beyond who have helped me academically

and practically include Professors Zareena Grewal, Dimitri Gutas, Dale Martin, Kathryn

Lofton, and Stephen Davis. I also wish to thank Professors Sachiko Murata, Mohammed

Rustom, Joseph Lumbard, Denis Gril, Walid Saleh, Atif Khalil, and Esam Idoo for their

vi
guidance, support, and academic mentorship. From my undergraduate years, I am

grateful to Professor Seyyed Hossein Nasr for his foundational and continued support and

mentorship; Professor Mohammad Faghfoory, for his kindness on all fronts; and

Professor Ins Azar for igniting my interest in al-Andalus.

I must also mention several centers and institutes which have assisted me over the

years. I am thankful for the generous funding of the Yale Macmillan Center which

awarded me a Dissertation Research Fellowship, and a Foreign Language and Area

Studies Award (FLAS) to study Classical Arabic in Damascus in summer 2005. I am

grateful to the Graduate School for granting me not just one, but two semesters of

Paternal Relief. I also thank the American Institute of Maghrib Studies for awarding me a

Multi-Country Manuscript Research Grant (Turkey, Morocco, Mauritania) for the year of

2010; together with the Yale Council of African Studies for the Lindsay Fellowship for

Research in Africa to conduct textual research in Mauritania. I am also enormously

indebted to Dean Allegra di Bonaventura for her administrative support at a time when I

was most in need. I thank our departmental registrar, Heather Rivera, for facilitating my

progress through the program so seamlessly.

During my research year abroad in Mauritania (2010-11) I accrued debts from

many erudites. I wish to express my appreciation to the scholars at Maarat al-

Nubbghiyya for their unbelievable nomadic hospitality and awesome learned company.

In particular, my deepest gratitude goes to Shaykhs Muammad Fl (Bh), al-Mukhtr

Ould ammda, Muammad l-Amn al-Tilimsn, and to my dear friends Abubakar

Sadiq Abdulkadir and Habib Baouche. I am also indebted to the Damascene scholar Abu

vii
Kaml al-Ghazln in the Grand Mosque (of what was once) Ayn Tarma, who graciously

opened his doors to me during my summer study in Damascus in 2009.

To my close cohort of friends at Yale: Chaplain Omer Bajwa, Mathew Melvin-

Koushki, Hussein AbdulSater, Mareike Koertner, Di Matteo Giovanni, Mushegh

Asatryan, Kazuyo Murata, Sayeed Rahman, Matthew Ingalls, Lynna Dhannani, Ryan

Brizendine, Sam Ross, Bilal Orfali, Waleed Ziad, Yasir Qadhi, Homayra Ziad, Martin

Nguyen, Khalid El-Abdaoui, Sad El-Bousklawi, Ricardo Monsalve, Munjed Murad,

Pieter Coppins, Elena Lloyd-Sidle, Ebadat Shahrani,thank you all so much for your

friendship and support. Beyond Yale: Anasse Bari, Mehdi Boutayeb, Said Benamar,

Waddah El Yalaoui, Ramzi Taleb, Itrath Syed, Oludamini OgunnaikeI am profoundly

grateful.

Most of all, my love and gratitude goes to my dear family. To my wife, Maliha

Chishti, the joy and love of my life who surpasses me in both character and scholarship;

and to my two baby daughters, Ayla and Hanan (a.k.a., crouching tiger, hidden dragon)

for an endless supply of bousas. To Ammi, Pa, and the PatelUnit (Arshad, Maha, Noora,

Zayan, Eyden, Ibi)may your bonds remain forever strong. A special thanks to Maha, an

army-of-one, for caring after my daughters with such unfailing love, patience, and

superhuman stamina. To my siblings Faris, Usayd, Sarah, Amina, Yahya, and Rose,

thank you all. To Uncle Pete, for his generosity, frequent visits and lavish dinners.

I dedicate this dissertation to my loving, learned, and heroic parents. My mother,

Fatima Jane Casewit, and my father, Daoud Stephen Casewit, are not only my b al-n

(biological parents) but also my b al-dn (spiritual parents). They have made

viii
sacrifices for me beyond reckoning, and I am humbled and inspired by their unfailing

love, support, and guidance. I proudly acknowledge my debt of gratitude to my dear

mother who read and annotated every page I have ever writtenthat is, from pre-school

to grad-school. Juztum ann khayran.

ix
 Table of Contents
Acknowledgments vi

Introduction 1
Objective of this Study 1
Literature Review 5
Overview of Dissertation Chapters 7
Historical Background: Rise and Fall of the al-Murbin 12

Chapter I - The Formative Period of Religious History in al-Andalus: 21

Toward a Symbiosis of Law, Theology, and Mysticism
I. The Umayyad and ifa Period 26
Law: The Rise of Mlikism 26
Revitalization of adth Studies 35
Incorporation of Ul al-fiqh 38
Theology: Literalism, Murjiism, and Mutazilism 42
Asharism in al-Qayrawn 45
Mysticism: From Asceticism to Philosophical Mysticism 49
Institutionalization of Asceticism 52
Sevillan School of Asceticism 55
Ibn Masarra al-Jabal 58
II. The al-Murbin Period 65
Law: The State-Jurist Entente 65
Tacit Opposition of the Retreaters (munqabin) 72
Theology: Asharism in al-Andalus 74
The Role of Ab Bakr b. al-Arab 78
Ibn Rushd al-Jadds fatw on Asharism 79
Mysticism: Efflorescence of Andalus Mysticism 81
Sufi Epistemological Rivalries 85
Ghazls Doctrine of the Heart 88
The Iy Controversy 93
Impact of Ghazl on 6th/12th century Andalus Mystics 98
Interrogating the Almerian School of Sufism 102
III. Collapse of the al-Murbin 110
Ibn Qass Failed Murdn Revolt 110
Ibn Tmarts Religio-Political al-Muwaidn Movement 114

Chapter II - Ibn Barrajn: His Life, Education, Students, Political Views, 117
and Decease
I. An Evolving Hagiographical Portrait 117
II. Background: Early Years, Educational Training, and Epithet 126
Practice of Inqib 148
Students and Disciples 150
III. Political Views and Decease 161

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Chapter III - Exploring the Irshd and Shar al-Asm: Manuscripts, 178
Content, Structure, Stylistics, and Doctrinal Hallmarks
I. Establishing the Titles, Sequence, Dates of Composition, and Manuscripts 179
of his Works
II. al-Irshd il subul al-rashd 188
III. Shar asm Allh al-usn 198
Ibn Barrajns Shar versus Ghazls Maqad 213
Passages from Ab lib al-Makks Qt in the Shar 222

Chapter IV - Qurnic Hermeneutics: An Analysis of Tanbh al-afhm 232

and al-ikma
I. Tafsr Literature in al-Andalus 233
II. Tanbh al-afhm 238
Ibn Barrajns Qurnic Hermeneutics 248
III. al-ikma bi-akm al-ibra 291
IV. Citations in the Tanbh and 302

Chapter V - Biblical Proof-Texts for Qurnic Teachings 305

I. The Arabic Bible in Muslim Spain 306
II. Ibn Barrajn and the Arabic Bible 310
III. Ibn azm versus Ibn Barrajns Biblical Citations 331

Chapter VI - Cosmological Teachings and Spiritual Practices 337

I. Cosmological Teachings 341
The Universal Servant 341
The Principle of Correspondence: Man-Creation-Revelation 347
The Real According to Which Creation is Created 351
Monism? One Wujd, Two Worlds, Many Levels 361
Pushing the Boundaries of the Ghayb 372
yt as Windows into Heaven 374
II. Spiritual Practices 383
Spiritual Egalitarianism? Awmm and Khaw 383
The Crossover (ibra) from the Visible to the Invisible 385
Practice of Dhikr 399

Conclusion 403
Appendix I: Analysis of the Jerusalem Prediction 419
Appendix II: Compilation of Biblical Material in Ibn Barrajns Works 438
Appendix III: Collation and Analysis of De La Torres Edition of the 463
Shar
Bibliography 471

xi
 Introduction

Objective of this study

The most common misconception about the history of Andalus mysticism is that

it is popular and therefore well-studied. In reality, only the 4rd/10th and 7th/13th century

representatives of this tradition have received the attention they deserve. That is, modern

scholarship has accounted for Mummad b. Masarra al-Jabals (d. 319/931) early

mystico-philosophical treatises, as well as the central corpus of Muy al-Dn b. al-

Arabs (d. 638/1240) writings. But we are still a long way from understanding the

6th/12th century formative period which affords a link between the early Masarr tradition

and later Akbar elaborations. Figures of this middle term are largely forgotten, eclipsed,

and assessed via Ibn al-Arabs interpretive lens in both medieval and modern sources.

In what ways did Ibn Masarras teachings bear upon figures of the formative period?

How did the latter influence Ibn al-Arab and his contemporaries? What doctrines did

they espouse? Who were they influenced by? How did they relate to the writings of

Ghazl and the broader Sufi tradition? What contributions did they make? Such

questions have rarely been posed, and even less answered.1

The 6th/12th century middle-period was a watershed moment for Andalus

mysticism. Its ambitious scholarly representatives championed a wedding of Qurnic

teachings and Sunn adth studies to the treatises of the Brethren of Purity (Ikhwn al-

af), Fim Isml cosmology, mystico-philosophical works of Ibn Masarra, as well as

1
Ebsteins analysis of the influence of Isml Ikhwn thought on Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-Arab in
Philosophy and Mysticism in al-Andalus (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2014) is a welcome addition to the subject,
but the 6th/12th century lacuna is glaring.

1
eastern Sufi and ascetic works of figures like rith al-Musib (d. 243/857), Sahl al-

Tustar (d. 283/896), and Ab lib al-Makk (d. 386/996), alongside Ashar kalm, and

falsafa into a unique and seminal synthesis. There is no doubt that subsequent Andalus

and North African figures like Ibn al-Arab, Al arrl (d. 638/1241), Abd al-aqq b.

Sabn (d. 668/1270), and Ab al-asan al-Shushtar (d. 667/1269) drew from this

formative cosmological synthesis, and thus represent a continuation and elaboration of

this tradition.

By far the most preeminent, influential, and prolific figure of the formative period

was Ab al- akam Abd al-Salm b. Abd al-Ramn b. Ab al-Rijl Muammad b.

Abd al-Ramn al-Lakhm al-Ifrq al-Ishbl (d. 536/1141). He was, by admission of his

own contemporaries the most prominent Andalus mystic of his day. He is thus uniquely

qualified to represent the formative period as a whole. His writings, which have been

passed over in silence by modern scholars, or even dismissed as the preliminary thought

process of a secondary figure, remain mostly terra incognita. At first glance, his corpus

appears to be a work-in-progress which lacks the richness of Ibn al-Arabs expositions

and the clarity of Ab mid al-Ghazls (d. 505/1111) Revival of the Religious

Sciences (Iy ulm al-dn). Indeed, many scholars have made this point. A closer

look at his ideas, however, reveal an outstanding and original thinker whose unique

synthesis of various branches of learning was absorbed by later codifyers of the

intellectual Sufi tradition with almost no trace of Ghazlian doctrines.

But the richness, eclecticism, and subtlety of Ibn Barrajns teachings are easily

overlooked for two reasons. First, he never cited his sources. Second, he usually dictated

his works orally and rather unsystematically. Ibn Barrajn was compelled by the

2
intellectually rigid 6th/12th century Mlik milieu to write with cautionary discretion and

to conceal his intellectual affiliations. Names of his teachers and sources are deliberately

omitted, and he avoided terminological markers from taawwuf, kalm, Ikhwn, Masarr,

or Isml writings. Rather than locating himself within a particular school of thought, he

found reference for his ideas in Qurnic verses, adth, biblical passages, and sayings of

the Companions, and expressed them in an ad hoc fashion.

The present study builds upon the preliminary treatment that Ibn Barrajn has

received in secondary literature, and argues that he was a primary figure worthy of our

most serious consideration. This study also challenges the prevalent assumption that Ibn

Barrajn was intellectually indebted to Ghazl, and contends that Ibn Barrajn must be

appreciated on his own terms is. This mistaken assumption stems from the dominant

narrative about 6th/12th century al-Murbin period, going back to Goldzihers

pioneering studies. According to this prevalent narrative, it was Ghazl who lit the spark

and fed the flame of Andalus mystical tradition with his Iy. Specifically, it is often

argued that since Ghazls books caused a stir and were burned in al-Andalus, and since

Ibn Barrajn was the Ghazl of al-Andalus who was arrested by the anti-Sufi al-

Murbin, he must therefore have been indebted to Ghazl and other early eastern Sufi

authors. Ibn Barrajn, along with his contemporaries Ab al-Abbs b. al-Arf (d.

536/1141) and Ab al-Qsim b. Qas (d. 546/1151), are thus regarded as being at the

receiving end of waves of thought from such Eastern authors.

This dissertation goes against the grain of modern scholarship on the formative

period by demonstrating that Ibn Barrajn was 1) already an established author and a

respected mystic before he had even heard of Ghazl; and 2) that Ibn Barrajn developed

3
an elaborate and synthesized cosmological worldview which anticipates Ibn al-Arabs

to a remarkable degree. In the broadest terms, therefore, appreciating the nuance and

complexity of Ibn Barrajns works inevitably complicates the historiography of

medieval Islam, which posits a division between periphery and center; that is, the

Marginal Muslim West and the Middle Eastern heartlands (the Mashriq). Building on

previous theoretical studies,2 my suggestion is that al-Andalus (at least as far as the

history of mysticism is concerned) was its own center and that the flow of mystical

teachings was bi-directional. Andaluss drew just as much from their own local traditions

as they did from the works of Mashriqs. Far from being an intellectually peripheral site

of learning that passively adopted Mashriq influences, Andalus mystics both gave and

received. Their distinctiveness and, one might even venture to say intellectual autonomy

during the 6th/12th century vis--vis parallel trends in the Arab East is evidenced by a

close reading of their works.

My suggestion of intellectual autonomy rests on the fact that Andalus mystics

like Ibn Barrajn perceived themselves as being part of a local, indigenous tradition with

a unique mystical orientation that differed markedly from Eastern Arabic Sufi literature

of the period. While borrowing from many fields of learning to articulate his thoughts,

Ibn Barrajn kept other groups at arms-length. He criticized the falsifa for adulating the

intellect; the Asharites for overstressing the doctrine of bi-l kayf; the ascetics (zuhhd)

for neglecting the pursuit of divine knowledge; the Malik jurists for their obsession with

legal particularisms; and he never once cites the treatises of the Brethren of Purity by

name. Moreover, he spoke of Eastern Sufism only in the third person and as a distinct

2
Bulliet, Richard, Islam: The View from the Edge, New York: Columbia UP, 1994.

4
group with their own set of terminology. He admired Sufis for codifying ethical teachings

of spiritual states (maqmt) and stations (awl), but had very little interest in their

discussions. In other words, the Eastern Sufi literature that Ibn Barrajn was exposed to

was individualistic, behaviorally and ethically oriented quest for self-purification.

In contrast, Ibn Barrajn saw himself as part of a living Andalus mystical

tradition known as the Mutabirn (lit. Contemplators, or Those who understake the

Crossover/ibra into the Unseen). These Mutabirn were far more interested in

cosmology and sought to grasp the higher reaches of reality by penetrating into the

unseen world (ghayb) through symbols (yt) in revelation, man, and the cosmos. Ibn

Barrajn was at the forefront of the Andalus Mutabirn tradition that harked back to the

writings of Ibn Masarra, while drawing upon Isml and Ikhwn al-af cosmological

teachings. Given this context, I refrain from describing Ibn Barrajn as a Sufi, and

instead I employ the more generic term mystic (i.e., one who is interested in the mysteries

of the unseen world) or simply Mutabir (singular of Mutabirn).

Literature review

Scholars of Islamic thought of the Iberian Peninsula are far from providing a clear

picture of Ibn Barrajns worldview for the simple reason that his works have up to

recent years remained scattered in manuscript libraries.3 Fortunately, a number of Arabic

text editions of Ibn Barrajns works began to appear just as this study was being

prepared. The main thrust of secondary literature on Ibn Barrajn remains biographical.

These scholarly inquiries, most recently by Bellver and Kk, have refined our
3
For an incomplete overview of the excellent extant manuscript tradition of Ibn Barrajn, see Gril, La
lecture suprieure du Coran selon ibn Barran, pp. 512-515.

5
understanding of the important status which Ibn Barrajn enjoyed among his

contemporaries in 6th/12th century Muslim Spain, as well as his role in shaping and

disseminating mysticism in the region. However, such scholarly inquiries are noticeably

dependent upon the patchy and often conflicting data furnished by the medieval

biographical sources. Ibn Barrajns own works have yet to be analyzed as a whole. The

over-dependence on biographical literature is problematic because the image of

mysticism portrayed by biographers such as Ibn Bashkuwl (d. 578/1183) and Ibn al-

Abbr (d. 638/1260) during the 5th-7th/11th-13th centuries in which Ibn Barrajn lived do

not accurately reflect the actual unfolding of this tradition at the time.4 That is, the

biographers distorted Ibn Barrajns self-understanding of his own place within the

Islamic tradition.5

Aside from biographical studies, many researchers who have dealt with Ibn

Barrajns thought in one form or another have tendered largely unsubstantiated

conjectures based on a very brief perusal of his works, or on contextual inferences from

studies of his contemporaries Ibn al-Arf and Ibn Qas, and the history of the al-

Murbin persecutions of shfi-inspired ul scholars, mystics and theologians during

the 6th/12th century. The hasty conclusions of scholars on Ibn Barrajn are often

divergent.6 Asn Palacios, who first intuited that Ibn Barrajn was influenced by the

doctrines of Ibn Masarra, was remarkably accurate in his assessment but was unable to

4
Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas Andalous du V/XIe au VII/XIIIe Sicle: Etude Sociologique, pp. 60, 63, 69,
73, 76, 79, 107-8, 119, et seq.
5
See Chapter II, Section I An Evolving Hagiographical Portrait.
6
Fierro, The Polemic About the Karmt al-Awliys and the Development of fism in al-Andalus
(4th/10th-5th/11th), Bulletin of SOAS, 1992, p. 236.

6
substantiate his claim textually. In the wake of Asn Palacios, scholars like Gharmn,

Faure, Bell, and most recently Kk echoed Goldzihers narrative by portraying Ibn

Barrajn as a recipient and propagator of Ghazls ideas in al-Andalus.7 Others, in

particular Gril and Bellver, have certainly advanced our understanding of our author, but

they have yet to take Ibn Barrajns works and teachings into account as a whole.

Scholarship on Ibn Barrajn in Arabic secondary literature suffers from a different

bias, being too often entangled in modern Salaf-versus-Ashar/Sufi polemics. Arab

authors who have written about Ibn Barrajn and the spread of Asharism in the Maghrib,

such as al-Qr,8 Inna, and Hosni provide some very informative insights on the period

in general, Ibn Barrajns biography, and his qurnic hermeneutics. However, these

studies are hampered by an unrelenting anachronistic attempt at reassuring the reader that

Ibn Barrajn was an orthodox member of Ahl al-sunna wa-l-jama as understood in the

modern context.

Overview of Dissertation Chapters

Chapter I:

Chapter One is entitled Toward a Symbiosis of Law, Theology, and Mysticism: An

overview of the Formative Period of Religious History in al-Andalus. It attempts to parse

out the legal, theological, and mystical strands running through the first two and a half

centuries of Andalus religious history. Section I examines the Umayyad and ifa

7
Faure, Ibn al-Arf, Ibn Barradjn, and Ibn as, EI2; Gharmn, Al-Madris al-fiyya al-
maghribiyya wa-l-andalusiyya f al-qarn al-sdis al-hijr, p. 193 (henceforth al-Madris al-fiyya); Bel,
Le Sufisme en Occident Musulman au XIe et au XIIe Sicle de J. C., pp. 145-61.
8
E.g., Qr, Ibn Barrajn wa-juuduh, p. 372.

7
period. Of special significance is the rise of Mlikism and its absorption of the broader

body of Sunn adth and ul al-fiqh during the Umayyad and ifa period. This is

followed by a discussion of the broad currents of asceticism, theoretical mysticism, and

theology. Section II considers the developments under the al-Murbin, including the

spread of Asharism, the factors which gave rise to Andalus mysticism, and Sufi

epistemological rivalries triggered by Ghazls works. Finally, Section III looks briefly

at the religious developments immediately following the collapse of the al-Murbin,

including Ibn Qas and Ibn Tmarts revolts against the weakening regime.

Chapter II:

Building on and supplementing previous biographical examinations of Ibn

Barrajn, Chapter Two, Ibn Barrajn: His Life, Education, Students, Political Views, and

Decease, analyzes our authors life based upon not only the medieval biographies but

also his multi-volume written corpus. It begins with an examination of how Ibn

Barrajns biographical portrayal in the medieval shifts over the centuries. Building upon

Bellver, I posit three distinct phases in this process: the earliest passes over Ibn Barrajn

in silence for polemical reasons. Ibn Barrajn did not sit comfortably with the scholarly

mold idealized by the early Andalus biographers, and was thus excluded. In the second

phase, which begins in the 7th/13th century, biographers seek to rehabilitate Ibn Barrajns

reputation as a preeminent scholar, jurist, dth expert, Qurnic commentator, and

mystic. Finally, Ibn Barrajns Mamlk biographers place heavy emphasis upon his

political disagreements with the al-Murbin, and paint him as a revolutionary who was

put to death for his counter-political resistance. I speculate that Ibn Barrajns image was

used as a foil in debates between Sufis and non-Sufis of Mamlk Egypt. After analyzing

8
this biographical evolution, I turn to Ibn Barrajns early years, ancestral origins,

formative education, the significance of his misunderstood epithet Ghazl of al-

Andalus, his retreat from the city of Seville, and students. The final section examines

Ibn Barrajns political views on the immate, endtimes, the al-Murbin, his

summoning to Marrakesh for trial, and the obscure circumstances surrounding his death.

Chapter III:

Chapter Three, Exploring Ibn Barrajns Irshd & Shar al-Asm, establishes

the definitive titles, sequence, and chronology of his four major works on the basis of

internal references in his own works for the first time. One of the important contributions

of this chapter is proving that it was Ibn Barrajns first work on adth (not his

subsequent tafsr) which was entitled Kitb al-Irshd. A full analysis of this lost work,

and a lengthy translation from a heretofore unnoticed excerpt quoted by Badr al-Dn al-

Zarkash (d. 794/1391) are provided. After an analysis of al-Irshd, I turn to the contents,

approach, and doctrinal hallmarks of Ibn Barrajns commentary on the divine names. I

argue that it was penned prior to Ghazls treatise on the names known as al-Maqad al-

asn, and I also analyze a passage lifted verbatim from Makks Qt al-qulb.

Chapter IV:

Chapter Four, Ibn Barrajns Qurnic Hermeneutics: Manuscripts, Content,

Structure, Stylistics, and Exegetical Methodology of Tanbh al-Afhm & al-ikma,

begins by locating Ibn Barrajns two Qurnic commentaries, Tanbh al-afhm and

al-ikma, in the broader context of tafsr literature in al-Andalus. This chapter

demonstrates how Ibn Barrajn goes squarely against the Sunn tafsr tradition in almost

each of his main hermeneutical doctrines. I identify and analyze several unique doctrinal

9
features of his qurnic hermeneutics, namely: intra-qurnic exegesis, use of adth,

tawl, his identification of two layers of the Qurn which he calls al-qurn al-am

and al-qurn al-azz, the centrality of suras 1 and 2, his unique doctrine of qurnic

orderliness (nam), and his understanding of the mukamt, mutashbiht, and nsikh

wa-manskh.

Chapter V:

Chapter Five, Biblical Proof-Texts for Qurnic Teachings, emerged out of my

slow realization of the importance of biblical material to Ibn Barrajns thought as a

whole. In this chapter, I examine his employment of Genesis and Matthew not

polemically, but in order to substantiate and complement qurnic teachings. I explore

Ibn Barrajns view of other religions, his notion of salvific exclusivity, and some of the

interpretive solutions to inter-scriptural incongruities between qurnic and biblical

narrative. I argue that Ibn Barrajn is guided in his works by a hermeneutical principle to

which he adheres throughout, namely the Principle of Qurnic Hegemony. That is, he

sees the Qurn as the yardstick against which all other bodies of knowledge, from weak

adth to biblical lore, are to be assessed. This hermeneutical principle is expansive,

since it allows for the author to integrate any wisdom literature that he understands to be

complementary to the Qurn. It is never used to exclude texts from his interpretive

framework. This chapter also provides comparisons between overlapping biblical

passages in the works of Ibn azm (d. 456/1064), a famous Andalus connoisseur of

biblical literature with a pronounced polemical assessment of Judaism and Christianity as

a whole.

10
Chapter VI:

Chapter Six consists of an analysis of Ibn Barrajns central teachings and

spiritual praxis, and bears the title Cosmological Teachings and Spiritual Practices. Here,

I endeavor to present Ibn Barrajns loosely defined, unsystematically discussed, and

interrelated doctrines in a clear and concise manner. In attempting to present Ibn

Barrajns thought systematically, I have consciously tried to avoid pigeonholing his

doctrines into artificial categories by presenting a variety of ways in which he himself

discusses and presents them. At the same time, I argue that all of Ibn Barrajns

cosmological teachings point to his pivotal intellectual-spiritual concept of the crossover;

an idea which thoroughly informs his worldview.

In terms of content, this chapter specifically looks at the Universal Servant (al-

abd al-kull); the Principle of Correspondence between man, creation, and revelation; the

idea of the aqq According to Which Creation is Created; his ontology, and symbology.

As for Ibn Barrajns spiritual practices, I begin by discussing his distinction between

spiritual elite (khaw) and the common believers (awmm). Then I examine the idea of

the ibra, of cross-over into the invisible realm, with a comparison to Ibn Masarras

itibr. I conclude with Ibn Barrajns practical teachings on prayer and meditation

(dhikr).

Appendices I-III:

Appendix I, Analysis of the Jerusalem Prediction, provides a brief summary of

how Ibn Barrajn predicted the recapture of Jerusalem from the hands of the Crusaders in

583H in his Tanbh al-afhm. A translation of relevant passages in the Tanbh and the

are put forth here. Appendix II, Compilation of Biblical Material in Ibn Barrajns

11
Works, brings together the biblical material found in Ibn Barrajns corpus, parallel

English translations, together with a comparison with corresponding passages in the

Jeromes Latin Vulgate translation. Significant differences and omissions between the

Arabic and Latin translations are underlined in order to demonstrate the extent to which

Ibn Barrajns Arabic translation of the Bible relied upon the Latin Vulgate. Appendix

III, Collation and Analysis of De La Torres Edition of Shar Asm Allh al-usn,

compares passages of De La Torres edition of Ibn Barrajns Shar against two MSS

persevered in libraries of Turkey, and concludes that the edition is unreliable due to the

editors dependence upon faulty MSS as well as the reproduction of new errors in the

text.

The Historical Context: Rise and Fall of the al-Murbin

Ibn Barrajns life spans approximately from 446/1051 to 536/1141, and parallels

closely with the historical rise and fall of the al-Murbin regime (r. 454-541/1062-

1147). Therefore, in order to appreciate the intellectual history of al-Andalus in Chapter I,

a brief historical survey is indispensable here. To begin with, the story of the al-

Murbin is intimately linked to the ifa period when al-Andalus broke up into dozens

of competing regional principalities (mulk al-awif) following the collapse of the

Umayyad Caliphate. The forces which give rise to these ifas were diverse. Some were

erected by opportunistic governors or qs. Others embodied the shared aspirations of an

ethnic or tribal subgroup. One of the most important of these ifas was centered in

Seville, to which Ibn Barrajns North African Lakhm grandfather emigrated. It was

founded by Muammad b. Isml Abbd (d. 433/1041), a judge (q) who assumed

political leadership and established himself as ruler of the Ban Abbd ifa. As a

12
Lakhm Arab, his clan wielded both political and religious supremacy in Seville up to the

al-Murbin conquest. The cohesive and centralized polity which he founded enjoyed an

agrarian economy which surpassed the maritime economies of the coastal cities. By the

5th/11th century, the Ban Abbd came close to annexing all of southwest al-Andalus.9

The ifas were internally divisive. Worse still, they were militarily,

economically, politically and ideologically weak vis--vis the northern and northwestern

Christian kingdoms of Aragon and Castile.10 Their imposition of non-canonical taxes (pl.

maghrim) on their disgruntled subjects to fund jihd or to pay annual tributes (Sp.

parias) to Christian rulers exasperated scholars and tax-paying commoners alike.

Meanwhile, the Christian Reconquista was on the move. In 477/1085, Toledo, the ancient

capital of the Visigoths at the heart of Iberia, fell to King Alfonso VI. This defeat was

symbolically, psychologically, and militarily devastating and made each ifa more

vulnerable to attack.11 Psychologically, it was a rude awakening to their precariousness

and the urgent need for a strong central authority. It is in this context that the powerful

Al-Murbin were summoned to al-Andalus by both jurists and ifa rulers.12

At root, the political failure of the ifas stemmed from their inability to recover

from the collapse of the Umayyad Caliphate. The latters downfall left a profound

9
See Guichard & Soravia, Le Royaumes de Taifas: apoge culturel et dclin politique des mirats andalous
du XIme sicle, Paris: Geuthner, 2007, pp. 72-78 for more on the expansion of the Abbdid ifa in
southern al-Andalus; and pp. 196-207 for an analysis of the armies of Seville, its composition,
expansionism, power, and use non-Arab mercenaries.
10
See Guichard & Soravia, Le Royaumes de Taifas pp. 107-112 pressure on the ifas from the Christian
north.
11
Makk, The Political History of al-Andalus, in The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. Jayyusi, vol. 1, p. 61,.
12
Wasserstein, Mulk al-awif, EI2.

13
political vacuum known as the immate crisis, which was expressed not only in the

very structure of the ifas, but also in divisive political debates that ensured over the

qualifications and candidacy for Muslim leadership (imma). This authority crisis

outlasted the ifas themselves, and beset Andalus and North African regimes and

scholars for centuries.13 Numerous unworkable solutions were tendered beginning in the

ifa period. The powerful Ban Abbd in Seville where Ibn Barrajns family settled,

for instance, retained a fiction of association with the phony Umayyad Caliph Hishm II

al-Muayyad whom they themselves drummed up.14 At the same time, the Ban ammd

ifa supported Fim claims to caliphacy, and other regional kings boasted increasingly

grandiose caliphal titles.15 When the al-Murbin emirs rose to power, they adopted the

tactful title of Commander of Muslims (instead of the caliphal Commander of Believers,

amr al-muminn which was reserved for the Abbss), upheld a nominal allegiance to

the Abbs Caliph in Baghdad, and bolstered their own religious legitimacy by

sponsoring Mlik jurists.

Andalus scholars were in equal disagreement as to how the authority crisis could

be solved. The hir scholar Ibn azm (d. 456/1064), for instance, served as vizier to

two pretenders in Valencia and Crdoba, for he was convined that the caliph had to be

Arab, Quraysh, Umayyad, anti-Sh, devoted to the service of God, and a non-ally of

Christians and Jews especially with regard to their incorporation into the governmental

13
Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, p. 87.
14
Guichard & Soravia, Le Royaumes de Taifas, p. 29.
15
Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, Madrid: Agencia Espa ola
de Cooperaci n Internacional, 1994, pp. 104-05.

14
positions.16 The Mlik jurist Ab al-Wald al-Bj (d. 474/1081), for his part, held that an

unjust sultan was preferable to political disunity and civil strife (fitna).17 Radical

millenarianists like Ibn Qas revolted against the ruling power and proclaimed themselves

as Mahd, while moderate ascetics and mystics like Isml al-Ruayn (d. 432/1040),

Ab Umar al-alamank (d. 429/1037), and Ibn Barrajn proclaimed that virtue and

moral excellence (fala), not genealogical lineage, should be the criteria for choosing an

imm of the community.18

The al-Murbin were somewhat of an odd match for Andaluss. A anhja

Berber dynasty that burst out of the deep southern Saharan stretches of present-day

Mauritania, Mali, and Ro de Oro (al-sqiya al-amr), they conquered first the

Maghrib and established their capital in Marrakesh. Then as they gained further grounds

in North Africa, the beleaguered ifa ruler of Badajoz Umar al-Mutawakkil b. al-Afas

summoned the military forces of the emir Ysuf b. Tshufn (r. 453-500/1061-1107) to

al-Andalus to halt the increasingly militant attacks of Alfonso VI. Appeals of enlistment

were also addressed to the al-Murbin by al-Mutamid b. Abbd of Seville and Ibn

Buluqqn (r. 465-482/1073-1090) of Granada.19 After consulting with jurists of Fez,20

Ysufs anhja forces overwhelmed Alfonso VIs Castilian troops in a northbound push

16
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Prcticas y Escualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-
Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 400.
17
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Prcticas y Escualas, p. 399.
18
Fierro, The Q as Ruler, p. 104-05. This statement is echoed a century later by Ibn Barrajn.
19
Urvoy, Pensers dAl-Andalus: la ie intellectuelle Cordoue et S ille au temps des empires berb res :
fin Ie si cle-dbut IIIe si cle, Toulouse : Presses universitaires du Mirail ; [Paris] : Ed. du CNRS, 1990, p.
16.
20
Ibn Khaldn, Histoire des Berbres, vol. 2, Paris: Librairie Orientale Paul Geuthner, 1927, pp. 77-78;
See also Salw, Kitb al-istiq li-akhbr duwal al-Maghrib al-aq, trans. G.S. Colin, in Archives
Maroccaines XXXI, Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1925, p. 156.

15
and defeated them at the battle of Sagrajas (zallqa) in 478/1086. They recovered Lisbon

and Santarem, put an end to the paria tribute taxes, then returned to Marrakesh.21 But

things soon got worse. Once again, Andalus scholars and the general populace grew

weary of the tifas petty factionalism and their inability to halt Christian advancement,

and sent letters of appeal to Marrakesh pleading for a second al-Murbin intervention.22

In 483/1090, the illustrious emir sought to put an end to the continual disputes of the

ifas and their concessions with the Christian monarchs. Backed yet again by a fatw

which not only permitted but obliged emir Ysuf to invade the dissolute, paria-paying

regional tyrants, he proceeded to dethrone every ifa and established Crdoba as capital

of his Andalus protectorate.23

The al-Murbin annexation of al-Andalus was welcomed by locals. It was also

carried out in collaboration with the clerical class on both sides of the Straits. The

Andalus qs, who lost much of their authority in the ifa period, turned against their

weak patrons in favor of a politically centralized and religiously rigorous North African

government.24 The desert monarchs held sway over their Andalus protectorate from the

21
Morony & Wasserstein, Mulkal-awif, EI2.
22
Ibn Buluqqn, Mudhakkart al-Amr Abd Allh: khir mulk ban zr bi-gharn al-musamm bi-kitb
al-tibyn, Lvi-Provenal, ed., Cairo: Dr al-Marif, 1995, pp. 125-127. See also Sad Arb, Maa al-
Q Ab Bakr b. al-Arab, Beirut: Dr al-Gharb al-Islm, 1987, p. 11.
23
The take-over was rapid in some areas, gradual in others. It began with Granada, Almera and Seville in
484/1091. The Ban Hd of Sargossa resisted the al-Murbin until 504/1110 but fell to the Christians
within eight years. Valencia which had been seized by the Cid in 478/1085 was captured by the emir in
495/1102. Badajoz was last to fall to the al-Murbin. Only Aghlab al-Murta remained in power in the
Balearic Islands.
24
In Granada for instance, Ibn Qulay (d. 498/1104) and Ibn Sahl (d. 486/1093) pledged allegiance to the
al-Murbin, sided against their ifa king Ibn Buluqqn, and joined forces with the Sevillan jurist Ab
Qsim al-Hawzn (d. 512/1118) in the conquest of the Granadan ifa. (Abd Allh b. Buluqqn,
Mudhakkart al-Amr Abd Allh: khir mulk ban zr bi-gharn al-musamm bi-kitb al-tibyn, pp.
125-127. See also Sad Arb, Maa al-Q Ab Bakr b. al-Arab, p. 11.) Similarly, Ibn al-Asan was
instrumental in the establishment of the al-Murbin in his city of Badajoz. (El Hour, The Al-Andalus

16
second-half of the 5th/11th century to the first-half of the 6th/12th century, and were

overthrown by the al-Muwaidn revolutionaries in 539/1145, only three years after Ibn

Barrajns death. Their position in al-Andalus was validated by their military strength

and religious rigor. This meant that they were expected to consolidate the shrinking

northern and northwestern borders, re-Islamicize the Peninsula by abolishing maligned

non-canonical taxes (qa al-maghrim) and bolstering the power of local Mlik qs.25

The Emir of the Muslims also asserted religious orthodoxy by denigrating good-old

Umayyad culture and paying a symbolic tribute to the Abbsid Sunn Caliph in

Baghdd.

Andaluss enjoyed several decades of economic prosperity under their new Berber

protectors. There were also initial military successes, including the victory at Ucls in

502/1108. But the honeymoon period was brief. Despite the al-Murbins military

prowess, the nomadic rulers had no experience in the long-distance administration of a

vast, urban-based, and loosely connected Arabo-Islamic empire. They outsourced day-to-

day bureaucratic management of al-Andalus to local officials whose authority they

reinforced by their military presence. The bifurcation in the administrative power

structure caused tensions. For in contrast to their earlier Khrij-like tribal egalitarianism,

emir Al b. Ysufs third-generation al-Murbin troops evolved into a warrior

aristocracy who were becoming increasingly softened by the plentiful luxuries of Iberia.

Removed from desert life, they lost their combative edge, discipline, and endurance. All

Q in the Almoravid Period: Political and Judicial Authority, Studia Islamica, vol. 90, 2000; p. 79.) El
Hour even alleges that the al-Murbin takeover of al-Andalus in concert with the jurists was planned
from the very beginning, since Abd Allh b. Ysn had spent seven years studying in al-Andalus during
the ifa period where he gained deep acquaintance with the socio-political dynamics of the time; p. 80.
25
Fierro, The Q as Ruler, pp. 104-05.

17
they retained of their rugged homeland was an obstinate group solidarity (aabiyya)

which, in the context of the refined urban Andalus society, proved detrimental. Rather

than earning the abiding loyalty of native administrators and aristocracies by integrating

Andaluss into the new elite, they excluded new tribal elements from their caste. They

went so far as to limit the very name Murbin to the founding Lamtna, Massfa and

Gudla tribes, and entrusted key posts to their clansmen. In early 6th/12th century Seville,

only the true Al-Murbin were afforded the prestige of donning the awe-inspiring

dark mouth-veil (lithm) of the desert monarchs.26 Thus, despite their initial reception as

saviors of al-Andalus, the Al-Murbin were soon perceived as a military dictatorship of

uncouth Berbers. The high-maintenance Andaluss, for their part, soon began to look

back nostalgically at the good-old-ifa-days, and expressed their longing for this

golden age in prose and poetry.

By the second-half of Al b. Ysufs reign, meeting Andalus expectations of

military defense, peace, low taxes, and economic prosperity became increasingly

challenging. Replenishing troops from the far-off Sahara for service in the borders of dr

al-islm against Christian aggression was logistically difficult and financially expensive.

The emir tried to keep pace with his fathers offensive jihd, and even instituted positive

economic reforms in the region. But in 512/1108, Alfonso I of Aragon, El Batallador

(The Warrior) captured Saragossa with support from the crusading nobles of southern

France and blessings of Pope Gelasius II. Worse still, Al was at a disadvantage. For in

515/1121, the Almohad messianic ideologue Ibn Tmart (d. ca. 522/1128) led a

Mamda revolt in the Ss mountains of southern Morocco. The al-Murbin were put

26
Meier, Almoravids and Marabouts, in Essays on Islamic Piety and Mysticism, p. 394.

18
on the defensive and could only afford to fund a defensive line of forts along the northern

Andalus borders.

In order to maintain the jihd, the al-Murbin levied non-canonical taxes

(maghrim) which they initially had promised to liberate Andaluss from. 27 In accordance

with qurnic injunctions, Muslims in principle are only obliged to pay the zakt, while

non-Muslims were to pay a poll tax (jizya). But conversions to Islam had diminished the

state revenue and the al-Murbin, like their predecessors, were forced to impose

religiously unsanctioned maghrim, such as land tax (kharj) customs dues upon Muslim

and non-Muslim merchants alike. This juridically condemned policy was so odious to the

Muslim-majority populace that the regime hired third-party Christian mercenaries to

exact these taxes.28 Many scholars, including Ibn Barrajn, voiced their opposition to

these taxes in their writings and fatws. Moreover, the general political and

socioeconomic corruption triggered a series of revolts in the provinces. By 525/1131,

Andalus opposition to the al-Murbin was so strong that Sayf al-Dawla b. Hd broke

away from the al-Murbin and forged an alliance with Alfonso VII.

Al b. Ysufs competent but ill-fated successor Tshufn b. Al held on to the

reigns of power for only two years, that is from 537/1143 to 539/1145. Al-Muwaidn

rebellions led by Abd al-Mumin b. Al raged between Fez and Tlemcen. The rebels

formed a military ring south of Marrakesh which obstructed communication lines

between the capital and the Sahara. Tshufn b. Al was killed in Wahrn in 539/1145,

27
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Prcticas y Escualas, p. 403.
28
Messier, Re-Thinking the Almoravids, Re-Thinking Ibn Khaldn, Journal of North Africa Studies, vol.
6, no. 1, 2001, p. 74.

19
and in 541/1147 Abd al-Mumin captured the capital city of Marrakesh. In al-Andalus,

an insurmountable revolt shook the capital of Crdoba in 538/1143, after which most of

al-Andalus reservedly acknowledged the al-Muwaidn. In 543/1148, the last of the al-

Murbin governor in the western Andalus provinces, Yay b. Ghniya al-Massf,

died. The age of the al-Murbin came to an end.

20
 Chapter I

Toward a Symbiosis of Law, Theology, and Mysticism:

An overview of the Formative Period of Religious History in al-Andalus

Introduction

Up to the present day, the Kingdom of Morocco officially proclaims the tripartite

banner of Mlik jurisprudence, Ashar creed, and sober Junayd Sufism as its official

state religion.1 This complex religious symbiosis first began to emerge as a new form of

orthodoxy in al-Andalus and the Far Maghrib during the early 6th/12th century under the

late al-Murbin dynasty. The exact manner in which this process took place is yet to be

fully understood. The prevalent narrative in modern secondary literature suggests that the

seminal writings of Ab mid al-Ghazl, which were put to the torch around this time,

catalyzed the development of mysticism and theology in the region. Local leading

Andaluss like Ibn Barrajn supposedly played second-fiddle to Ghazl. Inspired by the

Iy ulm al-dn, Ibn Barrajn and likeminded scholars supposedly embraced not only

mysticism and theology, but also ul al-fiqh as wedges to break open the hardened

Mlik religious discourse of their day.

This chapter endeavors to show that the prevalent narrative of how Andalus

mysticism and theology found home in al-Andalus alongside Mlik law during the

formative period fails to take into account local intellectual developments. This narrative

is largely shaped by the historical account by the pioneering Orientalist Goldziher of the

1
See the official website of the Moroccan Ministry of Pious Endowments and Islamic Affairs (Wizrat al-
awqf wa-sh-shun al-islmiyya), http://www.habous.net/2012-01-26-16-14-59.html.

21
al-Murbin in his introduction to Ibn Tmarts Aazz m yulab (Supreme Object of

Desire).2 According to Goldziher, Ghazls promotion of ul and Sufism was at the

center of religious controversy. Prior to Ghazl, the al-Murbin jurists approach to the

law was based purely on the legal precedent of earlier Mliks. Rather than engaging with

Shfi-inspired ulwhich aimed at a methodological standardization of jurisprudence

by setting forth principles for the extraction of legal rulings based on the Qurn,

authoritative adth, binding consensus of scholars (ijm), and syllogistic analogy

(qiys)3they anchored their casuistic legal opinions (fatwas) in the time-honored corpus

of juridical precedent of their own school. The contested Iy undermined the

epistemology of Mlik scholars who were exclusively preoccupied with fur and lacked

a theoretical basis for their legal injunctions. Griffel,4 Cornell,5 and others refine

Goldzihers argument, maintaining that the introduction of ul into al-Andalus formed

part of a larger epistemological debate. The Iy introduced Sufism as a valid and

distinctive category of religious discourse, and critiqued Andalus jurists for worldliness

and excessive emphasis upon legal rulings (fur) at the expense of legal theory (ul al-

fiqh) and spirituality triggered the fusion of Asharism and Sufism in the region.

But while Ghazl certainly looms large over the political horizon of 6th/12th

century Muslim Spain, it is only during the late 6th/12th century, decades after Ibn

2
Goldziher, Le Livre de Mohammed Ibn Toumart, Mahdi des Al-Muwaidnes: Texte Arabe accompagn
de notices biographiques et dune introduction, Algiers: Imprimerie Orientale Pierre Fontana, 1903, pp. 22-
43.
3
See Kamalis Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1991.
4
Griffel, Apostasie Und Toleranz Im Islam: Die Entwicklung Zu Al-azls Urteil Gegen Die Philosophie
Und Die Reaktionen Der Philosophen, Leiden, Boston, Kln: Brill, 2000, p. 362. See also Al-Ghazls
Philosophical Theology, p. 80.
5
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, University of Texas Press: Austin, 1998, pp. 15-20

22
Barrajns death, that his impact can be really felt intellectually. Drawing not upon

Ghazl, but Ibn Masarras philosophical mysticism, as well as Isml-Ikhwn-Fim

cosmology, Qurnic studies and adth, Ibn Barrajns mystical teachings were fully

developed and elaborated by the time Ghazl came upon the scene. He was at the

forefront of an indigenous mystical movement, known as the Mutabirn (lit. The

Contemplatives) that was integral to al-Andalus and which played a crucial role in

catalyzing 7th/13th century regional Sufism. Moreover, the impact of Ghazls writings

was negligible even with respect to Ibn al-Arf and Ibn Qas, a younger generation of

Andalus mystics.6 In effect, Ghazls works served as a religio-political rallying point

against the hegemony of Mlik jurists and their al-Murbin sponsors.

In order to fully appreciate the pivotal intellectual role played by Ibn Barrajn in

developing the Andalus al-Mutabirn mytical tradition, this chapter analyzes the legal,

theological, and mystical religious landscape of al-Andalus from its earliest phases in the

2nd/8th century all the way up to the end of the al-Murbin period in the 6th/12th century.

It is divided into three chronologically arranged sections. Section I looks at law, theology

and mysticism in the pre-Murbin period under the Umayyads and ifas. It begins by

problematizing the common perception of Andalus Mliksm in modern secondary

literature as dry, monolithic, and inflexible. This is followed by an analysis of the rise of

the Mlik school in the Muslim West at the hands of its key proponents and its

predominance in al-Andalus over other Sunn schools of law beginning in the 4th/10th

century Umayyad Caliphal period. The incorporation of the broader Sunn adth canon,

6
See Ebsteins What Ibn Qas a Sufi? in Studia Islamica (forthcoming) for a discussion of Ghazls
minimal impact upon Ibn Qass thought.

23
as well as the science of legal theory (ul al-fiqh) within the legal rubric of Mlikism in

the late Ummayad period will be discussed here as well. With regard to early mysticism,

the role of asceticism and Ibn Masarras thought will be discussed. The section concludes

with an analysis of the beginnings of a theological discourse in the region. This section

demonstrates that law and mysticism both found home in al-Andalus very early on,

whereas theology took longer to implant itself, and only succeeded in doing so a few

decades into the al-Muwaidn period. Although Ibn Masarras philosophical-

mysticism went underground, it survived textually and orally and served as a cornerstone

for Ibn Barrajns worldview in the middle of the al-Murbin period which was much

more elaborate and systematized than one might think.

Section II tackles law, theology, and mysticism during the al-Murbin period.

With regard to law, an analysis will be put forth of the structures of power and authority

vested in the state-sponsored judges (sing. q), the criteria of the qs appointments,

and the religio-political protest against the state-jurist entente by dissenting scholars and

ascetics in the form of the retreaters movement (munqabin). The second part of this

section looks at the reception of Asharism in al-Andalus, as well as the politicization of

this theological movement during the late al-Murbin period. It sketches the most

salient Andalus figures and writings that gave impetus to this new intellectual trend in

the region, and which made the officialization of Asharism during the al-Muwaidn

period possible. I argue that while Asharism was certainly a point of controversy, it was

not at the root of the religious rivalries of the al-Murbin period. After all, Ashar

theology was tolerated as long as it was not propagated among the masses. Mysticism on

24
the other hand, together with epistemological rivalries, were much more heated debates

that led to political crackdowns.

Finally, I examine the forces which contributed to the efflorescence of mysticism

in al-Andalus and its crystallization as a distinct movement in the 7th/13th century. These

driving forces include the longstanding and popular Andalus tradition of asceticism; the

early mystico-philosophical school of Ibn Masarra (d. 319/931) which had an enduring

influence in later periods; polarizing epistemological rivalries over miracles of saints

(karmt al-awliy) and the legitimacy of mystics claims to esoteric knowledge by

means of inner purification; the burning of Ghazls monumental Revival of the

Religious Sciences (Iy ulm al-dn) during the al-Murbin period and its

importance for Andalus mysticism; and the transition from an indigenous Andalus

mystical traditionthe Mutabirnto an institutionalized pan-Sunn arqa Sufism at

the turn of the 6th/12th to 7th/13th century. I challenge the importance conventionally

ascribed to the Iy in influencing 6th/12th century Andalus mystics like Ibn Barrajn. I

also argue that there was no such thing as a mid-6th/12th century Almerian School of

Sufism, since the transition to Sufism proper took place only fifty years after Ibn

Barrajns death, at the early 7th/13th century.

Section III briefly sketches the period following Ibn Barrajns death, by pairing

together two Messianic revolutionaries, Ibn Qas and Ibn Tmart. I look at Ibn Qass

unsuccessful revolt against the al-Murbin and the al-Muwaidn in the western

regions of al-Andalus, and finally Ibn Tmarts successful revolution and the

establishment of the al-Muwaidn. For both of these figures, Ghazls writings served

25
primarily as a political platform of protest against the al-Murbin, although religious

and intellectual influences are detectable as well.

I. The Umayyad and ifa Period

LAW: The Rise of Mlikism

The definitive triumph of Mlikism in al-Andalus has been the subject of

extensive study by modern scholars.7 Regrettably, many of these studies readily present

Andalus Mlikism as pharisaical, inflexible, dry, intolerant monolithic. No other school

of jurisprudence in Islam has received such depreciatory treatment. The abiding clich

about the blind and mechanical8 methods of legal particularists (ahl al-fur) is a carry-

over from Medieval Andalus debates which broke surface between Sufis and jurists, as

well as mudslinging al-Muwaidn propaganda slogans against the al-Murbin in the

7th/13th century. Moreover, modern European scholars negative portrayal of Andalus

Mlikism, a tradition whose surface we have only begun to scratch, also echoes a deep-

seated nineteenth and twentieth century nationalistic and ideological threat posed by the

mere presence of dark medieval Islam on soon-to-be Enlightened European soil. Instead

advancing our knowledge of and appreciation for the nuance, sophistication, and

intricacy of this towering legal tradition, many modern researchers cannot resist the

7
E.g., Lpez Ortiz, La recepcin de la escuela malequ en Espaa, Madrid: Olozaga, 1931; Makki, Ensayo
sobre las aportaciones orientales en la Espaa musulmana y su influencia en la formacin de la cultura
hispano-rabe, Madrid Instituto egipcio de estudios isl micos, 1968, pp. 90-140.
8
One of the most evident cases is in the almost polemical chapter by Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus,
pp. 852-53.

26
temptation of expressing what they believe good and refined religion ought to look

like.9

It is true that for historical reasons, state-sponsored jurists of al-Andalus were, (1)

largely fortunate in that they were methodologically unchallenged by rival anaf

Irqs or Fim Ismls as were the fuqah of al-Qayrawn, and (2) collectively

interested in upholding an epistemology that was exclusively defined by themselves. But

even so, dry and brittle systems tend to break, whereas Andalus Mlikism thrived.

Political sponsorship alone does not explain the triumph of Mlikism. Mlikism was in

many respects more flexible and laissez-faire than anafism, especially with regard to

social and interpersonal behavior (mumalt)not worship (ibdt) or laws of

apostacy (zandaqa)as pointed out by Schacht and Chehata.10 As we shall see below,

the resilience of the Mlik school owed not to its supposedly dunderhead jurists but to its

ability to graft and assimilate new methodologies and layers of knowledge into its

epistemological rubric. Complimentary bodies of religious discourse, such as new Sunn

adth collections, ul principles, Ashar theology, and Sufism, were internalized by

the guardians of normative Islam in al-Andalus and accommodated into the citadel of

orthodoxy. Mlikism, in other words, reigned supreme over the centuries not on account

9
Urvoy argues that the Visigothic Christian Church of the indigenous inhabitants of Iberia was centered on
the Bible and the authority of the Fathers, while the Jewish community was to produce speculative thinkers,
and in the wake of the Muslim conquest reestablished ties with the Talmudic centers of Irq. The
predominance of traditionalist elements in Andalus Islam is thus accounted for by the conversion of these
communities to the Islamic faith. Lvi-Provenal also subscribes to this justification for the archaising
character of Andalus Spain (Histoire de lEspagne musulmane, vol. 3, p. 455). Lacking a unifying tribal
structure, the shara helped ruling dynasties to unite the divisive and largely urban provinces of Iberia.
(Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, p. 849.)
10
Idris, Reflections on Mlikism Under the Umayyads of Spain in M. Fierro (ed.) The Formation of al-
Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot ; Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate,
1998, pp. 87, 101.

27
of its hardened husk, but on account of the ulams pragmatism, flexibility, and ability

to adapt to their times.

Shfis & hirs in al-Andalus

Leaving aside these attitudinal challenges which continue to beset the field of

Andalus studies, let us turn to how Mlikism gradually asserted its primacy on the

Iberian Peninsula. To this end, we return to the 2nd/8th century where a variety of juridical

methodologies, or schools of law (madhhab) found home in al-Andalus.11 Excepting

Berber-Khrij and Fim-Isml movements, there were two Sunn legal schools that

witnessed brief periods of activity on the Peninsula. The first was Shfiism, since the

Umayyad prince Muammad I (r. 237/852-272/886) was sympathetic to the Shfi cause

and patronized scholars like Qsim b. Siyr (d. 227/890), possibly with the view to

counterbalancing the rising power of the Mlik clerical class. His agenda, however, was

undercut politically in 316/929 when the Umayyad ruler Abd al-Ramn III proclaimed

himself Caliph (khalfa) of Islam. Abd al-Ramn IIIs claim to religio-political

supremacy brought with it a tighter entente with Mlikism which reinforced his caliphal

legitimacy in turn.12 Thereafter, Shfis in al-Andalus became so few in number that

Mliks never bothered to pen a refutation of this school.13 Shfis rarely received an

entry in post-Caliphate Andalus biographical compilations. One exception is Abd Allh

b. Sad al-Bashkulr (d. 461/1068), who is recorded by the biographer Ibn Bashkuwl

11
Lagardre, Une thologie dogmatique de la frontire en al-Andalus, p. 71.
12
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, pp. 853-54.
13
Fierro, The Introduction of adth in al-Andalus, Der Islam, 66, (1989); p. 86.

28
(d. 578/1183). This lone scholar was possibly influenced by the popular works of the

Shfi scholar of the Mashriq Ab Bakr al-jurr (d. 360/970).14

The second school in al-Andalus was the literalist hir tradition, established by

Dawd b. Khalaf (d. 270/884) in Irq. It claimed an eclectic following of great figures;

from adith and legal experts like Ab Bakr al-Myurq in the 6th/12th century, to

theologians like Ibn azm (d. 455/1063). This school also influenced Sufis like Muy

al-Dn Ibn al-Arab (d. 638/1240) although the latter was not strictly speaking a

committed adherent of hirism.15 The hirs received some political patronage during

the 6th/12th-7th/13th centuries by the al-Muwaidn after the fall of the staunchly Mlik

al-Murbin regime, but remained a marginal alternative movement with no popular

ascendancy.16 Its influence in al-Andalus and elsewhere receded after the fall of the al-

Muwaidn, and by the 10th/16th century it virtually died out.17

Mlikism in Ifrqiy

It was Mlikism, above all other legal schools (madhhib), which was destined to

gain a sure footing in al-Andalus. The direct students of Mlik undertook the task of

spreading the teachings of their master in the Muslim West. During Mliks own lifetime,

Alexandria became the first hub of Mlikism outside of Medina. Uthmn b. Abd al-

akam al-Judhm (d. 163/779), Sad al-Mafir, Ibn al-Qsim al-Utq, Abd Allh b.

14
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-
Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 412.
15
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, p. 854; and Penser dAl-Andalus, pp. 43-46 for a concise overview of
Ibn azm and his legacy.
16
Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, pp. 132-33.
17
Casewit, Zahiris, in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought, ed. Bowering et al,
Princeton: Princeton UP, 2012.

29
Wahb (d. 197/812) and others were the first generation of Mliks to settle in Egypt.18

Although Shfiism eventually marginalized the Alexandrian school of Mlikism, it was

largely through the intermediacy of the Alexandrian Mliks that Mlikism spread into

Ifrqiy.19

The success of Mlikism over other legal schools and sectarian movements in the

Muslim West owed as much to individual efforts of scholars as it did to the support that it

received from governments seeking to maintain control and unity over a highly divisive

territory. The Aghlab emirs who ruled in Ifrqiy (r. 184/800-298/910) adopted Mliks

juridical methodology and promoted it as their official state policy early on in their rule

from the garrison city of al-Qayrawn. This city became an important center for the

transmission of Mlik learning. Like Alexandria, it was also home to distinguished first

and second-generation Mliks such as al-Bahll b. Rashd (d. 183/799), Asad b. al-Furt,

Abd Allah b. Farrkh (d. 175/791), and Abd Allh b. Ghanm (d. ca. 213/830). Abd al-

Salm Sann (d. 240/854) was one of these second-generation Mliks who introduced

the Mudawwana Asadiyya into the region and was appointed by the Aghlabs as chief

judge of al-Qayrawn. He is credited with cementing Mlikism in Ifrqiy and

marginalizing the local anafs.20 Upon his appointment as chief judge (q) of al-

Qayrawn in 235/850, he used his power to bolster his school. Thereafter, all judicial

18
Q Iy confirms this in Tartb al-madrik. Mlikism still has a presence in the ad in lower Egypt.
Cottart, N. Mlikiyya, EI2.
19
For more on early Mlikism and Ibn Abd al-akam, see Brockopp, Early Mlik Law: Ibn Abd al-
akam and his Major Compendium of Jurisprudence, Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2000.
20
Mansour, The Mlik School of Law, London: Austin & Winfield, 1995; pp. 28-40.

30
positions were only assigned to Mliks.21 By the 3rd/9th century, al-Qayrawn was

thoroughly dominated by a Mlik clerical aristocracy which began to extend westwards.

When the Fims overthrew the Aghlabs in 298/910, Mlik experts staunchly opposed

the spread of Fim Ismlism and were largely successful in maintaining religious

influence over the masses.22

It should also be noted briefly that Mlikism flourished for a short period in

Baghdd under Mlik-appointed qs during the 3rd/9th-4th/10th centuries. The students

of the legal expert Ibn al-Muadhdhil (d. ca. 240/854), like Yaqb b. Shayba (d.

262/875), ammd b. Isq (d. 267/880), and his prominent brother Isml b. Isq (d.

282/895) were prominent representatives of Baghd Malikism. But with little political

patronage and the weakening of Mlik legal scholarship in Baghdd, Mlikism found

home in al-Andalus via al-Qayrawn.23 Figure such as Ab Bakr al-Bqilln (d.

403/1013) (see below) embody this Baghdad-Qayrawn Mlik link.

Mlikism in al-Andalus

Mlikism in Muslim Spain received its first impetus in 2nd/8th century Cordoba

with the policies of emir Hishm I (r. 172-180/788-796), a devout patron of the Islamic

sciences, and his son al-akam I (r. 180-206/796-822). Both emirs actively promoted

Mliks incipient legal school over others. In Cordoba, Ziyd b. Abd al-Ramn al-

21
Ibid., pp. 28-40.
22
Cottart, Mlikiyya, EI2.
23
Hallaq, The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law, Cambridge, UK ; New York : Cambridge University
Press, 2005, pp. 174-5; see also Melchert, The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law, 9 th-10th Centuries
C.E., Leiden ; New York : Brill, 1997, pp. 170-77.

31
Lakhm (d. ca. 199/815), known as Shabn, was probably the first to teach Mlik fiqh

and Mliks famous legal-adth collection entitled the Muwaa (The Well-Trodden

Path).24 Prominent Andalus Mliks like the Berber Yay b. Yay al-Layth (d.

234/848), Ziyb b. Abd al-akam, Yay b. Muar and s b. Dnr, promoted

Mlikism and helped generate a clerical class wielding progressively more influence

among the masses and in the court. Layth, a student of the pioneering Shabn, enjoyed

the patronage of the first Umayyad ruler Abd al-Raman I (r. 171-188/788-796) and

served as his consultant in judicial affairs.25 The rich output of devotional literature

(manqib) centered on the figure of Mlik by Andaluss began at this early Umayyad

period in earnest.26 As well, commentaries on the Muwaa and responsa compilations

bore witness to the rise of the school.27 By the 3rd/9th century, Andalus Mlikism began

to assert its dominance while forging a distinctive identity and exerting some influence in

North Africa.28 The following century, Caliph Abd al-Ramn III (r. 299-350/912-961)

24
Another early teacher was al-Ghz b. Qays (d. 199/815); cf. Fierro, I., The Introduction of adth in
al-Andalus, Der Islam, 66, (1989); p. 73.
25
Cottart, Yay al-Layth, EI2.
26
These early manqib works included those of the Cordoban scholars Ibn abb (d. 238/852) and al-Utb
(d. 255/868). Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, The Legacy of Muslim Spain, pp. 852-53; see also
Turki, A. M., La vnration pour Mlik et la physionomie du malikisme andalou, Studia Islamica
XXXIII (1971), pp. 41-65.
27
Cottart, N., Mlikiyya, EI2.
28
Mansour, The Mlik School of Law, pp. 50-99. See also Aguade, Some remarks about sectarian
movements in al-Andalus, Studia Islamica LXIV (1986), pp. 53-7; Idris, Rflexions sur le Malikisme
sous les Omayyades dEspagne, Atti del 3o Congresso di Studi Arabi e Islamici (Ravello 1966), Naples
1967, pp. 397-414. In the western Maghrib, Mlikism took a longer time to take root since it had to contend
with other local sectarian movements. But the presence of Mlik b. Anass (d. 178/795) school began to be
felt already during the late 2nd/8th century with the establishment of the Zayd-Sh leaning Idrss (r.
171/788-375/985). Although Idrs b. Abd Allh I (d. 175/791), the eponymous founder of this dynasty,
was himself Zayd, he did not suppress Mlik fuqah. (The exact religious conviction of Idrs I is debated
among scholars. See Mansour, The Mlik School of Law, pp. 61-62.) The first generation of Mlik jurists
in the Idrsid Maghrib, as in Crdoba and Qayrawn, were first and second generation Mliks and included
Ab Muammad b. Qays (d. 199/815) and the abovementioned Ziyd b. Abd al-Ramn Shabn (d.
193/809). In addition to political laissez-faire, Mlikism was disseminated in the region by students of the

32
and his successor al-akam II (r. 350-365/961-976) bolstered their caliphal legitimacy by

making Mlikism the official legal school of al-Andalus. The latter was a bibliophile and

a scholar in his own right. Under his rule, new paid positions were made available to

scholars, such as revisers of copied manuscripts, text collators, and library cataloguers.

The inquisitive al-akam II also sponsored works on subjects which he himself

proposed, and asked for travel reports from scholars who had traveled to foreign

countries.29 His new state policy resulted in Mliks delegating juridical posts

exclusively to their peers, or to outsiders who conceded to applying the rulings of

Mlikism only.30

Qayrawn Mlik jurist Ibn Ab Zayd (d. 386/996). The disciples of the latter, called the minor Mlik,
settled in cities of northern Morocco at this period. Moreover, fuqah such as Ab Imrn al-Fs (d.
405/1015), who studied in al-Andalus and in Irq with the Ashar luminary Ab Bakr al-Bqilln (d.
403/1013), returned to Fez to teach Mlik fiqh. Many of al-Fss (d. 405/1015) students who were trained
in Fez became prominent teachers in turn. For instance, Waggg b. Zall al-Lam built the Nimiyya of
the West (Dr al-Murbin) in the Moroccan Ss to disseminate teachings of the Mlik school. This
institution served as the nucleus of the al-Murbin movement, and trained its leaders such as Abd Allh
b. Ysn (d. 451/1059). Ibn al-Zalls establishment gave rise to a political movement that sparked the
coalition and ultimate triumph of Mlikism over other intellectual trends in the region. Refugees, tribal
migrations, and commercial links played an important role in consolidating Mlikism in the Maghrib as
well. Early 3rd/9th century rebellions in Al-Andalus and Tunisia triggered the migration of thousands of
Andalus and Tunis refugee families to Fes, thereby reinforcing Mliks school and weakening local
Berber Khrijism. (Mansour, The Mlik School of Law, p. 63.) Moreover, migrating groups such as the
Zanta tribes from the Arab heartlands to the Maghrib contributed to the spread of the Mlikis in the
4th/10th century. Then in the early 5th/11th century, Mlik scholars moved from Ifrqiy following the Hill
raids of Qayrawn, and further contributed to the schools consolidation. As for trade, in Kitb al-Shif
Q Iy (d. 544/1149) describes the spread of Mlikism to the Maghrib in Fimid Ifrqiy through trade
in commercial centers such as Tilimsn, Sijilmssa, Fs, Aghmt, and Sabta. Moreover, it was clearly in
the interest of a ruling dynasty such as the al-Murbin to promote Mlikism as a unifying system of law,
which it did both locally and internationally. The tremendous production of Murbin-sponsored jurists
included lengthy commentaries on the Muwaa and shorter simplified treatises for the masses, and helped
consolidate the madhhab during the 5th/11th century. The Murbin also dispatched Mlik preachers to
Takrr in West Africa and to the Sudn, under whose initial influence the latter eventually adopted
Mlikism. By the 5th/11th, the Mlik school became one of the dominant legal approaches in the Maghrib,
as exemplified in the Mlik and anti-Sh writings of this period.
29
Mons, The Role of Men of Religion in the History of Muslim Spain up to the End of the Caliphate in
The Formation of al- Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, M. Fierro and J.
Samso (eds), Aldershot ; Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate, 1998, p. 75.
30
Fierro, Sobre la adopcin del ttulo califal por Abd al-Ramn III, in Sharq al-Andalus, 6, 1989; p.
33-42.

33
 Urvoys hypothesis about the rise of Mlikism is worth noting. Urvoy sees the

Umayyads official endorsement of Mlikism, which by the 4th/10th century had

developed into a full-fledged and distinctive school,31 as striking a compromise position

between two extremes. The first was that of early Andalus juristssuch as the 2nd/8th

century Mahd b. Muslim and Muwiya b. li al-Shm (d. 123/740)who were more

flexible in their legal approach than later Mlik jurists, and the second was the followers

of the 2nd/8th century Syrian jurist Abd al-Ramn al-Awz who were stiflingly rigid.

The former purportedly did not confine themselves to the legal methodology of a

particular madhhab but resorted to the Qurn, adth, and reports of the Companions,

and practiced a certain degree of independent juridical reasoning (ijtihd). The latter,

introduced by Cordobas muft aaa b. Sallm al-Shm, heavily stressed ray, adth,

and practices of the Companions (aba) as maintained without interruption through a

living practice by scholars. In the 3rd/9th century, Andalus rulers began to favor Mlik

who was perceived as reconciling the rigidity of Awz with the flexibility of the early

qs.32 Noting a need for shara legalism to serve as a unifying political bond in al-

Andalus, Urvoy also speculates, sometimes rather sweepingly, about the socio-political

motivating forces for the development of the Mlik school, and before him, that of

31
Al wrote an refutation of anomalous stances taken by Andalus jurists entitled Rislat al-radd al m
shadhdha f-hi al-andalusiyyn; Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escualas, in Historia de Espaa:
Los Reinos de Taifas, al-Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p.
412.
32
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, pp. 849-850. Urvoy notes that Mlik was not tarnished by association
with the Umayyads.

34
Awz (d. 157/774) in Iberia. Lacking a unifying tribal structure, the shara served to

unite the divisive and largely urban provinces of Iberia.33

In addition to Urvoys thesis, certain modern scholars endorse Ibn Khaldns (d.

806/1403) theory about why Mlikism reigned supreme in the Muslim West. The latter

reasons that the rigidity of Mlikism found resonance with the nomadic temperament

people of the Maghrib, and points to the climactic similarities between the Maghrib and

the ijz. According to this hypothesis, which is dismissed convincingly by Mansour, the

simplicity of the Mlik school, its rejection of ray, and incorporation of urf found

resonance with the Bedouin al-Murbin.34

Revitalization of adth Studies in al-Andalus

The influx of new Sunn adth compilations into the Muwaa-centered orbit of

Andalus scholarship in the 4th/10th-5th/11th centuries revitalized Mlikism and paved the

way for the endorsement of ul and Sufism by the ulam.35 These new collections

stimulated an earnest interest in the study of Prophetic reports, and soon the categories of

adth scholar (shaykh al-ilm) versus Legal scholar (shaykh al-fiqh) became demarcated

in the eyes of the intelligentsia.36 These transformations also had a direct bearing on the

scholarly requirements of an lim. By 5th/11th century, a faqh was expected to master

more than the mere secondary branches of law (fur). Those who simply studied fur

33
Ibid., pp. 849-850.
34
See for example, Cottart, N., Mlikiyya, EI2.
35
As we shall see in Chapter 4, Ibn Barrajn drew from a variety of adth sources to buttress his mystical
and cosmological doctrines.
36
A second revitalization of Mlikism later took place across North Africa at the hands of the legal schools
in Tunis, Bijya, and Qayrawn, as well as scholars such as Ibn Arafa (d. 804/1401), and in the Maghrib
under the Marns with their sponsored madrasas in Fes and Tlemcen. Cottart, N., Mlikiyya, EI2.

35
could only hope to land a job as market inspectors, qs of small towns, notaries

(wathiqiyyn), preparers of contracts and wills (ad shur), estate executors

(faraiyyn), and other low-ranking posts.37

An important forerunner who laid the foundation for Andalus adth studies was

Baq b. Makhlad (d. 276/889), acclaimed by his biographers as the master of his age

(shaykh ari-hi). Unfortunately, most of his works are lost.38 He is reported to have spent

thirty-four years in the Mashriq studying at the feet of two-hundred and eighty-four

masters, returning to his homeland as a full-fledged mujtahid, or practitioner of

independent juridical reasoning. It is important to note, however, that Baq and his

successors like Qsim b. Abagh al-Bayyn (d. 340/951) never completely broke away

from the school of Mlik, which was an indispensable ingredient for regional unity in al-

Andalus. Nor did the rise in adth studies demote the status of fiqh to that of a

secondary religious science. But Ibn Makhlads novel legal approach, which laid heavy

emphasis on the broader adth corpus over Mlik legal precedent and the Muwaa,

ruffled the feathers of many retrograde jurists. One contemporary Cordoban faqh,

Abagh b. Khall (d. 273/886), is said to have been so angered by this emerging trend that

he grumbled I would rather have a pigs head in my coffin than the Muannaf of Ibn

Ab Shayba!39

Ibn Makhlads remarkable scholarly accomplishments opened the floodgates for

adth studies in al-Andalus. The first adth collections to reach the Peninsula in the

37
Mons, The Role of Men of Religion, p. 69.
38
See GAS I, pp. 151-2.
39
Mons, The Role of Men of Religion, pp. 67-68; Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 13, p. 203; GAS I, pp. 108-09.

36
second half of the 3rd/9th century were the Muannafs of Wak b. al-Jarr al-Kf (d.

196/811), Ibn Ab Shayba (d. 235/849), and Sufyn b. Uyayna (d. 199/815), followed a

few decades later by those of Abd al-Razzq al-ann (d. 211/826), ammd b.

Salama (d. 167/783), and Sad b. Manr. By the 4th/10th century, the Sunan of al-Nas

(d. 303/915), which was especially cherished by Andaluss, as well as that of Ab Dwd

(d. 275/888) were in circulation as well. In the second half of the 4th/10th century, the

ayn of Bukhr (d. 256/870) and Muslim (d. 261/875), the Sunan of Ab s al-

Tirmidh (d. 279/892), and the Musnads of Ibn Ab Shayba, and Asad b. Ms al-Umaw

(d. 212/827) were accessible to Andaluss, as was Ibn anbals (d. 241/855) monumental

Musnad by the end of the same century. In the 5th/11th century, collections of single-

strand adth reports (gharb al-adth) such as that of the collection of Ibn Qutayba (d.

276/889) and Ab Ubayd al-Qsim b. Sallm (d. 223/837) were introduced.40

In Ibn Makhlads wake, Ibn Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1071) and Ab al-Wald al-Bj

(d. 474/1081), who were both acclaimed by ifa scholars as renewers (sing.

mujaddid) of Mlikism and by modern historians as heralders of Mlikisms second

phase41 are credited with galvanizing adth study and breathing new life into Andalus

Mlikism. Although neither Ibn Abd al-Barr nor Bj were direct teachers of Ibn

Barrajn, the latter was indebted to their teachings and almost certainly received training

at the hands of their disciples. Ibn Abd al-Barr deplored taqld and staunchly advocated

a fresh return to the Qurn and adth. He authenticated the adth reports and chains of

40
Fierro, The Introduction of adth in al-Andalus, Der Islam, 66, (1989)pp. 87-90.
41
Urvoy, Penser d-Al-Andalus, p. 82; Guichard & Soravia, Le Royaumes de Taifas, pp. 222-226. Maribel
Fierro distinguishes between two phases of Mlikism in al-Andalus. In the 3rd/9th century jurists were
followers of the first mid-2nd/8th century systematization and synthesis of fiqh by Mlik b. Anas; the second
phase is the 5th/11th century revival discussed here.

37
transmission of the Muwaa in a work entitled al-Tamhd li-m f al-Muwaa min al-

man wa-l-asnd (Introducing the Meanings and Chains of Transmission of the

Muwaa).42 His work protected Mlik Ahl al-Ray camp from the onslaught of the

Ahl al-adth.43 Bj, on the other hand, who had acquired extensive training in adth,

legal theory (ul), and theology (ul al-dn) with Ab Dharr al-Haraw (d. 435/1044) in

Mecca, authored a short and popular commentary on the Muwaa entitled al-Muntaq

which played an important role in legal discussions among scholars of the ifa period.

Ibn Barrajn was hugely influenced by and indebted to the revitalization of adth

studies in al-Andalus. Like many other mystics, he eagerly studied and adopted the newly

integrated collections into his thought, finding therein inspiration and scriptural support

for his own cosmological doctrines. All of the aforementioned collections were available

to him the 6th/12th century, and informed his works repeatedly. Moreover, Ibn Barrajn

penned his first work al-Irshd (see Chapter 3) on Qurn-adth concordance with an

aim to securing a place for this broader body of literature in Andalus religious discourse.

Incorporation of Ul al-Fiqh in al-Andalus

The introduction of legal theory, or the principles of jurisprudence (ul al-fiqh)

in al-Andalus was intensified in the wake of the adth influx. Interestingly, there is a

42
See Pellat, Ibn Abd al-Barr, EI2.
43
The Ahl al-adth date back to 3rd/9th century eastern-trained Crdoban adth scholars like Baq b.
Makhlad, Ibn Abd al-Salm al-Khushn, and Qsim b. Muammad. Brunschvig, Polmiques mdivales
autour du rite de Mlik, in al-Andalus, 15, (1950), pp. 377-435. See also Fierro, I., The Introduction of
adth in al-Andalus, Der Islam, 66, (1989); pp. 73-85. It should be noted that the Tamhd came on the
heels of a number of non-extant earlier attempts at weighing the authority of Muwaa adth, including
K. Rijl al-Muwaa of Yay b. Ibrhm b. Muzayn (d. 259/873); two Musnad adth al-Muwaa by
Amad b. Khlid (d. 322/934) and Muammad b. Abd Allh b. Ayshn (d. 341/952); and K. Gharib
adth Mlik b. Anas mimm laysa f al-Muwaa by Qsim b. Abagh.

38
connection to be made between adth, ul and mysticism.44 Mystics who advocated for

ul and adth such as the 5th/11th century Amad b. Muammad al-alamank (d.

429/1037),45 Amad al-Ilbr al-Ul (d. 429/1037), as well as later al-Murbin

mystics Ibn al-Arf (d. 536/1141) and Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141) saw in the integration

of these subjects into Mlikism a vehicle for reforming post-Umayyad society by opening

religious dogmatics in the Peninsula to a more universal, Sunni internationalist, inter-

ethnic discourse. Moreover, mystics were drawn to the legal ul paradigm set up by

Shfiswhose eponymous founder praised Sufiswhich provided tools for engaging

directly with the adth corpus, and, in its express and systematic focus on the practices

of the Sunna and the Pious Predecessors (al-salaf al-li), facilitated the validation of

the mystical life.46

As mentiond above, many scholars of the al-Murbin period assert that the

controversy over Ghazls Iy (more on this below) in al-Andalus had to do with

debates over ul. Ghazls promotion of ul is seen to have posed a threat to Mlik

legal particularists (ahl al-fur), who in return set the Iy ablaze. This thesis does not

stand to scrutiny because the epistemological debates over the adoption of ul into the

framework of Mlikism were put to rest in the 5th/11th century ifa period through the

efforts of a number of adth scholars, ul jurists, and notably, mystics.

44
See Cornells diagram layout of ul-sufi relations of the period in Realm of the Saint, pp. 18-19.
45
Urvoy claims that the trial of alamank was spearheaded by fifteen jurists of Saragossa who were
troubled by his introduction of ul methods into al-Andalus through his work al-Wul il marifat al-
ul. The q of the city proclaimed him innocent. Cf. Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, p. 131.
46
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, p. 16.

39
 It is true that ifa jurists who relied more on Mlik precedent in their legal

reasoning than on adth and ul principles felt methodologically threatened by ul.

But there was not as much resistance to the science of ul as one might expect. The

reasons for this are manifold. To begin with, the works of Shfi himself, including his

work on ul entitled al-Risla and his creedal text K. al-Fiqh al-kabr had already been

imported into al-Andalus by the aforementioned Baq b. Makhlad (d. 276/889).47 As early

as the 4th/10th century, the absorption of ul into Andalus Mlikism was evidenced by

the Book of Demonstrations (Kitb al-dalil), a pioneering work by Abd Allh b.

Muammad al-Al (d. 392/1001), a theologian and adth specialist. K. al-Dalil is an

ul discussion of the variances (ikhtilf) between Ab anfa, Mlik, and Shfi. In the

5th/11th century ifa period, a number of other accomplished adth scholars who were

trained abroad, such as the Qayrawn Muammad b. Sadn (d. 485/1092) Abd Allh

al-Bushkulr (d. 461/1068), and Amad b. al-Dil (d. 478/1086) actively promoted

ul.48

Moreover, the discipline of ul was well represented by the individual efforts of

ifa and al-Murbin scholars especially in southern al-Andalus, though it did not yet

form a state official doctrine nor a sweeping scholarly consensus. 49 The illustrious Ibn

Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1071) penned works such as his Taking into Account the Legal

Schools of the Scholars of the Garrison Cities (K. al-istidhkr li-madhhib ulam al-

amr) on disputations (khilf) of jurists belonging to difference schools of law. As well,

47
Fierro, I., The Introduction of adth in al-Andalus, Der Islam, 66, (1989); p. 78.
48
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 15-16.
49
Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, p. 188

40
he wrote a book entitled The Sufficient Book on Jurisprudence and on the Conflicting

Opinions of Mlik and His Followers (K. al-kf f al-fiqh wa-l-ikhtilf f aqwl Mlik

wa-abi-hi) on intra-madhhab disputations in which his mastery of ul is shines forth.

It is noteworthy that he never even set foot off the Peninsula, and that his mastery of the

new science rested entirely on locally available 5th/11th century sources. Bj, for his part,

spent extensive time studying religious sciences including ul with eastern scholars, and

authored his seminal work entitled The Clear-Cut Discussion on the Principles of Legal

Theory (Ikm al-ful f akm al-ul). Bj also penned a Treatise on Ul

Terminology (Al-Risla f al-udd), and following the footsteps of his pioneering

teacher Ab Isq al-Shirz (d. 476/1083), introduced the new sub-discipline of

argumentation (jadal / munara) and its principles in al-Andalus. Bjs concern with

terminological precision and the principles of argumentation grew out of the necessity to

defend rationally and coherently the foundations of his legal school and to demonstrate

the falsity of adversaries.50 In addition, it is often forgotten that Ghazls influential ul

work, The Essentials of Legal Theory (al-Mustaf min ilm al-ul) never became a

source of controversy in the Muslim West. Finally, the staunch 6th/12th century detractor

of Ghazls works in al-Andalus, Ibn amdn, was himself called an ul,51 just as

virtually all of the anti-Ghazlian campaigners were experts on ul al-fiqh and theology

(ul al-dn). Thus the absorption of ul into Andalus religious discourse preceded

Ghazls contested Iy, and was readily adopted by many scholars, including mystics,

50
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-
Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 410-12. See Bjs
debates with Ibn azm over ul in Turki, A. M., Polmiques entre Ibn azm et B sur les principles de
la loi musulmane: etudes et documents, Alger, 1975.
51
Ibn Bashkuwl, Kitb al-ila, vol. 3, p. 831.

41
as a meas of expanding Andalus religious discourse and engaging with the broader Sunn

adth collections.

THEOLOGY: Literalism, Murjiism, and Mutazilism

Broadly speaking, Mlik theological literalism predominated early Andalus

religious discourse up to the introduction of Asharism in the 4th/10th century. First-

generation Mlik jurists had no interest in theologizing. s b. Dnr (d. 212/827),

Yay b. Yay al-Layth (d. 234/848), Abd al-Salm Sann (d. 240/854), and Sad b.

al-addd sought to disseminate their legal teachings in the Muslim West and to defend

them from attacks of rival camps. As far as we can ascertain, these pioneers followed

cautiously in the tracks of Mlik and abstained from theological speculation. They did,

however, pen refutations of Khrij, Mutazil, and Isml doctrines. The debates that

ensued between these early jurists and members of rival camps have mostly survived in

the works of later Mliks who cast triumphant lights upon their predecessors.52 Early

theological formulations on questions such as the definition of true faith, the divine

Essence and Attributes, affirmation of Gods similitude (tashbh), createdness of the

Qurn, and the qualifications of a legitimate ruler were produced by circumstantial

necessity, and were closely aligned with Mliks by-the-book outlook. While

alternative mystical strands were represented during the early Umayyad period by Ibn

Masarra and his followers, the basic creedal literalism of the early jurists dominated for

over three centuries, only subsiding in the mid-6th/12th century. Interestingly, 19th-20th

52
Ibn amada, al-Madris al-kalmiyya bi-Ifrqiy, p. 32.

42
century Salafiyya movements in the Maghrib claim these early pre-Ashar figures as

their anti-intellectual forefathers.53

During the pre-Ashar period, however, several theological outlooks stood as

alternatives to Mlik theological literalism. For instance, Murji doctrines were

promoted by the Syrian Umayyads and found resonance in the Muslim West for a short

period. But with the fall of the dynasty in Damascus in the middle of the 2nd/8th century,

Murjiism died out.54 Alongside Murjiism, it is likely that the Mutazil pioneer Wil b.

A (d. 131/749) dispatched his student Abd Allh b. al-rith as propagandist to the

Maghrib. Subsequently, an armed Wil following is said to have generated some

momentum there, and it is likely that the foundation of the Idrs dynasty enjoyed

Mutazil support. As well, Isq b. Muammad al-Awrab, a chief of the Berber Awraba,

apparently had an influence on Idrs b. Abd Allh I (d. 165/791) and Awrabs followers

pledged allegiance to him. The Mutazils are said to have attracted followers across

Ifrqiy and the Maghrib at this time, and works of Mutazils such as al-Ji (d.

255/869) were in circulation. One of the names associated with this early group of 2nd-

3rd/8th-9th century western Mutazils is Ibn Masarras colleague Khall b. Kulayb,

contemptuously branded with the sobriquet the intimate friend of heedlessness (khall

ghafla).

53
Inna considers these jurists to be the fathers of the traditionalist scripturalists, and refers to them
somewhat polemically as Ahl al-taslm wa-l-tafw, Folk of Surrendering and Relinquish [theological
knowledge to God alone] in contrast to the Asharites who engage in farfetched interpretations (tawl).
For the purposes of this chapter, I refer to this groups as pre-Asharites, traditional al-Murbin, or
theological literalists.
54
Inna, Taawwur al-madhhab al-ashar f al-Gharb al-Islm, p. 49.

43
 In al-Andalus, sporadic traces of Mutazilism could be detected up to the 7th/13th

century al-Muwaidn era. Ibn Masarra al-Jabals (d. 319/931) works in the early

Umayyad period bare testimony to Maghrib Mutazil influence on matters such as

freewill and the relationship between the divine attributes and the Essence. 55 Also, in the

5th/11th century ifa period Ibn azm spoke of Andalus Mutazils, a statement which

was reiterated by Asn Palacios and Lvi-Provenal, who also refer in general terms of a

Mutazil school in Muslim Spain.56 Ibn azm also stated that the inhabitants of the

geographically unidentified Wd Ban Tawba embraced Mutazilism.57 In the 7th/13th

century, the mystic Ibn al-Arab drew inspiration for his doctrine of fixed entities (sing.

ayn thbit) among others from Mutazil thinkers.58 But gradually, Mutazilism which

was politically associated with the Abbss was rejected both in North Africa and in

Umayyad Spain, and with the fall of the Idrss and the dominance of the theological

literalism of the Mliks by the 3rd/9th century, the Mutazil scholars lost their footing in

the region.59

The sustained hostility that Mutazil, Ashar, and other theological scholars met

in the Maghrib is best illustrated by Mliks categorical rejection of theological

speculation. His angry retort to a question regarding the meaning of Gods residing upon

55
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, pp. 856.
56
Ibid., p. 854.
57
Fierro, Polmicas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez
Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 434.
58
That is, the immutable reality or thingness of a particular existent resides in Gods knowledge of it in
pre-eternity. See Chitticks discussions of this concept in The Sufi Path of Knowledge, p. 83.
59
Inna, Taawwur, p. 48.

44
the Throne (istiw al al-arsh) most clearly exemplifies his dont-go-there attitude

toward the subject:

The meaning of residing (istiw) is well-known, its modality (kayf)

unknown. Belief in it is compulsory (wjib), and inquiring into it an

[unwarranted] innovation (bida).60

Notably, Mlik only composed one basic theological epistle addressed to his student

Abd Allh b. Wahb (d. 197/812) entitled Treatise on Destiny and the Reports

Concerning It (Kitb al-qadar wa-m warada min dhlika f al-thr), in which he

collected predestinarian adth reports and classified them into twenty-six chapters.61

Asharsm in al-Qayrawn

It took two a full hundred years for the theological school of Asharism to implant

itself in al-Andalus. For the early period in question, Asharism was unable to secure a

space for itself among Andalus intelligentsia. In fact, the consensus of scholars very

slowly began to turn away from Mlik theological literalism in favor of Asharism in the

late 4th/10th century Umayyad period, shortly after the death of Ab al-asan al-Ashar

(d. 323/935).1 It only picked up en masse around the late 6th/12th century transition from

the al-Murbin to the al-Muwaidn.

Much like Mlikism, the story of Asharism in the Muslim West begins in al-

Qayrawn. Ulam who took part in its diffusion during the 4th/10th century Ifrqiy were

involved in a broad concerted effort to consolidate Sunn Islam in a Fim Isml

60
Ibid., p. 53.
61
Ibn Anas, Mlik, Kitb al-qadar wa-m warada min dhalika f al-thr, ed. Abd al-Azz al-Uthaym,
Madna Dr al-Suln li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, 1986.

45
milieu. Their success owed mostly to the Ashar campaigners of al-Qayrawn, a city

which linked the Muslim West with the Mashriq. Naturally, their achievements found

echo in the Far Maghrib and al-Andalus. Countless Andaluss sojourned for extended

periods of study in al-Qayrawn on their way to the east. Moreover, eastern scholars were

known to have trained a number of Ifrq natives. For instance, Ab Bakr al-Bqilln (d.

403/1013) who taught Mlikism and Asharism in Baghdd claimed reputable students

like Ab Abd Allh al-Azd and Ab hir al-Baghdd who are buried in al-Qayrawn.

The cultural metropolis of al-Qayrawn evolved into a hub of Asharism through

efforts of scholars like Ab al-ayyib al-Asfqis. He is credited with an early basic

Ashar treatise, which is yet to be studied, entitled The Asfqis Creed (al-Aqda al-

Asfqisiyya) and which only partially survives in the commentary of al-Qub al-anhj.62

Another notable pioneer was the blind legal expert Ab al-asan al-Qbis (d. 403/1013)

who became the leading light of Qayrawn Mlikism and Asharism. He completed his

studies in the east under several 4th/10th century Ashar scholars who enriched his

worldview profoundly. Qbiss works evince his great interest in ul, adth, and

Asharism. Many of his students were Andaluss and North Africans who were

instrumental in the dissemination of Asharism in their homelands. One was the

grandfather of the al-Murbin, the supremely influential Berber Mlik of Fez Ab

Imrn al-Fs (d. 430/1039) who studied in Cordoba, al-Qayrawn, and Baghdd, then

settled and died in al-Qayrawn.63

62
Inna, Taawwur, pp. 89-91.
63
Idris, al-bis, EI2.

46
 The thought of Ibn Ab Zayd al-Qayrawn (d. 386/996) illustrates the subtle shift

from theological literalism to Asharism that was taking shape in the 4th/10th Muslim

West. His famous Risla, which was introduced to al-Andalus in the late 4th/10th century

probably through his Andalus student Muammad b. Mawhab al-Qabr (d. 406/1015),64

first tackles matters of creed in a chapter entitled Concerning That Which is Pronounced

by the Tongues and Believed by the Hearts Concerning the Obligatory Matters of

Religion (M taniqu bi-hi al-alsina wa-tataqidu-hu al-afida min wjib umr al-

diynt). He begins by negating all temporal attributes that may be ascribed to God, then

by affirming the attributes and names that pertain to God as extrapolated from the Qurn

and the adth, followed by an assertion of the uncreatedness of the Qurn. The author

states that acts of worship (sing. amal) are not a sine qua non of faith, and expresses a

strongly predestinarian (jabr) position without hinting at the doctrine of acquisition

(kasb). Moreover, he discourages inquiring about the rivalries that took place between the

companions (aba), and proscribes rebellion against political rulers.

Ibn Ab Zayds relationship to Asharism remains a point of scholarly contention.

Given his scholarly eminence, many classical Ashar commentators on his Risla often

claimed the Minor Mlik as their own by projecting Ashar doctrines into his works.

For instance, the Moroccan scholar al-ayyib b. Krn (d. 1227/1812) clearly reads

Ashar tenets such as acquisition (kasb) into the Risla.65 Modern scholars including

64
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-
Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994, p. 402.
65
Inna, Taawwur, p. 62.

47
Lagardre, Schacht, and Fierro have interpreted Ibn Ab Zayd in this light as well.66

There is no doubt that this early jurist was familiar to some degree with formal Asharism

since two of his own teachers were Ashar, including Ab Maymna Darrs al-Fs (d.

357/967). Also, he had written exchanges with prominent Ashars, and in his journeys in

the east he met with theologians such as Ab Bakr al-Bqilln. However, Ibn Ab Zayd

represents a transitional point between the Mlik theological literalism and Asharism

proper. Although he never attacked Asharism outright, he shared a traditional Mlik

distaste for divisive disputation (jadal) and futile theological speculation. This is attested

to in his Address to Seekers of Knowledge (R. il lib al-ilm) where he discourages

students from engaging in theological polemics.67 Moreover, he is not explicit in

formulating ideas such as Acquisition, atomism, or other flagship Ashar doctrines.

The full Asharization of al-Andalus began to take place during the al-Murbin

period as we shall see below. This slow process was anticipated by early scholars in the

Maghrib such as Abd Allh al-Zabd, alias al-Qalnis (d. 359/970), who is often

considered the first Maghrib Ashar to compose a theological tract on the question of

Muslim leadership (imma). Another pioneering North African Asharite was Ibn Isml

al-Fs (d. 357/968), buried in Fez, who authored an early defense of Asharism. The

most influencial figure, however, was undoubtedly Ab Bakr al-Bqilln and his

66
Hd, Essai sur la diffusion de lAsharisme en Afriquia, Cahiers de Tunisie, 1952, p. 4; Najjr, Ful f
al-Fikr al-Islm, Dar al-Gharb al-Islm, 1992, p. 23; Yaft, al-Ashariyya f al-Maghrib, Majallat al-
Fikr al-Arab al-Muir, September, 1989, pp. 68-69; Lagardre, Une thologie dogmatique de la
frontire en al-Andalus, p. 72; Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escuelas, in Historia de Espaa: Los
Reinos de Taifas, al-Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 414.
67
Rahman, The Legal and Theological Thought of Ibn Ab Zayd al-Qayrawn (310-386 A.H./922-996
C.E.), Ph.D. Diss., Yale University, 2009, pp. 246-268.

48
Andalus students (see below). This subject will be addressed in the next section under

the al-Murbin.

MYSTICISM: From Asceticism to Philosophical Mysticism in al-Andalus

Early Umayyad Period

The subject of early Andalus asceticism is complicated by the fact that a

considerable percentage of figures who were categorized by biographers of the Muslim

West as Sufi were actually practitioners of asceticism (zuhd). Further, the distinction

between asceticism and mysticism is difficult to demarcate because most mystics,

beginning with Ibn Masarra, combined the behavioral orientation of asceticism with

mystical teachings.68 As a general rule, however, it could be said that the zhids

personification of outstanding virtue and outward orthopraxy as defined by Mlik ethics,

not inner belief and lofty metaphysics, made him or her stand out among coreligionists.

Moreover, zuhd was broader, older, and more doctrinally conservative than mysticism. Its

luminaries were typified in hagiographical works by heroic piety, renunciation of the

world, and combating the passions of the lower soul (nafs). Many were vegans who

sought to overcome their passions by contenting themselves with eating uncooked food.69

Some were rural illiterate awliy who were inspired with wise utterances,70 or pietists

endowed with the gift of tears (bakk) and continuous fasting (awwm). Some were

even great scholars who internalized the teachings of the Shara to such a remarkable

68
Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, pp. 37-39. See also Asn Palacios, Abenmasarra y su escuela, in Obras
escogidas Madrid, 1946, t. I, pp. 1-216.
69
Ephrat, In Quest of an Ideal Type of Saint Some Observations on the First Generation of Moroccan
Awliy Allh in Kitb al-Tashawwuf, Studia Islamica, 94, (2002) p. 74.
70
Mediano, LAmour, La Justice, et la Crainte, p. 91.

49
degree that they were crowned as people of knowledge and practice (ahl al-ilm wa-l-

amal). Qualifying adjectives such as precautious (wari), worshiper (bid),

devout (nsik), abstinent (mutabattil), detached (munqai), self-mortifying

(mutaqashshif) often appeared in association with zhids or were even used as honorifics

(laqab) in their onomastic chains. This range of descriptive titles is indicative of

differentiations made by biographers between various prototypes and tendencies within

the ascetic tradition.71

Much of the biographical and literary output by or on Andalus ascetics has not

survived, or has been preserved partially in eastern works. Which is to say that Andalus

zuhd was undoubtedly more vigorous a movement than we can infer from extant texts. Its

celebrities enjoyed a high standing in Andalus society among scholars and laymen

alike.72 Traces of zuhd can be gleaned already in the 2nd/8th century in the life of a Dwd

b. Maymn b. Sad, the son of Abd al-Ramn al-Dkhils first Umayyad governor of

Toledo Maymn b. Sad.73 The latter was one of many ascetics who were allied with the

state. Another ally of the state was Imm Mliks own disciple Shabn (d. 194/809) who

was a close associate of the Andalus emir Hishm I (r. 172-180/788-796). Other zhids

stood in moral-political opposition to the state. This is confirmed by Q Iys

somewhat obscure account of a large group (up to one hundred and forty) of notables,

jurists and ascetics in Cordoba during the reign of al-akam b. Hishm (r. 180-206/796-

822) who were so infuriated by the emirs scandalous lifestyle and public consumption of

71
Marn, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029) in M. Fierro (ed.) The Formation of al-Andalus,
Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot ; Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate, 1998, p. 105.
72
Ibid., pp. 104-105.
73
Makk, Al-Taawwuf al-Andalus Mabdiuhu wa-Uluhu, Dawat al-aqqi, 8, 1962.

50
alcohol that they tried to dethrone him in 189/805. Their plot was foiled, however, and

seventy-two conspirators were executed and impaled along the Raf promenade of

Cordoba. Public opinion of the emir, which was already low on account of his oppressive

fiscal policies and his enlistment of foreign mercenary recruits, dropped even more after

his crackdown on admired jurists and ascetics. Shortly thereafter, revolts broke out in

190/806 then in 202/818 in Raba Shanquda, a southern outskirt of Cordoba along the

left bank of Guadalquivir, in which the jurist Yay b. Muar and others were killed.74

The revolt of Raba and the failed coup were wake-up calls for al-akam I. No

longer could he rule without validation of the juridical class, many of whom were zhids.

The emirs policies quickly turned pro-Mlik, for he supposedly repented and pardoned

the acclaimed ascetic scholar s b. Dnr (d. 212/827).75 Al-akam also introduced the

institution of the jurisconsults (fuqah mushwarn) into his court, so that thenceforth

he would be seen surrounded by jurists who commanded the loyalty and respect of the

people, and whose presence and palace consultations stood as proof of the legitimacy and

righteousness of the state.76 This assimilation of jurisconsults vested Mliks with power.

But alliance to the state was a double-edged sword, because the fuqah now seen as

implicated in the ups and downs of an unpopular court.

The affiliation specifically of zhids with this crime against the state signaled the

potential for counter-political resistance that the adored men of piety heralded already in

74
Lvi-Provenal, Histoire de lEspagne Musulmane, Paris, 1950, 1, pp. 160-73.
75
Mons, s b. Dnr, EI2.
76
Mons, The Role of Men of Religion, pp. 58-59.

51
the 3rd/9th century.77 Their latent power is evinced in biographical compilations by the

honorific title one whose prayers are answered (mujb al-dawa).78 This code-word

implied that the masses resorted to these blessed mujbn, rather than the state-qs, to

lead communal prayers and rain supplications (alt al-istisq) during times of hardship,

civil upheaval, wars, droughts, or famines.79 The mujbn were wonder-workers, and

their esteem in the eyes of God and His people posed a challenge to both official religious

and state authority. Interestingly, the term used by biographers was mujb al-dawa,

instead of miracle (karma, lit. divine gift) divine responses (ijba). This is a

consequence of the karmt polemic which will be discussed below. Many of the reports

on zuhd were gleaned from q Iy who was associated with a biographical tradition

which gave little weight to karmt.80

Institutionalization of Asceticism in the late Emirate & early Caliphate

Asceticism enjoyed a great institutional and literary efflorescence around the turn

of the 4th/10th century, especially under the relatively tolerant reigns of caliphs Abd al-

Ramn III and his son al-akam II.81 At this time, zuhd was preserved, cultivated and

transmitted through family ties of kinship and marriages. A number of ascetic-scholars

began to allocate sections of their houses and to erect independent mosques as centers of

77
Gharmn, Al-Madris al-fiyya al-Maghribiyya wa-l-Andalusiyya, Casablanca Dr al-Rashd al-
adthiyya, 2000, pp 31-33.
78
Ibn Ab al-Duny has a book which bears the title Those Whose Prayers Are Answered (Mujb al-
dawa); ed. Muammad Abd al-Khliq A, Beirut Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 1986.
79
See El Hour The Andalusian Q in the Almoravid Period: Political and Judicial Authority, pp. 68-69
where Ibn Khaldn mentions that rain supplications was an official function of the qs.
80
Marn, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029), pp. 114-116.
81
Makk attributes the flowering of zuhd to the tolerance of the caliphs Abd al-Ramn III and his son al-
akam II. Cf. Marn, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029), p. 104.

52
instruction for their followers. The Umayyad capital of Cordoba, which for obvious

reasons is the best documented city of this early period, housed many private gathering

places for ascetics such as those run by Abagh b. Mlik al-Qurub (d. 299/912),82 Ab

Wahb Abd al-Ramn al-Abbs (d. 344/955), and Khab b. Maslama b. al-Butr (d.

372/983).83 Umm al-asan Bint Ab Liw al-Miknsiyya was a woman ascetic in the

outskirts of Cordoba at whose house pious women gathered to study law, the lives of

saints, and to remember God (dhikr).84 These small-scale alternative sites of learning and

devotion were independent from the state by virtue of the fact that they were privately

funded and non-endowed (waqf) entities. Mlik law did not stipulate that such properties

be reliquished to the state upon the completion of their intended purpose.85

Ascetics of this defining period attracted followers (ikhwn, ab), although the

dynamics of the master-disciple relationship is hard to make out. The life of Ibn Ab

Zamann (d. 399/1009) of Elvira is illustrative. The 7th/13th century biographer Ibn al-

Abbr states that he was the head of an influential Sufi arqa, which in reality

probably consisted of a loosely connected collectivity of ascetics. 86 Although this is not

confirmed by the sources, it is possible that he received mentorship in asceticism from

Ibn al-Mujhid (d. 366/977)87 since both figures had overlapping affinities and were

82
Ibn al-Fara, Trkh ulam al-Andalus, Cairo: al-Dr al-Miriyya li-l-Talf wa-l-Tarjama, 1966
(reprint of Coderas 1891 edition) p. 79, nr. 250.
83
Gharmn, Al-Madris al-fiyya, pp. 50-52.
84
Makk, al-Taawwuf al-Andalus, Dawat al-aqq, 8, 1962.
85
Powers, The Maliki Family Endowment Legal norms and Social Practices, IJMES, 25, 3, (1993), pp.
396-98.
86
See Urvoys chart of the arqas members in Le Monde des Ulmas, pp. 127-29.
87
Ab Bakr Yay b. Mujhid (d. 366/977) of Elvira was an ascetic-jurist of the Umayyad period who
pursued legal studies in Elvira then Crdoba. He amassed a large following, and his disciples held a variety

53
contemporaries.88 Ibn Ab Zamann studied jurisprudence and adth in Cordoba, and

had a great fondness for anecdotes of saints (akhbr al-lin) and literature (adab), as

well as a gift for admonitory preaching (wa) and spiritual guidance (irshd). A

community activist, he held public readings of texts on asceticism (zuhd), as well as

heart-softening anecdotes of saints (raqiq), and reports of their miracles (karmt). In

addition, he delivered public admonitory sermons (wa) in mosques.89 Although his

works on zuhd such as Sustaining the Heart through Piety and Heart-Warming

Anecdotes] (ayt al-qulb f al-zuhd wa-l-raqiq) have been lost, in addition to most

of his poetry,90 the teachings of Ibn Ab Zamann were partially preserved through a

dwn of his disciple, Ab Isq al-Ilbr91 which, interestingly bears some resemblance

to the works of the Egyptian Sufi saint Dh al-Nn al-Mir (d. 245/859).92

In addition to organizing themselves in private houses, mosques, and small orders

(sing. arqa), textual and archeological evidence demonstrates that ascetics of the late

Emirate and the early Caliphate era (late 3rd-4th/9th-10th century) spent extensive periods

of attitudes toward the Umayyad state. One was the munqabi Ab Bakr al-Ma (d. 37/978) who
renounced his position as jurisconsult, while another, Ab al-Wald b. Abd Allh known as Ibn al-affr
(d. 429/1038) was the q of Crdoba. Other disciples of Ibn Mujhid included Muammad b. Abd al-
Barr; Muammad b. Abd al-Ramn al-Azd, known as al-Farr. Al-affrs works al-Ibtihj bi-
maabbat Allh tal and al-Tahajjud wa-Fail al-mutahajjidn provided Ibn azm, then Ibn al-Abbr
with information about this group. Cf. Gharmn, Al-Madris al-fiyya al-Maghribiyya wa-l-Andalusiyya,
Casablanca Dr al-Rashd al-adthiyya, 2000, pp 85-88.
88
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, p. 857.
89
Marn, Manuela, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029) in M. Fierro (ed.) The Formation of al-
Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot ; Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate,
1998, p. 123.
90
Gharmn, Al-Madris al-fiyya al-Maghribiyya wa-l-Andalusiyya, Casablanca Dr al-Rashd al-
adthiyya, 2000, pp. 88-91.
91
Cf. Garcia Gomez, Un alfaqui espaol: Ab Ishq de Elvira, Madrid: Esperanto, 1944.
92
Makk, Ensayo sobre las apostaciones orientales en la espaa musulmana y su influencia en la
formacin de la cultural hispano-rabe, Madrid: Inst. de Estudios Islmicos, 168; p. 162.

54
secluding themselves in rustic rural hermitages (sing. rbia/rib) along the southeast

coastal regions of al-Andalus in Almeria, Guardamar (province of Alicante), San Carlos

de la Rpita (Catalonia), possibly Granada, as well as in central al-Andalus in Talamanca

(near Madrid).93 Excavations have proven that these ribs were not defensive maritime

outposts as previously assumed, but full-fledged rural convents which were

architecturally designed around religious activity, and financially maintained by small-

scale commerce. The members (murbin) of these hermitages were ascetic preachers

who undoubtedly played a large role in the Islamization of the Peninsula which was

achieved by the 5th/11th century.94 They mark the institutionalization of asceticism and the

crystallization of its distinctive group identity, and prove that the Sufi zwiyas of later

periods had precedents in al-Andalus and possibly the Maghrib.95

Sevillan School of Asceticism

Alongside the construction of ribs, Andalus ascetics were busy developing

their own biographical tradition. The catalogue (fahras) of Ibn Khayr al-Ishbls (d.

515/1179) teachers and studied texts, as well as the biographical compilations of Ibn

Bashkuwl (d. 579/1183) and Ibn al-Abbr (d. 658/1260) signal that one of the most

important, and indeed the central hub of ascetic activity in al-Andalus was Ibn Barrajns

hometown, Seville and its environs. Sevillan asceticism spanned from the Caliphal period

93
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-
Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994, p. 406-07. Also,
Polmicas in ibid., p. 444: alamank retreated to a rib in alamanka after his Almera trials.
94
Azuar, El ribt en al-Andalus espacio y funcin, in Revista de Ciencias de las Religiones Anejos, X,
2004, p. 28.
95
Scales, The ribt the archaeology of a muslim religious community, Spain in Boletin de Arqueologa
Medieval, 7, Madrid, 1993, pp. 65-75. For further references see Azuars bibliography in El ribt en al-
Andalus espacio y function, pp. 36-38.

55
in the 4th/10th century to the Christian capture of Seville from the al-Muwaidn in

646/1248, and has been justifiably be called a school.96 The ascetic Ab Bakr b.

Qassm al-Lakhm (d. 639/1242) compiled of hagiography of the zuhhd of his city

entitled Splendors of the Virtuous in Interacting with the Compeller (Masin al-abrr

f mumalat al-jabbr) which unfortunately is lost, but nevertheless stands as identity

marker for this movement.97 Also, a cemetery of ascetics (maqbarat al-ula) on the

96
One of the mid-4th/10th century leaders of the school of Seville was Sayyid Abhi al-Murd (d.
325/936) who held admonitory sessions (wa) in Seville. Also important was the ascetic jurist Amad b.
Abd al-Ramn al-Abs (d. 379/989) who travelled east at age 19 for studies where he studied with the
Meccan adth scholar Ab Jafar al-Uqayl (d. 322/934), al-Junayds disciple Ab Sad b. al-Arb (d.
340/952), Ab Jafar al-aw (d. 321/933) and others, then returned to al-Andalus 332/943. Al-Abs
authored a lost book on asceticism entitled al-Istibr, and is described by Ibn Bashkuwl as one who
shunned worldly power (min ahl al-inqib). In the 5th/11th century the adth scholar Qsim b. Ibrhm
known as Ibn al-bn, (d. 446/1054) authored books entitled al-Khuml wa-l-tawu and Ikhtiyr al-
jals wa-l-ib. His contemporary Abd Allh b. Mumin al-Tujb was a prolific poet who composed
extensively on zuhd. Also of note was Q Iys (d. 544/1149) teacher Muammad b. Khams who
was a mystic of western al-Andalus who spent much time with saints of Seville and authored a work on
asceticism entitled al-Muntaq min kalm ahl al-tuq. Iy received his teaching license (ijza) for K. al-
Riya from Ibn Khams. Iy, al-Ghunya, pp. 91-92, No. 28.) Other 5th/11th century ascetics include
Muammad b. Abd Allh al-Lawshn (d. 413/1022), Abd al-Ramn al-Judhm (d. 418/1027), and
the jurist and poet Ab al-Qsim b. Ufr al-aram (d. 426/1034). During the 6th/12th century aside
from Ibn Barrajn, Ibn al-Arf, and Ibn Qas, the Sevillan Salm b. Salm al-Bhil (d. 544/1149) was
a celebrated ascetic who authored poetry and books on zuhd including the extant and published Dhakhir
al-alq f db al-nufs wa-makrim al-akhlq, where al-Musibs influence is visible. Somewhat later,
Ibn Barrajns student Abd al-aqq b. Abd al-Ramn al-Azd (d. 582/1186) earned a reputation for
his zuhd poetry. Perhaps after having witnessed the grim demise of his teacher, he became a munqabi and
turned down the appointment of q. The ascetic tradition of Seville was carried into the 7th/13th century
through the disciples Ab Bakr b. al-Arabs pupil Ab Abd Allh b. al-Mujhid (d. 573/1178). The
latter was the son of a famous warrior (mujhid), and specialized in fiqh, Qurn exegesis, adth, and
Arabic literature (adab). He fused mysticism with jurisprudence and was influenced by the works of
Ghazl (d. 505/1111) and Ibn al-Arf. (Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, pp. 189-191). Students of his circle
included Ysuf al-Shabrabr (d. 587/1191), Ab Abd Allh b. Mufrij al-Anr, Muammad b. al-
Zajjj, Ab al-akam b. Hajjj, and Ab Bakr b. Lu. They had assimilated the teachings of Ibn al-
Arf, al-Ghazl, al-Qushayr, and possibly Ibn Barrajn. (Urvoy, Penser dAl-Andalus, pp. 169-70.) Ibn
al-Mujhids successor was the poet Ab Imrn al-Mrtil (d. 604/1207) The munqabi Ibn Qassm al-
Lakhm (d. 639/1242) is described by Ibn Abd al-Malik al-Murrkush as having shunned the company of
politicians. It is noteworthy that Muammad b. Al al-Tujb (d. 596/1200) (Takmila, vol. 2, p. 77, entry
211), and the popular mystically-inclined Ibrhm b. Suwr (d. 616/1220) (Takmila, vol. 1, pp.141-42,
entry 434) were persecuted by the al-Muwaidn for apparent involvement in uprisings or simply because
they were perceived as threats during the reign of Yaqb al-Manr (d. 595/1199). Others are known by
name only: Ab Abd Allh b. Qassm al-Fahm, Ab Abd Allh al-Shantarn (d. 606/1209), Amad
b. Mundhir b. Jahr al-Azd (d. 618/1221). For sources, cf. Karas introductory study in Shir Ab Imrn
al-Mrtil al-Andalus, Rabat Dr al-Amn, 2008
97
ayt Kara in Rabat is working on reconstructing this important lost text. This is probably a source from
which al-Sharn relates that Ibn Barrajn was accused of being imm of 130 villages.

56
northern edge of Seville near the Gate of Macarena preserves the remains of these holy

men.98

The presence of so many fervent ascetics in the 4th-5th/10th-11th centuries suggests

that this movement was a religious response to the sociopolitical, economic, and religious

decadence of the mir and ifa periods.99 Aside from scattered biographical mentions,

hardly any of the literary output (zuhdiyyt) of the first two centuries of this school has

survived. The zuhhd of Seville were greatly influenced by the works of the early

Baghdd sufis, in particular al-rith b. Asad al-Musibs (d. 243/857) treatise on Sufi

psychology and ethics, entitled Book on the Observance of the Rights of God (K.

riyat uqq Allh) which was introduced into the Peninsula at the latest in the 5th/11th

century by the poet and theologian Amad al-Ilbr (d. 429/1037).100 The long-standing

culture of asceticism in Seville and its environs created fertile soil for the cultivation of

an intellectual mysticism in the 6th/12th century by Ibn Barrajn, Ibn al-Arf, and Ibn

Qas. Ibn Barrajn made a point of distinguishing between his mystical Masarr tradition

and the asceticism of his hometown which he criticized for being excessively

renunciatory. His emphasis on the primacy of contemplation, study, and prayer over zuhd

98
See Kara, Shir Ab Imrn al-Mrtil al-Andalus, ft. 4 for references on this cemetery.
99
Prs, La Posie Andalouse, p. 454.
100
Amad b. Yay b. s al-Ilbr al-Ul receives a brief notice in Ibn Bashkuwls ila, (ed. Ibrhm
al-Abyr, 3 vols., Cairo, Beirut Dr al-Kitb al-Mir, Dr al-Kitb al-Lubnn, 1989) vol. 1, p. 83, nr. 91.
For a preliminary overview of al-Musibs influence, cf. Massignons Essay on the Origins of the
Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism, trans. Clark, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997, pp.
161-171. Massignon does not mention al-Musibs influence in the Muslim West. The importance of al-
Musib is evidenced by passages from the Sevillan philologist and adth scholar Ibn Khayrs (d.
575/1179) catalogue of works and teachers entitled Fahrasat m rawhu an shuykhi-hi min al-dawwn
al-muannafa f durb al-ilm wa-anw al-marif. See specifically, K. al-Zuhd, K. al-Ghba, K. al-
Tanbh, K. al-ubb li-Llh tal wa-mrtib ahli-hi, K. al-Tawahhum wa-l-ahwl (Fihrist Ibn Khayr, pp.
271-272), . Ibn Khayrs catalogue was published in Saragossa in 1894-5 by J. Ribera y Tarrag (2 vols., as
vols. ix-x of the BAH) under the title Index librorum de diversis scientiarum ordinibus quos a magistris
didicit. Pellat, Ibn Khayr al-Ishbl, EI2.

57
signaled the existence of a competing mysticism alongside the ascetic tradition in al-

Andalus.

Ibn Masarra al-Jabal (d. 319/931)

It is well known that Sufi trans-regional contacts between al-Andalus and the

eastern lands of Islam were fostered by ajj pilgrims and itinerant seekers of knowledge.

Many Andalus scholars were known to have settled as recluses, or neighbors (sing.

Mujwir, lit. neighbors [of the Kaba] i.e., long-term foreign scholar-resident) during

extensive periods in Mecca and Medina where they obtained religious and spiritual

instruction from the notable eastern scholars and saints.101 Andaluss of the 4th/10th

century Umayyad period were well acquainted with the teachings and the circles of

Marf al-Karkh (d. 200/815), Ab Abd Allh al-Musib (d. 243/857), Sar al-Saqa

(d. 253/867), Sahl al-Tustar (d. 283/896), Ab al-Qsim al-Junayd (d. 298/910), and his

important student Ab Sad b. al-Arb (d. 341/952).102 The full extent of this

interchange is still imperfectly mapped, but is evident in the works of the first major

representative of the Andalus mystical tradition during the Umayyad period, Muammad

b. Abd Allh b. al-Masarra al-Jabal (d. 319/931) whom Muy al-Dn b. al-Arab (d.

637/1240) hailed as one of the truly great men of the [sufi] path in knowledge, state, and

revelation.103 Ibn Masarra is one of the most important sources of inspiration for Ibn

Barrajn, and thus deserves a close analysis here.

101
Ende, Mudjwir, EI2.
102
Ab Sad b. al-Arb had 67 students of Andalus origin, some of whom became prominent ascetics
who propagated his Sufi teachings in al-Andalus. See Marn, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029)
pp. 127-128 for a discussion of eastern ascetics who influenced Andaluss. See GAS I, 660-661, for his
works.
103
Ibn al-Arab, Futt, vol. 1, p. 149; Addas translation.

58
 In his pioneering study of this seminal ascetic and mystical philosopher, Asn

Palacios claimed to have detected Mutazil, bin, and pseudo-Empedoclean strands in

his thought; that is Neo-Platonic writings misattributed by the Arab falsifa to

Empedocles and Pythagoras.104 This observation rested on a vague segment from the

biographer id al-Andaluss (d. 462/1070) abaqt al-umam,105 and was reiterated by

Dozy who identified him as a propagator of Fim Binism.106 Goldziher, for his part,

painted him as a representative of free thinking Mutazilism in Iberia,107 based on

biographical portrayals in the works Ibn al-Fara, Ibn ayyn, and Ibn azm.108 The

latter asserted that Ibn Masarra held Mutazil doctrines such as freewill, denial of

intercession, and the createdness of divine knowledge.109 Asn Palacios, while admitting

to the lack of substantive textual evidence,110 set out to prove that Ibn Masarra concealed

his Pseudo-Empedoclean doctrine of the five-fold hierarchy of substances issuing from a

spiritual Materia Prima (hab) under the guise of Mutazilism and Binsm, and that

this teaching was taken up by subsequent Sufis, from Isml al-Ruayn (d. ca.

432/1040), to Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141), Ibn al-Arf (d. 536/1141), Ibn Qas (d.

546/1151), and Muy al-Dn b. al-Arab (d. 638/1240). Asn Palacios thesis had its

104
Asn Palacios, Abenmasarra y su escuela, Madrid: Maestre, 1914.
105
abaqt al-umam, ed. Cheiko, Beirut, 1912, pp. 20-21; trans. Blachre, Paris, 1935, pp. 58-60; Qif,
Tarkh al-ukam, Leipzig, 1903, pp. 16-17; Ibn Ab Uaybia (d. 668/1270), Uyn al-anb, Gttingen,
1884, pp. 32-33.
106
Dozy, Histoire des musulmans dEspagne, 2nd ed., Leiden, 1932, vol 2, pp. 127-28.
107
Goldziher, Le livre dIbn Toumert, Algiers, 1903, pp. 6-69.
108
Ibn azm, Al-Fial f al-milal, vol. 5, pp. 65-66.
109
E. Tornero, Nota sobre el pensamiento de Abenmasarra, al-Qanara, 6, 1985, pp. 503-06. Kaml
Jafar compares various doctrines attributed to Ibn Masarra in Min muallaft Ibn Masarra al-mafqda, in
Majallat kulliyyat al-tarbiya, Vol. 3, 1972, pp. 27-63.
110
Asn Palacios, Abenmasarra y su escuela, in Obras escogidas, p. 113.

59
weaknesses, but its basic claims have withstood the test of time. Sterns forceful

dismissal of the Pseudo-Empedoclean roots of Masarrism in 1968 has been challenged by

the discovery of some of Ibn Masarras Neoplatonizing treatises in 1978.111 Further, Asn

Palacios view that the aforementioned Sufis were heirs to the doctrines of Ibn Masarra

remains an open question, notwithstanding Fierro and Addas hesitations.112 While the

degree to which Ibn Masarras ideas influenced Ibn al-Arf (d. 536/1141) remains a

matter of debate among scholars,113 his abiding influence in al-Andalus is evidenced in

Ibn Barrajns writings.

Ibn al-Faras (d. 403/1012) Tarkh ulam al-Andalus,114 and Ibn ayyns (d.

469/1076) al-Muqtabas115 are the earliest and most important biographical sources for

Ibn Masarras life. He was born in Umayyad Cordoba in 269/883 to an accomplished

adth scholar called Abd Allh b. Masarra (d. 286/899) who spent extensive periods in

the East, and most notably in Bara where he frequented Mutazil circles. Ibn Masarra

was trained by both his father, and by the celebrated Andalus expert of adth, law and

asceticism Muammad b. Wa (d. 286/899).116 The latter, who was a forerunner of

111
Stern, Ibn Masarra, Follower of Pesudo-Empedoclesan illusion, in Actas do IV Congresso de
Estudos Arabes e Islmicos, Coimbra-Lisbon, 1968, Leiden, 1971, pp. 325-29.
112
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, in Frederick de Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic
Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 184;
Addas, Andalus mysticism and the Rise of Ibn Arab, in Salma Jayyusi (ed.), The Legacy of Muslim
Spain, Leiden: Brill, 1992; p. 925.
113
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 19-23.
114
Tarkh ulam al-Andalus, ed. F. Codera, Madrid, 1891-92; nr. 1202, and for his father nr. 650.
115
Al-Muqtabas, vol. 5, ed. P. Chalmeta, Madrid, 1979; pp. 20-36. See alsoCrus Hern ndez, La
persecucin anti-masarr durante el reinado de Abd al-Ramn al-Nir li Din Allh segn Ibn ayyn,
al-Qanara, 2, 1981, pp. 52-67.
116
For his works, check GAS I, pp. 472-3.

60
the adth movement in al-Andalus,117 had profound interests in asceticism which most

likely brought him into contact with the teachings of Dh al-Nn al-Mir (d. 245/859),

Sar al-Saqa (d. 253/867), Bishr al-f (d. 227/841) and others. These doctrines in turn

would have been transmitted to his illustrious and ascetically-inclined student.118 Ibn

Masarra was also the pupil of the munqabi Muammad b. Abd al-Salm al-Khushan

(d. 286/899), another exceptional, eastern-trained adth expert whose scruples caused

him to decline the qship of Jan assigned to him by caliph Abd al-Ramn III. His

mentors, like many other adth scholars, were instrumental in the dissemination of

mystical teachings in al-Andalus.119 It is through their medium and his own extensive

journeys abroad that Ibn Masarra presumably was exposed to the religious sciences,

asceticism, early eastern Sufism, as well as medicine, philosophy, letterism, and

astrology.120

The lines between mysticism and philosophy are blurred in Ibn Masarras

writings. For this reason, medieval and modern scholars are at variance as to whether to

classify him as a mystic or a philosopher. His two short extant treatises were published by

the Egyptian Kaml Ibrhm Jafar in 1978.121 The first is entitled Treatise on

Reflection (R. al-itibr), alias Book of Insight (K. al-tabira), in which he

117
Mons, The Role of Men of Religion, pp. 66-67.
118
Ibn Wah compiled a work on saints and ascetics of al-Andalus entitled al-Ubbd wa-l-Awbid,
which is not extant.
119
For a discussion of the link between adth and Sufism in al-Andalus, see Cornell, Realm of the Saint,
pp. 18-19.
120
Addas, Andalus Mysticism and the Rise of Ibn Arab, in The Legacy of Muslim Spain, vol. 2; pp.
913-14.
121
Min qay al-fikr al-Islm, Kaml Ibrhm Jafar (ed.), Cairo Maktabat Dr al-Ulm, 1978; (K. al-
urf pp. 311-44; and K. al-itibr pp. 346-60). Ibn Masarras K. tawd al-mqinn has not been
discovered.

61
emphatically argues that the reflective process of itibr leads to the same truth as

revelation (way). His attempt at reconciling the Qurn with philosophy is undeniably

Neo-Platonic, to the extent that Tornero labels him a true philosopher.122 It can also

easily be inferred from his writings that prophecy, or at least prophetic knowledge, can be

acquired through itibr. For instance, he asserts that both prophecy and itibr are equal

and without distinction.123

Ibn Masarras concept of itibr will be analyzed closely in Chapter VI alongside

Ibn Barrajns understanding of this term. For the purposes of the present discussion, it

should be pointed out that for Ibn Masarra, itibr is a central intellectual and spiritual

exercise in contemplating Gods signs (yt Allhi) in creation with a view to

understanding their higher archetypal governing realities. Although he dismisses the

falsifa as ill-intended and misguided, Ibn Masarras thought-system is thoroughly

indebted to Neoplatonic conceptions of existence. Ibn Masarra, moreover, identifies

itibr with the friends of God who are endowed with inner insight (bara). According to

Addas, Ibn Masarras mentioning of the Sufi term insight (bara) as the exclusive

possession of the spiritual elect rules out the possibility of him being a philosopher in the

strict sense. Interestingly, Addas suggestion is reinforced by the fact that Ibn Masarras

treatise on itibr does not posit the need for ascetic exercises or purifying the

heart/intellect in preparation for spiritual realization (taqq). In this sense, Ibn Masarra
122
Tornero, Emilio, A Report on the Publication of Previously Unedited Works by Ibn Masarra, in M.
Fierro (ed.) The Formation of al-Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot
; Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate, 1998, pp. 134-35.
123
fa-ja khabar al-nubuwwat mubtadin min jihat al-arsh nazilan il al-ar fa-wfaqa al-itibr al-id
min jihat al-ar il al-arsh saw bi-saw l farq. Min qay al-fikr al-Islm, p. 359. Fierro often
takes polemical accusations leveled against Masarrism at face value their [Masarrian] belief in the
possibility of attaining prophecy, of having direct contact with God, could also lead them to dispense with
the Prophet. See Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 183.

62
errs more toward a philosophical than a Sufi idea. He may even be said to foreground Ibn

ufayls (d. 581/1185) philosophical treatise on the autodidact Living Son of the

Awake (ayy b. Yaqn).124

His second extant treatise is entitled Book on the Letters Properties, Realities,

and Roots (K. Khaw al-urf wa-aqiqih wa-ulih). In treating the

metaphysical meanings of the fourteen separate letters at the beginning of certain

qurnic sras, Ibn Masarra sets out to demonstrate that the Qurn explicates creation.

This second treatise, which argues from top (revelation) to bottom (intellect),

complements the ascendant process described in R. al-Itibr. He draws his inspiration

largely from Sahl al-Tustars homonymous treatise on the letters,125 thus positioning

himself within the Sufi tradition. But no sooner is the reader assumed of Ibn Masarras

Sufi affiliations, than he alludes to the emanationist cosmology of the falsifa in support

of his interpretation of the letters. Instead of trying to pin down Ibn Masarra, it is perhaps

wiser to see him as straddling both worlds: a mystical philosopher and a philosophical

mystic.

Whatever the case may be, al-Andalus was not ready for Ibn Masarras

philosophizing mysticism. His teachings were refuted by Andalus and eastern scholars

shortly after his death.126 His first-generation followers who remained faithful to his

124
Addas, Andalus Mysticism and the Rise of Ibn Arab, pp. 916-17.
125
Rislat al-urf, ed. Kaml Jafar in Sahl b. Abd Allh al-Tustar, Cairo, 1974. Tustars influence on
Ibn Masarra was recognized by medieval scholars such as Qurub who cites both their treatises together in
al-Asn f shar Asm Allh al-usn, (Beirut, 2008), p. 83.
126
We know of at least three Cordoban scholars who wrote refutations against Ibn Masarra. These are
Amad b. Khlid b. al-Jabbb al-Qurub (d. 322/934), Ibn Yabq (d. 381/991) who authored K. f al-radd
al Ibn Masarra, and the grammarian al-Zubayd. Somewhat later, Ab Umar al-alamank (d. 429/1037)
penned al-Radd al al-biniyya which partially survives. In the east Ab Sad al-Arb (d. 341/952) and

63
teachings despite accusations of heresy are all described in biographical accounts as

ascetics (nsik, wari, zhid). In 350/961, three decades after his death, Ibn Masarras

works were still the focal point of contention and were set ablaze at the behest of the

jurists. As for his followers, they were forced to disavow their affiliation to the

Masarriyya publicly. This crackdown was backed by the Umayyad Caliph Abd al-

Ramn III who probably had concerns about Ibn Masarras political views on the

imma.127

The auto-da-f was a political and ideological statement by jurists and Umayyad

officials, but it did not put an end to Masarr thought in al-Andalus. The tradition carried

on covertly and overtly into the 5th/11th century. His self-styled successor Isml al-

Ruayn (d. ca. 432/1040) who survived to see the collapse of the Umayyads, emerged as

imm of a group of devotees in Pchina (near Almeria) from whom he collected religious

tax (zakt). According to Ibn azm, Ruayn professed two epistemologically far-

reaching Masarr teachings. The first is the acquisition of prophecy (iktisb al-nubuwwa),

which may be easily inferred from Ibn Masarras equation of itibr with revelation

(way). Second, Ruayn believed that the Throne (arsh) governed the world since God

in Himself is too sublimely transcendent to have any contact with His creation. 128 The

Amad b. Slim (d. 356/967) refuted Ibn Masarra probably during his own lifetime. Fierro, Maribel,
Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 179.
127
Addas doubts Ibn al-Faras claim that Ibn Masarra was accused of heresy (zandaqa) and was obliged
to flee al-Andalus; cf. Andalus Mysticism and the Rise of Ibn Arab, p. 914. On the persecution of Ibn
Masarras followers, see also Cruz Hern ndez, La persecucin anti-masarr durante el reinado de Abd al-
Ramn al-Nir li Dn Allh segn Ibn ayyn, Al-Qanara, 2, 1981, pp. 52-67; Fierro, Accusations of
zandaqa in al-Andalus, Quaderni di Studi Arabi, 5-6, 1987-88, p. 255-56; and Opposition to Sufism in
al-Andalus, in Frederick de Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries
of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill, 1999, pp. 181-82.
128
Al-Fial f al-milal, vol. 4, p. 199.

64
idea that the Throne governs the world is hinted at in Ibn Masarras writings. At the same

time, Ibn Masarra professes that God is the highest Governor (mudabbir) of the

universe.129 What is certain is that by the 5th/11th century, doctrines which could be

inferred from Ibn Masarras writings were both refuted and projected into his corpus by

opponents and followers alike.

II. The al-Murbin Period

LAW: The State-Jurist Entente

The qs of al-Andalus during the al-Murbin period possessed tremendous

political power and religious authority. The Mlik intelligentsia and especially the

Spanish qs spoke for al-Andalus as a whole and conferred the regime with judicial

legitimacy. In turn, qs benefitted from the post-ifa recentralization of the Muslim

state and had a vested interest in maintaining the new status quo under the al-Murbin.

Their office slowly evolved and became ever-more institutionalized.130 By Ysuf b.

Tshufns reign, qship as an institution took on a life of its own, and distinctive terms

were coined to designate the assignment of a q.131 Cohesively integrated into the

regime, these custodians of normative Sunn Islam stood at once as representatives of

political authority and jurisdiction (qa), and as interlocutors between ruler and subject

in the major towns and cities. On the one hand, the masses (mma) looked to them to
129
Tornero, A Report on the Publication of Previously Unedited Works by Ibn Masarra, in M. Fierro
(ed.) The Formation of al-Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot;
Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate, 1998, p. 146.
130
Lagardre, La Haute Judicature lpoque Almoravide en al-Andalus, al-Qantara, vol. 7, 1986, p.
137.
131
El Hour, The Andalusian Q in the Almoravid Period Political and Judicial Authority, Studia
Islamica, No. 90, (2000), p. 78.

65
represent their interests; on the other, qs were loyal to the ruling regime and received

generous pensions from the state treasury.132 Fascinating accounts of Ysuf b. Tshufns

consultations with the jurists bear testimony to this mutually beneficial partnership. His

son Al b. Ysuf presumably made every decision, however minor, after legal

consultation with a jurist.133 In addition to the purported piety of the al-Murbin rulers,

such reports allude to both the authority of the jurists in guiding the emir, as well as

dynastys claims to political legitimacy by making their consultations with the guardians

of the faith known publically.134

Ibn Barrajn lived during the heyday of the al-Murbin qs in the early to

mid-6th/12th century and was ultimately arrested, put on trial, and imprisoned by state-

sponsored jurists on grounds of unwarranted religious innovation (bida). In Cordoba,

Seville, Valencia, Almeria, Granada, and Murcia, chief qs of his day wielded both

religious and political authority. While small town (kra) qs were restricted to

juridical affairs, those in major cities played a hand in both political and juridical spheres,

and made pronouncements on civil and penal cases.135 It is perhaps in order to avoid

confrontation with the powerful fuqah of Seville that Ibn Barrajn decided to move to

an isolated village west of his hometown. The chief judge of Seville under whose

authority Ibn Barrajn found himself was known to wield power over judicial, political

and even military matters.

132
Ibid., pp. 67-83.
133
Messier, Re-Thinking the Almoravids, Re-Thinking Ibn Khaldn, Journal of North Africa Studies,
vol. 6, no. 1, 2001, p. 10.
134
Garden, Al-Ghazls Contested Revival Iy Ulm al-Dn and its Critics in Khorasan and the
Maghrib, Ph.D. Diss., The University of Chicago, 2005, pp. 148-149.
135
Tyan, , EI2.

66
 Qs in Seville like in most of al-Andalus were highly bureaucratized. They

employed second-tier adjudicators called akms to whom they deferred individual and

civil cases. Their decisions were enforced by state officers (awn) who were mostly

native Andaluss. In some situations, the anhja Berbers were directly involved in

enforcing court rulings. Other law enforcement officers, such as the police chief (ib

al-madna), were Andaluss. They also presided over local police forces who patrolled

the streets on a twenty-four hour basis, and handled criminal investigations, witness

interrogations, incarcerations, and lashings.136

According to Ibn Khaldn, the qs were responsible for the weak, insane,

orphaned, impoverished, and disabled. They administered endowments, final wills, the

establishment of marital bonds for women who had no guardians, the roads, construction

projects such as mosque extensions, as well as scrutinizing witnesses, leading Friday

prayers, supplications for rain, and appointment of secretaries.137 They were overseers of

the treasury, and ensured the honest practices of tax assessors and collectors as well.

In many instances qs exerted such power over the governor that it was unclear

who was actually in charge. A few illustrative examples are worth mentioning: the chief

judge of Cordoba under the al-Murbin gained even more clout than he had under the

Umayyads, for he was the supreme judiciary and political authority in al-Andalus with

command over both the governor of Cordoba and the q of Almeria.138 Ab Abd Allh

b. amdn (d. 508/1114) who occupied this authoritative post under the al-Murbin
136
Messier, Re-Thinking the Almoravids, Re-Thinking Ibn Khaldn, Journal of North Africa Studies,
vol. 6, no. 1, 2001, p. 68.
137
El Hour, The Andalusian Q, pp. 68-69.
138
Ibid., p. 68.

67
challenged the dissident Cordoban governor Ibn al-jj and was given full power by Al

b. Ysuf in 500/1105 to block his salary.139 Ibn amdn, who spearheaded the auto-da-f

of Ghazls books, was succeeded by the politically tactful jurist Ab al-Wald al-

Qurub al-Jadd the grandfather of Averroes (d. 520/1126) between 511/1117 and

515/1121. Ibn Rushd al-Jadd reports that he journeyed to Marrakesh to inform Al b.

Ysuf of the attacks of Alfonso I the king of Aragon (El Batallador) and of the

collaboration of the Mozarabes in these attacks. He issued a legal opinion (fatw) to

deport the Cordoban Mozarabes to North Africa, and instigated the removal of the

governors of Granada and Cordoba from office. He also issued fatws for the

construction of defensive city walls in order to defend the capital from Christian

attacks.140 In other cities such as Malaga, the q Ab Muammad al-Wid was

officially invested with power of oversight over the governors by the emir.141 Finally, the

emir himself had to tolerate Ab Abd Allh b. al-Farr (d. 514/1120) of Almeria who

publically censured him for mismanagement of public treasury funds.

During the mid-6th/12th century, the militarization of the northern frontier and the

precariousness of the dynastys hold on power strengthened the authority of the Andalus

fuqah. The waning al-Murbin regime tried to preserve a faade of power and

authority over the legislative process.142 Key posts during and shortly after Ibn Barrajns

time were assigned to compliant jurists unilaterally by the emir. For instance, Ab Bakr

b. Aswad al-Ghassn (d. 536/1142) was appointed by Al b. Ysuf as chief q of

139
Ibid., p. 77.
140
Ibid., p. 74.
141
Ibid., p. 76.
142
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, in The Legacy of Muslim Spain, p. 867.

68
Muslim controlled regions of eastern al-Andalus (q qt al-sharq).143 The eminent

jurist Ab Bakr b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148) also hailed from a prominent Sevillan family

and readily assumed qship of his hometown at the behest of the al-Murbin. His

severity and pro-Murbin politics earned the ire of embittered locals who nearly killed

him.144

Some qs began to rebel against central authority, just as they had done under

the ifas. In cities where the al-Murbin had little control, qs forcefully took office

or were ushered in by popular appeal.145 The judges, proclaimed the biographer Ibn al-

Abbr (d. 658/1260), rose to power in al-Andalus from east to west (taammarat f-hi

al-qut f bildi-h sharqan wa-gharban).146 Q Sayf al-Dawla b. Hd established an

autonomous principality in Granada and Jan, and the popular Ab Jafar b. amdn (d.

548/1153) in Cordoba reigned briefly in 539/1145, adopting the al-Murbin emirs

honorific title of Commander of the Muslims (amr al-muslimn).147 Ibn Wazr in

Evora, Bja and Bajadoz; Ab al-Qamr b. Azzz in Jerez, Arcos, and Rodna; Ibn Ab

Jafar in Murica; and Ibn Abd al-Azz in Valencia all stepped in to fill al-Andalus

143
Q al-Ghassn was strongly anti-Sufi and later accused of poisoning Ibn al-Arf after his acquittal by
the court in Marrakesh.
144
El Hour, The Andalusian Q, p. 73; Robson, Ibn al-Arab, EI2.
145
The rise of the q to political leadership was more frequent in al-Andalus than in other regions of the
Muslim West, but this change of seats did occur elsewhere. In North Africa, Iy b. Ms al-Yab (d.
544/1149), author of the celebrated Antidote to Making Known the Rights of the Chosen One (Kitb al-
shif f al-tarf bi-uqq al-muaf), assumed rulership of Sabta after the fall of the al-Murbin in that
city. In Ifrqiya, the Ban Ammr defied Fim and Seljuk rule, governing Tyre and Tripoli in Siria prior
to the conquest of the Crusaders in 502/1109. Wiet, Ammr, EI2; Cf. Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber
Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, pp. 103-104.
146
Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, entry 755, pp. 227-28.
147
Not to be confused with the anti-Ghazlian Ibn amdn who died in 508/1114.

69
political arena.148 The q-rulers minted coins in their names and, like the ifas of old,

often assumed quasi-caliphal honorifics such as Commander of the Faithful (amr al-

muminn) in an attempt to gain support and legitimacy for their immates. Others

assumed humbler titles such as amr or ras. Another jurist, Yash, used his authority to

impose unprecedentedly strict standards of morality upon his citizens without much

success.149

Appointment of al-Murbin qs

The nature of the appointment of these mighty qs throws light on the power

dynamics between the al-Murbin court in Marrakesh and structures of authority in al-

Andalus. In many cases, the qs were elected by the ulam, or by local governors on

the basis of expertise in the Islamic legal sciences. Often, social and scholarly

prominence went hand in hand, as demonstrated by qs of Cordoba who hailed from

the prominent and erudite Ban amdn, Ban Rushd, and Ban al-Abagh.150 Some

were hereditarily assigned the post of q. Occasionally qs were known to lack

adequate training in the law, as with the qship of Calatayud. Those with shaky

academic credentials often deferred to their advisory council (shr) of lower ranking

jurisconsults (fuqah mushwarn) who worked under them; and the latter could

148
Norris, H.T.; Chalmeta, P. Almoravid, EI2; Makki, The Political History of al-Andalus, in The
Legacy of Muslim Spain, vol. 1, p. 68.
149
See Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, p. 87; her article
analyses the dynamics of rulership and administration of several Andalus qs who ruled in this second
ifa period. The qa-rulers she primarily focuses on are Yash b. Muammad of Toledo, Muammad b.
Isml b. Abbd of Seville, s b. Ab Bakr Muammad b. Sad b. Muzayn of Silves, and Ibn Jaf of
Valencia.
150
The anti-Ghazlian Ab Abd Allh b. amdn (d. 508/1114) was known to have inherited the local
position of q in Cordoba. Ibid., p. 70. It is he who ordered the burning of Ghazls books, and the
Almoravid complied with his decree given his renown and scholarly authority. Fierro, The Q as Ruler,
in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, pp. 106-07.

70
override the qs pronouncements. The fuqah mushwarn were judicial advisors

chosen by the emir often in consultation with the q of Cordoba. They were consulted

for fatws individually or collectively by the emir. The most senior jurisconsult took the

title of chief advisor (kabr al-mushwarn), head of judicial consultation (ras al-

futy), or head shaykh (al-shaykh al-ras), and enjoyed political and moral prestige.151

One fatw by Ibn Rushd al-Jadd suggests that a qs appointment was only

official if validated by the emir.152 But in reality, appointment of qs was often settled

by negotiation between prominent families and the al-Murbin authorities in Cordoba

or Marrakesh. Such was the case with the abovementioned Cordoban Muammad b.

amdn (d. 508/1114). A similar give-and-take between the al-Murbin and notable

families who wielded political and religious power in the ifa period and had welcomed

the political change in al-Andalus, took place in the Maghrib. Rich elites of cities like

Fez, Marrakesh, Sale and Ceuta secured qship positions for their relatives through

negotiation.153 But new Andalus families also rose to prominence under the al-

Murbin, such as the Ban Abd al-Azz in Valencia who competed with the long-

standing Ban Jaf. In such cases, the nouveaux families were used to offset the power

of the older aristocrats.154 It is telling to note that this system was so entrenched that

North African qs were never assigned posts in al-Andalus. Nor did the al-Murbin

take action against qs who were affiliated with prominent families.

151
Mons, The Role of Men of Religion, pp. 58-62.
152
Lagardre, La haute judicaire a lepoque almoravide en al-Andalus in Al-Qanara, VII (Madrid,
1986) p. 140.
153
El Hour, The Andalusian Q, p. 80.
154
Ibid., p. 81.

71
 Tacit Opposition of the Retreaters (munqabin)

The 6th/12th century Andalus mystical tradition was developed under the political

shadow of the powerful qs, and was in constant intellectual dialogue with Mlikism.

On the one hand, Ibn Barrajn strongly self-identified with those scholars who had

genuine scruples about the state-jurist entente, and, on the other, he sought to broaden the

intellectual discourse of his day by embracing mysticism, adth studies, ul, and

esoteric sciences. He looked askance at wealthier legal experts who associated with the

al-Murbin and received state pensions. Medieval biographers called scholars with such

scruples the munqabin, or retreaters. For they withdrew from rulers (inqib an

al-suln) out of pious precaution with respect to worldly authority.

The early munqabin distanced themselves from the state and state-jurists for

political and pietistic causes. But by Ibn Barrajns time, mystics with an intellectual

agenda embraced this way of life as a form of political-intellectual dissent. Echoing an

age-old ethos which harks back, ironically, to Mlik himself, Ibn Barrajn considered the

alliance with corrupt courts to be a worldly compromise.155 Accounts of scholars who

refused appointments such as q al-jama date back to 3rd/9th century. For instance,

one of Ibn Masarras (d. 319/931) teachers, the ascetic adth scholar Muammad b.

Abd al-Salm al-Khushan (d. 286/899), turned down the assignment of q in Jan and

angered the Umayyad caliph Abd al-Ramn III. This attitude is also illustrated by Abd

al-Azz al-Tnis (d. 486/1093), the North African scholar-ascetic of the early al-

155
Coulson, Doctrine and Practice in Islamic Law, B.S.O.A.S, XVIII (1956), pp. 17-26. For a discussion
of inqib by an early Andalus scholar, see Ibn Abd al-Barrs Jmi Bayn al-ilm wa-fali-hi, 2 vols., ed.
Al-Zuhayr, Saudi Arabia Dr Ibn al-Jawz, 1994; vol. 1, pp. 631-647. In one chapter, he collects
numerous adth and reports by Companions, Followers (tbin), and early renowned scholars are
collected. Al-Bj stresses that inqib is only a virtue when dealing with an oppressive rulers. To
withdraw from a just ruler such as Umar b. Abd al-Azz, for instance, is sinful.

72
Murbin period. At a certain point in his career, he noticed that his pupils sought legal

expertise for worldly motivations, so he renounced the teaching of fiqh which he had

learned at the feet of the grandfather of the al-Murbin Ab Imrn al-Fs. He then

resumed his teaching duties after seeing that they were inadvertently carrying out

usurious transactions on account of their ignorance of the subtleties of commercial law

(buy).156

Scholars attitudes toward the munqabin were diverse. Some in the ifa

period, such as al-Bj (d. 474/1081), extolled the qualities of inqib. But al-Bj was

also a pragmatist and recognized the need for righteous erudites to interact with rulers in

order to provide them with right guidance.157 At the other extreme stood the al-Murbin

period jurist and adth scholar Ab Al al-adaf, known as Ibn Sukkara (d. 514/1120)

of Saragossa who believed that the best way to relate to the state was by keeping a neutral

distance from it. Irreproachable in piety and learning, he refused to take part in state

bureaucracy. Soon after being forced to accept the qship of Murcia in 505/1111 where

he taught, he gave up office and retreated to Almeria.158 Such scholars who fully

embodied the attitude of inqib often held anti-establishment political views and were in

the minority. Their scrupulousness, piety, and anti-Murbin politics were held in such

high esteem by the people that it became conventional for jurists to first refuse an

appointment and avoid being perceived as sellouts. Only after displaying their pious

156
Tdil, Tashawwuf, ed. Tawfq, Rabat Manshrt kulliyyat al-adab bi-l-Rib, 2005, p. 93.
157
See Ibn Abd al-Barrs discussion of inqib in Jmi Bayn al-ilm wa-fali-hi, 2 vols., ed. Al-Zuhayr,
Saudi Arabia Dr Ibn al-Jawz, 1994; vol. 1, pp. 631-647; Cf. Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Prcticas y
Escualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. 8,
Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 406.
158
Fierro, al-adaf, EI2.

73
reluctance to engage in politics did a q accept his position.159 Cashing in on piety for

public consumption irked many; the Andalus poet of the al-Murbin period Ab Jafar

Ibn al-Bann decried the use of fiqh as a means to worldly ends in verse:

Hypocrites!...The doctrine of Mlik has made you masters of the

world, and you have used the name of [the compiler of Mlik law] Ibn

al-Qsim to gather all your riches.160

Thus the munqabin voiced the sentiments of the oppressed161 and as we shall see

subsequently, left an imprint upon Ibn Barrajn. In fact, some of the latters own teachers

were undoubtedly among the munqabin, and they influenced his religious views and

politics.

THEOLOGY: Asharism in al-Andalus

As we turn to Ashar scholars of the al-Murbin period, it must be stressed that

in modern Arabic secondary literature, this discussion is often entangled in polemics in

favor or against Wahhbism and Salafism. On the flipside, within modern western

scholarship, al-Muwaidn propagandists have colored much of the medieval literature

on the subject, and this portrayal has found echo in many western studies of the subject.

Sweeping generalizations about the draconian policies of the al-Murbin, their simple-

minded literalism (ashwiyya) and anthropomorphist creed (mujassimn) abound in

secondary literature. It is often forgotten that the obstinate opposition to Asharism had

159
Marn, Inqib an al-suln, Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, pp. 139, 131-32.
160
Murrkush, Mujib, p. 235-36. Cf. Ronald Messier, Re-Thinking the Almoravids, Re-Thinking Ibn
Khaldn, Journal of North Africa Studies, vol. 6, nr. 1, 2001, p. 66.
161
E.g., see Marn, Inqib an al-suln, Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, p. 137.

74
sociopolitical ramifications. Indeed, many post-Umayyad Mlik jurists who fought

against Asharism were partially motivated by a desire to maintain Arab dominance and

to quell the meritocratic and Sunni internationalist spirit which this new religious doctrine

implicitly heralded.162

Although the al-Murbin dynasty was founded partly by Ashar scholars such

as the aforementioned al-Fs, Mlik theological literalists clearly had the upper hand.

This is partly because the al-Murabin reformers under the leadership of Ibn Ysn (d.

451/1059) aimed at political, social, and religious unification of the anhja empire under

Mlik law, and Ashar theology was irrelevant to their immediate concerns. Still, the

early years of the regime saw a rise in Ashar didactic poems (sing. nam) composed by

Maghrib scholars for instructional purposes in local circles of learning. These rhymed

and easily retainable didactic poems facilitated their Ashar agenda of forming a unified

creedal orthodoxy in the Muslim West. One of these creeds which formed the basis of

the madrasa curriculum was penned by Ab Bakr b. al-asan al-Murd al-aram (d.

489/1095), an important scholar from al-Qayrawn who propagated Asharism in

Cordoba and the southern Moroccan Berber town Aghmat. He is described as the first to

introduce the science of creed (ilm al-itiqdt) to the Maghrib.163 He wrote a nam

called K. al-Tajrd (lit. The Book of Disengagement), and a popular work named

Advice Concerning the Dynamics of Rulership (K. al-Ishra il adab al-imra) which

seemed Ashar in orientation, although he asserted that the words of the Qurn are

162
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 14-15.
163
See al-Tashawwuf, nr. 11, pp. 105-108, This science of creed at the time meant Ashar theology, in
contrast to the foundations of religion (ul al-diyna), a term used by the traditional al-Murbin to
denote the fundamentals of faith.

75
temporally originated (Mutazil) and its meaning is uncreated (Ashar).164 His disciple,

Ab al-ajjj al-Kalb al-arr (d. 520/1126) was a miracle-working ascetic who penned

famous works on grammar and creed. One of his few extant works is Instruction and

Guidance Concerning the Science of Creed, (al-Tanbh wa-l-irshd f ilm al-itiqd), a

didactic poem (nam) on Ashar creed in rajaz metrical form comprising over one

thousand six-hundred verses, inspired in part by Juwayns Irshd.165 arrs Tanbh is

one of the earliest attempts at disseminating Ashar creed among the common believers

in the al-Murbin period. He taught his nam in Marrakesh to his Maghrib and

Andalus followers, and it soon became a primary text in centers of learning across the

region. Interestingly, this work encourages the propagation of Asharism among the

164
Lagardre, Une thologie dogmatique, pp. 80-82. Modern scholars are at variance as to whether
aram was an Ashar. His only surviving works are juridical tracts, legal opinions (fatws) and letter
correspondences. His Ashar positions survive in later Ashar works of the Maghrib. He rejected
uncritical acceptance of authority (taqld) in his juridical works, which resonates with Ashar insistence on
the need to know God without taqld. He also strongly rejected anthropomorphism (tajsm) and assertions
of likeness of the divine Essence (tashbh). Inna, Taawwur, p. 86.
165
arrs didactic poem al-Tanbh wa-l-irshd, al-Sallijs Burhniyya, and arguably even Ibn Tmarts
Murshida were all inspired in one form or another by Juwayns seminal Irshd. Urvoy notes correctly that
while the Mlik Bqilln had more influence in North Africa, in al-Andalus Juwayns Irshd
predominated. (Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, p. 188.) The influence of the Irshd in 6th/12th-7th/13th
century scholarly circles of the Maghrib is evidenced by the astonishing number of Maghrib commentaries
that it produced during this time. Works of this genre were penned by Ifrqs then Andaluss, and
contributed to the popularization of Asharism in the Muslim West. Scholars of al-Andalus who
commented on Juwayns Irshd include Ab Bakr b. Maymn of Crdoba; Ab Bakr al-Khafff whose
commentary does not appear to have survived; and Ab al-asan b. al-Baqr (d. 552/1157) of Granada. Of
note was Ab Isq Ibrhm b. Dihq, known as Ibn al-Mara (d. 611/1214), who wrote a five volume
commentary covering incidentally all chapters of the Irshd except for the last politically sensitive chapter
on imma. In Ifrqiy and North Africa, there was Ab Abd Allh al-Mzir (d. 530/1135); also the
significant but almost completely unknown author of the early 7 th/13th century Ab Yay al-asan of
Ceuta. Another was Abd al-Azz b. Bazza (d. 662/1263) from Tunisia, who authored commentaries on
the Irshd, the Burhniyya, and a rebuttal of Averroes refutation of the Ashars entitled Kitb manhij al-
adilla. (Inna, Taawwur, pp. 170-173). To date, some works of this genre are yet to be catalogued, let
alone critically examined. Given the treatment that the al-Murbin initially received at the hands of
modern scholarship, these unopened commentaries on the Irshd would be well worth analyzing before
new shallow generalizations are made about the myopia of Maghib Asharism.

76
masses, since rational consideration (naar aql) is considered by Ashars to be

indispensable for sound faith and therefore incumbent upon all Muslims.166

Ashar theology, together with debates over Sufi epistemology, was another bone

of contention in the al-Murbin period in al-Andalus. The major works of the Ashar

school which formed the basis of the Nimiyya curriculum were available to Andalus

scholars by the end of the Umayyad era and the beginning of the ifas in the 5th/11th

century.167 The westward penetration of Asharism into al-Andalus was primarily

achieved at the hands of Ab Imrn al-Fss Andalus students, who add up to at least

eighteen in number.168 Among his indisputably Ashar disciples who lived during the

late ifa period were tim b. Muammad al-arbulus (d. 469/1076), Umar b. Sahl

b. Masd al-Lakhm (d. ca. 442/1050), and Hishm b. Muammad al-Qays (d.

420/1029). As well, Ashar-oriented mystics like Ab Umar al-alamank (d.

429/1037), are credited with books on the science of tawd that have survived in title

only.169 Often, the study of theology went hand in hand with ul, since most of the al-

Murbin qs in al-Andalus by the 6th/12th century were ul-Ashars trained in the

Mashriq.170 Ab al-Wald al-Bj (d. 474/1082) was one Andalus scholar of the late

ifa early al-Murbin period who squarely positioned himself within the Ashar camp

166
Inna, Taawwur, pp. 104-109.
167
These works include the popular and polemical K. al-Tamhd of Bqilln, R. f uqd ahl al-sunna of
Ibn Mujhid (d. 370/980), K. Itiqd al-muwaidn of Ibn Frak (d. 406/1015); and the Irshd of al-
Juwayn (d. 478/1085). See Lagardre, Une thologie dogmatique, pp. 83-98.
168
Ibid., pp. 73-76.
169
His resorting to metaphorical interpretation (tawl) of verses such as He is with you wherever you are to
mean with you by His knowledge are indicative of Asharism. (Inna, Taawwur, p. 73.)
170
Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, p. 188.

77
in a work called Bjs Treatise to His Two Sons (Rislat al-Bj li-waladayh).171 Other

famed al-Murbin Ashar qs Ab Al al-Ghassn, Ghlib b. Aiyya, and Ab

Bakr b. al-Arab to whom we shall devote a few words.

The Role of Ab Bakr b. al-Arab

The Sevillian Ab Bakr b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148), a contemporary of Ibn

Barrajn, may be considered the al-Murbin jurist and Ashar theologian of par

excellence. At sixteen, he fled al-Andalus with his father Ab Muammad b. al-Arab (d.

493/1099) shortly before the al-Murbin dethroned the ifas. His father Ab

Muammad b. al-Arab (d. 493/1099) was sent on behalf of Ysuf b. Tshufn to gain

the al-Murbin official recognition of the Abbs caliph in 491/1098. Together, father

and son performed the ajj and spent time studying in Jerusalem. There, the son studied

with the Andalus ursh (d. 520/1126) who later campaigned against Ghazls works.

In Irq he met with Ab mid al-Ghazl in 490/1097 at the age of twenty-one, with

whom he studied for a few months. Upon returning to Seville in 495/1102, Ab Bakr b.

al-Arab played a significant role in politics, and Ibn Khaldn mentions in his Tarkh

that he was the formal spokesperson for the al-Murbin.172

Ibn al-Arab is credited with introducing a number of seminal ul al-fiqh, ul

al-dn (i.e. Ashar theology) works into al-Andalus. In one of his works, he lists the

books which he brought back with him from the Muslim East including many by

Juwayn, Abd al-Jall, Ab Isq al-Isfaryin, and Ab al-Muaffar al-Isfaryin.

171
Bj, Rislat al-Bj li-waladayhi, ed. Abd al-Ramn Hill, Madrid afat al-Mahad al-Mir li-l-
Dirst al-Islmiyya, vol. 1, 3, p. 35.
172
Cited by Urvoy, Le monde des ulmas andalous du V/XI au VII/XIII, p. 176.

78
Outspoken and Ashar to the core, he proclaimed almost tongue-in-cheek that the

traditional al-Murbin held theology to be an illicit innovation because they were

dimwitted.173 For Ibn al-Arab, rational consideration was a precondition for sound faith.

Despite his aggressive role in proclaiming Asharism, Ibn al-Arabs intellectual

influence among later Medieval scholars resides primarily in his juridical, exegetical, and

adth related works. The Murshida of Ibn Tmart and the Burhniyya of the al-

Muwaidn period scholar al-Sallij (d. 574/1178) largely eclipsed his works on creed.

Ibn Rushd al-Jadds Fatw on Asharism

During the turbulent last years of Al b. Ysufs reign in the mid-6th/12th century,

the status of Asharism was once again put into question in North Africa as evidenced by

a question posed by the emir to Cordobas illustrious chief q Ibn al-Rushd al-Jadd (d.

520/1126).174 The emir sought the legal opinion of the q on the theological views of

al-Ashar (d. 330/941), Ab Isq al-Isfarn (d. 418/1027), Ab Bakr al-Bqilln,

Ab al-Mal al-Juwayn (d. 478/1085), and Ab Bakr b. Ibn Frak (d. 451/1059), Ab

al-Wald al-Bj and his disciples.175 The answer provided by Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, whose

personal adherence to Asharism is ambiguous, was an attempt to stake out a halfway

position between the new school, its opponents, and state interests. That is, he supported

the new creed intellectually, but strongly objected to its being taught to the common

believers (awmm). He went so far as to pronounce any scholar who insisted on

173
Ibn al-Arab, al-Awim min al-qawim, ed. Ammr lib, al-Dawa: Dar al-Thaqfa, 1992, vol. 2,
p. 53.
174
Lagardre, Une thologie dogmatique, p. 83.
175
Ab al-Wald b. Rushd, Kitb Fatw Ibn Rushd, Beirut; Dr al-Gharb al-Islm, 1987, vol. 2, nr. 189,
pp. 802-05; No. 265, p. 943; vol. 3, nr. 3160, pp. 1060-61.

79
disseminating Asharism to the masses to fall outside the pale of Islam. Asharism, in

other words, was not to be adopted as official state theology by the al-Murbin, and

was to be strictly confined to the scholarly intelligentsia.

Ibn Rushds middle-of-the-road fatw was endorsed by the emir as official state

policy. It was the swansong of the al-Murbin, signaling internal tensions within the

scholarly class which lasted up to the end of the al-Murbin period, and which assumed

a political dimension as it intensified. By the mid-6th/12th century, popularizing

Asharism came to be regarded as a danger to the survival of the regime, a danger that

materialized with the al-Muwaidn. In other words, the fatw was a final attempt at

reconciling two opposing campsthe ulam of North Africa who were not all Ashar,

and those of al-Andalus who were predominantly Ashar. Faced with polarizing

rivalries, the weakening al-Murbin sided with the more powerful anti-Ashars on the

North African side. In the wake of this fatw, Al b. Ysuf consented to the burning of

Ashar books, including Ab mid al-Ghazls (d. 505/1111) Revival of the

Religious Sciences (Iy ulm al-dn). However, pro-Ashar trends in North Africa

were voiced by the Maghrib scholar Ab al-Fal Ysuf b. al-Naws (d. 513/1119)

letter of protest to Al b. Ysuf for his approval of the auto-da-f of Ghazls works, as

well as his counter-fatw against the emir justifying lying under oath (taghl aymn) if

one is accused of possessing Ashar and Ghazlian books.176

176
Tdil, Tashawwuf, nr. 9, pp. 95-101.

80
 MYSTICISM: Efflorescence of Andalus Mysticism

Factors that Gave Rise to Andalus Mysticism

Much of the early history and doctrinal development of mysticism in the Maghrib

and al-Andalus during its early and middle periods (4th-6th/10th-12th centuries) remains

terra incognita, owing to the fact that reliable critical textual editions have only very

recently been published, while in-depth monograph studies of individual representatives

of this tradition are scarce. The pioneering efforts of Asn Palacios, and more recently by

Cornell, Delfina, Maribel Fierro, Garden among others have yet to bring this subject into

full light. What is especially unknown is the history of the middle formative period of

Andalus mysticism, whose foremost representative is Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141),

followed by Ibn al-Arf and Ibn Qas. Emblematically, Ebsteins recent book Mysticism

and Philosophy in al-Andalus examines the mystical thought of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-

Arab, and passes over the formative middle period in silence.177

The set of factors that triggered the rise of this Andalus mysticism as an

independent movement, and enabled its transition into a self-identified and

institutionalized Sufi movement in the Muslim West during the late 6th/12th-mid 7th/13th

century are complex and multi-faceted. These driving forces which set Sufism in motion

can be summarized in the following five broad points:

(1) Asceticism of the pre-Murbin period (see above), was an indepensible driving

force for Andalus mysticism and harks back to the earliest phase of Muslim Spanish

history. Institutionalized mainstream asceticism, which was especially cultivated in

177
Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy in al-Andalus: Ibn Masarra, Ibn al-Arab, and the Isml
Tradition, Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2014.

81
 Seville, gradually gained popular ascendancy and counter-political weight, drawing

inspiration from the teachings of Marf al-Karkh (d. 200/815), Ab Abd Allh al-

Musib (d. 243/857), Sar al-Saqa (d. 253/867), Sahl al-Tustar (d. 283/896), Ab

al-Qsim al-Junayd (d. 298/910), and Ab Sad b. al-Arb (d. 341/952), and

serving as midwife for the intellectual mystical movement.

(2) Epistemological rivalries over mystics claims to higher religious knowledge were

the primary driving forces for Andalus mysticism, and are also traceable to early

history of al-Andalus. Certain early ascetics such as the aforementioned Ibn Masarra

had doctrinal-religious interests which went beyond conventional zuhd. Drawing on

the Qurn, adth, eastern sources, Ikhwn al-af, and personal inspiration, Ibn

Masarra and his followers articulated teachings on cosmology, metaphysics, language

of symbolism and itibr, the science of the letters (ilm al-urf), and inner

interpretation of the Qurn (tawl). They represented an early competing alternative

to the religious universe defined by the Mlik ulam, and jeopardized the existing

balance of religious authority in al-Andalus. Masarrs were implicated in polemics

over the nature of Gods signs (yt) in the universe, and as we shall see below, in

polarizing epistemological debates surrounding the possibility of saints evidentiary

miracles (karmt) and the acquisition of prophecy through spiritual realization

(iqtisb al-nubuwwa). Although Masarrism failed to gain popular momentum, this

tradition continued unbroken across the 4th-5th/10th-11th centuries, culminating in the

seminal intellectual formulations of the leading 6th/12th century Andalus mystics,

represented primarily by Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141), but also by Ibn al-Arf (d.

536/1141) and Ibn Qas (d. 545/1151). These figures, who saw themselves and were

82
 regarded by many as alternative figures of authority to the legists, also took

inspiration from eastern writings of Sahl al-Tustar (d. 283/896), Ab lib al-Makk

(d. 386/996), Abd al-Ramn al-Sulam (d. 412/1021), Ab Nuaym al-Asfahn (d.

430/1038),178 and Abd al-Karm al-Qushayr (d. 465/1072).179 The impact of Ab

mid al-Ghazl (d. 505/1111), however, is not as important as it is often made out

to be.

(3) The Iy Controversy: The crackdown on the Iy, as well as on the leading

6th/12th century mystics, in particular Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf, roughly coincided

with the book burning of the Iy in Cordoba. These crackdowns were external

political manifestations of deep-seated intellectual and epistemological rivalries

already raging in al-Andalus. Ibn Qass failed Murdn revolt, like Ibn Tmarts

successful al-Muwaidn movement, were in many ways radical responses to the al-

Murbin crackdown. Both figures consciously sided with Iy supporters in order

to bolster their own political platforms. These two political movements thus tie into

the broader Iy controversy. But the Iy did not give rise to an Andalus mystical

movement as much as it served as a rallying point for an already entrench camp of

ascetics and mystics against the state and its fuqah. The Iy catalyzed the

emergence of a Sufi group identity among Andaluss and ensured the long-term

intellectual triumph of Sufism. But while Ghazl had a great impact upon North

African figures like Ibn irzihim (d. 59/1163) of Fez, in al-Andalus, his teachings

were not as influencial as one may expect. Ibn al-Arf in Seville, and Ibn Qas were

178
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 3-31.
179
Urvoy, Le Monde des Ulmas, p. 200, ft. 9 remarks that Qushayrs work was widely diffused.

83
 most likely familiar with his teachings. But Ghazl left no detactable impact upon the

writings of al-Andalus major figure Ibn Barrajn.

(4) Ab Madyans arqa: Folllowing the collapse of the al-Muwaidn, Ab

Madyans (d. 594/1198) seminal Sufi arqa rose to prominence. Ab Madyans was

the first openly and consciously Sufi movement of the Muslim West. This great

Sufi master gained ascendency in the wake of the epistemological rivalries, the Iy

controversy, and the death of Ibn Barrajn, Ibn al-Arf, and Ibn Qas. His late 6th/12th

century movement drew inspiration primarily from eastern writers like Ghazl, and

secondarily from local figures like Ibn Barrajn whose students were among Ab

Madyans teachers.

(5) Maghrib Sufi Hagiographies: Shortly after Ab Madyans death, 7th/13th century al-

Muwaidn Sufi hagiographies began to be composed. These works, including the

Tashawwuf of al-Tdil (d. ca. 628/1230), canonized the Maghrib-Andalus Sufi

tradition by projecting Sufism back onto the earlier mystical tradition and making its

recognition by mainstream Mlik jurists possible.180

While the role of Ab Madyan and al-Muwaidn Sufi hagiographers has been

satisfactorily explored by modern scholarship, the involvement of 6th/12th century local

Andalus mystics under the al-Murbin era in the epistemological debate and, by

180
While I disagree with Serranos assertion that moderate Sufism was recognized as normative in the
Muslim West already in the 6th/12th century, her claims substantiate the formative roles of Ibn Barrajn in
Andalus Sufism. Ibn Barrajn advocated spiritual realization but did not consider himself a Sufi per se,
as demonstrated by his own writings which will be discussed below. The same goes for Ibn al-Arf and Ibn
Qas. Serrano, Why did Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, Der Islam, 83, no. 1, (2006), p. 152.
For a discussion of the applicability of the term Sufism to 6 th/12th century Andalsu thought, see Ebstein,
Was Ibn Qas A Sufi? in Studia Islamica (Forthcoming).

84
extension, their relationship to Ghazl remains an open question which will be analyzed

for the remainder of this chapter.

Sufi Epistemological Rivalries

Polemics Over Karmt al-Awliy and Iktisb al-Nubuwwa

The real red flag of the al-Murbin period, as far as the jurists were concerned,

was the debate over Sufi epistemology; that is, the claims of mystics to accessing higher

realms of knowledge through inner purification and spiritual discipline. This polemic,

which was played out on many levels across the Muslim West, manifested itself primarily

in two ways the debate over the miracles of saints (karmt al-awliy) and the

acquisition of prophecy (iktisb al-nubuwwa).

The prominent pre-Murbin mystic Ab Umar al-alamank (d. 429/1037) is

one of the earliest figures who became imprecated in this Andalus epistemological

debate. He was criticized already by Ibn azm,181 and appears to have authored at least

one treatise on asceticism, The Guide to Knowing the Friend (Kitb al-dall il

marifat al-khall) which unfortunately has not reached us. In contrast to the majority of

his contemporaries, alamank did not dedicate himself to the mastery of casuistic legal

literature. His interests, like Ibn Barrajns, lay elsewhere. He studied qurnic variants

(qirt), theology (ul al-diynt), and Sufi doctrines in Mecca at the feet of the Sufi

and adth transmitter Al b. Abd Allh b. Jaham (d. 414/1023). According to Fierro,

181
Fierro, El proceso contra Ab Umar al-alamank a travs de su vida y de su obra, Sharq al-Andalus
ix 1992, pp. 93-127.

85
alamank links the early Sufism of asan al-Bar (d. 110/728) and Fuayl b. Iy (d.

187/802) to Ibn al-Arf.182

alamanks wanderings around al-Andalus led him to Almeria and Murcia. One

text suggests that he had attracted a following and was considered the head of the

community (awwal al-jama). In Saragossa in 403/1012, a group of fuqah and

notables (nubah) accused him of deviating from the Prophetic model (khilf al-

sunna)183 and of holding Khrij-like doctrines, including permitting the spilling of

innocent blood. These charges were acquitted by Ibn Furtn, the q of Saragossa, in

425/1034. After his trial, he retreateted to alamanka where he led an isolated life in the

rib.184 The accusation of Khrijism may indicate alamanks suspect views of the

imma, namely that only the righteousness of a ruler, not genealogical affiliation with the

Umayyads, qualified him to rule. But even if that were the case, his following was too

small to pose a political threat to the emir. More importantly, alamanks trial hinged on

broader epistemological debates which shook Muslim Spain and played a role in forging

the identity of Andalus mystics as a distinct camp. His intellectual interests in the

esoteric sciences which were penetrating into al-Andalus perturbed the jurists of Almeria,

for they posed a foundational challenge to their fiqh-based Mlik epistemology and

hence the interpretive authority of the jurists. alamanks trial signaled the beginnings of

an alternative mysticism that was gaining ground, in the wake of Ibn Masarra, and that

182
Fierro, Polmicas,p. 443.
183
Fierro, The Polemic About Karmt al-Awliy, pp. 15-33. Ibn al-Arab squarely places himself within
the orthodox camp in his support of the doctrine that prophecy is only attainable by divine designation
(ikhti) not by effort (iktisb). See Chitticks Sufi Path of Knowledge, p. 171; The Self-Disclosure of God,
pp. 348-349.
184
Fierro, Polmicas, p. 444.

86
was not predicated on Mlikisms tightly delineated understanding of (1) the Qurn, (2)

the Sunna, (3) the practice of the Companions, their Followers, and the jurists of Medina

(amal ahl al-madna), (4) blocking of the means [which give way to sin] (sadd al-

dhari), (5) judicial preference (istisn), (6) public interests (al-malaa al-mursala)

(7) ijtihd as defined by established conceptions of logic, (8) and a scholarly consensus

(ijm) that was delineated by the jurists themselves.185

alamank does not appear to have been committed to Masarrism, since he

himself dismissed the teachings of Ibn Masarra and bin Ismlism on the grounds that

they gave way to claims of acquisition of prophesy (iktisb al-nubuwwa). But like

Masarrs, he embraced the notion that miracles of saints (karmt al-awliy) were

theologically tenable and did not detract from the status of the Prophet. alamanks

defense of karmt had far-reaching theological consequences and was pronounced in the

context of a broader polemic in the Muslim West which had spilled over from al-

Qayrawn.186 Like the early Abbs polemic over the createdness of the Qurn (khalq

al-qurn), at stake here were a number of underlying theological debates. These include

the boundary between Gods chosen Messengers and saints;187 whether a saint could

attain a greater degree of excellence than the Prophet; the nature of Prophetic miracles

(sing. mujiza); polemics against Ashars who argued that the Prophets miracles stood

as proof for the veracity of his revelation; and the criterion for determining which Muslim

185
For a discussion of similar tensions in the context of Marnid Morocco, see Cornell, Vincent, Faqh
Versus Faqr in Marinid Morocco Epistemological Dimensions of a Polemic, in Frederick de Jong &
Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics,
Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 224.
186
The debate raging over prophecy and sainthood in al-Andalus was addressed by al-Q Iy in the
Antidote (al-Shif bi-tarf uqq al-Muaf).
187
Delfina, Why did Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 155.

87
possessed greater excellence (fal).188 The karmt polemic seems to have been triggered

by Ibn Ab Zayd (d. 386/996) who categorically rejected the possibility of saints

miracles on the grounds that they detracted from prophethood. His position was endorsed

by Andalus jurists of the late Umayyad and ifa periods like Muammad b. Mawhab

al-Tujb (d. 406/1015) and Ibn azm (d. 456/1064). In opposition, scholars like Al (d.

392/1001) disapproved of the pious exaggerations of hagiographers but accepted karmt

as theologically tenable. The scholar of qirt Amad b. Al b. Awn Allh (d.

608/1212) even penned a refutation of karmt opponents.

Ghazls Doctrine of the Heart

It is in this polemical context that Ghazls contested writings were drawn into

the center of Andalus scholarly discourse. Ghazls integrative and monumental Iy

served as a catalyst for these epistemological rivalries and buttressed an already

entrenched mystical tradition in the mid-6th/12th century al-Andalus.189 Ghazls hostility

toward the pharisaical jurists was not the primary source of controversy. Regrettably,

most of the fatws written by Ghazls Maghrib and Andalus opponents are lost. Of

course there is no doubt that Ghazls sustained denunciation of the al-Murbin

fuqah for their worldly greed, and exclamations like a fly on a pile of excrement is

better than a Quran reader at the door of such people [rulers]190 certainly earned him no

favor in the Mlik dominated arena of the al-Murbin empire. But scholars who

188
Fierro, Polmicas, p. 424-25.
189
Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 146. For a good analysis and summary of scholars
explanations for the opposition of the fuqah to al-Ghazls works, cf. Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in
Al-Andalus, Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden:
Brill, 1999; pp. 191-97.
190
Ghazl, On Visiting Princes, from Book XX, Ch. 6 of Ihya ulum al-din, John Williams (trans.),
Themes of Islamic Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press 1982) pp. 138-40.

88
opposed the Proof of Islam (ujjat al-islm) were not only spurred by Ghazls ad

hominem onslaught on jurists for their worldliness and their legal splitting of hairs. For

whereas Qushayrs Sunn Sufism was irreproachable, Ghazls assimilation into

orthodoxy was more contested on account of perceived problems in his understanding of

God and prophecy, which were alarmingly reminiscent of Masarrism. We know, for

instance, that Ghazls concept of prophecy expounded in works such as The

Boundaries Between Islam and Heresy (Fayal al-tafriqa bayn al-Islm wa-l-zandaqa)

was more informed by Avicennan psychology than by Asharism.191 Moreover,

Avicennas influence on Ghazls concept of inspired knowledge (ilhm) has also been

established.192 Interestingly, Ghazl was also accused in Nshpr of holding the belief

that a Muslim could attain prophecy through spiritual exercise and through struggling to

fulfill the required and voluntary stipulations of the law.193 Like the Nshprs, Ghazls

Andalus opponent Ibn amdn accused Sufis of aspiring to attain the rank of

prophecy.194 Thus, while Ghazl (d. 505/1111) deplored the dry hairsplittings of legal

particularists (ahl al-fur), what alarmed his opponents was his concern to promulgate

an otherworldly science (ilm al-khira) with a view to mystical unveiling (mukshafa)

and salvation over worldly sciences like fiqh. This science of unveiling is identified with

cosmology, metaphysics, and the science of the states of the heart and its moral

191
Griffel, Al-Ghazls Concept of Prophecy the Introduction of Avicennan Psychology Into Aarite
Theology, Arabic Sciences and Philosophy, vol. 14 (2004), pp. 136144; and al-Ghazls Philosophical
Theology, pp. 68-69.
192
Treiger, Inspired Knowledge in Islamic Thought: Al-Ghazals Theory of Mystical Cognition and Its
Avicennian Foundation, London; New York: Routledge, 2012.
193
Delfina, Why did Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 155.
194
Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 174-175.

89
characteristics, [both] good and bad,195 and its objective is the good of the afterlife. The

Iy was thus not a case for ul against the fur.196 At root, his bifurcation of the

Islamic sciences into worldly versus otherworldly categories amounted to a claim that the

politically connected al-Murbin legal scholars played second-fiddle to the mystics.

The Iy in turn equipped the latter with a set of arguments against the state-fuqah and

gave them a basis for claims to a superior form of knowledge.

In other words, the Iy added fuel to the already polarizing epistemological

disputes over illuminative knowledge acquired by mystics vis--vis juridically

circumscribed teachings of the fuqah. The most illustrative text on this subject is a

fatw issued again by Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126) in the early 6th/12th century in

response to inquiries made by a group of unidentified fuqah who opposed mysticism.197

The fatw discusses the distinction between gnostics who have intimate knowledge of

God through inner purification (rifn bi-llh) and jurists who have a attained a mastery

of Gods laws through study (rifn bi-akm Allh). Claiming the supremacy of

religious knowledge (ilm) over religious practices (amal) in their address to Ibn Rushd,

the inquirers rejected Ghazls hierarchy of gnostics which places the friends of God

(wal) at the top, followed by the knowers of God (rif), then by firmly grounded

scholars (lim rsikh), and finally men of virtue (li). Underlying this dispute over

knowledge (ilm) versus deeds (amal) is whether prophetic knowledge can be acquired

by a heart purified through spiritual exercise, and Ghazls doctrinedescribed in the

195
Frank, Ghazl and the Asharite school, p. 22 (my translation).
196
Garden, Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 167, ft. 52.
197
Fatw Ibn Rushd, ed. Al-Mukhtr b. al-hir al-Tall, Beirut Dr al-Gharb al-Islm, 1987, iii, 1624-
29, no. 642.

90
chapter of the marvels of the heart (ajib al-qalb) of the Iythat a Sufis purified

heart is a receptacle of divine knowledge (marifa). To many, this doctrine ultimately fed

into the heretical notion that a saint could acquire prophecy.

In true Ashar vein, Ibn Rushd argued that knowledge of divine reality is, by

virtue of its content, superior to knowledge of His rulings. The acquisition of divine

knowledge, moreover, is an achievement that surpasses the basic demands of religion

(mutaadd), whereas merely carrying out acts of piety is a basic requirement of religion

which falls short of divine knowledge (muqair). Knowledge of God impels the

individual to perform good deeds, not the reverse. After all, knowledge of the divine

overpowers the soul, produces elevated spiritual states (awl), impels the knower to

perform good deeds, and even generates miracles (sing. karma). By regarding

knowledge, not mechanical piety, as the central factor in determining proximity to God,

Ibn Rushd affirmed Sufis claims to religious supremacy, since it is the Sufis above all

who seek to gain superior realms of knowledge. At the same time, it is worth noting that

Ibn Rushd omitted the term f, thereby stripping Sufism of epistemological

independence and carving a space for al-Murbin jurists to claim their grounds to both

sanctity and religious interpretive authority. Once again, Ibn Rushds fatw was an

attempt at reconciliation: while tacitly disapproving of the impiety and excessive legalism

of the fuqah who were fixated upon jurisprudence at the cost of divine knowledge, he

rejected Sufis claims to exclusive sanctity thereby opening the door of sainthood to both

the faqh and the Sufi faqr.198 Interestingly, Ibn Rushd exempted the moderate and

198
Delfina, Why did scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 152.

91
acclaimed Sunn Sufism of Qushayr which upheld the authority of the ulam, but he

was more reserved with regard to Ghazls.199

Like Ibn Rushd, the Sevillan scholar Ab Bakr b. al-Arab held similar

reservations about the doctrine of the heart. Although he took pride in his association

with Ghazl, he did not hesitate to criticize some of his masters teachings, and was well

aware of the influence which falsfa had on him.200 Like Ibn Rushd, he dismissed

Ghazls notion of the hearts ability to access knowledge of the unseen world (lam al-

ghayb) through spiritual discipline.201 For Ibn al-Arab as well, this error (sing. qima)

gave implicit credence to claims of radical Sufis and bins, and relegated the supremacy

of the jurist vis--vis the Sufi. Thus Ibn al-Arab held that it was better to avoid

Ghazls books that did not deal with pure Asharism.202 Ibn Rushd and Ibn al-Arabs

misgivings about Sufism and the claims of its followers voices a general weariness of al-

Murbin fuqah with respect to Sufi claims to epistemological superiority. Both

scholars were strongly in favor of the state-q entente. Both surely sensed the potential

political threat underlying Sufi claims to religious superiority, and their nervousness was

ultimately justified in the face of Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arfs popularity, the Sufi-led

murdn revolt of Ibn Qas, and Ibn Tmarts al-Muwaidn uprising.203 The

Tashawwuf, which is the earliest significant hagiography of Maghrib Sufis, substantiates

the central role which the Iy played in matters of doctrine and practice among these

199
Griffel, al-Ghazls Philosophical Theology, p. 67.
200
Ibid., pp. 66-67.
201
Ibid., p. 67.
202
For references in Ibn al-Arabs Awim, cf. Delfinas Why did Scholars Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 151.
203
Delfina, Why did scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 156.

92
groups of North African and al-Andalus.204 For as it turned out, marginalized ascetics,

munqabin, and mystics did endorse Ghazls division of worldly and otherworldly

sciences in opposition to the domination of Mlik jurists. The Iy served as a rallying

point for an alternative source of religious authority and helped forge the self-image of

local mysticism. Its syncreticism found fertile soil among these groups, offering them a

much welcomed set of arguments against the state fuqah as well as a vast treasury of

Sufi guidance.

The Iy Controversy

Ghazls books were set ablaze twice in 6th/12th century al-Andalus. The first

incident took place in 503/1109; and the second in 538/1143. The earliest account of this

incident is reported by the logician Ysuf b. ulms (d. 620/1223) who relates in his

Primer on Logic (al-Madkhal li-inat al-maniq), that around 503/1109,205 a group of

jurists urged Prince Al b. Ysuf to burn Ghazls books on the grounds that they may

lead Muslims astray;206 in other words, that his works would lend legitimacy to radical,

shara-trumping bin Sufi doctrines.207 The book-burning took place approximately

eight years after the Iy was introduced to al-Andalus.208 Its chief promulgator was

204
Mediano, Biographias Al-Muwaidnes en el Taawwuf de al-Tdil, Estudios Onomsticos-
Biogrficos de al-Andalus, Vol. X, 2000, pp. 167-193. Cf. also Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, pp
175-177.
205
Some sources date the event between 499/1106 and 509/1116.
206
Ibn ulms, Kitb al-madkhal li-inat al-maniq (Introduccin al arte de la lgica por Abentomls de
Alcira), ed. & trans. M. Asn Palacios, Madrid: Centro de Estudios Histricos, 1916, pp. 11-12.
207
Delfina, Why did Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 155.
208
Ab Bakr b. al-Arab brought the Iy with him from the Mashriq in 495/1102. See Muammad al-
Mann, Iy ulm al-dn f mann al-gharb al-islm ayym al-murbin wa-l-muwaidn, in Ab
mid al-Ghazl: Dirst f fikri-hi wa-ari-hi wa-tathri-hi, Rabat: Kulliyyat al-db wa-l-Ulm al-
Insniyya, 1988, pp. 126-27.

93
Cordobas hard-line q Ibn amdn (d. 508/1114),209 who insisted that reading the

Iy amounted to infidelity.210 He hailed from a prominent and well-connected scholarly

family, Ban amdn, with long-standing ties to the al-Murbin.211 In contrast to the

complex critique of the Iy in Nshpr in works like Listing the Problems of the

Iy (al-Iml f ishklt al-ihy) which objected to Ghazls epistemological

hierarchy and the relegation of fiqh and kalm, Ibn amdns critique was at once

sweeping and superficial. Ibn amdns refutation may have been based on second-hand

accounts or a surface perusal of the Iy.212

In addition to Ibn amdn, this first anti-Ghazlian campaign was championed by

a number of prominent figures. These include Ab Bakr al-ursh (d. 520/1126) in

Alexandria,213 Muammad al-Mzar (d. 536/1141) of Sicily, Umar al-Bakr of Tunisia,

Muammad b. al-Ilbr of Granada (d. 537/1142),214 and initially Ibn irzihim (d.

559/1165) in Fez. All of the above authored refutations of the Iy. But in this context of

hostility, it is often forgotten that scholarly refutations and book burnings do not destroy

209
According to the 7th/13th century al-Muwaidn historian Abd al-Wid al-Murrkush, al-Ghazls
auto-da-f was ordered by emir Al b. Ysuf b. Tshufn in 503/1109 who threatened all owners of al-
Ghazls books with the death penalty and confiscation of property. This report does not contradict jurists
involvement in the ban since the emir could not have made this prohibition without a core backing. al-
Murrkush, al-Mujib, ed. R. Dozy (Leiden 1881), p. 123; trans. E. Fagnan (Alger 1893), pp. 148-149.
210
Re-Thinking the Almoravids, Re-Thinking Ibn Khaldn, Journal of North Africa Studies, vol. 6, nr. 1,
2001, p. 67.
211
Members of his family had served as qs in Granada and Crdoba, and were instrumental in assisting
the al-Murbin ruler Al b. Ysuf b. Tshufn against the Crdoban rebellion of Muammad al-Lamn
in 500/1106. Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, pp. 89-92.
212
Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 174-175.
213
See Sad Ghurbs awla irq al-murbin li-iy al-Ghazl, pp. 158-63.
214
Al-Ilbr compiled the main refutation of al-Ghazls works in al-Nukat wa-l-aml fi-l-naqd al al-
Ghazl; available at the Escorial (Derenbourt and Lvi-Provenal, nr. 1483 (cf. Urvoy, Penser dAl-
Andalus, p. 170).

94
ideas. Clearly, the book burning amounted to a rejection of Sufism as a distinct

discipline, and was primarily a political and ideological statement. The Iy was never

reduced to fringe status, and copies remained in circulation despite the ban of 503/1109.

In fact, this first ban on Ghazls works was followed by three decades of increasingly

sophisticated discussions on the Iy.215 There were even several prominent and card-

carrying Ghazliyyn who spoke out against the ban on both sides of the Straits.216 In al-

Andalus, Almerias expert Qurn reader (muqri) Ab al-asan al-Barj (d. 509/1115)

jeopardized his post in the shr council and issued a counter-fatw against Ibn amdn,

denouncing jurists who had ordered the burning of the Iy. The latter was a teacher of

Ibn al-Arf and a jurisconsult in the shr of the Ghazlian q of Almeria Marwn b.

Abd al-Malik. His fatw received public backing by two fellow jurisconsults, Umar b.

al-Fas and the distinguished faqh Ibn Ward al-Andalus (d. 540/1146).217 Moreover, it

is known that a number of Ghazls direct students settled in Almeria. The Sufi scholar

of qurnic variants (muqri) Ab al-Qsim Abd al-Ramn al-Balaw (d. 545/1150)

obtained permission from Ghazl to transmit his works. After his return from the

Mashriq, he was assigned the important position of prayer leader and preacher at the

great mosque of Almeria.218 Another Almerian, Ab Abd Allh Muammad al-Khuln,

alias al-Balagh (d. 515/1121), studied at the feet of Ghazl as well.219 Finally, some

215
Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 191-192.
216
For Maghrib champions of Ghazl during this period, see Muammad al-Mann, Iy ulm al-dn
f mann al-gharb al-islm ayym al-murbin wa-l-muwaidn, in Ab mid al-Ghazl: Dirst f
fikrihi wa-arihi wa-tathrihi, Rabat: Kulliyyat al-db wa-l-Ulm al-Insniyya, 1988, pp. 128-29.
217
Delfina, Why did scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, p. 139.
218
Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, vol. 3, pp. 24-5, nr. 73.
219
Ibn Bashkuwl, ila, vol. 4, pp. 834-35, nr. 1270. Cf. Bellver, Ghazl of al-Andalus, in JAOS, pp.
669-70.

95
scholars such as Ab Bakr b. al-Arab and Ibn Rushd al-Jadd simultaneously affirmed

and challenged Ghazl both before and after the book burning.

In 538/1143, only two years after Ibn Barrajns death and some three decades

after the first book burning, the beleaguered al-Murbin emir Tshufn b. Al instigated

a second auto-da-f.220 This time it was backed by several scholars of al-Andalus and the

Far Maghrib including Q Iy (d. 544/1149) and Ghazls own student Ab Bakr b.

al-Arab (d. 543/1148).221 ursh, for his part, criticized Ghazl for not being explicit

about the indispensability of theology for the attainment of sound faith, and for

employing weak adth and dubious reports about prophets and saints miracles, and

for bearing the mark of the teachings of allj, the falsifa, and the Brethren of Purity

(Ikhwn al-af).222 Beyond scholarly concerns, many al-Murbin scholars who

withdrew their support of Ghazl during the 530s/1140s had politics in mind. For the

Iy became associated with the growing Sufi-led resistance movements of Ibn Tmart

and Ibn Qas.223 Opposition to Sufism and to Ghazl in the 530s/1140s was thus of a

different nature. A younger, new generation of mystics had by now merged Andalus

mystical teachings with their understanding of the Iy, giving rise to a grassroots,

220
Letter of Tshufn b. Al to the people of Valencia, edd. . Mons, Nu siysiyya an fatrat al-
intiql min al-murbin il al-muwaidn, Revista del Instituto gipcio de Estudios Islmicos iii, (1955),
pp. 107-113.
221
Delfina, Why did scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl, pp. 137-138; Griffel, al-Ghazls
Philosophical Theology, p. 66.
222
urushs criticism of Ghazl can be found in his two works, R. il Abd Allh b. al-Muaffar and K.
al-asrr wa-l-ibar. For the Risla, cf. Ghrb, awla irq al-murbin Iy al-Ghazl, in Actas del IV
Coloquio Hispano-Tunecino (Palma de Mallorca, 1979) (Madrid 1983), pp. 139-141, and 158-163; and
urush, Kitb al-awdith wa-l-bida (El libro de las novedades y las innovaciones), traduccin y studio
por M. Fierro, Fuentes Arabico-Hispanas, 14, Madrid, 1993, pp. 61-64, no. 19; al-Mann, Iy ulm al-
dn f manr al-gharb al-islm ayym al-murbin wa-l-muwaidn, in Ab mid al-Ghazl, Rabat:
Kullyat al-db wa-al- Ulm al-Insnyah, 1988, pp. 125-137.
223
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, p. 867.

96
nativist, and popular mysticism with its distinctive Andalus flavor and anti-Murbin

political agenda. With the political decline of the al-Murbin and the encroachment of

the al-Muwaidn from the south and the Christians from the north, attacking Ghazl

became a statement against seditious mystics. The popularity and politicization of

Ghazls Sufism in the mid-6th/12th century is evidenced by the fact that Ibn Tmart

would seek to rally support for his cause by appealing to Ghazl and by masquerading as

his direct disciple.

Thus the simplistic notion that Ghazls works were condemned under the

tyranny of an anti-intellectual al-Murbin regime and their myopic jurists, a clich that

still colors much of modern scholarship on the subject, calls for some cautious

filtration.224 In fact the purportedly conservative and rigid al-Murbin were not

retrogrades. By the 6th/12th century, they cultivated a had high admiration for the cultural

sophistication of al-Andalus. For instance, emir Al b. Ysuf adopted many of al-

Andalus administrative and cultural mores. He surrounded himself with Andalus poets,

artists, intellectuals, men of letters, physicians like Ab Marwn, and secretaries/advisors

(ktib) like Ibn al-Qara, Ibn Abdn who worked in his court in Marrakesh. He also

hired engineers to build an underground aqueduct system in Marrakesh, and the

renowned philosopher and musician Ibn Bja, who was in fact Als brother-in-law,

served the al-Murbin as the governors vizier in Granada and Saragossa for two

224
In Mystical Islam, Baldick simplistically puts it thus What is known about Islamic Spain up to the
early twelfth century is that there was an immense intolerance on the level of ideas: even the works of the
sober Muhammad Ghazali were burnt. pp. 69-71. (Cf. Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p.
197). For an overview of the range of modern scholarly explanations for this event. see Fierro, Opposition
to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 192, footnotes 80-82.

97
decades.225 In short, the auto-da-f was incited by powerful jurists who were offended by

his ad hominem attacks, alarmed by the Iys latent heresies, and threatened by the

epistemological challenge which he proposed. As for the emir, his stance against Ghazl,

as with Sufism and Asharism in general turned hostile when they presented a political

threat and provided a rallying point for revolutionary mystics. The al-Murbin turned

against Sufism when Sufis turned against the al-Murbin.

Impact of Ghazl on Andalus Mystics of the early 6th/12th Century

One of the crucial questions for this chapter is: what intellectual impact did

Ghazl have on the seminal Andalus mystics of the late al-Murbin period? It is clear

that his works aroused heightened political controversy; but were they intellectually

influencial already in this early period? The prevailing narrative of late al-Murbin

religious history is that Ghazl played a key role in intellectually inspiring the three

leading figures of this period, Ibn Barrajn, Ibn al-Arf, and Ibn Qas, who adopted his

teachings and sought to disseminate them throughout the region. It is certain that the

burning of Ghazls works was a crucial moment for these Andaluss, since it marked

out the local mystical movement with its distinctive self-awareness.226 Moreover, it is

true that these figures were hoisted as spokesmen at a time of fear, insecurity, political

instability and disillusionment, sociopolitical subjugation of large segments of the

population, combined with a quest for alternative and morally exemplary figures of

religious authority in lieu of the outmoded jurists allied with the regime.227 However,

225
Julien, History of North Africa, New York Praeger, 1970, p. 89; Ronald Messier, Re-Thinking the
Almoravids, Re-Thinking Ibn Khaldn, Journal of North Africa Studies, vol. 6, nr. 1, 2001, p. 67.
226
Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 147.
227
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 190.

98
does this mean that Ghazls teachings had a direct and profound bearing on Andalus

mysticism?

The short answer to this question is, no. Neither Ibn Barrajn, Ibn al-Arf, nor Ibn

Qas were Ghazls alter egos.228 There is no evidence to show that Ghazl had any

impact upon Ibn Barrajns thought and his formative education (see Chapter II). The

Iy was only introduced to al-Andalus in 495/1102 by Ab Bakr b. al-Arab upon his

return from the Mashriq.229 In other words, Ibn Barrajn would have only heard of

Ghazl in his mid-forties. By that year, our author was already a noted scholar and

mystic. It is likely that he had already penned his first two major works, his ul work on

adth-Qurnic concordance entitled al-Irshd il subul al-rashd (The Guidebook to

the Paths of Guidance) and his mystical commentary on the divine names Shar asm

Allh al-usn in which the fundamentals of his teachings are already outlined in detail.

(See Chapter III) Ghazls writings, in other words, did not form part of Ibn Barrajns

core curriculum during his formative years and did not leave an imprint on his early

seminal writings, and there is a detectable turn to Ghazlianism in his later works. (See

Chapter III) As for Ibn Barrajns honorific title Ghazl of al-Andalus, which will be

examined in detail Chapter II, Ibn Barrajn could only have earned his epithet at the tail

end of his career, after both Ibn Barrajn and Ghazls works had circulated throughout

the region. His presumed endorsement of Ghazls corpus signified an identification

228
This thesis was held by many earlier studies of Muslim Spain. See A. Bel, Le Sufism en Occident
musulman au XIIe et au XIIIe sicle de J.C., Annales de lInstitut dtude Orientales (Alger) I (1934-5)
145-161; and A. Demerseeman, Le Maghreb a-t-il une marquee ghazzaliene?, IBLA LXXXII (1958) 109-
16.
229
See Muammad al-Mann, Iy ulm al-dn f mann al-gharb al-islm ayym al-murbin wa-l-
muwaidn, in Ab mid al-Ghazl: Dirst f fikri-hi wa-ari-hi wa-tathri-hi, Rabat: Kulliyyat al-
db wa-l-Ulm al-Insniyya, 1988, pp. 126-27.

99
with the pan-Andalus mystical movement against the al-Murbin, not an intellectual

indebtedness.

Ibn Barrajn probably only heard of Ghazls works for the first time in the year

503/1109 when they were first put to the torch. The ensuing period of thirty years

(503/1109-536/1141) may have been when Ibn Barrajn came across and read the Iy

and the Maqad. Since his basic worldview was already fully formulated, Ibn Barrajns

later works (his two qurnic commentaries) do not feature prominently Ghazlian

concepts such as the division of worldly and otherworldly sciences, criticisms of worldly

scholars (ulam al-duny), Sufi psychology, and ethics. Only one minor development in

Ibn Barrajns works concerning the concept of assuming the character traits of God

(takhlluq bi-akhlq Allh) seems to have been prompted by his exposure to Ghazls

works.230

Moreover, Ghazls works seem to have left only a minor impact on Ibn al-Arf

and Ibn Qas, for the latter belonged to a younger generation and were some thirty years

younger than Ibn Barrajn.231 Whereas Ibn Barrajn came across Ghazl in his 40s or

50s, the latter read him in their early 20s and 30s. This generational gap is of crucial

importance for understanding 6th/12th century mysticism in al-Andalus and the impact

which Ghazl had upon this movement. The generational gap between Ibn Barrajn and

his two peers indicates the fact that mysticism thrived for decades prior to the influx of

Ghazls writings into al-Andalus, and that the latter served as a catalyst and an

230
See Chapter III, pp. 215-217; esp. 217.
231
See Chapter II. Ibn Barrajn was born circa 450/1058 in the late Abbd period, and died in his mid-
eighties in 536/1141.

100
intellectual-political rallying point for an already established mystical movement in al-

Andalus. Ibn al-Arf probably came into contact with Ghazls writings early in his

educational formation, since he had attained his mid-teens when the Iy was introduced

into al-Andalus. Moreover, he reportedly sat at the feet of the Almerian Ghazlian q

Ab al-asan al-Barj (d. 509/1115), in addition to a number of Ghazls direct students

who had settled in Almeria around this time, including Balaw (d. 545/1150) and Balgh

(d. 515/1121). But Ghazls influence on Ibn al-Arf was probably negligible, since the

biographers point that Ibn al-Arf was solely drawn to qirt and adth in his youth.

Only later, as a trained scholar in Valencia, did he take an interest in asceticism, Sufi

chivalry (futuwwa), and presumably mystical teachings. These would have included those

of Ibn Barrajn, Ab lib al-Makk, Sahl al-Tustar, Ibn Masarra, and of course Ghazl.

Ibn al-Arfs late conversion to the mystic path explains why his public persona

remained that of an erudite scholar rather than a propagator of Ghazlian or Barrajnian

teachings.

With respect to Ghazls impact upon Ibn Qas, whose revolt against the al-

Murbin will be examined below, his abstruse and highly literary treatise Khal al-

nalayn wa-iqtibs al-nr min mawi al-qadamayn (Discarding the Two Shoes and

Borrowing Light from the Site of the Two Feet) represents the confluence of Ishrq,

Neoplatonic, Hermetic, Ikhwnian-Isml, Mutazilite, Masarr, and Ghazlian

undercurrents in 6th/12th century al-Andalus.232 As demonstrated by Ebstein in a recent

study, the extent to which Ghazls writings played into his treatise Khal al-nalayn
232
See Amrns introductory study Ibn Qas, Khal al-nalayn wa-qtibs al-nr min mawi al-qadamayn,
M. al-Amrn ed., sf IMBH, 1997; p. 9; see also Dreher, Das Imamat des Islamischen Mystikers
Ablqsim Amad Ibn al-usain Ibn Qas (gest. 1151), Ph.D. diss., Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelm-
Universitt, 1985.

101
was, if anything, secondary.233 Thus, while Ghazls writings were politically important,

they were intellectually secondary to the development of formative Andalus mysticism.

Interrogating the Almerian School of Sufism

Ghazls limited intellectual impact upon 6th/12th century Andalus mystics in

general, and Ibn Barrajn in particular, calls for a reexmination of (1) the relationship of

Andalus mysticism to Eastern Sufism during this period; and (2) the idea of an

Almerian school of Sufism. Ibn Barrajn can justifiably be considered Sufi if we take

Sufism as a term of convenience that denotes anyone who endorsed Sufi

epistemological claims (the ability of friends of God, awliy Allh, to access higher

realms of knowledge through inner purification); and the notion of saints ability to

perform miracles (karmt al-awliy). Ibn Barrajn may also be called Sufi insofar as

his writings were consumed by later Sufis at the turn of the the 7th/13th century.234

However, my suggestion is that strictly speaking, there was no such thing as an

Almerian school of Sufism, a term coined by the preeminent Asn Palacios and

endorsed by most subsequent literature in the field. Furthermore, it is unhelpful to dub

mystics like Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf as leaders of a pre-arqa and proto-Sufi

movement for several reasons.

First, calling Ibn Barrajn Sufi is an anachronism which portrays this formative

period merely as a primitive forerunner of a more institutionally and doctrinally

233
See Ebstein, Was Ibn Qas A Sufi? forthcoming in Studia Islamica.
234
E.g., Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 332-33. One of the reasons why Ibn Barrajn is regarded as a
Sufi is his Sufi biographers wanted to claim him for their tradition. Ibn al-Abbr (d. 658/1260), for
instance, described him as an ascetic (zhid) who achieved realization (taqq) in Sufism. Tellingly, later
biographers like Ibn ajar al-Asqaln (d. 852/1448) drop the description of zuhd and refer to him
exclusively as a Sufi. Dhahab (d. 749/1348) calls Ibn Barrajn the master of the Sufis (shaykh al-
fiyya). See relevant biographical references in Chapter II.

102
sophisticated arqa Sufism of the Mashriq. It is a carry-over from the Sufi biographers

such as Tdil (d. 628/1230), who engineered the paradigm of the Maghrib and Andalus

saint, and who understood holy men (awliyAllh) of all stripes to be Sufi. Nearly

anyone who lived up to the standards idealized by the hagiographers was a Sufi.

Individuals known for community activism (il), altruism (thr), adherence to the

qurnic precept of commanding the good and forbidding evil (al-amr bi-l-marf wa-l-

nahy an al-munkar), wholehearted adherence to the behavioral model (sunna) of the

Prophet, his Companions (aba) and Successors (tbin), inculcation extreme

scrupulousness, caution (wara), humility, charity, and other normative Islamic virtues

were all included among the ranks of the Sufis. Even entries for rural ascetics, urban

scholars, holy warriors (mujhidn), and eponymous tribal leaders found their way into

these works. By retrospectively calling Sufi those figures who did not think of

themselves as such, the hagiographers of the Muslim Westas of the east such as the

Persian Ab Nuaym al-Ifahn (d. 430/1038)afforded credibility to their own

incipient tradition at the expense of historical accuracy.235

Whereas 7th/13th century hagiographers are replete with references to the terms

f and mutaawwif, pre-ifa biographical dictionaries very rarely employed these

terms.236 One of the earliest references to Sufis as a distinct party (nila) is found in

Ibn amdns (d. 508/1114) refutation of Ghazl where he identifies Sufis with

235
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 6-7.
236
Abd Allh b. Nar (d. 315/927) is, as Asn Palacios has shown, the first to bear the appellation al-f.
(Abenmasarra y su escuela, p. 145). Marn has uncovered names of other figures of the late 4 th/10th with
this surname. The term badal/abdl also appears in the 10th century in association with certain very holy
men. These terms were used in a more general and less technical Sufi hierarchical sense. Marn, Zuhhd
of al-Andalus (300/912420/1029), pp. 106107.

103
invocatory practices (dhikr).237 As well, Sufis had gained sufficient numbers for the

caustic Ibn azm (d. 456/1064) to compose an attack against them.238 However, it is

difficult to ascertain whether these groups actually self-identified as Sufi, or whether they

were labeled as such by Ibn azm and Ibn amdn. The only thing that is certain is that

mystics of al-Andalus self-identified as a distinct pietist-intellectual movement with a

growing social impetus in the 5th/11th century ifa period.

The terms Sufi or even proto-Sufi fail to honor the self-understanding which

6th/12th century figures like Ibn Barrajn had of their own place within the Islamic

tradition. Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf, the two foremost representatives of 6th/12th

century Andalus mysticism, only foot off the Iberian Peninsula at the end of their lives

when they were trialed in Marrakesh. Moreover, neither came into direct contact with

Sufis in the Mashriq. Had they done so, perhaps they may have self-identified as Sufis. In

his writings, Ibn Barrajn emerges as a critical admirer of Sufism.239 That is, he spoke

with both admiration and skepticism about Sufis. He occasionally referred to them as the

folk (al-qawm),240 or ecstatic lovers (al-wjidn),241 and quoted directly from works of

eastern Sufis like Makk and Tustar (see Chapter III). He acknowledged taawwuf as a

distinct and legitimate religious discipline (fann) which had its own terms of art.242 He

237
Garden, al-Ghazls Contested Revival, p. 169. This refutation is not extant.
238
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in Al-Andalus, pp. 178-84.
239
Obviously, Ibn Barrajn had no knowledge of the formal orders (arqa) that had just began to emerge at
his time in the East, as well as spiritual masters, initiatic chains (silsila), or initiation rites (baya) in his
works. These institutional arqa traditions began to take form under Ab Madyan several decades after his
death.
240
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 302.
241
, 348.
242
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 302

104
spoke highly of Sufi piety, but held reservations about the sincerity of figures like

Manr al-allj (d. 309/922) and Ab Yazd al-Bism (d. 264/878). He implicitly

criticized extreme Sufis who made false ecstatic utterances after experiencing intense

unveilings. Some, he believed, were led to call themselves the Real/Truth (al-aqq),

whereas in truth one can only realize Gods name aqq by being a servant of the aqq.

Yet paradoxically, Ibn Barrajn was fond of quoting poetry from alljs dwn,243 and

praised the realized Sufis who witnessed Gods signs in the cosmos. He also conceded

that a select few were elevated to the point of witnessing Gods acts, then His attributes,

and finally His Essence, which is why, in his words, they continually refer to God as the

Real (al-aqq).244 These wayfarers achieved such high stations that they only witnessed

the divine Subject (fil), and were oblivious to the created object (mafl).245

While Ibn Barrajn had mixed admiration for Sufis of the East, he was almost

completely disinterested in Sufi discussions of the psychology of soul, and regarded

Sufism primarily as an Eastern phenomenon. To his eyes, Sufism conceived of the

spiritual life, or the quest for the divine as a progression through a variety of states and

stations (awl, maqmt). Sufis thoroughly outlined the hierarchy of these spiritual

states and stations and their numerous treatises and manuals. This Sufi paradigm of the

spiritual path, with its elaborate discussions of awl and maqms, was not Ibn

Barrajns way. Whenever he came across the topic of, say, the state of realizing reliance

upon God (tawakkul), he referred his readers to the works of Sufis. He kept such

243
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 119. The same verse is quoted in , 156.
244
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 139.
245
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 135-36.

105
discussions brief, and often ended them by remarking that others, i.e, Mashriq Sufis

had already discussed them, so there is no need for reiteration. 246 Thus from Ibn

Barrajns perspective, Sufism was still a Mashriq phenomenon that paralleled his own

mystical tradition.247 This point comes across further in his major Qurn commentary,

where Ibn Barrajn gives his own account of the rise of Sufism. At the end of his

account,248 he concludes that Sufis possess technical expressions, aims, and terms that

246
In the Shar, most discussions of Sufi states and stations feature in the introduction. See his discussion
of the station of love as the highest maqm where lover and Beloved are united where he cites verses
quoted by al-Junayd in end of fal 32 Shar maqmt al-yaqn wa-awl al-mqinn in Qt al-qulb, under
heading dhikr makhwif al-muibbn wa-maqmti-him f al-khawf. (See Ibn Barrajns Shar, Mazyad
ed., vol. 1, p. 32). For a discussion of annihilation (fan) and the station of tawd, see (Shar, Mazyad
ed., vol. 1, p. 34). For a brief overview of Sufi virtues, and of the station of trust in God (tawakkul), see
(Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, pp. 281, 306.) In two sections of the Shar, (Mazyad ed., vol. 2, pp. 281, 309)
Ibn Barrajn cuts short his discussion of the station of trust in God (tawakkul), noting that others have
already analyzed the subject in sufficient detail. For a treatment on practical Sufism and the virtues, see
Tanbh, Aldn ed., vol. 2, pp. 577-585.
247
It is important to note that at the time, the term Sufism (taawwuf) did not occupy such a central place in
Islamic literature as a whole. Specifically, the works of Baghdd Sufis gradually permeated in the 5 th/11th
century into other regions which had their own longstanding mystical traditions. One might even say that
Sufism was one of many competing spiritual trends in early Islam, alongside not only the broader practice
of asceticism (zuhd), but also smaller groups like the Karrmiyya and Malmatiyya of Khursn, the
Slimiyya of Basra, and others. See Jacqueline Chabbi, Remarques sur le dveloppement historique des
mouvements asctiques et mystiques au Khurasan: IIIe/IXe Sicle - IVe/Xe Sicle, Studia Islamica 46
(1977), pp. 5-72; Madelung, Religious Trends in Early Islamic Iran (Albany, 1988), p. 39-53; Melchert,
The Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism at the Middle of the Ninth Century C.E., Studia Islamica 83
(1996), pp. 51-70; Sviri, The Early Mystical Schools of Baghdad and Nshpr, pp. 450-82; Hakm
Tirmidh and the Malmat Movement, pp. 583-613. (Cf. Nguyen, Sufi Master and Quran Scholar, p. 82,
ft. 46). See Nguyens discussion of the Karrmiyya in Ibid., pp. 56-65.
248
In summary, he states that following both the death of the Prophet and the problems which ensued under
the reign of the Rightly Guided caliphs (khulaf rshidn), the Muslim community was afflicted by
bloody revolutions, the destruction of the Kaba, and massacre of countless Companions and Muslims at
the hands of different Umayyad generals. At this time of tribulation, many pietists retreated into hospices
(zwiya), mosques, and hermitages (rib) along the borderlands of the Muslim empire. There, in the
fortified outposts, they took to purifying their character traits and practicing spiritual poverty. They
emulated the pious People of the Bench (ahl al-uffa) and, subsequently came to be called Sufis, a
derivative from self-purification (taf). The Sufis clung to the Book, to poverty, patient restraint (abr),
hunger, fear, sadness, scrupulous piety (wara), asceticism (zuhd), truthfulness (idq), gratitude, and other
virtues, and they sought both mystical and exoteric knowledge (ilm, marifa). Tanbh, Adln ed., pp.
833-35.

106
they employ among themselves.249 This was not a gesture of humility on Ibn Barrajns

part, but his articulation of the place of Sufism within the Islamic tradition as he saw it.250

Ibn Barrajn self-identified with a living, indigenous251 Andalus mystical

tradition which he called The Folk who Ponder the World of Dominion (ahl al-naar f

lam al-malakt), or simply the Mutabirn, that is, Contemplatives who ponder Gods

signs in the universe. As a Mutabir, Ibn Barrajn derived his mystical knowledge

(marifa) primarily from Gods symbols in the cosmos,252 and he sought to apprehend

otherworldly realities by pondering their embodiment in The Real By Which Creation

Was Created (al-aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq). For him, the supreme patron of the

Mutabirn (sayyid al-mutabirn) was none other than the Prophet Abraham, who was

shown the kingdom of the heavens and earth, that he might be of those having certainty.

Then upon witnessing the setting of a star, the moon, sun, he turned his face to Him who

originated the heavens and the earth (Q, 6:75-79).253 The Mutabirn tradition drew

249
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, pp. 309-11; Adln ed., vol. 2, pp. 833-35.
250
It is interesting to observe that just as Ibn Barrajn did not identify with Mashriq Sufism, he likewise
maintained a distance from the Andalus school of asceticism. He criticized their renunciatory practices for
being excessive and for distracting spiritual aspirants from study of mystical doctrine and contemplation of
natural symbols (yt). Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 212.
251
Similarly, al-Andalus was home a variety of competing forms of spirituality, including various trends of
asceticism and Masarrism. Thus, just as Andalus Mlikism evolved into its distinctive school; so did local
mysticism. Al wrote an refutation of anomalous stances taken by Andalus jurists entitled Rislat al-radd
al m shadhdha f-hi al-andalusiyyn; Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, Pr cticas y Escualas, in Historia de
Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe,
1994; p. 412.
252
The term Mutabir appears in the Shar, Mzd ed., vol. I, pp. 181, 264, 302, 326, 399, 402 (no
references to mutabir in vol. II). See also : 762, 833. For examples of the term ibra in the , 1,
6, 8, 604, 743, 1144.
253
It is in light of this understanding that Ibn Khaldn astutely notes that Ibn Barrajn belonged among the
folk of divine self-disclosure (tajall), i.e., in contrast to the monists for whom God is the sole Reality and
the sum of the manifested and non-manifested world. Ibn Khaldn, Shif al-sil li-tahdhb al-masil, pp.
51-52.

107
primarily on the writings of Ibn Masarra, and possibly Isml, Ikhwn, and Fim

sources. Ibn Masarras itibr is seminal to the Andalus Mutabirn, who conceived of

the mystical quest as a crossover (ibra) from the visible world to the Unseen via

contemplation of Gods symbols and self-disclosures. The crossover to the Unseen world

through natural symbols (yt) was central to his thought and practice, and he devoted

hundreds of pages to unpacking this theme in his works. Thus the more generic terms

mystic (i.e., one of is interested in the mysteries of the unseen world) or Contemplator

(mutabir) are more applicable to Ibn Barrajn and likeminded 6th/12th century Andaluss.

In short, it is not that Sufism in 6th/12th century Muslim Spain was a reality without a

name. Rather, Andalus mysticism was a forceful, self-conscious and indigenous reality,

and its name was the Mutabir tradition.

Earliest signs of transregional solidarity among mystics

The Andalus Mutabirn were not proto-Sufis, but they were institutionally

informal and incipient.254 Although lodges were erected already in the 4th/10th century

(see above), ascetics and intellectually-inclined mystics tended to follow the spiritual

instructions of numerous teachers simultaneously. uba, or spiritual discipleship and

companionship had not yet become regulated as a formal arqa institution and the

individual aspirant had to select their own methodical practices on the basis of an

assortment of instructions given to him by different masters. Whereas the quest for the

254
True, the Islamic east had already largely integrated Sufism into the mainstream of Islamic thought and
into its madrasa curricula owing in part to the acclaimed writings of such figures as Makk and Qushayr
who had distilled certain esoteric elements from Sufi discourse with a view to introducing it to the
mainstream. As well, in contrast to the 6th/12th century al-Andalus, in the east major doctrinal and
hagiographical works had been compiled, and Sufis were already politically sponsored by viziers like
Nim al-Mulk.

108
divine in al-Andalus was, as Addas puts it, free and flexible,255 the Mashriq witnessed a

gradual structuring and proliferation of Sufi lodges (khnaqhs) devoted to the fostering

of communal spiritual life under a single master. This freedom and flexibility is apparent

in Ibn Barrajns writings as we shall see in Chapter II.

By the first-half of the 6th/12th century, a sense of group identity and solidarity

had even coalesced trans-regionally among mystics on both sides of the Straits. This

sense of common bond is affirmed by two illustrative incidents which involved Ibn

Barrajn. The first is a biographical anecdote concerning the enigmatic Sijilmssan

malmat Ab Abd Allh al-Daqqq (d. end of 6th/12th or early 7th/13th century) who

frequented scholarly circles in Fez and was one of Ab Madyans teachers. He was a

miracle-worker who publicly proclaimed himself to be a friend of God (wal) and

professed doctrines which raised the eyebrows of many a jurist. Reportedly, some of

Daqqqs companions were troubled by the accusations leveled against their master, and

resorted to Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf for advice. To their relief, both Andaluss

responded in agreement do not criticize anything as regards his states (l tunkir shay

min awlihi).256 The fact that the two foremost mystics of al-Andalus were consulted by

followers of the North African Daqqq, and that the latter showed support for a fellow

mystic in the face of criticisms by Moroccan ulam confirms the existence of a group

solidarity among mystics across the al-Murbin empire in opposition to the jurists and

the regime.

255
Addas, Quest for the Red Sulphur, p. 68.
256
Tdil, Tashawwuf, pp. 156-57, nr. 41.

109
 The second anecdote involves another of Ab Madyans teachers, Ibn irzihim,

who displayed a show of camaraderie for a fellow Andalus mystic. As we shall see in

Chapter II, When the emir Al b. Ysuf in Marrakesh and his jurists decreed that Ibn

Barrajn be deprived of burial rites following his trial and incarceration in 536/1141, Ibn

irzihim spurred the citizens of Marrakesh and orchestrated a massive funeral in honor

of the deceased Sevillan saint. The fact that a North African mystic confronted the emir

and his jurists in order to ensure that the status and dignity of a fellow Andalus mystic

was upheld, and that Ibn irzihim was able to provoke a massive impromptu funeral

ceremony for Ibn Barrajn, is truly remarkable. It speaks volumes of mystics popularity

as well as their Andalus-Maghrib sense of commonality in the face of opposing political

and religious forces within the al-Murbin system.

III. Collapse of the al-Murbin

Ibn Qass Failed Murdn Revolt

It is surprising that the al-Murbin did not attempt to arrest Ibn Qas before his

revolution broke out. This fact suggests that they were already beginning to lose control

over much of the Iberian Peninsula. Ibn Qass subversive political activities embodied

the first of many political expressions of Sufism in the region. Although he failed

politically, his revolution weakened the al-Murbins grip in al-Andalus and, most

importantly for this chapter, further cemented incipient Andalus mystical movement.257

Ibn Qas was a political zealot and an anti-Murbin revolutionary leader (thir) who

established a sectarian city-state (ifa) in Silves (Shalba), the former capital of Algarve

257
Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, p. 88.

110
located southeast of present-day Portugal one year after the execution of Ibn Barrajn in

536/1141. Ultimately, his murd struggle against the al-Murbin and the al-

Muwaidn was unsuccessful, plagued by strategic incompetence, military setbacks and

internal rivalries. Ibn Qass movement was emblematic of the general sociopolitical and

economic discontent of 6th/12th century al-Andalus as it transitioned from al-Murbin to

al-Muwaidn control (541-668/1146-1269). He penned a unique, highly original and

literary, though abstruse treatise entitled Discarding the Two Shoes and Borrowing

Light from the Site of the Two Feet (Khal al-nalayn wa-qtibs al-nr min mawi al-

qadamayn) which was influenced by undercurrents of Massarism, Ismlism, Ikhwn al-

af, Neoplatonism, and Hermeticism.258

Patching together the historical events which led up to his defeat and ghastly

execution is complicated by the fact that his earliest al-Muwaidn biographers took

issue with his subversive political activities. Moreover, little of Ibn Qass life is known

before he entered upon the political scene. Abd al-Wid al-Murrkushs al-Mujib f

talkh al-maghrib, penned in 621/1224, is the earliest source and is followed by Ibn al-

Abbrs (d. 658/1259) al-ulla al-siyar. Appraisals of Ibn Qas as a sower of

corruption259 (min dut al-fitan) who carried out his efforts against the state by

possessing the minds of the ignorant, performing pseudo-miracles, and claiming

sainthood (wilya) and titles such as imm and mahd have mired his reputation. Further,

the politically-charged al-Muwaidn allegation that Ibn Qass claims to Sufi

258
See Ebstein, Was Ibn Qas A Sufi? in Studia Arabica, forthcoming.
259
Murrkush, al-Mujib, pp. 309-310.

111
realization were disingenuous, serving merely as a smokescreen for worldly ambitions,

predominates many modern studies.260

Motivated by spiritual reasons, Ibn Qas renounced his leisurely life as overseer

(mushrif) of the government treasury (makhzan). Having sold his belongings, he devoted

himself to asceticism and trekked through the troubled provinces of al-Andalus. In

Almeria, he claimed falsely to have met Ibn al-Arf where we are told he studied the

works of Ghazl (d. 505/1111) so as to attract a following. It is perhaps a combination of

al-Muwaidn theology, Ikhwn al-afs cosmology, claims to Messianism, Ghazls

spiritualizing vision of Islam, his criticism of the hair-splitting fur of the Mlik jurists,

and the alarmingly wealthy state-patronized ulam which caused Ibn Qas to turn

violently against the al-Murbin.261 The historian Lisn al-Dn b. al-Khab (d.

776/1374) reports that he first attempted to subjugate the fort of Monteagudo (Mantaq)

with his followers who were based in the convent (rbia) of Jilla, a hotbed for Ghazlian

and al-Murbin opposition. After a failed attempt, he set west for Mrtola (Marla).

He captured the city with the help of his comrade Ibn al-Qbila and seventy murds in

539/1144.262 His rule lasted less than a year.

With the aid of two rebel chiefs, Ibn Wazr and Muammad Ibn al-Mundhir (d.

558/1184), Ibn Qas established himself as imm of Silves, Evora, Bja, Huelva,

260
For Aff, Ibn Qass political activism disqualifies him as a mystique. See also Mons, Nu
siysiyya an fatrat al-intiql min al-murbin il l-muwaidn, Majallat al-Mahad al-Mir li-l-Dirst
al-Islmiyya, Madrid, vol. 3, nr. 1, 1955, pp. 103, 104; Imat Dandash, Al-Andalus f nihyat al-murbin
wa-mustahall al-muwaidn: ar al-awif al-thn, p. 449.
261
In the Khal, Ibn Qas complains about the wealth accumulated by jurists of his day; Khal, p. 42.
262
Faure, Ibn as , Abu l-sim Amad b. usayn, EI2.

112
Niebla.263 He then organized two ambitious forays into Seville and Cordoba, but the

disastrous outcome of these missions bred internal dissent and caused power struggles

with his brother Sdry Ibn Wazr. By now the al-Murbin were overthrown in North

Africa but retained some power in al-Andalus until 543/1148. In need of a patron, the

weakened rebel solicited the al-Muwaidn caliph Abd al-Mumin b. Al al-Km (d.

558/1162) in Marrakesh in 540/1145. He was received generously on the condition of

giving up all his titles which were reserved for the founder of the al-Muwaidn

movement, al-Mahd Muammad b. Tmart (d. 525/1130). Ibn Khaldn (d. 808/1406)

reports in K. al-Ibar that after Ibn Qass correspondence with the caliph, Al b. s b.

Maymn was put in charge of a counter-attack. He was supplied with reinforcement by

the caliph and Ysuf b. Makhlf in Sabta.

Ibn Qas played an active role in the first al-Muwaidn attempt at conquering

al-Andalus from Cadiz in 541/1146-7, with the hopes of securing the governorship of

Silves (Shalab). However, his power dwindled as the towns of Jerez, Arcos, Ronda,

Niebla, Bja, Mertola, Seville and Badajoz respectively capitulated to al-Muwaidn

control. Finally, when in 545/1151 Abd al-Mumin called for all Andalus governors to

renounce their governorships, and Ibn Qas refused. His insubordination isolated him

once again in Silves. This time he turned to the Christian king of Portugal Alfonso

Henrique (Ibn al-Rq) at Coimbra, thereby placing his own citizens in danger. When this

exceptionable pact became known publicly, a group of dissenters conspired against him
263
Dreher has devoted an extensive study to the political dimensions of Ibn Qass career and titles. Given
that his ancestors were Christians from Silves (shilb), the function of imm typically reserved for a
descendent from the House of the Prophet (ahl al-bayt) here means that he was a Muslim leader by virtue
of his sanctity and charisma. See Dreher, Das Imamat des Islamischen Mystikers Ablqsim Amad Ibn
al-usain Ibn Qas (gest. 1151), Ph.D. diss., Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelm-Universitt, 1985.

113
and his former partner Ibn al-Mundhir in 546/1151, decapitating Ibn Qas and fixing his

head to the end of the very lance that had been given to him by the Portuguese

sovereign.264

Ibn Tmarts Religio-Political al-Muwaidn Movement

The al-Muwaidn overthrew the al-Murbin in 539/1145. Muammad b.

Tmart (d. 524/1130), their political ideologue and state founder was a politician at root.

He made use of Asharism primarily, but also elements of falsafa, Mutazil, Sh or

hir doctrine in his struggle for power.265 The very title of his movement, Proclaimers

of Divine Unity (muwaidn) is self-serving and polemical because it pairs itself

against the allegedly deviant anthropomorphism of the al-Murbin. Ibn Tmart

received training in theology and other sciences with prominent eastern scholars such as

Ab Bakr al-Shsh (d. 507/1114), Ab al-asan al-ayraf (d. 500/1107), Ab Bakr al-

ursh, and Kiy al-Harrs (Juwayns student) at the Nimiyya of Baghdd, then

returned to the Muslim West around 511/1117. He claimed to have studied with Ghazl,

but in fact never did because the latter had already left his post in the Nimiyya for

Khursn by the time of Ibn Tmarts arrival.266 Nonetheless, Ghazl influenced Ibn

Tmarts moral, juridical, and theological teachings profoundly.

His political career began in Tunis after 510/1116 where he gathered a circle of

followers and instructed them in the rigorous religious practices set forth in the Iy. He

264
This is only one version of the story of Ibn Qass demise. Ibn Khaldn claims that he lost the support of
Silves after siding with Abd al-Mumin. He was tricked into opening his palace gate, beheaded, and his
head placed on the lance offered to him by the Portuguese king. Ibn Khaldn, Al-Ibar f akhbr man
ghabar, vol. 6, pp. 485-489.
265
Inna, Taawwur, p. 111-124.
266
Griffel, Al-Ghazls Philosophical Theology, p. 77.

114
reached Marrakesh in 515/1121 with a sizeable group of Mamda followers who rapidly

conquered North Africa and al-Andalus under the leadership of his successor Abd al-

Mumin b. Al (d. 558/1163).267 His concise, straightforward, and predominantly Ashar

tract entitled al-Murshida (The Guidebook) was well received, frequently commented

upon, and put to verse by scholars of the Maghrib, al-Andalus, Ifrqiy, and even the

Sdn. It played a significant role in uniting the Maghrib under Asharism and in

positioning the science of kalm, not fiqh, as the queen of all Islamic sciences. The two

short Murshidas, contained in the compilation of his writings which were edited two

decades after his death, later served as entry-level texts (madkhal) for students of

theology in the Maghrib under Ibn Tmarts successor Abd al-Mumin b. Al.

Despite their loss of power and stature, relatively few scholars who were allied

with the al-Murbin were dismissed from their appointments on ideological grounds in

the first twenty years of transition to al-Muwaidn rule.268 Fully aware of how

polarized the clerical class was, the al-Muwaidn used every means possible to unify

them under one banner. Though the new regime did not use force to suppress the old

ideology, they pitted themselves against the putatively crude, anthropomorphist, insular,

traditional al-Murbin who were fixated on the branches (fur) of jurisprudence rather

than its foundations (ul). They claimed to tread a middle-course that steered away from

literalist anthropomorphism of former, and the abstracting rationalism of the Mutazils.

The campaign was spearheaded by a government-sponsored scholarly elite, represented

most prominently by Ab al-ajjj al-arr, al-Mahd b. Tmart, al-Q Iy, Ab

267
Ibid., p. 78.
268
Urvoy, The Ulam of al-Andalus, p. 869.

115
Amr al-Sallij (d. 574/1178),269 and even Ab Bakr b. al-Arab. Reacting against the

al-Murbin ban on teaching Asharism to the masses, they led an Ashr mass-media

campaign and even preached Asharism to non-Arabized rural Berbers through tracts in

their mother-tongue.270 The movement had its opponents among the ideological

sympathizers of the al-Murbin such as Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, Ibn amdn, and Abd al-

Ramn b. Utb. But the old-schoolers died out before too long, and a new consensus

of scholars emerged.

269
Ab Amr al-Sallij (d. 574/1178) of Fez has sometimes been referred to as the Juwayn of the
Maghrib on account of his profound mastery of theology and his role in disseminating Asharism
throughout North Africa during the al-Muwaidn period. One historian went as far as to say that it is he
who saved the people of Fez from anthropomorphism, that is, traditional al-Murbin doctrine (Ibn al-
Amar, Buytt Fs al-kubr, p. 49, cf. Inna, Taawwur, pp. 139-146). His popular didactic poem,
entitled al-Aqda al-burhniyya f ilm al-ulhiyya is his only surviving work, which he claimed to have
written in response to the request of an elderly Andalus woman who wanted Asharism explained to her in
a simple and easily retainable manner. He is said to have studied Juwayns Irshd with Al Ibn irzihim
(559/1163) and subsequently modeled the Burhniyya after it. The Burhniyya received numerous
commentaries of varying lengths over the centuries, and was taught in the mosque-universities of the
Muslim West. Up to the revitalization period of Asharism in the 9 th/15th century at the hands of
Muammad b. Ysuf al-Sans (d. 895/1489), the Burhniyya stood as the most popular text of its kind in
the Maghrib, surpassing even Ibn Tmarts Murshida (Tdil, Tashawwuf, p. 198).
270
The enforcement of Asharism on the masses during the al-Muwaidn period gave rise to popular
misunderstandings, which manifested ironically in very un-Ashar proverbs, such as God decreed but was
not pleased (qa Allh wa-lam yara) or Oh He who sees but is not seen (y man yar wa-l yur).
Thus the troubled Ab Isq b. Dihq b. al-Mara composed works to rectify such popular errors. (Ibn al-
Q, Jadhwat al-iqtibs, Rabat, Dr al-Manra, 1973-74, vol. 1, p. 90.) Moreover, Muammad al-
Sakkn, and his son Ibn Muammad al-Sakkn (d. 717/1317) were active in this project. The father
authored Arban masala f ul al-dn, and his son wrote the famous Mistakes of Common Believers
Concerning the Science of Kalm (Lan al-awmm f-m yataallaq bi-ilm al-kalm). Inna,
Taawwur, p. 154.

116
 Chapter II
Ibn Barrajn: His Life, Education, Students, Political Views, and
Decease

Introduction

The Introduction and Chapter I of this study aimed at providing the reader with a

broad historical, sociopolitical, and religious overview of Andalus history leading up to

the collapse of the al-Murbin regime. In this chapter, we turn to the life and times of

Ab al-akam Abd al-Salm b. Abd al-Raman b. Ab al-Rijl Muammad b. Abd al-

Ramn al-Lakhm al-Ishbl1 who was the most important Andalus mystic of his day.

To date, secondary studies of Ibn Barrajns life and work have only looked at the patchy

and often conflicting data furnished by his biographers.2 In so doing, they have ignored

1
GAL, I, 434; GAL, S I, 775-76.
2
GAL I, 434; GAL S I, 775-6. The earliest study on Ibn Barrajn is written in German by Goldziher, Ibn
Barran, ZDMG 69 (1914), 544-546. See also Faure, Ibn Barradjn, EI2 3, 732; the introductory study
on Ibn Barrajn in - - , ed. . de
la Torre, Madrid onsejo Superior de In estigaciones ient ficas Agencia spa ola de ooperaci n
Internacional, 2000, 33-36; Gharmn, Al-M -f yy -Maghribiyya wa-l-Andalusiyya,
Casablanca Dr al-Rashd al-adtha, 2000, 114-54; Gril, La Lecture Suprieure du oran selon Ibn
Barran, Arabica 47 (2000), 510-22; idem, Linterprtation par transposition symbolique ( ) selon
Ibn Barragn et Ibn Arab, Symbolisme et herm q p I , Damascus:
Presses de l'Ifpo, 2007, 147-61; Qr, Ibn Barrajn wa-juhduh f al-tafsr, M j J q -l-
U -Iqti yy w -l-Q yy , nr. 23, 2007, pp. 363-424; Gonzlez osta, Un ejemplo de la
hermeneutica suf del corn en al-Andalus: el comentario cornico al-ikma de Ibn Barran (m.
536/1141) de Se illa, Historia del Sufismo en al-Andalus; Maestros Sufes de al-andalus y el Maghreb,
eds. A. Gonzlez Costa, G. L. Anguita, Cordoba: Almuzara, 2009, 41-65, and Ibn Barran, Ab L-akam
(Abuelo), in Biblioteca de al-Andalus Vol.2: I I , eds. . L. Delgado, . M. uerta
lchez; Almera: Fundacin Ibn Tufayl de Estudios rabes, 2009, 524-538; Hosni, Manhaj al- I
j f f - I p gy f I j , h.D. Diss, miat al-Yarmk
(Kulliyyat al-Shara wa-l-Dirst al-Islmiyya, Qism Ul al-Din), ordan, 2009, n/p; Kk, Light upon
light in Andalusian Sufism: Abu l-akam Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141) and Muy l-Dn Ibn Arab (d.
638/1240) as de eloper of his hermeneutics. art I Ibn Barrajns life and works, ZDMG 163 (2013), 87-
116; and art II Ibn Barrajns iews and legacy, ZDMG 162 (2013), 383-409; Melvin-Koushki,
Matthew, I j , f G cyc : v y f - 1-5, 2008, n/p; J. Bellver,
Al-Ghazl of al-Andalus Ibn Barrajn, Mahdism, and the emergence of learned Sufism on the Iberian
eninsula, JAOS 133 (2013), 659-81; and Ibn Barran and Ibn Arab on the prediction of the capture
of erusalem in 583/1187 by Saladin, Arabica 61 (2014), 252-86; Casewit, A Reconsideration of the life
and works of Ibn Barrajn, Al-Abhath, forthcoming in al-Abhath.

117
the precious, albeit few shreds of historical contextual evidence embedded implied in Ibn

Barrajns own writings, which supply us with a clearer understanding of his biography

and political views.

Section I assesses the reliability of biographical literature on Ibn Barrajn by

tracing the evolution of his biographical portrayal by medieval hagiographers from the al-

Murbin period up to the Mamlks. I contend that the Se illan masters reputation as a

political revolutionary who was executed by the state on grounds of heresy grows out of

the later biographical tradition, and should be weighed against the earliest sources as well

as Ibn Barrajns own writings. Section II co ers Ibn Barrajns ancestral origins,

family ties, the significance of his honorific epithet Ghazl of al-Andalus, his early

education, spiritual practice, teachers, and disciples. Discussions of his alleged affiliation

with Ghazl, his stance toward jurisprudence and the Mlik school, and the role of his

students in disseminating his teachings among the circle of Ab Madyan, will be included

in this section. Section III evaluates Ibn Barrajns political iews, millenarian

expectations, incarceration in Marrakesh alongside Ibn al-Arf and Ab Bakr al-

Mayrq, and death.

I. An Evolving Hagiographical Portrait

The life and work of Ibn Barrajn receives a notice in most of the major Arabic

historical and biographical sources.3 The earliest, to which all subsequent sources refer

3
Ibn al-Abbr, al-Takmila li-Kit b al-ila, (Beirut, 1995), vol. 3, pp. 46-7, nr. 115, and in M j , (Cairo,
2000) pp. 19-20, 139; Ibn al-Zubayr, ilat al-ila, partial ed. Lvi-Provenal (Rabat, 1938), 45, p. 31-33;
Ibn Khallikn, Wafay t al- y n, ed. I. Abbs, 8 vols. (Beirut, 1986), vol. 4, p. 230, 236-37; VII, p. 340;
vol. 8, p. 71; al-Yfi, M t al-Jin n, 4 vols. (Beirut, 1997), vol. 3, p. 204; al-Dhahab, Siyar m al-
Nubal (Beirut, 1985), vol. 20, 44, p. 72; al-afad, al-W f bi-l-Wafay t, 22 vols. (Stuttgart, 1962-83),
vol. 1, p. 674; Ibn Hajar al-Asqaln, Lis n al-Mz n, 7 vols. (Beirut, 1971), vol. 4, p. 13-14; al-Suy,

118
back to, was penned by Ibn al-Abbr (d. 658/1260) in his biographical dictionary entitled

K. al-takmila li-k -ila. The Takmila was written as a continuation to Ibn

Bashkuwls (d. 578/1183) earlier K. al- f k -Andalus wa-

.4 The second important entry on Ibn Barrajn is found in Ibn al-Zubayrs (d.

708/1308) ilat al-ila, a work which in turn continues the Takmila of Ibn al-Abbr.

Together, Ibn al-Abbr and Ibn al-Zubayr provide most of the substantive biographical

data on the Sevillan master. The later biographers add very little historical information to

the latter. In fact, as Bellver rightly notes, they distort our understanding of his life,

bestow upon him titles such as Sufi leader with which he ne er self-identified,

exaggerate the extent of his political activism by depicting him as an all-out anti-

Murbin re olutionary. These later biographers are the cause for much of the confusion

surrounding Ibn Barrajns life in secondary literary. Therefore, an analysis of his

evolving hagiographical portrait and (mis)representation in the later biographical sources

is in order.

abaq t al- f , (Cairo: 1976) p. 68; Sharn, al- q al-K , 2 vols., Cairo: al-Mabaa al-
mira al-Sharafiyya, 1315/1897, vol. 1, p. 15; al-Baghdd, Hadiyat al- f , ed. R. Bilge and M. Kemal
(Istanbul, 1951), vol. 1, p. 570; al-Tdil, al-Tashawwuf Rij l al-Taawwuf, ed. A. Toufic (Rabat, 1997),
41 (on Ab Abd Allh Al-Daqqq), p. 156; 51 (on Al b. irzihim), p. 168-170; Ibn Taghrbird, 12 vols.
(Cairo, 1929-56), al-Nuj al-Z hirah, vol. 5, p. 270; Ibn al-Imd, Shadhar t al-Dhahab, 10 vols.
(Beirut, 1986-93) vol. 6, pp. 185-87; al-Munw, al-Kaw kib al-Durriyya f Tar jim al-S t al-f yy
(Cairo, 1994) vol. 2, 425, p. 682; Nabhn, J Kar m t al-Awliy (Cairo, 1962), vol. 1, p. 166-67; Ibn
Khaldn, Shif al-S il, ed. Khalif (Beirut, 1959), p. 51-52; al- Nir, al-Istiq li-Akhb r Duwal al-
Maghrib al-Aq (Casablanca, 1954-56), p. 218-19; Ibn al-Muwaqqit, al-S da al-Abadiyya, lithograph, 2
vols. (Fez, 1918), vol. 1, p. 106; jj Khalfah, Kashf al- , Kashf al- , 2 ols., Beirut Dr Iy
al-Turth al-Arab, n/d; ol. 2, pp. 1031-1033; U. R. Kala, M j al-Mu f , 4 vols. (Beirut,
1993), vol. 2, p. 147 (nr. 7226); al-Dwud, abaq t al- f (Cairo, 1972), vol. 1, 280, p. 300.
4
ed. Bashshr wd Marf, 2 ols., (Tunis, 2010). The ila itself is a continuation of the biographical
dictionary assembled by Ibn al-Farad (d. 404/1013) entitled T k -Andalus.

119
 The first phase - Ibn Barrajn the outcast

Ibn Barrajns biographical portrait evolves over the course of several centuries

and can be divided into three stages.5 The first, in which he is marginalized as an outcast,

begins in the 6th/12th century with Ibn Bashkuwls (d. 578/1183) al-ila, the most

important and extensive biographical compilation for Andalus of his time. Ibn

Bashkuwls work played a pivotal role in constructing the medieval image and status of

ulam as a clerical class in al-Andalus, and continues to exercise a profound influence

on our understanding of the scholarly networks of the period. As a professional

ulamlogist, Ibn Bashkuwl was selective in handpicking the scholars whom he

considered to be meritorious of inclusion in his work, and in determining their

appropriate character traits and scholarly credentials.6 To this end, he duly included Ibn

al-Arf among the in his work, but passed over Ibn Barrajn in silence. There

can be no doubt that the two men knew each other. Ibn Bashkuwl was a sympathizer of

mysticism, an admirer of Ibn al-Arf, knew Ibn Barrajn either directly or through their

mutual students,7 and had reached his late thirties by the time our author had died in

Marrakesh. The death of Ibn Barrajn, who was known already in his lifetime as the

Ghazl of al-Andalus, was therefore known by Ibn Bashkuwl. Moreo er, Ibn

Bashkuwl began writing the ila while the al-Murbin were still in power, and

completed it under the succeeding al-Muwaidn dynasty in 564/1169. Therefore, he

would not have been under any political pressure to exclude Ibn Barrajn from his work.
5
Bell er, Al-Ghazl of al-Andalus Ibn Barrajn, Mahdism, and the mergence of Learned Sufism on
the Iberian Peninsula, in JAOS, pp. 660-662.
6
Urvoy, Dominique, Le Monde des Ulmas Andalous, pp. 63-64, 107-08, 117-18.
7
Ibn Barrajn and Ibn Bashkuwl shared se eral students in Se ille, including Ab al-Qsim al-Qanar (d.
561/1166) and Ab al-asan b. Khalaf b. Ghlib (d. 568/1172) of Silves.

120
His omission was unquestionably deliberate; driven perhaps by a personal animosity

which the sources do not disclose. Or, more likely, because Ibn Barrajn was accused of

being an inno ator ( ) by the examination committee of jurists who put him on

trial in Marrakesh.8 The absence of Ibn Barrajn from the ila has led some modern

researchers to mistakenly presume that he did not possess qualifications of an lim, i.e.,

that he did not receive adequate juridical training, or that he was an outcast on account of

his North African origins.9

The second phase: Ibn Barrajn the preeminent scholar

Despite Ibn Bashkuwls silent suppression of the Sevillan master, his cherished

memory and influential writings gained steady recognition among scholarly circles of the

Muslim West and beyond. Changes in the intellectual climate of 7th/13th century al-

Andalus and the officialization of Asharism and Sufism under the al-Muwaidn

regime had a direct bearing on Ibn Barrajns biographical reputation. The 7th/13th

century biographers Tdil,10 Ibn al-Abbr,11 Ibn al-Zubayr,12 and Murrkush13 represent

8
See Fierro, Religious Dissension in al-Andalus Ways of xclusion and Inclusion, al-Qanara, 22,
2001, p. 482.
9
Urvoy, Le monde des ulmas andalous du V/XI e sicle, Gene a, 1978, p. 55; and Fierro, Opposition to
Sufism in al-Andalus, in Frederick de ong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen
Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill, 1999, ft. 56, p. 187.
10
Abu Yaqb Ysuf b. al-Zayyt, alias al-Tdil (d. ca. 727/1229), completed his al-T ww f j
al-taawwuf ( eering at the Luminaries of Sufism) in ca. 617/1220, approximately eighty years after Ibn
Barrajns death; or fifty after Ibn Bashkuwls work. Tdil memorialized the li es of saints (sing. ,
w ) of Marrakesh and southern Morocco in 279 rich hagiographic entries. The saints he portrayed were
mostly of Berber stock, harking back to the early al-Murbin and into the al-Muwaidn period; that is,
from the formative 5th/11th to the 7th/13th centuries. Ibn Barrajn, being an Andalus, fell outside al-Tdils
geographical scope and therefore did not receive an independent entry in the Tashawwuf. As we shall see,
al-Tdil nonetheless mentioned the e ents surrounding his trial and death (by illness) in the biographical
account of the Moroccan Ghazlian Ibn irzihim (d. 559/1164), since it is the latter who ensured, contra
the emirs ignominious decree, that the Se illan recei e proper burial rites.
11
Ibn al-Abbr (d. 658/1260) was the first biographer to de ote an entire independent entry to Ibn Barrajn
in his Supplement to [Ibn Bashkuwls] ila (al-Takmila li-k -ila), a biographical work launched

121
this second biographical phase. All were largely supportive of Sufism, embraced the

writings of Ghazl, and keen to redeem the repute of pioneering mystics who suffered

persecutions and accusations of innovation ( ) and heresy (zandaqa) under the-then

maligned al-Murbin. Ibn Barrajn was lauded by these mystically-inclined biographers

as one of the greatest polymaths of his day.

Parallel to this redeeming biographical trend, widely celebrated al-Muwaidn

scholars like the Qurn commentator, muaddith, and legal expert Muammad b.

Amad al-Qurub (d. 671/1272) began to cite our authors celebrated works, acti ely

seeking to restore his status as an orthodox and preeminent scholar. In a compendious

treatise on eschatology entitled The Reminder of the States of the Deceased and Affairs

of the Hereafter (K -tadhkira bi-a w - w w - - k ), Qurub

cites the I five times14 and consistently identifies him as The Jurist Ibn Barrajn

one century after our authors death; in 631/1233. (F. Codera ed., Madrid, 1887), vol. 2, p. 559, nr. 1588; p.
645, nr. 1797. This study cites from the more accessible Beirut 1995 edition). Ibn al-Abbr lists names of
Ibn Barrajns teachers, students and books, but makes no mention of his supposed political activities. He
acknowledges Ibn Barrajns mastery of mystical knowledge ( f ), Qurnic ariants (q ), adth,
and especially theology, Sufism (taawwuf), and asceticism. In his catalogue ( j ) of Ab Al al-
adafs students, he provides some details surrounding his death and affirms his preeminence over Ibn al-
Arf. Ibn al-Abbr, al-M j f -q - - f, (Cairo: 2000), p. 19.
12
Ibn al-Abbr is supplemented by Ibn al-Zubayrs (d. 708/1308) ery laudatory and, one might say,
apologetic assessment of Ibn Barrajn as one of the greatest men of the Muslim West who achie ed
unsurpassed mastery in irtually e ery field, from grammar and literature, to esoteric tafsr ( w ). He
goes to great lengths to defend of Ibn Barrajns orthodoxy, maintaining that while his writings can be
difficult to comprehend (g ), he nevertheless skirted both the perilous depths of inism and the
excessive exoteric pedantry of hirsm. His death in Marrakesh away from his homeland, concludes Ibn
al-Zubayr, was a tribulation.
13
Abd al-Malik al-Murrkushs (d. 703/1303) biography sur i es in Ibn ajar al-Asqalns L -
z ; ed. Ab Ghudda, (Aleppo, 2002), ol. 5, pp. 174-74, nr. 4761.
14
Qurub, K -tadhkira bi-a w - w w - - k , 3 vols., ed. al-diq Ibn Ibrhm,
Riy Maktabat Dr al-Minhj li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, 1425/2004. Most of the citations of Ibn Barrajn in
the Tadhkira are admonitory, dealing with the torments of the Day of Judgment (Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 585-586)
or descriptions of the various states of people who experience it. (Ibid., vol. 2, p. 592. On the state of the
hypocrites, see vol. 2, p. 740.) Qurub cites a adth commentary (Ibid.,vol. 1. pp. 395-396) and a

122
(al-f q I j ). He also insists that Ibn Barrajn belonged among the people of

knowledge and practice (ahl al-ilm wa-l-amal).15 Qurubs endorsement of Ibn

Barrajn reflects a shift in Andalus scholarship as a whole, which now looked upon him

as a distinguished predecessor. His approval was a conscious effort to dispel accusations

of heterodoxy, and brings to mind how Ibn Masarra, two centuries earlier, was referred to

as a f q by his scribes who sought to validate the latters claims that philosophy and

prophecy were complimentary.16

Two points come to mind concerning this extraordinary shift in Ibn Barrajns

biographical status. First, these al-Muwaidn biographers were writing in the wake of

the fulfillment of Ibn Barrajns prophecy of the Muslim recapture of Jerusalem from the

Crusaders in 583/1187. Ibn Barrajns remarkable prediction, which we shall analyze

subsequently, bestowed our author with both Sufi, scholarly, and popular credibility, and

lent credence to the epistemological claims of Sufis in the polarizing debates over the

nature of religious knowledge and authority which had ensued under the previous

dynasty. Redeeming Ibn Barrajns status as a scholar therefore went hand in hand with

confirming the ability of Sufis to access higher realms of knowledge, and discrediting the

counter-claims of al-Murbin jurists.

Second, it is important to note that contrary to claims made by later 9th/15th

century biographers, none of these al-Muwaidn biographers describe Ibn Barrajn as

discussion of the intercession of the Prophet (Ibid., ol. 2, p. 601) by Ibn Barrajn. IT seems quite certain
that Qurub was confusing the titles T and I .
15
Qurub, K -tadhkira bi-a w - w w - - k , vol. 1, pp. 408-409.
16
See Ibn Masarras Rislat al-Itibr, in Min al- -f f -Ibn Masarra, ed. Muammad Kaml
afar, airo al-Majlis al-Al li-l-Thaqfa, 1982, p. 61.

123
a contender for political authority nor a political activist. His summoning, trial, and

incarceration in Marrakesh are explained in the context of his association with the

popular Ibn al-Arf who was envied by powerful jurists; as well as the accusation of

religious innovation ( ) directed against our author by the examining committee. Nor

do any of these early biographers allege that Ibn Barrajn was executed. Instead, we are

told that the aged scholar died in prison where his health declined rapidly, presumably

worn by travel fatigue in the height of the scorching Marrakesh summer heat, and

exhausted by physical hardships of prison and the psychological trauma caused by the

court trial.

The third phase: Ibn Barrajn the political revolutionary

The final turn in Ibn Barrajns biographical portrait which colors much of Ibn

Barrajns portrayal in modern secondary literature, begins in the 8th/14th century.17 This

time, Ibn Barrajn is pulled into anti/pro-Sufi polemics of the Mamlk period. His

questionable doctrines are brought to the forefront once again, and he is now played up as

an all-out Sufi political revolutionary struggling against an adamantly anti-Sufi al-

17
Until recently, the predominant opinion in modern studies of Ibn Barrajn was that he was one of the
most prominent activist scholars who took to politics when the opportunity to affect positive reform
presented itself dates back to these later biographers. He spearheaded the first populist, Sufi-led uprising
against central authority in the early 6th/12th century, and thus stood at the forefront of a broader nativist
resistance movement which ultimately brought down the al-Murbin. His gained popular
support in 130 villages of the district of Aljarafe ( q -Sharaf) west of Seville. Although it was crushed,
his martyrdom fueled the re olt of Ibn Qas the following year in 537/1142 in Sil es, which
di erted the regimes energies away from Ibn Tmarts al-Muwaidn re olt, who in turn succeeded in
bringing down the al-Murbin. (Norris, al-Murbin, EI2). This assessment is historically inaccurate
and as we shall see below, di erges sharply with Ibn Barrajns writings and teachings. It goes back Asn
alacios (d. 1944) appraisal of Ibn Barrajn as a rebel (As n alacios, Tres studios sobre pensamiento y
mstica hispanomusumlanes, Madrid Hiperi n, 1992, p. 222; published originally as l m stico Ab-l-
Abbs ibn al-Arf de Almer a y su Ma -M , in Boletn de la Universidad de Madrid 3, 1931,
pp. 441-58.) It was then reiterated by Paul Nwyia (d. 1985), the editor of Ibn al-Arfs letters to Ibn
Barrajn. Nwyia belie ed that Ibn al-Arfs laudatory address to Ibn Barrajn as his confirmed
alacios understanding of our author as a political militant. See Nwyia, Note sur quelques fragment
indits de la correspondence dIbn al-Arf a ec Ibn Barrajn, Hespris 43 (1956), pp. 217-21; idem,
Rasil Ibn al-Arf il ab thawrat al-murdn f al-Andalus, al-Ab , 27, (Beirut, 1979), pp. 43-56.

124
Murbin dynasty. The earliest account we have of this third phase is preserved in a

work by the Egyptian scholar Abd al-Ghaffr b. N al-Qs (d. 708/1308) Sufi

treatise and biographical compilation of 7th/13th century Sufis of Lower-Egypt entitled

The Unique [Book] on the Wayfaring of the People of Di ine Unity (al-Wa f k

ahl al-taw ). It is important to emphasize that this work, penned in 708/1308 on the

year of Qs death, was heavily informed by oral tradition and dictated from memory. It

is therefore likely that Ibn Barrajns posthumous reputation as a radical Sufi and a

political revolutionary was conceived in the imagination of early Mamlk Sufi scholars

and disseminated through oral channels.

Q patently projects Mamlk polemics onto Ibn Barrajns biograpahy when he

states that Ibn Barrajn, like allj and Ibn Qas, was executed for ha ing di ulged the

divine secret, and, like Ibn Qas, for claiming the .18 Shortly thereafter, Dhahab

(d. 748/1348) echoes Qs statements by noting that the al-Murbin emir Al b.

Ysuf suspected that Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf were staging a political revolt,

summoned them to Marrakesh, and had them imprisoned.19 Q and Dhahab were the

first to claim that Ibn Barrajn was sentenced to death. These allegations were reiterated

by Sharn (d. 973/1565) in his Grand Biographical Compilation (al- q -

k ). According to the latter, a stratagem ( ) was devised by the jurists who accused

Ibn Barrajn of being a religio-political leader ( ) in 130 villages, in whose name the

18
Gril, Une Source Indite pour LHistoire du Taawwuf en gypte au VII/XIIIe Sicle, in Livre du
Centenaire 1800-1980, airo Institut Franais DArchologies Orientale Du aire, 1980, p. 463.
19
Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 20, pp. 72-74, nr. 44.

125
Friday sermons were delivered. Ibn Barrajn was brought before the emir on the basis of

this false accusation.20

In the modern period, it is worth pointing out that the current plaque adorning the

entrance to Ibn Barrajns tomb in the old quarter of Marrakesh makes no mention of his

arrest or execution, but claims him as the Ghazal of al-Maghrib, i.e., Morocco instead

of al-Andalus. As a final twist of fate, the figure of Ibn Barrajn is tweaked to suit

modern nationalistic interests of the Kingdom of Morocco. The plaque reads:

Ibn Barrajn Ab al-akam b. Abd al-Ramn al-Lakhm, an Andalus

Sufi from Seville who came to Marrakesh where he died in 536/1140. He

was described as the Ghazl of al-Maghrib. He excelled primarily in

theology, philology, and literature.

II. Background: Early Years, Educational Training, and Epithet

His Nisba, Kunya, Ism, Laqab

Having traced the evolution of Ibn Barrajns biographical portrait, let us attempt

to reconstruct his life in light of reliable biographical, historical, textual, and contextual

evidence at our disposal. The biographers note that Abd al-Salm b. Abd al-Ramn b.

Muammad b. Barrajns paternal tribal designation or nisba, is al-Lakhm, indicating

that he was from the Arab tribe of Ban Lakhm (al-L k ). The Ban Lakhm were one

of the Yemen Arab tribes of Qan. Before the rise of Islam, they resided in the

northeastern regions of the Arabian eninsula, Irq, and the Le ant. The Lakhm

20
Sharn, al- q -k , vol. 1, 15.

126
dynasty, which adopted Nestorian Christianity, was centered in its capital in al-ra from

ca. 300 C.E. to ca. 600 C.E. It was a semi-autonomous political entity which acted as a

buffer state, protecting the Sassanid Empire against Arab nomadic raids into the Fertile

Crescent. After the rise of Islam, Lakhms were gradually absorbed into the Muslim

Empire and subsequently lost their Nestorian Christian identity. However, their name

reemerged in al-Andalus during the ifa period when the 5th/11th century Arab Ban

Abbd emirate of Se ille claimed the Ban Lakhm as their genealogical ancestors.

Specifically, the Ban Abbd traced their lineage back to a Lakhm immigrant from

Arabia known as Isml b. Abbd al-Lakhm, who purported to be a descendant of the

much-admired pre-Islamic Lakhm Nestorian king al-Numn b. al-Mundhir (d. 609

C.E.).21 Muammad b. Abbd, who adopted the honorific title al-Mutaid bi-llh,

secured Abbd rule over Seville and its environs from 414/1013 onward. His emirate

survived for seventy years, and was toppled in 484/1091 by the overpowering al-

Murbin army.

Ibn Barrajns grandfather migrated with his family to Seville under the emirate

of Muammad b. Abbds successor Abbd b. Muammad II al-Mutaid (r. 434-

461/1042-1069), only a few decades before the collapse of the f . Their migration was

prompted by the civil strife of the Arabs (fitnat al-Arab), that is, the devastations

caused by the Ban Hill in asions of Ifrqiy.22 The southern and eastern Andalus

f , and in particular the emirate of Seville and Granada, provided safety for waves of

21
Najb Zaynab, al-M w - - k -Maghrib wa-l-Andalus, Beirut Dr al-Amr li-l-
Thaqfa wa-l-Ulm, 1995, ol. 2, p. 245.
22
Other emigrations incited by fitnat al- are recorded by Ibn Bashkuwl in the ila. See 1:214 (nr.
302), 3 871 (nr. 1332), 2 589 (nr. 876), and 3 871 (nr. 1331). f. Bell er, Al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, p.
664, ft. 21.

127
northbound refugees from Ifrqiy, as well as southbound migrates from the beleaguered

northern and northwestern regions. Seville was an attractive destination for these refugees

given that it enjoyed thriving agrarian economy which surpassed the maritime economies

of the coastal cities. The Ban Abbd nearly annexed the entire southwest al-Andalus,

beginning with ammd territories of Algeciras, then Morn, Carmona, Ronda, and

Arcos and in 461/1069 even Cordoba.23 In addition to its attractive economy, a

considerable number of the immigrants who were drawn to Seville were scholars, and the

city soon established itself as a major center of Islamic learning on the Peninsula. Given

the predominance of the Ban Lakhm in Seville over other tribes,24 it is likely that Ibn

Barrajns family already had preexisting tribal or family connections in the region and

were able to settle there without difficulty. As first-generation immigrants to an

intellectually and economically flourishing city, they fared quite well economically since

they could afford to pro ide both Ibn Barrajn and his brother with scholarly training in

al-Andalus. It is likely that his family was already steeped in religious learning in

Ifrqiy, but that their records were lost in the Hill in asions. Also, although they were

erudite, Ibn Barrajns family was not particularly wealthy family since neither of the

sons appears to have studied abroad.

Ibn Barrajn is commonly referred to in the medieval sources by his honorific

designation (kunya) Ab al-akam. This honorific, which implies that he was regarded as

a man of wisdom, was bestowed upon him by his colleagues and pupils, and alludes to

23
See Guichard & Soravia, Le Royaumes de Taifas pp. 72-78 for more on the expansion of the Abbdid
ifa in southern al-Andalus; and pp. 196-207 for an analysis of the armies of Seville, its composition,
expansionism, power, and use non-Arab mercenaries.
24
Urvoy, Le Monde de Ulmas, p. 53.

128
the respect which he enjoyed among his peers. As for our authors name I j , its

etymology remains a point of scholarly contention. Its root B-R- N has very little

precedent in medieval Islamic texts, and the author gives no explanations for it in his own

writings. References to scholars named Ibn B-R- N are so scanty in the early sources

that the origin of the name or the ethnicity of the person in question cannot be verified

with certainty.25 Suggestions put forth remain conjectural.26 Dhahab, (d. 748/1347)

25
The earliest Ab al-Rijl in Islamic biographical literature is Ab al-Rijl Muammad b. Abd al-
Ramn al-Anr who was a Successor ( ) and fairly well-known adth narrator. He is said to have
received the honorific (laqab) Ab al-Rijl because he had ten sons. The name Burjn/Barrajn ()
appears in early books on adth transmitters (kutub al- j ). In a 3rd/9th work assessing the soundness of
adth transmitters entitled K. al-I w - f - j , Amad b. anbal (d. ca. 241/855) mentions a
scholar named Al-Muall b. Burjn/Barrajn, follower of Anas b. Mlik (d. 178/795), among the early
transmitters of a adth (Ibn anbal, Amad, K. al-I w - f - j , 4 vols., ed. Raway Abbs,
Bombay: al-Dr al-Salafiyya, 1988; vol. 1, p. 470, nr. 1048.) Al-Muall b. Burjn/Barrajns name appears
one century later in a work of the same genre by Ibn Ab tim al-Rz (d. 327/938) (K. al-Jar wa-l-
, 9 ols., Beirut Dr al-Umam, 1973, vol. 7, p. 213, nr. 1182) Muammad b. Burjn/Barrajn is cited
in al-Bukhrs encyclopedic work on history as well. (Bukhr, Ab Abd Allh, al- K. al- k -k , 9
vols., ed. Muaph Amad A, Beirut Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 2001. ol. 1, p. 44, nr. 84)

Then in an early Sufi work on the irtue of thinking well of God ( usn al-ann bi- L ), the early
ascetic of Baghdd Ibn Ab al-Duny (d. 281/894) includes a chapter on the excellence of one who called
unto his Lord when people were heedless (fa g f - ). An anecdote
in ol ing an Ibn Burjn/Barrajn is referred to in this work who suffered an ominous death similar to our
own Ab al-akam b. Barrajn. The report states that abb Ab Muammadan ascetic of Bara and
transmitter of adth who is included among the renowned transmitters of al-Bukhrcame to the coffin
(khashaba) of Ibn Barrajn/Burjn while he was crucified (ma ) and started to pray for him and to ask
God for his forgiveness. He was then asked [probably by Ibn Sirn and asan] you pray for Ibn
Barrajn/Burjn? He responded [sarcastically] Who [do you think] I am praying for, asan and Ibn
Sirn? The transmitter of the report says that Ibn Barrajn/Burjn was seen in hea en where he said that he
entered it by the prayer of abb Ab Muammad. (Ibn Ab al-Duny, al-Baghdd, usn al-ann bi-L ,
ed. Majd Ibrhm, airo Maktabat al-Qurn li-l-ab wa-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, n/d; p. 94.) and Ibn
Bashkuwl relates in his ila that Ubayd Allh b. Uthmn al-Lakhm al-Burjn/Barrajni (), alias
Ab Marwn, was a scholar of Qurn commentary and ariants, grammar, poetry, and jurisprudence who
lived in Seville during the first half of the 5th/11th century. (His death date is not specified in the ila, but
his student Ibn Khazraj died in 478/1085. See Ibn Bashkuwl, al-ila, ol. 2, Nr. 676, p. 547.) Burjn is a
town or region near the Caspian Sea ( w -kharaz). (See al-amaws M jam al- ,5
ols., Beirut Dr dir, 1977; ol. 1, p. 373.)
26
Ibn Ibrhm lists possible readings of his name as j , jj , j , , ,
. (al-Abbs b. Ibrhm al-Simll & re ised by Abd al-Wahhb b. Manr, al-I -man alla
M k w - g - , 10 vols., Rabat: al-aba al-Malakiyya, 1993, vol. 8, 57, nr. 1079.)
The Dictionary of American Family Names has Barrajn and Barragn appear as last names which are
still employed in the Spanish speaking world. Barragn in Spanish means young man or warrior. It is
therefore possible that Barrajn is an Arabized Spanish name. Howe er, Barragn is also an Arabic
loanword ( k ) referring to a metonymic occupational name for a maker or seller of fustian, a cotton
and linen fabric. It is therefore possible that Barrajn was originally an Arabic word which was Spanicized

129
afad (d. 764/1363), and Suy (d. 911/1505) fa or the derivation of j from

al-R j .27 Thus Barrajn may be a Maghrib dialectical corruption of Ab al-Rijl.28

This seems to be supported by the fact that Ibn Barrajn is called Ibn Ab al-Rijl by

se eral of his biographers including Asqaln.29 Up to the present day, he is referred to

by local inhabitants around his tomb in Marrakesh as Sd Berrijl, i.e., Sd Ab al-Rijl.

Moreover, the family name Ab al-Rijl survives in the city of Sal,30 and is a well-

known name in pre-modern Yemen.31

A second possible explanation is put forth by Gril, who tenders that the name is

an Arabization of the Berber proper name Ibargan, or of the Berber Touareg subgroup

Ibaragan.32 If one accepts this second thesis, then our author would have carried a

then reincorporated into Arabic in its Latinized form. If this is the case, then our author may have been born
into a family of textile merchants. Dictionary of American family names, 3 vols., ed. Patrick Hanks,
Oxford, UK; New York : Oxford University Press, 2003 (Barrajn).
27
Suy, Bughya, p. 306.
28
See Kk, Light Upon Light in Andalusian Sufism Ab al-akam Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141) and
Muy l-Dn Ibn al-Arab (d. 638/1240) as De eloper of His Hermeneutics. art I Ibn Barrajns Life and
Works in ZDMG, 163, 1, 2013, p. 94, ft. 48.
29
Ibn ajar, al-Asqaln, L -Mz , ols. 10, ed. Abd al-Fatt Ab Ghudd, alab: Maktabat al-
Mabt al-Islmiyya, n/d. ol. 5, p. 173 (nr. 4761).
30
On the possible etymology of Barrajn, see Gharmn, al-M -f yy , pp. 116-117.

31
There is no e idence that Ab al-Rijl is a name particular to the Ban Lakhm. Howe er, the family
name Ab al-Rijl recei es a notice in Ibrhm Amad al-Maqafs two-volume study of place names and
tribes of Yemen (M j - w -l-q -Yamaniyya, Dr al-Kalima li-l-iba wa-l-Nashr wa-l-
Tawz, 2002). Maqaf describes -R j as one of the famous scholarly families of Yemen, were
originally from Dhibn in , and who then moved to an. They claim descent from Umar b.
al-Khab. Al-Q Amad b. li Ab al-rijl (d. 1029/1619) is among the most famous Ab al-Rijls,
having penned several works including a biographical dictionary called Ma - . Apparently this
family administered the endowments ( wq f) of the Yemen up to the 14th century hijr. Aside from
references in the Yemen, there is another figure with the same family name Ab al-asan Al b. Ab al-
Rijl who was an astronomer (ilm al-falak) who authored al- f k - j . He was from Tnis,
and worked for the emir al-Muizz b. Bds in the early 11th/17th century. He died in Qayrawn in
1037/1627.
32
Gril, La Lecture Suprieure, p. 510, ft. 1.

130
mixture of Berber and Arab Lakhm blood. This, in fact, was often the case in al-Andalus

where ethnic background was rarely known with precision. In medieval Spain, inter-

racial marriages with the local women and the system of w produced a considerable

group of people who claimed Arab parentage.33

Significance of his epithet Ghazl of al-Andalus

Ibn Barrajn enjoyed a preeminent position among 6th/12th century Andalus

mystics. He earned the epithet Ghazl of al-Andalus during his own lifetimea

befitting honorific for a scholar whose legacy, like that of Ghazl himself, was originally

contested then subsequently lauded by scholars in the Muslim West. But it is important to

emphasize that Ibn Barrajns epithet does not necessarily imply that he was

intellectually indebted to or even influenced by Ghazls thought. Modern scholars, who

almost always presume a direct correlation between Andalus Islam and events in the

Mashriq, have asserted this link without consulting Ibn Barrajns own writings.34 They

forget that pairing up prominent luminaries of the Muslim West with Mashriq

counterparts was a common practice among biographers, and that Ibn Barrajns epithet

is to be appreciated in the context of this longstanding biographical custom.35 Second, as

33
olin, Al-Andalus, EI2 (under opulation of al-Andalus).
34
For many scholars, Ibn Barrajn represents primarily the reception of al-Ghazls ideas in Andalusia.
See for instance Faure, A., Ibn al-Arf, Ibn Barradjn, and Ibn as, EI2; Gharmn, Abd al-Salm,
Al-M -f yy -maghribiyya wa-l- yy f -qarn al- al- j , p. 193; Bel, A., Le
Sufisme en Occident Musulman au XIe et au XIIe Sicle de . ., pp. 145-61.
35
To name a few examples, two Andalus poets, Ibn Hni (d. 362/973) and Ibn Darrj (d. 421/1030) came
to be called respecti ely the Mutanabb of the West and the Mutanabb of al-Andalus; Isml b. Badr
(d. 351/962) earned the title of the Andalus uclid; the Mlik jurist Ibn Ab Zayd al-Qayrawn (d.
386/996) was lauded as the Minor Mlik; and the celebrated North African Sufi Ab Madyan (d.
594/1198) was hailed the unayd of the West; and the theologian Ab Amr al-Sallij (d. 574/1178) of
Fez has sometimes been referred to as the uwayn of the Maghrib. In each case, what is at stake is not so
much intellectual indebtedness as high scholarly status.

131
we shall see, Ibn Barrajns cosmology was most profoundly shaped by the writings of

Ibn Masarra, and the Ikhwn al-af, whereas traces of Ghazls works are not easily

traceable. As well, it is often forgotten that the I y was only introduced to al-Andalus

in 495/1102 by Ab Bakr b. al-Arab upon his return from the Mashriq.36 By that year

Ibn Barrajn was already a noted scholar and mystic in his mid-forties. It is likely that Ibn

Barrajn had already penned his first two major works, the I and Shar , by that

time. Ghazls writings, in other words, did not form part of Ibn Barrajns core

curriculum during his formative years and did not leave an imprint on his early seminal

writings. Nor is there a marked turn to Ghazlianism in his later works. Finally, Ibn

Barrajn could only have earned his epithet at the tail end of his magnificent career, after

both Ibn Barrajn and Ghazls works had circulated throughout al-Andalus.

Ghazls works left a faint mark on Ibn al-Arf and Ibn Qas, who were thirty

years younger than Ibn Barrajn as we shall see below. This generational gap is of crucial

importance for understanding 6th/12th century mysticism in al-Andalus, and the impact

which Ghazl had upon this mo ement. It indicates the fact that Ghazls writings

served as a catalyst and intellectual-political rallying point for an already thriving

mystical movement in al-Andalus. Thus, that Ibn Barrajns contemporaries likened his

influence to Ghazl should be understood to denote a function of parallel importance, an

attachment to mystical doctrine, opposition to Mlik legal pedantism, and a hint of anti-

Murbin politics since Ghazl was unabashedly critical of the state jurists and the al-

Murbin dynasty.

36
See Muammad al-Mann, Iy ulm al-dn f mann al-gharb al-islm ayym al-murbin wa-l-
muwaidn, in -G z : f f k -hi wa- ri-hi wa- -hi, Rabat: Kulliyyat al-
db wa-l-Ulm al-Insniyya, 1988, pp. 126-27.

132
 Date of Birth

Ibn Barrajns date of birth is enormously important for establishing a basic

understanding of his life, students, teachers, works, and as we saw above, even his

epithet. The precise year is not specified by his biographers, although a tentative date can

be put forth with sufficient certainty. The biographers do not mention that he attained

longevity ( ), so it can be safely assumed, as per biographical convention, that

he was not and that he died before reaching the age of ninety. This would

place his birth sometime after 446/1051. As well, we know that he studied the entirety of

a al- k under Ab Abd Allh b. Manr (d. Shawwl 469/ May 1077). 37 Ibn

Barrajn would ha e been qualified for this undertaking only in his late teens or early

twenties, after having committed the Qurn to memory, acquired fundamental reading

and writing skills, and mastered rudimentary Arabic grammar (na w) and jurisprudence

(fiqh). It is very rare for a student to study a large primary adth text like Bukhrs

a before his teens.38 Presumably then, Ibn Barrajn was born circa 450/1058 in the

late Abbd period, under the rule of Abd Allh b. al-Qdir bi-Llh, known as al-Qim

bi-Amr Llh. He witnessed the rise and decline of the al-Murbn in al-Andalus, and

died in his mid-eighties in 536/1141 at Marrakesh during the late al-Murbin period.

37
Ibn Bashkuwl, al-ila, vol. 3, p p . 8034 (nr. 1208); Ibn Amra, Bughyat al-multamis, ed. I. al-
Abyr (Beirut, 1989), vol. 1, pp. 75-6 (nr. 28); al-Dhhab, Siyar, 18: 38990 (nr. 190). Ibn Manr
and Ibn azm (d. 456/1064) were masters of Abd Allh b. al-Arab (d. 492/1099), father of the
famous Mlik scholar Ab Bakr b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148). In addition, Ab Bakr b. al-Arab co-
taught some of Ibn Barrajns disciples.
38
Bulliet (Islam: The View from the Edge, New York: Columbia UP, 1994; p. 14) notes that boys between
ages of five and ten attended adth sessions in 6th/12th century Nishapur. In Bulliets The Age Structure
of Medie al Islamic ducation, Studia Islamica 57 (1983): 107-9, he states that adth studies were
typically completed when a student was in his mid-twenties. It is hardly imaginable that Ibn Manr would
grant a teaching license in adth for Bukhrs a to a ten-year-old Ibn Barrajn.

133
 Ibn Barrajns brother and grandson

Ibn Barrajn was born to a middle-class scholarly family. One source relates in

passing that he had a brother who was competent in adth and who excelled in

medicine.39 This brother shared the same adth teachers as Ibn Barrajn, while the latter

shared his brothers interests in Galenic medicine.40 Moreover, we know that our author,

despite his reclusiveness and asceticism, did not lead a celibate life. He married and had

children, for the biographers record the name of one of his grandsons. This grandson

( f ) is known in the sources as Ibn Barrajn as well, and the two are often confused in

medieval and modern biographies.41 The grandson, Ab Muammad Abd al-Salm b.

Abd al-Ramn Ibn Barrajn (d. 627/1229), was the son of Ibn Barrajns son, or the son

of his nephew Abd al-Ramn. This f is typically referred to in the sources as the

son (ibn),42 for it is common in Arab custom to name a boy after his grandfather, in

which case the child is referred to as the latters son (ibn).43 The two Ibn Barrajns did

39
See Murrkushs al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila li-k y -maw w -l-ila, ed. Isn Abbs, Beirut Dr al-
Thaqfa, 1973; ol. 6, p. 490, nr. 1265. The brother taught Muammad b. Al b. Muamad b. Ayysh (d.
546/1151) medicine in Se ille. Ibn Ayysh claims to ha e copied Galens works and to ha e read them out
to Ibn Barrajn the brother of Ab al-akam the ascetic. His full name is not noted in the entry. f.
Kk, Light Upon Light, art I in ZDMG, 163, 1, 2013, ft. 40, p. 93.
40
The T features several extensive medical discussions of the humours and the composition of the
human body. E.g., T , Mazyad ed., ol. 5, pp. 516-17.
41
For instance, Muammad Ibn Makhlfs (d. 718/1318) biographical work of Mlik scholars Shajarat al-
-z k yy f q - k yy and al-Abbs b. Ibrhms (d. 1378/1959) modern work al-
I -man alla bi-l-Maghrib min al- both pro ide two entries for Ibn Barrajn 1) Abd al-
Rahmn b. Muammad, and 2) Abd al-Salm b. Abd al-Ramn. Howe er, both figures share the same
works, teachers, and death date. See Gharmn, al- -f yy , p. 116. Murrkush also confuses the
two figures in Al-Dhayl, vol. 5, pp. 324-69 (nr. 636).
42
For Ab al-akam b. Barrajns entry, see al-Dhahab, Shams al-Dn, al-I f k g ,4
vols., ed. Ab Hjar Zaghll, Beirut Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 1984; ol. 2, p. 450, (year 536). For the
grandsons entry, see ol. 3, p. 200, (year 627).

43
Gharmn, al-M -f y , pp. 116-117.

134
not meet, however, since the grandson was born circa 557/1161, perhaps to an elderly

father some twenty-one years after the grandfathers death.44

The grandson faithfully carried on the scholarly legacy of his family, and became

a highly accomplished philologist, as well a teacher of adth. He was a student of the

Sevillan grammarian Ab Isq b. Malkn (d. 581/1185) among others (j ).45 He

is also listed among the scholars of qurnic ariants (q ) in the biographical

compilation of Ibn al- azar (d. 833/1429).46 He rose to prominence among the acclaimed

Andalus philologists of the al-Muwaidn period. In his day, Seville was a central hub

of learning which attracted scholars and students from across the Peninsula. It was

particularly famous for Arabic grammar and literature, and Ibn Barrajn al-Lughaw was

its most foremost scholar. Like his grandfather, he taught in Seville during the al-

Muwaidn period and trained a sizeable number of students there.47 Righteous and

44
Kala tells us that the Lughaw died around the age of 70. He pro ides two entries, one for our author
and the other for his grandson. Kala, Umar Ri, M j - f : j f -kutub al-
arabiyya, 4 ols., Beirut Muassasat al-Risla, 1993; ol. 2, p. 113, (nr. 6859); ol. 2, p. 147, (nr. 7226).
45
According to Suy (d. 911/1505) Ab l-akam the philologist (al- g w) narrated from ( w )
Muammad al-Lakhm (d. 616/1219). Al-Lakhm was also known as Ibn al-Murkh, and authored many
works including a summary of al-G -muannaf entitled ilyat al- , as well as Dharwat al-
multaqi on the description of horses. See al-Suy, all al-Dn, Bughyat al-w f q -
g w yy w -l-nu , 2 vols., ed. Muammad Ibrhm, Beirut Dr al-Fikr, 1979. vol. 1, p. 177, (nr.
296).

46
Ibn al- azar, G y - y f q -q , ed. Bergstrasser, 2 ols., Beirut Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmiyya, 2006 (reprint), vol. 1, p. 347 nr. 1646.
47
Al b. Muammad b. Al b. Muammad b. Abd al-Ramn al-Ruayn, alias Ab al-asan al-Ruayn,
from Seville, was a student of the grandson. He was a celebrated belletrist and master of the seven readings
of the Qurn who counts Ibn Barrajn as one of his numerous teachers. Born in Se ille in 592/1195, died
in Marrakesh in 666/1267 (Ibn Barrajns grandson died in 627). Murrkush, Al-Dhayl, vol. 5, pp. 324-69
nr. 636.
Muammad b. Abd al-Ramn al-Abd (d. 646/1248) of Se ille, transmitted [adth] ( w )
from Ibn Barrajn and others. (Murrkush, al-Dhayl, vol. 5, p. 681, nr. 1283).
Al b. Yay b. Amrl al-Kinn, also a local of Se ille who transmitted from ( w ) Ab al-
akam b. Barrajn among others. The latter excelled in adth and Arabic, and, being of modest means,

135
pious,48 he was known as the bearer of the banner of philology (lugha) in al-Andalus.49

He authored a critique of the lexicon al-Mu kam wa-l-mu al- am by the Murcian

poet and lexicographer Ibn Sayyida (d. 458/1065).50

Ibn Barrajns Educational Training

Religious Sciences

The sources relate nothing of Ibn Barrajns early childhood aside from his Ifrq

ancestry, his grandfathers migration, and his brothers scholarly pursuits. Fragments of

historical evidence about Ibn Barrajns early educational training can be inferred from

the biographical sources and the general historical milieu. One of the characterizing

features of Ibn Barrajns writings is his mastery of multiple fields of knowledge. He

possessed knowledge in adth, tafsr, qurnic readings, Arabic grammar, morphology,

poetry, and rhetoric, theology, Masarrism, Sufism, and Isml teachings, as well as the

science of the letters, and astrology. He was, as one biographer put it, a knower of

worked part-time in pottery manufacturing (f k k ) with his father. (Murrkush, al-Dhayl, vol. 5, p. 420,
nr. 713)
Muammad b. Amad b. Abd Allh b. Muammad b. Yay b. Muammad b. Muammad b. Ab al-
Qsim, (d. 659/1260) was most commonly referred to as Ibn Sayyid al-Ns. Originally from Se ille, this
scholar of the mastered the se en readings of the Qurn and counts Ibn Barrajn among his teachers. He
left al-Andalus after the age of 50 for Ceuta, lived in Bijya where he ser ed as preacher and in its
central mosque (j ), then was hired as preacher and imm of the new mosque of Tunis. There he taught
adth and claimed transmission and adth but was criticized by local scholars for falsely claiming
expertise and teachers in the field, probably because they were jealous of his high position. He studied in
the Mashriq. He was a Qurn reciter, knowledgeable in f , adth, transmitters, literature. See
Murrkush, Al-Dhayl, vol. 5, pp. 653-61 (Ibn Barrajn mentioned on p. 655) (nr. 1245).
48
Frzbd, al- g f j -na w wa-l-lugha, ed. Muammad al-Mar, Damascus Dr
Sad al-Dn li-l-iba wa-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, 2000, see nr. 228 of al-Bulgha; p. 185 (nr. 201).
49
Yfi, Ab Muammad, M -j w - -yaq f f y w -
z , ols. 4, ed. Khall al-Manr, Beirut Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 1997; ol. 4, p. 52, (year 627).
50
The title of the grandsons refutation of Ibn Sayyida is Radd wa- y - g I S yy f -
Mu kam.

136
different methodologies ( - ).51 Ibn al-Abbr describes Ibn Barrajn as a

scholar of qurnic readings (q ) and adth. He possessed complete mastery of

(ta aqquq bi-) theology and Sufism, and combined [this knowledge] with asceticism and

stri ing in worship.52 Ibn al-Zubayr acclaims him as being:

One of the greatest men of the Maghrib, a leading scholar ( ) of

theology, the Arabic language (lugha)53 and literature (adab),54 a knower

( rif) of both esoteric ( w ) and exoteric ( f ) interpretation of the

Qurn, a skilled, critical ( qq ), and outstanding grammarian, a leading

scholar ( ) in everything he spoke of, and without peer. He was

proficient in arithmetic (ilm al- ), geometry (handasa), and so on. He

possessed the greater part of every discipline ( k k -

awfar a) and freely applied it to Sufism and esoteric science (ilm al-

in).55

How did Ibn Barrajn acquire such a wide range of scholarly expertise over the

course of his career? Although he was probably self-taught to a large extent, for a scholar

who was active in such a variety of fields, it is surprising that he never undertook a ri la

in search of knowledge to the Mashriq and that he never performed the ajj. His

51
Ibn al-Zubayr, K. ilat al-ila, pp. 31-33, nr. 45. The term - could denote knowledge of
sects, though milal wa-l-ni al would be a more common expression.
52
Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, vol. 3, p. 21, nr. 64.
53
Grammar, morphology, rhetoric.
54
Poetry, lexicography, grammar.
55
Ibn al-Zubayr, K. ilat al-ila, pp. 31-33, nr. 45.

137
confinement to the Peninsula was probably more political than economic.56 The

instability of al-Andalus during the 6th/12th century, revolutionary outbreaks of Ibn

Tmarts al-Muwaidn mo ement, proliferation of piracy at sea, and Crusaders

aggressively blocking land routes57 prevented not only Ibn Barrajn but a number of

renowned scholars from travelling to the Mashriq at this time.58 In fact, several leading

Andalus jurists such as Ibn al-jj, Ibn imdn, Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, and Ibn al-Arf

were of the opinion that it was not compulsory (w j ) to perform the ajj since the

circumstances were so dire. In the context of sixth/twelfth century al-Andalus, they

argued that waging j and defending the northern Andalus borders were greater duties

in Gods eyes than the ajj.59 The reason for this is the fact that his family, which had

only recently established itself in Seville, must have lost most of their fortunes when they

fled Ifrqiy. As well, the political instability of al-Andalus during the 5th/11th century,

re olutionary outbreaks of Ibn Tmart, the pirates at sea and Crusaders blocking land

routes60 prevented a number of renowned scholars from travelling to the Mashriq at this

time.61 Not being able to travel, less wealthy scholars like Ibn Barrajn contented

themselves with the resources at their disposal on the Peninsula, seeking out teachers

from various cities of al-Andalus. It is likely that Ibn Barrajn studied theology,

56
His teacher Ibn Manr and disciple Ibn al-Arf performed the ajj.
57
T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 23-24.
58
One prominent example is the Granadan Qurn commentator and cataloguer Abd al-aqq b. Aiyya,
born in 481/1088 and died in 541/1146 also to a family of immigrants from the Mashriq.
59
Ibn al-Arf, M f al- w -ta qq q - , Dandash ed., Beirut Dr al-Gharb al-Islm,
1993, pp. 28-29.
60
T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 23-24.
61
One prominent example is the Granadan Qurn commentator and cataloguer Abd al-aqq b. Aiyya,
born in 481/1088 and died in 541/1146 also to a family of immigrants from the Mashriq.

138
arithmetic, and geometry in Cordoba where these sciences were cultivated; for Seville

had ery few specialists in these fields in Ibn Barrajns day. 62 His training in literature,

which comes across in his spontaneous and varied citations of poetry throughout his

works, may have been acquired in Cordoba as well. Ibn Barrajn maintained close

contacts in Cordoba since we know that it is from this city that he was deported to

Marrakesh.

Fortunately, Ibn Barrajn did not have to venture too far from Seville to acquire a

solid education, since the decentralization of al-Andalus and the decline in Cordobas

intellectual preeminence made it possible for his hometown to replace the former

Umayyad capital as a hub for a variety of disciplines. Qurnic studies, Arabic grammar,

jurisprudence, and especially adth63 were subjects that he most likely studied in his

hometown.64 In fact, his primary teacher, Ibn Manr (d. 469/1077), was from Seville.

He was a member of the influential Se illan Ban Manr family that produced a number

of noted scholars and q .65 Ibn Manr was a pioneering Ashar and had spent a year

in Mecca as a recluse ( j w ) studying a - k with the Mlik theologian

62
Urvoy, Le monde des ulmas andalous, p. 55; cf. De la Torres biographical study in her introduction to
her edition, - , p. 34.
63
He was well versed in prophetic biography ( ), and his impeccable knowledge of adth is
demonstrated repeatedly when he cites, from memory, three or more variants of a single adth. There are
countless examples of this in the T . For an example in the Shar , see Mazyads edition, ol. 1, p.
370.
64
Only later did Valencia and Almera become centers for adth study. See Urvoy, Le Monde de Ulmas,
p. 55 (religious climate of Seville from 420-54/1029-62).
65
See Mar a Luisa ila, Los Ban Manr al-Qays, in Familias andaluses: Estudios onomstico-
biogrficos de al-Andalus, ed. M. Marn and J. Zann, Mardrid: CSIC, 1992, 5, pp. 23-37.

139
and adth scholar Ab Dharr al-Haraw (d. 430/1038), alias Ibn al-Sammk.66 Although

relatively few in number, Ibn Manr trained some of the most influential religious

authorities of the al-Murbin period. He was so sought after that he attracted students

from the capital of Cordoba. Ibn Manr taught Ibn Barrajn the a al- k , and

possibly a Muslim, since the latter demonstrates a profound mastery of this work in

his first work al-I . Ibn Barrajan taught ah Muslim, and continued to teach adth

even after his move from Seville.67 Moreover, Ashar theology probably featured as part

of Ibn Barrajns curriculum under Ibn Manr in Seville despite the hostility of many

Andaluss to speculative theology at the time.

Ibn Barrajn was too young to ha e benefitted from the adth lessons of the

illustrious Ibn Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1071), who died when our author was around thirteen

years old. But as Bellver notes astutely, Ibn Barrajn had common interests in adth,

Arabic language, and literature with a number of Ibn Manrs youngest pupils; namely,

Ynus b. Mughth, Abd Allh b. Yarb, and Shuray b. Muammad, alias Ab al-asan

al-Ruayn (d. 539/1144).68 Given their shared interests, Ibn Barrajn would have

followed a similar intellectual itinerary as his colleagues. These peers are reported to

have studied in Seville with the expert of adth, fiqh, and history Abd Allh b. Khazraj

66
Jonathan Brown, The Canonization of al- k M , Leiden: Brill, 2007, p. 121. See also
Dhahabi, Siyar, 17, 554-563, nr. 370; T k -I , yrs. 421-440, pp. 404-7, nr. 120.
67
This is indicated by an anecdotal report about Ibn Barrajn in Qurubs tadhkira, vol. 1, pp. 408-409.
68
Barrajn who was born around the same time (451/1059), had shared interests students was the grand
reciter ( q ), adth scholar, and preacher (kha ) of Seville. He was a student of Ibn azm, and he
studied a al- k with Ibn Manr and may ha e been Ibn Barrajns classmate. He also studied
adth under Ab Dharr al-Haraw, Al b. Muammad al-Bj, Ab Muammad b. Khazraj, et al.

140
al-Lakhm (d. 478/1086);69 and in Cordoba with both the littrateur Abd al-Malik b.

Sirj (d. 489/1086),70 and the prominent adth scholar and Ashar q Ab Al al-

Ghassn (d. 498/1105).71 Together, Ibn Khazraj, Ghassn, and Ibn Sirj are plausible

candidates for Ibn Barrajns formal training in the religious sciences. They died by the

time Ibn Barrajn had reached manhood; that is respectively when he was 32, 43, and 52

years of age.

Fiqh & Ul

The extent of Ibn Barrajns juridical training and the names of his teachers in

fiqh and u -fiqh are unknown. This is unusual for a field where the networks of

6th/12th century f q were thoroughly mapped out by biographers. The lacuna does not

necessarily indicate that our author was unversed in these sciences, but rather did not

leave his mark as a f q . To begin with, Ibn Barrajn was not overly fond of fiqh. He

held legal theory (u -fiqh), which he was intimately familiar with, in great esteem

and occasionally delved into u discussions in his works.72 He believed that studying

u enabled one to grasp the meanings of what he called the mutually resembling, or

consimilar erses ( ) of the Qurn, as well as the complex nuances of

adth, in contrast to legal studies which detracted from mans essential spiritual

pursuits.73 Being primarily a scholar of adth and a contemplative mystic, he viewed

69
Ibn Bashkuwl, al-ila, ol. 2, p. 433, nr. 631; Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 18, pp. 488-89, nr. 251.
70
Ibn Bashkuwl, al-ila, vol. 2, 530-32, nr. 708; Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 20, pp. 13-34, nr. 70.
71
Ibn Bashkuwl, al-ila, vol. 1, 233-35, nr. 333; Dhahab, Siyar, 20, 148-51, nr. 77.
72
See his fiqh-ul discussion of abrogation (naskh) in the Qurn and Sunna in T , Mazyad ed., ol.
1, pp. 259-63; (T MS Mir Damad aa 25, fl. 109a-111a); and , 388.
73
, 200.

141
jurists and their schools (madhhabs) as secondary to the quest for God and maintained a

non-sectarian attitude toward madhhabs in general. While shying away from open

criticisms of Mlikism, Ibn Barrajn disappro ed of Mlik jurists who were fixated on

legal minutiae and who pedantically defended the positions of their legal school

(madhhab) instead of seeking divine truth.74 He was critical of the Andalus educational

curriculum for its exaggerated emphasis on the law, and discouraged his followers from

delving too deeply into its hairsplitting details.

This is to say that like Ibn al-Arf, Ibn Barrajn was a second-generation

Andalus and had no ambitions of becoming a state jurist. He was neither entrenched in

the old juridical structures of power, nor was he vested in the f q long-established

approaches to scholarship.75 He had no desire to prove himself as a jurist, and believed

that seekers of knowledge should only be acquainted with that which is indispensable

( -hu) in matters of the permissible and the prohibited.76 He urged his

pupils to channel their efforts into the most beneficial ( f ) form of knowledge,

namely direct knowledge of God and natural symbols. Juridical discussions are

infrequent in his writings,77 and when he used the word fiqh, it was typically in the non-

74
, 196.
75
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 187.
76
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 280.
77
Rarely do Ibn Barrajns writings feature extensi e juridical material. In his exegetical works, he
typically glosses o er Qurnic erses of legal import, or he interprets them allegorically. For instance, in a
discussion animal slaughter (budn) among the rites of the ajj pilgrimage, he understands budn to denotes a
symbol ( y ) for blessings bestowed upon believers in the Hereafter (see , 628). For juridical
discussions, see T , Damad Ibrahim aa 25, discussion of the legally prescribed period during which
it is not permissible for a woman to remarry after being widowed or di orced (idda) and marriage of
pleasure ( k al- ), see T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 425-26; for rules pertaining to shortening
the canonical prayers ( -qar), see vol. 2, pp. 99-100; on sensual stroking ( ) and the ritual
ablution (ghusl), see vol. 2, pp. 151-52; on the permissibility of embracing ( q ) and handshaking

142
technical and broader sense of understanding, implication, deep insight, or moral

lesson.78

arlier Sufis of the Mashriq like Ab lib al-Makk had similar reser ations

about the madhhabs.79 Similarly, Ibn Barrajns attitude toward Mlikism was

emblematic of Andalus mystics of the period who maintained a merely national

allegiance to their madhhab and did not strictly adhere to its rulings.80 Ibn Barrajn was

willing to break from mainstream Mlikism on certain points, and this comes across in

his commentary on qurnic erses pertaining to temporary marriage ( k al- )

in the Qurn. He criticizes mainstream Sunn jurists of all four madhhabs for considering

this form of k to be abrogated ( k ) by aliph Umars prohibition. In

opposition to Mlikis, Ibn Barrajn insists that in times of j temporary contractual

marriages may be reinstituted for the purposes of expanding Muslim dominion. While he

does not issue an open f w permitting such pleasure marriage for troops waging jihd

in al-Andalus, he does leave his remarks open-ended. The reason for his cautious

reticence seems to be twofold; that he preferred to avoid open confrontation with

(muafa a), see vol. 3, p. 128; on spying (tajassus) and slander (ifk) see vol. 4, pp. 125-32; for rules
pertaining to the alms tax (z k , ) see vol. 4, pp. 284-85.
78
For examples of non-technical employment of the term fiqh, see T , vol. 4, pp. 162, 234, 554; vol.
5, pp. 15, 170, 193.
79
For a discussion of Makks juridical affiliations, see Yazakis I c My c -
M kk, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2013; p. 21.
80
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, p. 17. In the (14), Ibn Barrajn holds that the basmala is a part of the
opening chapter of the Qurn, not an opening formula. This position is a Shfi opinion which goes
against the Mlik position. Since the rophet specified that prayers are not alid without reciting the
Opening chapter 1 (sra al-Ftia/Umm al-Qurn), the status of the basmala in relation to the entire sra
had consequences for the alidity of ones canonical prayer. For Shfi jurists, reciting the basmala is
compulsory (far) since omitting it in alidates ones prayer, whereas for Mliks adding the basmala is not
recommendable ( k ).

143
powerful jurists of his day, and unlike the audacious Ibn azm he lacked authority as an

established f q to go against the grain of Mlikism.81 Ibn Barrajns criticisms of

Mlikis were always covert and moderate. In contrast to Ghazl, he was much less vocal

when it came to criticizing the dry legalism perpetuated by worldly scholars (f q

al- y ). Quite the opposite, he rarely differentiated between worldly jurists and

scholars of the Hereafter ( - k ).82 He praised pious who mastered

the different legal sciences, including branches (f ), u , theology (u - ),

Prophetic adth, reports of the Companions and early generations of scholars ( k ),

grammar, and Arabic language for an ability to comprehend of the

Qurn83 and for being the heirs to the prophets.84 He also was not averse to q , or

following authority.85

To some extent, this non-polemical tone aligns with our authors discrete and

withdrawn temperament. But at the same time, it should not be forgotten that Ibn

Barrajn categorically affirms the superiority of gnostics ( f ) and Contemplators

( ) over exoteric legists (f q ), without dismissing the latters place and

function within religious discourse. He often encouraged his readers who could not grasp

his mystical interpretations to remain faithful to the Mlik literalist viewpoint. For

81
T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 425-26.
82
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 256.
83
T , ed. Mazyad, vol. 1, pp. 489-90 (Reisulkuttab 30, fl. 128b).
84
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 282; ol. 2 p. 14; T , Mazyad ed., ol. 5, p. 413.
85
See his discussion of q in the T where he a muqallid to a blind person using a staff to find his
way; cf. Mazyad ed., ol. 3, pp. 61-62.

144
instance, after expounding upon the symbolic meanings of the ,86 Ibn Barrajn tells

his reader that, should he feel incapable of grasping the import of his discourse, he should

halt and affirm the literal wording [of the ] for that, he says, is also a path to

salvation.87 Hence Ibn Barrajn acknowledged the validity and salvific efficacy of the

ulams exoteric literalism while proclaiming a mystical knowledge ( f ) that rose

above their epistemological confines into deeper realms of realization.

Sciences of the Ancients - Ulm al-awil

Ibn Barrajns interest in the sciences of the ancients ( - w ) is

evident in his writings, especially the T and the , and is affirmed by the

biographers. These non-Islamic sciences included mathematics, arithmetic,88 geometry,

astronomy, astrology, medicine, alchemy, magic, logic, and philosophy, all of which

were cultivated in various degrees during the f period and especially in Toledo.89

Two Toledan q , id of Toledo (d. 462/1070), and Hishm b. Amad al-Waqqash

(d. 489/1085) harmonized their training in the religious sciences with - w .

Ibn Barrajn would ha e likely studied at the circles of these scholars in Toledo before it

fell to King Alfonso VI in 477/1085.

86
adth-inspired doctrine of the razor-sharp bridge over hellfire which all mankind will have to cross on
Judgment Day.
87
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 2, p. 108.
88
E.g., Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 109.
89
See Urvoy, P -Andalus, p. 43.

145
 Astrology

Ibn Barrajn had an avid interest in astrology as well. This science, which was

categorically rejected by Ibn azm and condemned by most Mlik jurists, nonetheless

had its defenders among the likes of the Almerian q , historian and philosopher of

science id al-Andalus (d. 462/1070) and the Umayyad emir Abd Allh (r. 275/888-

300/912) who maintained that astrologers were not heretics (zandaqa). In the 5th/11th

century a number of Andalus astrologers made future predictions, like Ibn al-Khayy (d.

447/1055), Ubayd Allh b. Khalaf al-Istijj, Ab al-Fut Thbit b. Muammad al-

urjn (d. 431/1040) who was put to death on account of one of them.90 These

astrologists and their students, of which we know very little, presumably provided Ibn

Barrajn with training in astrology or were instrumental in shaping his worldview. One of

them, Al Ibn Ab al-Rijl (d. ca. 454/1062), (who was not a direct ancestor but

nevertheless shared the same group name) was a renowned astrologer who worked at the

court of emir al-Muizz b. Bds in Tunis. Ibn Barrajn may ha e known his work and

used it for his own astrological interests.91

Logic and Philosophy

Aristotelian logic (maniq), of all the - w , was vigorously cultivated

in al-Andalus up to the end of the al-Murbin period. Ibn Barrajn himself

90
Fierro, olmicas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez
Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994, p. 442.
91
For Al b. Abi l-Rijl see D. ingree, Ibn Abi l-Ridjl, EI, new edition, 3, 688; GAL I, 224; S I, 401;
GAS 7, 186-188; jj Khalfa, Kashf al- , 1, 217; Zirikl, al- , 4, 288. He was a famous
astrologer, who was born in Fez ca. 406/1015 and died in Qayrawn ca. 454/1062. Widely known in the
Latin Middle Ages as Abenragel, his eight-part astrological encyclopedia, Al- f k - j was
translated into Old Castilian in 1254, under the title El libro conplido en los iudizios de las estrellas (The
Complete Book on the Judgment of the Stars).

146
demonstrated familiarity with this discipline in his works, but was not particularly

interested in pursuing it.92 He regarded knowledge derived from logic to be inferior to

knowledge derived from revelation, and, being generally uninterested in engaging in

rational disputes, he very rarely made explicit use of formal logic in his works. On the

other hand, he took more interest in falsafa. Prior to Ibn Barrajn, this discipline was

cultivated in the second half of the 4th/10th century by Sad b. Fatn al-Saraqus and

Ibn al-Kattn. By the 5th/11th century, the works of al-Kind (d. 257/870), al-Rz (d.

313/926), and al-Farb (d. 339/950) were known by scholars in al-Andalus. Although a

number of f scholars are recorded in the sources as philosophers, they do not

appear to have any surviving works, if they wrote at all. During this period, only the

philosophical works of Jewish scholars like Ibn Gabirol are known. In the second half of

the 5th/11th century, philosophy was culti ated by Mlik b. Wuhayb (d. 525/1130) and Ibn

al-Sd al-Baalyaws (d. 521/1127) who wrote on the question of reason and re elation.

Their contemporary, Ibn Bjja (d. 533/1138) is considered the first Muslim philosopher

of al-Andalus.93 Ibn Barrajn was Ibn Bjjas contemporary but the extent to which he

knew of the latters writings is uncertain. Ibn Barrajns writings are replete with

criticisms of the f f and the naturalists ( yy ) whom he blames for forsaking

92
For a discussion by Ibn Barrajn of basic logical categories of interrogation, see T , Adln ed., ol.
1, p. 96. After being de eloped in the school of Baghdd, this discipline was introduced into al-Andalus
during the caliphate of al-akam b. Abd al-Ramn II (r. 350/961-365/976). It was cultivated and taught
by contemporaries of Ibn Barrajn such as Ibn Bja (d. 533/1139) and Ab al-alt of Denia (d. 528/1134).
Ibn azm (d. 456/1064) accepted Aristotelian logic as a valid discipline which, insofar as it led to apodictic
knowledge, could support mans quest for sal ation. He authored a treatise on logic, which he used in
support of his attack on analogical reasoning (q y ) in jurisprudence. He was the student of the Cordoban
philosopher, mathematician and physician Muammad b. al-asan b. al-Kattn (d. c. 420/1029). Logic
was cultivated in al-Andalus well into the 7th/13th century. Fierro, olmicas, pp. 439-441.
93
Fierro, olmicas, p. 441.

147
revelatory knowledge brought by prophets.94 It is clear that he had a general conception

of philosophical doctrines and its perceived pitfalls, but he did not devote much energy to

studying falsafa nor in refuting them in detail as Ghazl did in the T f -f f .

Practice of Inqib

Ibn Barrajn was noted by biographers as a recluse who shunned fame and

celebrity.95 He spent time teaching in Seville,96 but preferred to live outside the city in

remote villages of al- arafes greater province ( q -Sharaf). In his day, al-Jarafe

spanned a massive area west of Seville and comprised some 8000 villages.97 The exact

location of Ibn Barrajns illage is hinted at by his disciple Ibn al-Malq (d. 574/1178)

who is reported to have paid him a visit at a remote village (qarya) in the district ( q )

of al-Sharaf (Aljarafe) west of Seville, in the direction of ilya (Tejada) of the al-Baal

district. Bell er identifies this location where Ibn Barrajn presumably led his discreet

life as the modern-day village of Albaida de Aljarafe or Olivares, which are both

approximately 17 kilometers west of Seville.98

At a remote distance from central authorities, state jurists, and Se illes

commotion, Ibn Barrajn taught, wrote, and led a contemplative life of worship, study,

meditation, and training of a small circle of disciples. His retreat into solitude likely took

94
See Shar , De La Torre ed., p. 230.
95
Ibn al-Zubayr, ilat al-ila, p. 33, nr. 45.
96
Qanar reportedly studied with him in Se ille. Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 20, p. 455, nr. 291, (al-Qanar).

97
This is according to the explorer and historian al-imyar (d. 900/1495), al-Raw al- f k -
aq , ed. and trans. into French by Lvi-Provenal, Cairo-Leiden, 1938; p 101; al-Udhr, Amad b.
Umar, Nu -Andalus, ed. Abd al-Azz al-Ahwn, Madrid, 1965; pp. 23-24. Cf. ha, The
Muslim Conquest and Settlement of North Africa and Spain, p. 111.
98
Bell er, Al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, p. 664.

148
place around 490/1096 when he had reached the age of forty, an age that he liked to call

the second repentance ( w y ), i.e., renunciation of the world and its people, and

devoting oneself entirely to God.99 He took on only a small number of students who

were spiritually inclined or who possessed enough resolve to temporarily forsake the

comforts of the city for a spartan life in the country. In his audiences, he preached that

solitude (wa da) and famelessness (k ) were more beneficial to the heart and more

conducive to spiritual wayfaring:100

Solitude is closer to wellbeing ( ), a relief from confronting people, and a

healing for the soul. It is a surer means of cultivating truthfulness, and a [source

of] wellbeing for those who want to journey to God and the Hereafter.101

Ibn Barrajns preference for isolation bore the mark of q , since it was a

common for the retreaters (munqabi ) to confine themselves in their homes, mosques,

rural hermitages, military outposts ( ), or out-of-the-way villages.102 Although he was

not recorded as a munqabi by the biographerssince he was not offered a q p and

therefore never turned down an official postIbn Barrajn was deeply influenced by the

scrupulous movement of the munqabi . It is certain, in fact, that some of his teachers

were practitioners of q . He advised followers not to seek social prominence (j )

and to keep away from the court. He preached:

99
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 2, p. 140.
100
Hosni, Manhaj al- I j , p. 7; n/p, cited from T - f .
101
Shar , ed. Mazyad, ol. 1, p. 280
102
Mar n, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029) in M. Fierro (ed.) The Formation of al-Andalus,
Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot ; Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate, 1998, p. 113.

149
 Do not associate with the rich, and do not befriend sons of rulers (

al- k). on ene instead with the poor and destitute.103

Assuming that Ibn Barrajn was of limited means, and gi en that he did not

receive a state pension as a q , and taught pro-bono, it is almost certain that he earned

his livelihood from seasonal agricultural harvests or an inherited family property. It is

noteworthy that the rural provinces of Aljarafe were, and continue to be an important

center for oli e oil production, a business which Ibn Barrajn was probably in ested in.

Despite basic methods of extraction, the output of olive oil in the medieval period

sometimes exceeded local needs, and surpluses were exported to different regions of the

Islamic world. Interestingly, the olive tree (shajarat al-z y ) plays into Ibn Barrajns

mystical imagination and takes on a central cosmological significance in his later

writings, figuring as a concrete symbol for his doctrine of the Real According to Which

Creation Is Created (al- aqq al- k q hi al-khalq).104 That the natural world

provided inspiration for his spiritual quest is palpable throughout his works, and

particularly in the , where he ceaselessly draws inspiration from the natural world,

and demonstrating an intimate knowledge of seasonal crops and harvests.105

Students & Disciples

Ibn Barrajn was one of the most important teachers of his day in al-Andalus,

attracting students from around the Peninsula to his remote village west of Seville. The

103
Shar , ed. Mazyad, ol. 1, p. 282
104
E.g., T , Mazyad ed., ol. 4, pp. 93, 144-46, 148-55. (Adln ed., ol. 1, pp. 232-34, 263-64, 266-
69, 270).
105
E.g., , 582.

150
only extensi e record we ha e of Ibn Barrajns pedagogical method are transcriptions of

his spiritual audiences recorded and assembled as his last work, the which we shall

look at more closely in Chapter III. These lectures, which constituted an esoteric Qurn

commentary delivered in the presence of a select number of students, must have differed

from his ordinary adth courses. His adth classes were addressed to students seeking

mastery and teaching authorization ( j z ) of a major adth compilation such as the

Musnad of Amad b. anbal, and included discussions of adth narrators ( j ) and the

hidden defects (ilal) of various reports. In his the Sevillan master comes across as

unstructured, somewhat prolix, and preachy mentor who was not concerned so much with

the formal sciences of qurnic readings (q ), causes of revelation ( - z ),

or the juridical import of a particular verse. Instead, he aimed at instructing his disciples

on how to behold realities of the unseen (ghayb) in a tangible and direct manner. In

preparing them to undertake this cross-o er (ibra) into the otherworld by way of

natural symbols, he exposed his disciples to his synthesized teachings drawn from a

broad array of sciencesranging from adth and theology, to Sufism, sciences of the

letters, and astrologyand woven into an elaborate cosmological scheme. This is all to

say that Ibn Barrajn was unique among his contemporaneous teachers, for unlike Ab

Bakr b. al-Arab or Ibn Rushd al-Jadd with whom he shared several pupils, our author

taught both the formal religious sciences like adth and theology, as well as mystical

and occult teachings like the science of the letters (ilm al- f) and astrology. He was

considered by many as a senior instructor to whom advanced students would turn only

after having completed their basic studies in the religious sciences. We know, for

151
instance, that at least one pupil turned to him after having completed his training in

Qurnic readings (q ) with Ibn al-Arf.

What follows is a list of identified students of Ibn Barrajn which prove, contra

Gharmn,106 that our author trained a sizeable number of scholars. All were trained in

dth, and most took an interest in mystical teachings or ascetic practice. His students

were both academic trainees and spiritual disciples. Only one of them, the bookish

adth student Qanar, appears to be a purely scholarly apprentice. But even those who

only transmitted their masters formal sciences would have known that he used adth as

a vehicle for mystical speculation. That these spiritual teachings rubbed off on them is

suggested by the biographer Ibn al-Zubayr who praises Ibn Barrajns pious students for

being exalted and noble (iliyya jaliyya) people.107 Aside from academic pupils, a second

category of students is represented by Ibn al-Kharr, who imbibed both Ibn Barrajns

formal scholarship and his mystical teachings. Such pupils, who are the majority, were

active practitioners of Ibn Barrajns Symbolist teachings, which they transmitted to the

burgeoning circle around Ab Madyan in the Maghrib. Their southwardly move from

Seville to the al-Muwaidn capital in Marrakesh catalyzed Maghrib Sufism and left an

indelible mark on the movement.

Qanar

The adth scholar and historian Ab al-Qsim al-Qanar (d. 561/1166) of Silves

attended Ibn Barrajns classes in Se ille. While in that city, he also studied under the

106
Gharmn, al-M -f yy , p. 130.
107
Ibn al-Zubayr, ilat al-ila, p. 33, nr. 45.

152
direction of Ibn Bashkuwl and Ab Bakr b. al-Arab.108 A bibliophile with an

exceptionally retentive memory and an insatiable intellect, he naturally excelled in

adth, a science which according to Ibn al-Abbr he possessed complete knowledge of

(al- f -k - - ). Like other students of Ibn Barrajn who were

drawn to Marrakesh by employment opportunities, he settled in the al-Muwaidn

capital and died there.109 According to the biographer Ibn al-Abbr, Qanar transmitted

Ibn Barrajns Shar - , and his Qurn commentary T -

f . He is not mentioned as ha ing transmitted Ibn Barrajns .

Ibn al-Kharr

One of Ibn Barrajns most prominent students was Abd al-aqq b. Abd al-

Ramn b. Abd Allh b. usayn b. Sad al-Azd al-Ishbl, alias Ibn al-Kharr (d.

581/1185) who was born in 514/1120 or 515/1121 and counts the Sevillan master among

his adth transmitters.110 Well-travelled and highly regarded, he studied with Andalus

and Mashriq teachers, including riq b. Ms b. Yash (d. 549/1154) of Valencia and

the celebrated Damascene historian and muaddith Ibn Askir (d. 571/1175). He lived,

taught, and died in the coastal town of Bijyapresent-day Algeriaduring the turbulent

collapse of the al-Murbin where he served as the head preacher (kha ). Ibn al-

Kharr was one of Ibn Barrajns most important students in adth. He was known for

108
For Qanar, see Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, vol. 1, p. 216, nr. 734; ol. 2, p. 29, nr. 85; Dhahab, Siyar, vol.
20, p. 455, nr. 291.
109
Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 20, p. 455, nr. 291, (al-Qanar).

110
Dhahab, K. tadhkirat al- ff , (4 ols., Beirut Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 1998), ol. 4, pp. 1350-
1352, nr. 1100 (Abd al-aqq b. Abd al-Ramn al-Ishbl). See al-Kutub, Muammad, F w -w f y
wa-l- y y , ed. Isn Abbs, Beirut Dr dir, 1973-1974; vol. 2, nr. 244. Cf. Addas, Quest for
the Red Sulphur, p. 45.

153
his deep knowledge of its narrators ( j ) and hidden defects (ilal), and was competent

in ( k) Arabic literature (adab) and poetry. He earned the exalted title of

preser er ( f ) in adth and specialized in a -a k , that is, adth reports

with legal import.

Ibn al-Kharr shared many interests with Ibn Barrajn. Just as the latter

attempted to synthesize and establish a concordance of Qurnic and adth teachings in

his earliest work al-I - , Ibn al-Kharr attempted a symbiosis of

law and adth in his most famous works entitled al-A k -k ,111 al-wus , and al-

g which still survive in manuscript.112 Moreover, Ibn al-Kharr assembled the six

canonical adth collections into a single anthology. He composed an compendium

(j ) of the a collections of Bukhr and Muslim, another for the six canonical

Sunn adth collections, in addition to the voluminous encyclopedia of the Arabic

language al- w.113 But beyond adth and language studies, Ibn al-Kharr also carried

on Ibn Barrajns mystical legacy. Like his master, he was ascetically inclined and gained

a reputation for abstinence (w ) and strict adherence to the behavioral model of the

Prophet (sunna). His writings were replete with admonitions, callings onto asceticism,

and reminders of the hereafter. He also devoted some of his prose and poetry writings
111
This work was followed up and supplemented by others, including Ibn al-Qans (d. 628/1230) y
al-Wahm wa-l- f w q -k f -a k -k - -aqq, and Ibn Abd al-
Maliks (d. 703/1303) al-J y k yI -Qa w -Ibn al-M w f q k al-a k -Ibn
-aqq. See Dhahab 1405/1985, ol. 21, p. 202; cf. Kk, Light Upon Light in Andalusian
Sufism Ab al-akam Ibn Barrajn (d. 536/1141) and Muy l-Dn Ibn al-Arab (d. 638/1240) as
Developer of His Hermeneutics. Part I: Ibn Barrajns Life and Works in ZDMG, 163, 1, 2013, p. 102, ft.
126.
112
Yusuf Aa Library (Konya), Ms. 5059-5064.
113
For descriptions of his works, see Suy, M j q - ff wa-l- f , Beirut lam al-
Kutub, 1984, p. 482; Ibn Qunfudh, al-W f y , ed. dil Nuwayhid, Beirut Dr al-fq al- adda, 1983, p.
293; cf. Kk, Light Upon Light - art I, p. 103, ft. 129.

154
exclusively to asceticism (zuhd). Notably, Ibn al-Kharr built a close rapport with Ab

Madyan and served an important link between the Symbolists of al-Andalus and the

emergent school of Sufism in North Africa.114 Ibn al-Kharr also instructed the young

Muy al-Dn b. al-Arab between 578/1182 and 580/1184.

Ibn Khall al-Qays

The Mlik jurist Ab Abd Allh Muammad b. Khall al-Qays of Niebla, died

in Marrakesh in 570/1174.115 According to the biographer Ibn al-Zubayr, Ibn Khall was

Ibn Barrajns last student. He studied law and adth with Ibn Barrajn and with other

leading instructors such as Ab Al al-Ghassn (d. 498/1105), Ab Bakr b. al-Arab,

Ibn Rushd al- add (d. 520/1126), and Ab Al al-adaf (d. 514/1120).116 He also trained

students of his own in adth.117 In the F , Ibn al-Arab reports that he was told by

Ibn Qass son in Tunis that,

[Ibn Qass (d. 545/1151)] Shaykh, at whose hands he obtained his unveilings

(kushifa la- y y ) was one of the greatest Shaykhs of the Maghrib

called Ibn Khall of Niebla.118

114
Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, vol. 3, pp. 120-121, nr. 299; Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 21, p. 198, nr. 99. For his
relationship to Ab Madyan, see al-Ghubrn, U w - y (Algiers, 1970), p. 73, nr. 5; Ibn Qunfudh
al-Qusann, Uns al-f q w - zz - q , (ed. El Fasi & A. Faure, Rabat, 1965), pp. 34-35. Cf. Bellver, p.
668, ft. 61.
115
Gharmn, al-M -f yy , p. 131.
116
For Ibn Khall al-Qays, see Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, vol. 2, p. 43, nr. 116; al-Dhahab, Siyar, vol. 20, p.
517, nr. 330.
117
According to Ibn ajars (d. 1448/852) L - z , a certain Muammad b. Amad b. Manr
transmitted [adth] from him ( w -hu). See L -Mz , vol. 5, p. 173, nr. 4761.
118
Ibn al-Arab, F , ol. 1, p. 136. f. Bell er, Al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, p. 668.

155
 At face value, this passage states that Ibn Khall was a renowned master of

Sufism. But one must be cautious of Ibn Qass claims to discipleship. A politician at

root, Ibn Qas had a habit of making such false claims to boost his spiritual credentials.

We know, for instance, that he falsely claimed Ibn al-Arf as his shaykh and that the

latter openly disavowed his association with the self-proclaimed in one of their

correspondences:

[Someone]has informed me that you know me by name [i.e. personally]. I am

concerned for I know not what you mean (fa- g f g

k ).119

It is unlikely that Ibn Khall had any rapport with Ibn Qas, or that he was one of the

Maghribs Sufi luminaries. But the fact that Ibn Qas wanted to be known as his de otee

may suggest Ibn Khalls association with Ibn Barrajn and Sufism in general.

Ibn s al-Anr

Abd Allh b. Muammad b. s al-Anr (d. 574/1178) of Malaga was one of

Ibn Barrajns dearest and most de oted pupils. He used to visit his master regularly (wa-

ikhtalafa ilay-hi) from Marrakesh, and reportedly excelled in his teachings (wa- f

ilmi-hi).120 Ibn s recei ed his training in al-Andalus and in Marrakesh, and came to be

known as a speculati e thinker (na ). This label, which he earned in the al-

Muwaidn period, seems to suggest that Ibn ss spiritual-intellectual formation with

119
Ibn al-Arf, M f al- , p. 208.
120
Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, vol. 2, p. 272, nr. 787; al-Dhahab, T k - , Beirut, 1987, vol. 40, p.
150, nr. 119; Zirikl, al- , vol. 4, p. 123.

156
Ibn Barrajn was so profound that he became known as a mysticising theologian. Ibn s

enjoyed considerable socioeconomic standing ( y w - w -j ) and was

favored by the al-Muwaidn emir Abd al-Mumin and his successor. He ser ed as a

preacher (kha ) and congregational prayer leader for a number of successive emirs, and,

in addition to his religious functions, worked as a letter composer and an administrative

middleman for poets aspiring to be heard by the emir. One of his extant poems is written

as an advice to kings and is entitled The Stars of olitics (Anjum al- y ), signaling

Ibn ss close rapport with the al-Muwaidn court.121

Sakn

Abd al-Ghafr al-Sakn (d. after 540/1145), from an aristocratic family from

Niebla, was a student of both Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf. Although he did not produce

any written works, the spiritual teachings of his instructors left a profound mark on him.

He is one of Ibn al-Arfs disciples, and the latters spiritual ad ice to him in the form of

letters have survived.122 His biographers describe him as a man who renounced his

considerable fortunes for a life of asceticism, donating his surplus to the poor. Sakn was

also a miracle-worker with a social following since he was sought after for his answered

prayers ( j - w ). Sakns popularity was probably percei ed as a potential

threat by the al-Murbin. In 540/1145, he reportedly took off for the Mashriq, fleeing

the civil strife instigated by the collapse of the regime.123

121
Dhahab, T k - , vol. 40, p. 150 (years 571-580), nr. 119, (Abd Allh b. Muammad b. Is).
See also Gharmns al-M -f yy , pp. 130-131.

122
Ibid., p. 131.
123
Ibn al-Zubayr, ilat al-ila, pp. 37-38, nr. 52.

157
 Ibn Ghlib

Ibn al-Arf and Ibn Barrajn shared another disciple, Ab al-asan b. Khalaf b.

Ghlib (d. 568/1172) of Sil es. This pupil spent an extensive period in spiritual

companionship (u ba) with Ibn Barrajn, Ibn Bashkuwl, and Ab al-Wald b. Mufarrj,

and received oral teaching authorization ( j z -hu lafan) in adth from them as well.

Although Ibn Ghlib was a adth scholar of roughly the same age as Ibn al-Arf, he still

considered himself the latters student. Ha ing spent so much time with Ibn Barrajn, Ibn

Ghlib was also a learned mystic and he taught the Sunan of Ab s al-Tirmidh to Ab

Madyan in Fez. It is probable that, like Ibn al-Kharr, also transmitted the oral teachings

or written works of Ibn Barrajn to the Shaykh. Ibn Ghlib settled in northern Morocco at

the town of Kutma, and reportedly attained the Sufi station of watad, (lit. tent peg)

before his death.124

Mahdaw

Abd al-Azz al-Mahdaw was a native of the coastal port of al-Mahdiyya, and

died at Tunis in 621/1224.125 Mahdaw was one of Ab Madyans top disciples, and a

favored teacher of Ibn al-Arab. He taught Ibn Barrajns last work al- ikma to the

young Ibn al-Arab at Tunis in 590/1194. It is possible, though unlikely that Mahdaw

studied the directly under Ibn Barrajn.126 Mahdaw stands as another proof of the

124
Cornell, T W y f M y , pp. 5-6; Ibn Qunfudh al-Qusann, Uns al-f q w - zz - q , pp.
14, 26. For his spiritual ranking, see his disciple Abd al- all b. Mss account in Murrkush, al-Dhayl,
vol. 5, p. 211; p. 208 nr. 415.
125
His tomb, situated north of the capital Tunis in al-Murs, was burned to the ground by an unidentified
Salaf group in early 2013.
126
The was composed around the early 530s. Assuming Mahdaw studied the with Ibn Barrajn
at the age of 20, then he would have taught Ibn al-Arab at 80, and died o er 100 years old.

158
profound connection between the Andalus mystical tradition of Ibn Barrajn and early

Maghrib Sufism.

Ibn al-Arf

Amad b. Muammad b. Ms b. A Allh al-anhj, known as Ibn al-Arf,

was Ibn Barrajns most famous admirer and may be justifiably called his disciple.127

Given Ibn al-Arfs irreproachable orthodoxy and moderate Sunn Sufism (taawwuf

), his function and importance in the Muslim West may be compared to that of

Qushayr in the Mashriq. A distinguished adth scholar and mystic in his own right, he

played an important role in popularizing Ibn Barrajns teachings. Both shared at least

two students, namely Sakn and Ibn Ghlib. Although the extent to which Ibn al-Arf

taught esoteric sciences to his disciples cannot be determined, it is known that many

worshippers ( ) and ascetics would flock to his sessions.

Ibn al-Arf was a born in Almeria in 481/1088. His father, a native of Tangier,

had been a platoon leader ( f) or commander of a band of forty soldiers in the local

night guard ( ib aras al-layl) in the f period.128 Ibn al-Arf is best known for his

systematic treatise on ethics and the stations of spiritual wayfarers entitled Splendors of

the Mystical Sessions (Ma - j ).129 But his scholarly repute primarily rested

on his mastery of qurnic readings (q ) and adth, subjects that he was drawn to

127
Based on the deferential tone by which Ibn al-Arf (d. 536/1161) addresses Ibn Barrajn in one of their
correspondences, Nwyia and Gharmn concluded that the former was a Sufi disciple of our author. (Nwyia,
aul, Note sur quelques fragments indits de la correspondance dIbn al-Arf a ec Ibn Barrajn,
Hespris, xliii, 1956, pp. 217-221; Gharmn, al-M -f yy , p. 130.)
128
W. Cook, The Hundred Years War for Morocco: gunpowder and the Military Revolution in the Early
Modern Muslim World, Boulder: Westview Press, 1994, pp. 34-35.
129
Edited by Asn Palacios, Paris, 1933.

159
from an early age in Almera despite his fathers protests that he not engage in scholarly

pursuits. Ibn al-Arf counts the Almerian q Ab al-asan al-Barj (d. 509/1115)

among his formal teacherswho in 503/1109 spoke out against the book-burning of

Ghazl. Another instructor was alamanks student Abd al-Baq b. Burriyl, and the

prominent adth expert Ab Al al-afad (d. 514/1120). Also, according to Ibn

Bashkuwl, Ibn al-Arf was educated by a number of the biographers own teachers.

This means that Ibn al-Arf would ha e studied under Ibn Manrs students, as well as

under Ab Bakr b. al-Arab.

It is important to emphasize that Ibn al-Arf was approximately thirty years

younger than Ibn Barrajn. Ibn al-Arf explicitly acknowledged the Se illans spiritual

and intellectual superiority and sought his counsel on at least one occasion. The

biographers confirm an almost master-disciple rapport by stating that the two held

identical doctrines, and that Ibn Barrajn had preeminence ( ff) over him.130 It is

perhaps on account of his late conversion to mysticism that Ibn al-Arf did not formally

study with Ibn Barrajn. We are told that after teaching qurnic readings in Almer a and

Saragossa, he worked as market overseer (w - isba) in Valencia where he came into

contact asceticism and the practice of Sufi chivalry (futuwwa).

130
Asn Palacios held that the prominent Ibn al-Arf was Ibn Barrajns spiritual master, a far-fetched
speculation gi en than he was about 30 years younger than Ibn Barrajn. This master-disciple relationship
was re ersed by aul Nwyias edition of Ibn al-Arfs correspondences with Ibn Barrajn in which he
addresses the Se illan as my Shaykh and my . See aul Nwyia, R I - f, pp. 43-56.
See also Ibn al-Arf, M f al- , pp. 108-110. Ibn al-Arfs letters of correspondence assembled by
his disciple Ab Bakr Atq b. Mumin (d. 548/1156) are arranged according to proximity and importance.
The missi e to Ibn Barrajn is placed first, followed by letters to friends and disciples of Ab al-asan Al
b. Khalaf b. Ghlib, and ending with Ibn Qas and Ibn Mundhir. In comparison with the other letters, the
epistle to Ibn Barrajn stands out and is worded with exceptional re erence and humility. In fact, Ibn
Barrajn is the only scholar he addresses as shaykh and imm. The preeminence ( ff) of Ibn Barrajn
over Ibn al-Arf is confirmed by Ibn al-Zubayr. (Ibn al-Abbr, M j , p. 19).

160
 Ibn al-Arfs late con ersion to mysticism is crucial to understanding his rapport

with Ibn Barrajn as well as with Ghazl. His contemporaneous biographer Ibn

Bashkuwl (d. 578/1183) made no reference to his interests in mysticism, noting simply

that he drew followers from around the Peninsula and that his lectures attracted ardent

worshipers ( ) and ascetics (z ).131 His famous Ma - j was

therefore a product of his later years of spiritual maturation.

III. Political Views and Decease

Imma, Endtimes, Mahdism, and the al-Murbin

Assessments of Ibn Barrajn in secondary literature as a political revolutionary

rest on unsubstantiated accounts of his political views and activities. What follows is an

assessment of Ibn Barrajns politics in light of not only historical and biographical data,

but statements about Muslim political leadership ( ), endtimes, al-Murbin, and

Mahdism found scattered in his vast corpus. Together, these quotations do not point to

claims made by Cornell that he was a seditious political activist with an te

extending over 130 villages and threatening a takeover of al-Murbin pro inces in

Iberia,132 nor Lagardres assessment that he collaborated in Ibn Qass Mahdist revolt

against the .133 Rather, they confirm Fierro and Grils e aluation (both drawing

131
Ibn al-Arfs popularity is attested to by a number of contemporary sources. See Ibn Bashkuwl, al-
ila, vol. 1, pp. 84-85, nr. 175; Ibn al-Abbr, M j (ed. Abyr, airo, Beirut, 1989), pp. 27-40, no. 14;
Tdil, al-Tashawwuf, p. 118, nr. 18.
132
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, p. 20. Garden takes Dhahabs assertion that sultan Al b. Ysuf feared Ibn
Barrajns in ol ement in a sufi-led re olt at face alue. See al-Ghazls ontested Re i al, pp. 208-20.
133
Lagardre, La tarqa et la r olte des Murdn en 539H/114 en Andalus, R v Occ
musulman et de la Mditerrane, 35, 1983, pp. 157-70.

161
from Nwyia) that his signaled his privileged position of leadership in mystical

circles.134

Imma

For the most part, the term is free from political, Mahdist, and Sh

connotations in the Se illan masters writings.135 This word most often denotes Adams

antecedence and preeminence over mankind ( ), or a congregational prayer

leader.136 Sometimes he uses a synonymously with religious authority, just as Ibn

Bashkuwls biographical descriptions of a particular scholar as meant unrivaled

expertise in a given field.137 Likewise, Ibn al-Arf employed in a religious sense in

his letter correspondences,138 and, when he addressed Ibn Barrajn as the Supreme

Guide of those who lead souls to the paths of salvation [and] the in possession of

Muammads blessings as his legitimate representative, he meant just that.139 Ibn al-

Arfs letter was a purely spiritual discussion about the spiritual obstinacy of worldly

134
Gril, La lecture suprieure p. 511.
135
The term is used only to designate religious leadership in the , 2, 27, 39, 42, 45, 46, 196,
218, 283, 296, 299, 372, 410, 441, 449, 511, 514, 515, 533, 55, 566, 659, 735, 376, 790, 797, 836, 901,
918, 989, 1037. The only two exceptions, to my knowledge, are Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 288, 291.
136
For a example, see T , Mazyad ed., ol. 4, p. 196 (Adln ed., ol. 1, p. 298); for a discussion of
as prayer leader, see , 42.
137
Lit. , y means to proceed in the direction of something, or to lead. Ibn Barrajns
biographer Ibn al-Zubayr qualifies the Sevillan as an in theology and Arab literature, and as a mere
k participant in arithmetic and geometry. An counterparts a k (lit. participant) who,
unlike an , is merely conversant in a certain discipline.
138
In another correspondence, Ibn al-Arf condemned the reliance on oneself before attaining the degree
of (darajat al-imma) in knowledge (ilm) or practice (amal). Ibn al-Arf, M f al- , pp.
90, 92. f. Bell er, Al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, p. 673.
139
Nwyia, Notes sur quelques fragments indits de la correspondence dIbn al-Arf a ec Ibn Barrajn,
Hespris, 43, 1, (1956), pp. 219-20.

162
people,140 and it is clear that he considered our author his senior in Symbolist mystical

teachings, and an authoritative interpreter in religious matters. Ibn al-Arfs choice of the

term was not a hint at Ibn al-Arfs passi e appro al of Ibn Barrajns presumed

political , and should be distinguished from Sharns politicized employment of

this term for our author in al- q -k .141 His designation as by Ibn al-

Arf and others142 signals his importance as an attained mystic and scholar, much like an

Imm unayd or Imm Qushayr before him.

Ibn Barrajn never rallied his followers to violence nor called them to activism

under the banner of commanding the good (al-amr bi-l- f). In his work, he holds a

classical Ashar position of respecting the rights of rulers ( qq w -amr) even if

they be unjust and impious themselves.143 That said, Ibn Barrajn did harbor strong

political criticisms of rulers of his day. In one passage, he equates a with Muslim

political rulership. This overlooked comment discloses his opinion on the longstanding

Andalus debate over qualifications for legitimate Muslim rulership ( ). The

statement follows Ibn Barrajns comments on the adth, the most righteous of you

should lead you (y -kum afalu-kum) which is commonly understood in the

140
Ibn al-Arf was expressing to Ibn Barrajn his puzzlement at the worldliness and blindedness of
peoples hardened hearts. See Bell er, al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, pp. 672-73. I concur with Bell ers
translation of Ibn al-Arfs expression q in reference to Ibn Barrajn as my
predecessor in surrender [to God], contra Nwyias misleading translation as le Guide qui je tmoigne
soumission de foi.
141
Sharn, al- q -k , vol. 1, p. 15.
142
Other scholars who refer to Ibn Barrajn as include Zarkash (al- , vol. 2, p. 140).
143
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 137, 295. See also T , Mazyad ed., ol 2, pp.90-91.

163
context of a leader of prayer. For Ibn Barrajn, this adth also has political

connotations:144

God commands Muslims to come together in go erning their legal affairs and

organizing their armies behind one man from among them who is most virtuous

(afal). [The purpose of] all of this is to guide them to His oneness and to alert

them to their greater purpose.145

Here, Ibn Barrajn squarely adopts the position of earlier Andalus Masarrs and

mysticsIsml al-Ruayn (d. 432/1040) and Ab Umar al-alamank (d. 429/1037)

that virtue and moral excellence (fa ), not genealogical lineage to the Sharf

Umayyads, should be the criteria for selecting an .146 This position diverges from

the predominant opinion among Ashars that the ruler be of Quraysh descent, and

suggests that he at least harbored sympathies for anti-Murbin populist movements in

southern al-Andalus.

Jihd

It hardly needs to be said that Ibn Barrajn did not deem emir Al b. Ysuf to be

a virtuous . Most Andalus ulam of the mid-6th/12th century resented the al-

Murbin for failing to wage j against Christians, for hiring Christian mercenaries,

and levying non-canonical taxes on Muslims. The question of j had already begun to

preoccupy ulam when the Christian advance resulted in the fall of Barbastro and

144
abarn relates a similar adth in al-K , vol. 15, p. 433.
145
This idea that a legitimate political leader must by necessity be a reflection of Gods attribute of Unity is
a typically Barrajn notion. As we shall see subsequently, he shares al-Makk and al-Ghazls iew that
the entire cosmos is perfect in its orderliness, but for Ibn Barrajn this was by compulsion of the di ine
names. (Ibn Barrajn, Shar , ol. 1, p. 78, Mazyad ed.; and p. 37 of De La Torres edition.)
146
Fierro, The Q as Ruler, in Saber Religioso y Poder Politico en el Islam, p. 104-05.

164
Coimbra (456/1063), Coria (471/1079), and finally Toledo (478/1085).147 As we saw in

the Introduction, Alfonso I of Aragon l Batallador took Saragossa in 512/1108 with

support from crusading nobles of southern France and blessings of Pope Gelasius II. Ibn

Barrajn, like Andalus ulam in general, viewed j as a collective duty (far k f y )

incumbent upon all Andaluss and one of the emirs fundamental responsibilities. ihd,

he believed, will only cease once Rome and Constantine had fallen, two enemy empires

which he compares to Gog and Magog who will be slain by Jesus Son of Mary.148 The

failure of these allegedly affluent al-Murbin rulers to organize j was perceived as

a sign of their corruption and weakness.149 A weakness, moreover, that was woefully

reminiscent of the f period and that amounted to a betrayal of the Muslim

community:

It is not acceptable for the of the Muslims to call onto peace nor to

reciprocate it whilst Muslims have power and [can] triumph over their enemy.

Nor it is permissible for him to abandon j in the way of God on any condition

except with a view to the interests of the Muslim community and by a clear

demonstration (bur ) from God. If the does not wage j in the way of

God, he has completely turned himself against Muslims.150

147
Fierro, Unidad Religiosa, rcticas y scualas, in Historia de Espaa: Los Reinos de Taifas, al-
Andalus en el siglo XI, ed. Menenez Pidal, t. VIII, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994; p. 399.
148
T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 512-13.
149
Ibn Barrajn, T , Mazyad ed., ol. 4, p. 315 (Adln ed., ol. 1, p. 388-89).
150
Ibn Barrajn, T , Mazyad ed., ol. 5, pp. 152-53 (Adln ed., ol. 2, p. 706). In the T , Ibn
Barrajn also makes the point that jihd is only obligatory when Muslims are strong, but when they are
weak then the verses enjoining Muslims to fight do not apply (T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, pp. 433-34). In
light of other passages where he criticizes rulers for not taking up jihd, Ibn Barrajn does not seem to
believe this to be the case for the al-Murbin.

165
In another passage, Ibn Barrajn states his position clearly:

Making an alliance with unbelie ers [is an act which] dri es one out of Islam

( k j - ) for [the rophet said] a person is with whome er he lo es.

However, this only becomes fully apparent to the subject [who allies with

unbelievers] after death, as e idenced by Gods ascribing the recompense (j z )

to the day every soul shall find what it has done of good and of evil (3:30). This

first manifests in the first resurrection [which takes place in the gra e]Do you

not hear the verse Thou seest many of them making unbelievers their friends. Evil

is that they have forwarded to their account, that God is angered against them,

and in the chastisement they shall dwell forever. Yet had they believed in God and

the Prophet and what has been sent down to him, (5:80-81) and Whoso of you

allies with them is one of them (5 51).151

Ibn Barrajn was most likely tutored by ifa munqabi who were outspoken

critics of their Andalus kings and held a hardline stance against those who allied with

non-Muslims. In the , he attributes the view that emirs who allied with non-Muslims

fall outside the pale of Islam to an unnamed authority, presumably one of his former

teachers:

It is reported that some scholars (may God be pleased with them) were asked

about these emirs who ally with the Jews and Christians and appoint them over

Muslims for their ser ices. He [one of Ibn Barrajns unnamed teachers] said, we

ha e been told (and God knows best) that they do not die as Muslims. The proof

151
T , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 516.

166
 he furnished for this judgment (God have mercy on him) was the verse Whoso of

you makes them his friends is one of them. God guides not a people unjust

(5 51).152

Ibn Barrajn also censured the levying of non-canonical taxes ( g ). As

maligned as they were, these taxes were often used to offset the costs of j , but they

were precisely the tolls which the al-Murbin had promised to free Andaluss from:

Although unbelief (kufr) is not widespread in our day (praise be to God),

extortion (ghab) is nearly [widespread]. Actually, injustice (ulm), indifference,

and lack of discernment between what is permissible and impermissible have

become widespread.153

Ibn Barrajn also resented the al-Murbins hiring of hristians mercenaries to

exact these non-canonical taxes from Muslims, and quotes another saying by an unnamed

teacher that this treacherous act amounted to unbelief:

It is reported that some scholars (may God be pleased with them) were asked

about these emirs who ally with the Jews and Christians and appoint them over

Muslims for their ser ices. He [now Ibn Barrajn is referring to one of his

teachers] said, we ha e been told (and God knows best) that they do not die as

Muslims. The proof he furnished for this statement (God have mercy on him)

was the verse Whoso of you makes them his friends is one of them. God guides not

a people unjust (5 51).154

152
, 298.
153
, 285.
154
, 298.

167
 All in all, Ibn Barrajn sided with the Andalus mystics by maintaining that the

must be the most virtuous (afal) and, not necessarily a Quraysh. Also, our author

resented the failed policies of the al-Murbin as regards j , non-Islamic taxation,

and hiring Christian mercenaries. His signaled high religio-mystical authority, not

leadership of a large-scale political rebellion which, in any case, a discrete and reclusive

octogenarian would not have been fit for.

Endtimes

It remains to be examined how Ibn Barrajn regarded anti-Murbin re olts

which were breaking surface in the Maghrib and al-Andalus. Let us therefore turn to his

views on endtimes and Mahdism. It is important to stress that millenarian expectations

were rife in the Muslim world during the 6th/12th century Crusader and Reconquista

period. This was particularly true of al-Andalus where the northern al-Murbin borders

were shrinking to the Christians, even amidst calls for j and Mahdist movements of

Ibn Qass and Ibn Tmarts al-Muwaidn. Unlike al-Ghazl who was

unaffected by the rusades, Ibn Barrajn was greatly preoccupied by these demoralizing

territorial losses and saw them as manifestations of the religious, sociopolitical, and

economic decadence of his times.155 He deplored the Muslim umma for being just as

decadent as Christians, and believed that Muslims were just as sinful as the errant People

of the Book (ahl al-k ) described in the Qurn. In Ibn Barrajns eyes, the only claim

155
, 434-35.

168
to superiority which Muslims still possessed vis--vis Christians was their profession of

an uncorrupted monotheism (taw ).156

Mahdism

Despite his indignation, the Sevillan master was very discrete when it came to

discussing the endtimes or the coming of the Mahd.157 It is certain that he held the Hour

to be near at hand. In one passage, he refer to a adth about the tribulations that will

afflict peoples hearts at the end of times, and explicitly affirms that endtimes is our

time, and God knows best.158 Moreover, given his propensity for future predictions, Ibn

Barrajn expected the coming of the Mahd to take place within his century. In a brief

passage from his prediction of the recapture of Jerusalem in the T , written in

522/1128 on the year of Ibn Tmarts death, he tacitly suggests that the Mahd would

return in some sixty years; around 583/1187.159 Together, these statements confirm that

156
T , Mazyad ed., ol. 3, p. 378.
157
For passages on Mahdism, see Adln ed., ol. 2, p. 599; Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 291. In the
, the Mahd is mentioned in 621, 847, 878, 879. In one passage ( 878-79), Ibn Barrajn discusses
the two rightly guided caliphates (sing. k f yy ). The first, he explains, is that of the
ompanions. The second is alluded to in the rophetic report This affair [of Islam] will persist mightily
( y z ), or [in a different version], will abide until the rule of twelve caliphs [has come to pass],
all of whom shall be of Quraysh. Ibn Barrajn states six or fi e of [the twel e caliphs] ha e come to pass
[these being the Four Rightly Guided caliphs, Umar b. Abd al-Azz, and presumably two or three others],
and six or se en remain. Here he appears to reject the notion that Judgment Day was nigh, and comes
across as a non-Mahdist.
158
Shar , Mazyad ed., ol. 1, p. 294.
159
See Ibn Barrajns prediction in the T , Mazyad ed., ol. 4, pp. 322-327. The translation of the
rele ant passage goes as follows The rophet said concerning the Mahd He will fill the earth with
justice and equity, even as it was filled with injustice and oppression; he will live among you seven years
(or as another version has it, nine years). This adth announces our future ictory o er them, since we will
have the upper hand and they will be on the retreat without chance of a retaliation on that day, God willing.
What has just been discussed is beyond doubt, so praise be to God, Lord of the worlds. Thus the verse The
Byzantines have won in the lands close-by, and after their victory, i.e., their second victory, they shall be
defeated within a few years announces the Muslims ictory over them under the command of the just
leader [the Mahdi] (al- - ), may God be pleased with us and them. Prophetic reports have
confirmed this, and God is the One besought. The verse continues, G c , f f ;

169
Ibn Barrajn held Mahdist beliefs, but he expected his Mahd to appear in erusalem, not

the Maghrib. He would have dismissed local claimants like Ibn Qas or Ibn Tmart as

mere posers. His summoning to Marrakesh by the emir must be understood in the context

of the al-Muwaidns rise in 515/1121 under Ibn Tmarts leadership (d. ca. 522/1128)

among the Mamda in the Ss mountains of southern Morocco, as well as the

impending Murdn rebellion which was about to break out in southern al-Andalus.160

Summoning of Ibn al-Arf, Mayrq, and Ibn Barrajn to Marrakesh

When the popularity of mystically-inclined scholars who promulgated a different

epistemology from the al-Murbin jurists became too great, the ulam beckoned the

power of the regime to impose their will and to ensure their function as guardians of

religious knowledge and piety. Their supremacy was rarely challenged in centralized

urban areas where Ibn al-Arf li ed. But in the rural fringes where Ibn Barrajn made his

career, the only way the ulam could confront a popular mysticism that defied both

their sociopolitical clout and their ery raison dtre was by calling upon the authority of

and on tha y v j c G p (Q 30:4-5). God announces eventualities for and

against this community by way of entanglements with the Byzantines. He alludes to the approach of the
Byzantines demise as the final outcome of these entanglementsthis being the victory of the Muslims
over them through the leadership of the foretold Imm (al- -mubashshar bihi), also known as the
[great] slaughterby saying G c , f f ; y v
rejoice G pthis day refers to the appearance of none other than the damned Antichrist followed
by the appearance of His Word, His servant, His messenger Jesus, son of Mary, [who will join battle
against him], then the disappearance of the righteous [from the face of the earth], then the Last Hour. Gods
is the command before the descent of the Qurn and after these times are fulfilled. Indeed, Gods was the
command before existence was bestowed upon creation and will continue to be so after [creations] demise;
as He says, On that day shall the command belongs to God (Q 82:19), and On that day shall the kingdom,
the true [kingdom] belong to the Merciful (Q 25 26). Ibn Barrajn goes on to explain, based on his
cyclical conception of time, that the year of the final Muslim victory falls around 583/1187.
160
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 187.

170
the state.161 Thus their state persecution must be understood in the context of their

religious and social ascendancy, not in their alleged political activism. For unlike Ibn

Qas, these figures made no deliberate attempt at organizing their followers in any way.

Moreo er, unlike Ghazl, no refutations of Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf were penned.

As Fierro notes, the fear by the al-Murbin emir that Ibn Barrajn and Ibn al-Arf

could start a rebellion like Ibn Tmart was precisely that, a fear.162

In the early months of 536/1141 (or late 535), the al-Murbin emir Al b. Ysuf

summoned Ibn Barrajn, Ibn al-Arf, and the Granadan hir Ab Bakr al-Mayrq163 to

appear for trial before him in Marrakesh, since the three men professed the same

doctrine.164 By summoning these three scholars, the emir wanted to publicize his

intention of having the case be conducted jointly with the f q .165 The subsequent

events which led to their deaths are mired in confusion. For each of these figures, there

exist two separate and contradictory accounts of how they met their ends. The only

certainty is that they all died within a few months of their arrest, that Ibn Barrajn alone

was interrogated by a jury owing to his leadership role, and that the entire affair was

enveloped in and driven by jurists conspiracies and court politics.

161
ornell, incent, Faqh ersus Faqr in Marinid Morocco pistemological Dimensions of a olemic,
in Frederick de Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of
Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 224.
162
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 196.
163
See Ibn al-Abbr, M j , p. 139, nr. 123; Takmila, ol. 1, p. 359, nr. 1279; Murrkush, al-Dhayl, vol.
6, pp. 169-70, nr. 452; Ibn al-Khab, al-I f k G a, Cairo, 1973, vol. 3, p. 190.
164
M j , nr. 14, p. 19; Addas trans. Cf. Quest, p. 52
165
Faure, Ibn al-Arf, EI2.

171
 Ibn al-Arfs Death

According to the biographer Ibn al-Abbr, Ibn al-Arfs popularity was percei ed

as a threat by the sultan,166 but, he adds reluctantly, it is said (y q ) that the Almerian

jurists unanimously condemned his teachings and denounced him to the Sultan, warning

the latter against him.167 According to the biographer Tdil, the emirs calling was

incited specifically by the Almerian q Ibn Aswad (d. 536/1142), a student of the

staunch detractor of Ghazls works Ab Bakr al-ursh.168 Ibn Aswad reportedly

filled the emir with fear of the popular Ibn al-Arf, and had him arrested and fettered at

sea during the crossing to Ceuta. But when the venerable scholar arrived in Marrakesh,

the emir reportedly underwent a change of heart and showed him great honor, giving him

permission to return to Almeria. The emirs change of heart probably had to do with his

realizing the popularity of Ibn al-Arf and the high political price he would pay for

executing the venerated scholar.

Ibn Bashkuwl is ambiguous about the reasons for Ibn al-Arfs death, but ery

precise as to the date he died on Friday night, and was buried during the day on Friday

23rd in the month of afar of the year 536.169 Tdil reports that he was poisoned at sea

by Ibn Aswad, and in revenge the emir had Ibn Aswad poisoned. But Ibn al-Abbr

166
Ibn al-Arf was not fa orable to the Mahdist re olutionary zeal of Ibn Qas (d. 546/1151), and
disa owed any association with his mo ement. In one of his letters to Ibn Qass disciple and Murdn
lieutenant Ibn Mundhir, Ibn al-Arf staunchly opposed any form of rebellion against the established
regime prior to the appearance of the Mahd. (Addas, Andalus Mysticism, p. 923; Nwyia, Rasil Ibn
al-Arf, pp. 43-56. f. Bell er, al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, p. 671.)
167
M j , nr. 14, p. 19; Addas trans. Cf. Quest, p. 52
168
References to Ibn al-Aswad can be found in Ibn al-Abbr, M j , p. 126, nr. 116; Ibn Bashkuwl, al-
ila, vol. 3, p. 849, r. 1294.
169
Ibn Bashkuwl, ila, (Cordera ed., Madrid: Rojas, 1882) vol. 1, nr. 175, pp. 84-85, (Ibn al-Arf entry).

172
dismisses this conspiratory account, maintaining that he died from illness that year. Ibn

al-Arfs sudden death at the age of 55, gi es credence to, though it does not confirm,

Tdils account of a poisoning.

Ab Bakr b. al-Mayrqs Death

Mayrqs (d. 537/1142) fate was equally obscure.170 He was a hir jurist and

an expert in genealogy and . In his journeys to the Mashriq, he came into contact

with Ab Bakr al-urush. Ibn al-Abbr claims that he fled to Bijya shortly prior to his

arrest.171 Ibn al-Khab howe er recounts that he was taken to Marrakesh for questioning,

then lashed and imprisoned. Following this misadventure, he returned to al-Andalus then

set for the coastal town of Bijya where he died in 537/1142.172 In Bijya, he taught

adth, and reportedly established contact with Ibn al-Kharrt, the student of Ibn

Barrajn.

Ibn Barrajns Death

In contrast to accusations against Ibn al-Arf, the emir was not in a position to

overlook the denunciations made against Ibn Barrajn. Ibn Barrajn was arrested in

Cordoba (ashkhaahu min Quruba), not in his village west of Seville where he resided.

Moreover, he was the only figure to be interrogated by a jury. The reasons for his trial are

vague in the early sources. Ibn ajar (d. 852/1448) and Dwd (d. 945/1538) allege that

it was on account of his involvement with the sciences of the letters, though this claim is

170
Mayrqs full name Muammad b. al-usayn b. Amad b. Yay b. Bishr al-Anr al-Mayrq. See
Ibn al-Abbr, M j , pp. 146-147, nr. 123.
171
Ibn al-Abbr, M j , p. 139.
172
Ibn al-Khab, al-I a, vol. 3, p. 190.

173
not confirmed historically. Of the two explanations for his death in Muarram 536/

August 1141, Tdils entry on Ab al-asan b. irzihimthe instructor of emir Al b.

Ysufis the closest in time to the incident:

When Ab al-akam b. Barrajn was sent from ordoba to the court in

Marrakesh, he was interrogated about matters for which he had been criticized

( y ). He resolved them [i.e., the perceived heresies] on the basis of

plausible metaphorical interpretations (fa- k j tamiluhu min al-

w ), thereby dissociating himself from the criticism le eled against him. Ab

al-akam exclaimed: By God I shall not live long, nor shall the one who

summoned me live after my death!i.e., the sultan. Then Ab al-akam died,

and the sultan ordered that [his corpse] be cast into the garbage dump without

funeral prayers, imitating in this what certain jurists had said against [Ibn

Barrajn].173

It should be noted that by publically disparaging the emir, Ibn Barrajn was not

making threats of an insurgent backlash from his followers, nor was he simply voicing

defiant contempt to the monarch. His was an assertion of spiritual supremacy over

temporal rulership. As a mystic, Ibn Barrajn could predict the future by discerning

Gods cycles of decree ( w - q ), and was avowing that life and death were in

the hands of destiny. Whereas the sultan and his scheming jurists merely held political

power, Ibn Barrajn possessed di ine authority which no regime could claim. The emir

grasped the far-reaching implications of the latters proclamation, and ordered for his

173
Tdil, al-Tashawwuf, p. 170, nr. 51.

174
body to be thrown into the garbage dump as per the jurists decree; a decree which the

emir finally retracted in the face of a great gathering of people who defiantly attended the

funeral orchestrated by the emirs own teacher Ibn irzihim:

Then a black man, who was in Ibn irzihims ser ice and who frequented his

sessions, reported to Ab al-asan [Ibn irzihim] what the sultan had ordered

regarding Ab al-akam [Ibn Barrajn]. Ab al-asan [Ibn irzihim] said: If

you want to sell your soul to God, then do as I say. He answered: Order me as

you wish and I shall do it. Ibn irzihim said Proclaim in the markets and

streets of Marrakesh, Ibn irzihim says to you: attend the funeral of the excellent

shaykh, the ascetic jurist, Ab al-akam b. Barrajn! And whoe er is able to

attend but does not, may the curse of God fall upon him! [The ser ant] did as he

was ordered. When this news reached the sultan, he [also] said Whoe er knows

his excellence and does not attend his funeral, may the curse of God fall upon

him!174

A second account of the same e ent by Murrkush is preser ed in Asqalns

L - z , and provides some nuance to the affair and confirms Tdils narrati e:

Ibn Abd al-Malik [al-Murrkush] said in his Dhayl al-ila li-Ibn

k w :

[Ibn Barrajn] was falsely accused in front of the sultan Al b. Ysuf b. Tshufn,

so he summoned Ibn Barrajn to Marrakesh. Upon arri al, [Ibn Barrajn]

proclaimed I will only li e for a short while, and he who summoned me will

174
Tdil, al-Tashawwuf, p. 170, nr. 51.

175
 only outlive me for a short while! An examining committee ( j ara)

was then convened, and they laid before him the matters which they censured. He

gave an answer, resolving them with plausible resolutions (kharraja k j

mu tamala). But they were not satisfied with them, since they did not understand

his intended meanings ( q id), and so they decreed in front of the sultan that

he was an innovator ( ).

There was consent (fa-ttufiqa) [i.e., it is certain] that he fell ill after a few days

and died in al-Muarram. Likewise there was consent that Al b. Ysuf died after

him in Rajab of the year [5]37. When [the sultan] was told about Ibn Barrajns

death, he ordered that he be cast into the garbage dump without funeral prayers or

burial, in accordance with the decision he had reached with the jurists who spoke

against him. Likewise there was consent that someone from among the people of

excellence, upon hearing of his death, sent out a black slave to proclaim

publically in the markets Attend the funeral of so-and-so!and the squares

were filled with people. They washed his body, prayed upon him, and buried

him.175

Within the North African Mlik context, this account is the most con incing.

Unconventional doctrines obtained through w typically did not lead to a charge of

heresy (zandaqa). Instead, they were deemed to be unwarranted religious innovations

( ).176 An innovator ( ), as well as agents of corruption and public disorder

175
L - z , (Beirut, 1971) vol. 4, pp. 13-14; nr. 30.
176
Fierro, l castigo de los herejes y su relaci n con formas de poder pol tico y religioso en al-Andalus
(ss. II/VIII- II/XIII), in El cuerpo derrotado: Cmo trataban musulmanes y cristianos a los enemigos

176
(f ) such as Khrijs were enjoined to repent publically ( ). If they refused three

times, they would succumb to capital punishment. In contrast, a person deemed by a

judge as a heretic (z q) was not afforded the possibility of repentance in the Mlik

context and was condemned to death for apostasy. Ibn Barrajn was labeled an inno ator

( ) instead of a heretic (z q) and therefore an execution was legally untenable.

This also explains why none of the earliest sources mention his execution. The

biographers, moreover, express sympathy for Ibn Barrajn without endorsing his

unspecified questionable doctrines. For his resolutions ( k j) were anchored in

plausible (mu tamala) metaphorical interpretations ( w ) and therefore were not to be

condemned as heretical. Although they were not mainstream, his interpretations certainly

did not constitute grounds for anathemization ( kf ).

His final resting place is near the old grain market (ra bat al- ina al-q ) in

the old medina of Marrakesh, only a 10-minute walk from mi al-Fan square, and a

short distance from the tomb of his loyal lifelong disciple Ibn al-Arf. On a final note,

one may add that throughout his writings, and especially toward the end of his life, the

reality and tangibility of this world grew progressively dimmer for Ibn Barrajn. In his

later works, he never tired of reminding his reader that for the true believer, death is a

blessing and this lower world is merely a prison cell (sijn).177 This adth-inspired

teaching would have become ever more vivid in his heart as he lay incarcerated in a

Marrakesh prison far from his homeland, awaiting for the final hour to draw near.

vencidos. Pennsula Ibrica, ss. VII-XIII, ed. M. Fierro & F. Garca-Fitz (Madrid, 2008), pp. 283-316, esp.
p. 312 nr. 69; cf. Bell er, al-Ghazl of al-Andalus, p. 676, ft. 110.
177
E.g., see T , Mazyad ed., ol. 5, p. 389.

177
 Chapter III
Exploring the Irshd & Shar al-Asm

Manuscripts, Content, Structure, Stylistics, and Doctrinal Hallmarks

Introduction

Chapters III and IV of this study aim to throw light on many misunderstandings

surrounding the body of writings attributed to Ibn Barrajn, and to overview the style,

structure, contents, and exegetical approach of his lost work al-Irshd, as well as his

extant commentary on the divine names and two Qurn commentaries. For this chapter,

we turn to Ibn Barrajns first two works, al-Irshd and Shar al-asm. Section I, which

is crucial to both Chapters III and IV, establishes the titles, sequence, estimated dates of

composition, manuscripts, and modern printed editions of Ibn Barrajns corpus, paving

the way for subsequent examinations of his works. Section II looks closely at his first

lost and hitherto misunderstood work on adth-Qurn concordance, entitled al-Irshd

il subul al-rashd, and its place within the broader adth and ul discourses in

6th/12th century Islamic thought. I conclude with a translation of an illustrative excerpt

from the Irshd that I discovered in a Mamlk-era work by Zarkash. Section III is

devoted to Ibn Barrajns understudied but monumental commentary on the divine

names, entitled Shar asm Allh al-usn. I assess its central doctrines, organizational

patterns, literary style, legacy, and sources of inspiration.

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 I. Establishing the Titles, Sequence, Dates of Composition, and Manuscripts of his

Works

Over the course of his long and prolific career, Ibn Barrajn authored four

sizeable works. The first, al-Irshd, is devoted to dth-Qurn concordance; the second,

Shar al-asm, is a commentary on the divine names; the third, Tanbh al-afhm, is his

major Qurn commentary; the fourth, al-ikma, is his minor Qurn commentary.

He possibly authored a fifth work, Ayn al-yaqn, which we shall discuss below as well.

Regrettably, a great deal of confusion has arisen concerning the titles and sequence of

composition of these works. Virtually all medieval scribes, biographers, and scholars

have erred as to the exact number, titles, or sequence of Ibn Barrajns books, and recent

western and Arab editors and scholars have reproduced most of these critical errors. 1 One

of the purposes of this chapter is to correct these errors and to lay a foundation for future

research on Ibn Barrajn.

A great deal of this misunderstanding issues from the mistitling of Ibn Barrajns

works by scribes, and the reproduction of these errors by biographers already in the late

6th/12th century during the al-Muwaidn period, only a few decades after Ibn

Barrajns death. The earliest biographer Ibn al-Abbr (d. 658/1260) claims that Ibn

Barrajn left behind only one incomplete Qurn exegesis. This incomplete tafsr is

undoubtedly the which is missing independent commentaries for sras 9 (tawba),2

1
The sequence of Ibn Barrajns titles are correctly noted in the first folio of MS arullah 53m (f. 1a),
which is a manuscript of the Tanbh, wherein the 8th/15th century scholar arullh observes that Ab al-
akam compiled first, Kitb al-Irshd, second, Shar asm Allh al-usn, and third, his Tafsr al-
Qurn. He was not aware of the .
2
In the , certain verses of sra 9 are commented upon under sra 8 (al-fl), since 9 is not preceded by
the basmala and is not held to be an independent sra by some scholars. But it is possible that an

179
28 (qaa), 103 (ar), and 106 (Quraysh). But what about his major tafsr and his work

on adth-Qurn concordance? The major tafsr, whose authentic title is Tanbh al-

afhm il tadabbr al-kitb al-akm wa-taarruf al-yt wa-l-naba al-am, was

presumably incorrectly given the name of al-Irshd by a scribe in the late 6th/12th century.

As a result, most manuscripts of his major tafsr were mistakenly entitled al-Irshd,

which was his first work on adth-Qurn concordance. This error was possible because

Ibn Barrajn did not state the title of his tafsr in the introduction, which explains why the

later copyists and scholars never spotted the authentic title of the major tafsr. The

majority of the Tanbh manuscripts in Istanbul and Konya are entitled K. al-Irshd f

tafsr al-qurn. Others are called Tafsr Abd al-Salm al-musamm bi-l-Irshd, or

Tafsr al-Qurn li-Ibn Barrajn, and only rarely Tanbh al-afhm. Unfortunately, this

scribal mistake was canonized by the biographers who came after Ibn al-Zubayr (d.

708/1308), thereby rendering the authentic Irshd on adth-Qurn concordance

obsolete for several centuries, only to reemerge in the Mamlk period. To this day, most

modern and especially western secondary literature on our author continue to confuse the

two titles. Given this confusion, no viable chronology or dates of composition have been

tendered. Below, I endeavor to establish the titles and chronological sequence of the

Sevillan masters works based on the most obvious and reliable sources available:

citations which he himself provides in his own works. I conclude that four major works

can be safely ascribed to Ibn Barrajn. I establish their titles, order of composition, and

approximated dates of composition on the basis of a laborious perusal of his entire nine-

volume corpus.

independent commentary on sra 9 is missing from the , since Ibn Barrajn does comment on this sra
independently in the Tanbh.

180
 (1) Al-Irshd

His first work was K. al-Irshd il subul al-rashd, a sizeable book on the

concordance between the Qurn and the adth reports found in a Muslim. The lost

work must have been of considerable length, probably spanning several hundred folios,

since he alleges to cover every adth mentioned in Muslims collection. He probably

penned the Irshd between 480-490/1087-1096; that is when he was in his thirties,

having completed his adth studies under Ibn Manr (d. 469/1077), and while studying

and teaching adth in Seville. Given the renown of this work in the Mamlk period as

we shall see below, it is tenable that copies of the Irshd still survive in manuscript

libraries under a different author or title.

(2) Shar al-asm

Following the Irshd, the Sevillan master penned his monumental commentary on

the divine names. It is commonly entitled as Shar asm Allh al-usn, and spans

approximately 350 folios, or 700 pages in the modern printed edition of Mazyad. In this

work, he cites his previous Irshd several times.3 As argued below, he wrote the Shar

well before coming into contact with Ghazls Maqad which was introduced into al-

Andalus in 495/1102 by Ab Bakr b. al-Arab. Ibn Barrajn therefore penned his Shar

in his early to mid-forties, between 490-495/1096-1102 probably from his remote town

west of Seville.

A remarkable number of manuscript copies of the Shar are known to exist under

the titles Shar asm Allh al-usn, or Shar man asm Allh al-usn, or even

3
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 255; vol. 2, pp. 275, 324-25.

181
Tarjumn lisn al-aqq al-mabthth f al-amr wa-l-khalq, standing as testimony to its

fame. In his later works, Ibn Barrajn refers to his commentary as Shar al-asm, so I

take the latter to be the authentic title for his commentary on the names, instead of

Tarjumn lisn al-aqq. According to the earliest biographer Ibn al-Abbr, the Shar was

transmitted by Ibn Barrajns students Ab al-Qsim al-Qanar, Ab Muammad Abd

al-aqq al-Ishbl, Ab Abd Allh b. Khall and others in Marrakesh and presumably to

members of the circle of Ab Madyan. From there, it gradually spread into the Mashriq,

and gained widespread renown among Mamlk Egyptians and Ottoman scholars in

Turkey. The list of surviving manuscripts is as follows:

Istanbul, MS Topkap Ahmet III 1495 (257 ff.; 595 h)

Istanbul, MS ehid Ali Paa 426 (221 ff.; 598 h),
Istanbul, MS Ayasofya 1869 (242 ff.; 608 h)
Konya, MS Yusuf Aa 5084 (383 ff.; 667 h)
Istanbul, MS Atif Efendi 1525 (230 ff.; 709 h)
London, MS Brit. Museum 1612 (157; 709 h)
Medina, MS rif ikmat 35 (270 ff.; 716 h)
Istanbul, MS Topkap Ahmet III 1591 (349 ff.; 728 h)
Istanbul, MS Nuruosmaniye 2876 (238ff; 726 h)
Istanbul, MS Nuruosmaniye 2877 (237 ff.; 733 h)
Istanbul, MS arullah 1023 (235 ff.; 795 h)
Cairo, MS alat 1502 (237 ff.; 8th c. h?)
Istanbul, MS Fatih 766 (283 ff.; 879 h)
Istanbul, MS Laleli 1551 (198 ff.; 933 h)
MS Istanbul Univ. 2484 (311 ff.; 949 h)
MS Berlin 2221 (82 ff.; 934 h); Mulakhkha, compiled by Abd al-Qdir b. Ibrhm al-
Maqdis
Turkey, Antalya Province, MS Elmal 2484 (310 ff.; 958 h)
MS Paris 2642 (276 ff; 984 h)
Tunis, MS Bibliothque Nationale, 07651 (165 ff; n/d)
Tunis, MS Bibliothque Nationale, 03547 (170 ff; n/d)

The first critical edition of the Shar was published by Purificacin de la Torre as

a Ph.D. dissertation at the University Complutense of Madrid (1996), under M.J.

Vigueras direction. This pioneering text includes a very useful introductory study of his

182
biography and a near-comprehensive manuscript survey of the Shar. Regrettably, her

edition relies primarily on a faulty manuscript, Ahmet III 1591 (written in 728/1327)

instead of the much more reliable Atif Efendi 1525 (written in 709/1309), which De la

Torre was unable to obtain.4 In my supplement to this Chapter, I collate these disparate

manuscripts against her edition to demonstrate its unreliability. Regrettably, her edition is

hindered by basic grammatical and editorial mistakes as well as a painfully small font.5 A

second edition of the Shar was brought out in a two-volume publication in Beirut by

Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya in 2010. Its editor is the well-known Azhar Shaykh Amad

Fard al-Mazyad of Cairo who is a professional and prolific editor with dozens of

publications to his name, including major Sufi works as well as edited tracts of theology

and creed. However, Mazyads introduction is very thinly researched, his introductory

commentary on the divine names is a direct translation of De La Torres Spanish

introduction which he does not cite, and his edition relies only on one MS, namely rif

Hikmat 35 (270 ff.; 716 h). Nonetheless, his edition is far more reliable and readable than

De La Torres, although it too is not free of minor typographical errors.

(3) Tanbh al-afhm

Ibn Barrajn appears to have dedicated his 50s and early 60s exclusively to

teaching dthand presumably other subjectsaround Seville and its environs. He

only authored his major Qurn commentary entitled Tanbh al-afhm il tadabbr al-

kitb al-akm wa-taarruf al-yt wa-l-naba al-am, between the years of 515-

4
See De la Torres introduction, Shar, p. 70.
5
See Appendix III for a collation of pages 230-232 and 240-245 of her edition against two MS versions
pertaining to disparate families.

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525/1121-1130, when he was 65 to 75 years of age.6 Interestingly, the last part of Ibn

Barrajns life was his most productive in terms of written output. In the Tanbh, he cites

the Shar and the Irshd.7 The Tanbh spans approximately 800 folios, or five volumes in

Mazyads printed edition. The popularity and renown of the Tanbh is attested to by the

considerable number of extant manuscripts found in European, Arab, and especially

Turkish libraries. Many of the extant copies, especially in Turkish libraries, are

mistakenly entitled K. al-Irshd or Tafsr al-Irshd, or generically as Tafsr Ibn Barrajn

for reasons explained above. Presumably, these texts originate from a Murrkush copy of

the Tanbh transmitted by Ibn Barrajns adth student Qanar who faithfully narrated

his masters work as well as the Shar to the circle of Ab Madyan in North Africa. The

known extant manuscripts of the Tanbh are as follows:

Konya, MS Yusuf Aa 4744 (247 ff.; ca. 600 h; beginning sura 6)

Konya, MS Yusuf Aa 4745 (182 ff; ca. 600 h; sura 7 sura 18)
Konya, MS Yusuf Aa 4746 (365 ff; ca. 600 h; sura 19 sura 111)
Bursa, MS Huseyin elebi 38 (170 ff.; 652 h; beginning - sura 2:160)
Istanbul, MS Reislkttap 30 (422 ff.; 667 h; beginning - sura 18)
Istanbul, MS Damad Ibrahim 25 (204 ff.; 677 h; beginning sura 2)
Istanbul, MS Feyzullah 35 (535 ff.; 7th c. h; beginning sura 110)
Istanbul, MS Darlmesnevi 42 (242 ff.; 7thc. h; sura 38 sura 114)
Istanbul, MS arullah 53m (263 ff.; 738 h; beginning sura 5)
Magalia, MS Esmahan Sultan 38 (265 ff.; 839 h; beginning - sura 15)
Istanbul, MS ehid Ali 73 (441 ff.; 1127 h; complete)
Istanbul, MS Damad Ibrahim 27 (621 ff.; 1128 h; complete)
Istanbul, MS Damad Ibrahim 26 (478 ff.; 1129 h; complete)
Istanbul, MS Reisulkttap 31 (316 ff.; 1168 h; sura 19 sura 114)
Istanbul, MS Feyzullah 35 (9th/15th century; complete)8
Istanbul, MS Nuruosmaniye 148 (490 ff.; 12th c. h; complete)

6
By 522/1128, he had already reached sra 30. Assuming he composed his exegesis following the order of
the sras from 1 to 114, he would have written just over half the Tanbh by 522/1128.
7
In the Tanbh, the Shar asm Allh al-usn is cited quite frequently. See Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1,
pp. 61, 75, 86. For reference to the Irshd, see Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 160.
8
Mazyad claims this copy to be the only complete witness of the Tanbh. I have yet to check this MS and I
rely here on his assessment.

184
Munich, MS Aumer 83 (sura 17 sura 114)
Rabat, MS National Library 242 (sura 7 sura 24)
Qom, MS Tehran 350 (beginning sura 18)

The first attempt at editing the Tanbh was made by the Moroccan scholar

Muammad al-Adln al-Idrs, who published its second half (sras 17-114) in a two-

volume edition in 2011 with carefully cited adth references.9 Regrettably, the edition

relies solely on the incomplete MS Munich Aumer 83 since the editor at the time was

apparently unaware of the other extant manuscript copies. Aldns edition is also beset

by editorial problems, including a misleading and unfaithful demarcation of Ibn

Barrajns ful sections and paragraphs,10 occasionally imprecise placement of brackets

to mark end of adth,11 inconsistent usage of hamzas,12 misplacement of diacritical

marks (taf), uncited qurnic verses,13 and poor indices. As well, the overall editorial

quality of Adlns edition deteriorates markedly toward the second half of volume II.14

Adlns work was superseded by Mazyads complete five-volume edition of the

Tanbh15 on the basis of four collated manuscripts that were at his disposal.16 Feyzullah

9
Ibn Barrajn, al-Tafsr al-f li-l-qurn li-Ab al-akam b. Barrajn (d. 536h) aw Tanbh al-afhm il
tadabbur al-kitb al-akm wa-taarruf al-yt wa-l-naba al-am, 2 vols., ed. Adln, Casablanca: Dr
al-Thaqfa, 2011.
10
See respectively Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, pp. 71-87 and 90.
11
E.g., Ibid., vol. 1, p. 93.
12
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 259.
13
E.g., Ibid., vol. 1, p. 250.
14
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 767 onward.
15
Tafsr Ibn Barrajn: Tanbh al-afhm il tadabbur al-kitb al-akm wa-taarruf al-yt wa-l-naba al-
am, 5 vols., Amad Fard al-Mazyad ed., Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 2013.
16
- Feyzullah 35 in Istanbul, copied in 9th/15th century. Primary MS for the edition.
- Al-Khizna al-mma, Rabat, 242 Kf, incomplete (from sra al-Arf to beginning of al-Nr).
- Qom, Tehran, 350, first half of Tanbh.
- Munich MS mscod83, second half of Tanbh.

185
35 is the primary manuscript for this edition. Overall, Mazyads welcome edition is quite

reliable, although it is not free of typographical errors and misplaced diacritics. Mazyad

includes footnoted adth references, and inserts his own clusters of verses prior to Ibn

Barrajns ful. These inserted clusters of verses, which are easily distinguishable from

the original text of the Tanbh by their different font, are useful for locating the qurnic

passages Ibn Barrajn is about to comment upon, and render the work more navigable

and reader-friendly. However, Mazyads introductory study of Ibn Barrajns biography

and exegetical method is disappointing, and as in the Shar, he provides no indexes.

(4) al-ikma

Shortly after finishing the Tanbh, Ibn Barrajn wrote his minor and

supplementary Qurn commentary entitled K. al-ikma bi-akm al-ibra. This

work is only minor in comparison with the slightly more lengthy Tanbh. The

spans approximately 600 manuscript folios, or 1000 pages in modern-day print. The

was compiled on the basis of transcriptions of Ibn Barrajns lectures, which were

delivered from memory when Ibn Barrajn still had the Tanbh fresh in mind. The

dictation of the could have easily spanned over the course of 3-4 years, that is,

between 526-530/1131-1135, when he was between 76 and 80 years of age. In the ,

only the Shar and the Tanbh are cross-referenced.17

Presumably, Ibn Barrajns pupil Ibn al-Kharr transmitted the to his

students, since Ibn al-Kharrs student Mahdaw in turn taught this work to the young

17
For references to the Tanbh, see , 966, 993. For Shar, see 13, 41, 42, 327, 438, 554.

186
Muy al-Dn Ibn al-Arab. But there are only two known manuscripts of this work, both

of which are at the Sleymaniye Library in Turkey and were first unearthed by Bowering

in the 1980s. The first, written in bold Naskh script, is the two-volume Mahmut Paa 3-

4, dated 596/1199 and spanning approximately 575 folios. The second witness, in one

volume, is Murat Molla 35-36, dated 612/1215, and spanning 323 folios. Murat Molla 35

is miscatalogued as Kitb al-Irshd. These two manuscripts are meticulously described in

the forthcoming introduction to the . Both were copied within approximately half a

century of the authors death, presumably from the archetype. Together, they are

extremely reliable, carefully transcribed, and almost orthographically identical. The

complete Arabic text edition of the , which is based on both Mahmut Paa (A) and

Murat Molla (B), is expected to be published in Brills TSQ Series in 2014, with an

introductory study and extensive subject indexes. Since MS A is somewhat more reliable

than MS B, scribal variants of B are usually noted in the footnotes, while A dominates the

central text. Editorial interventions are very minimal in this edition. In the rare instances

where we came across a passage in which neither A nor B made sense, or in which A

and B both seemed to be in error (both had different grammatical mistakes, missing

diacritic, etc.) then usually A was noted in the central body of the text, then B in the

footnote, followed by laalla-h and a suggestion (perhaps + suggested correction).

(5) Ayn al-yaqn

Aside from these four works whose authenticity is beyond question, it is possible

that Ibn Barrajn wrote a fifth called Ayn al-yaqn (Eye of Certainty) which may have

been lost during the uprising of Ibn Qass Murdn and the downfall of the al-Murbin.

The Ayn is not cited in any of his earlier works and so would have been his last and

187
probably shortest work. Its title is preserved in a fatw by Ibn Khaldn (d. 808/1406). In

his legal decree, Ibn Khaldn condemns the Ayn al-yaqn, along with Ibn al-Arabs

Futt, Ibn Sabns Budd al-rif, and Ibn Qass Khal al-nalayn to the torch.18

Assuming the reliability of this reference,19Ayn al-yaqn would have been Ibn Barrajns

most esoteric work. However, the authorship of the Ayn seems unlikely in light of the

fact that Ibn Barrajns , as we shall see, is incomplete. Moreover, the Ayn did not

leave any imprint in Islamic historical and biographical literature, nor is it testified to in

manuscript catalogues.

II. Al-Irshd il subul al-rashd

Having established the titles and chronology of Ibn Barrajns works, let us turn

to his first composition entitle The Guidebook to the Pathways of Guidance (K. al-

Irshd il subul al-rashd) which is presumably lost. The reason it is not extant is not

that it received little attention by Muslim scholars. Quite the contrary, the Irshd was

lauded by adth experts, legal theorists (uls) and Qurn exegetes especially in the

Mamlk period, and excerpts from it continue to be quoted into the 20th century.20 As

18
This fatw is found in li b. Mahd al-Maqbals (d. 1108/1696) reprint in al-Alam al-shmikh f thr
al-aqq al al-b wa-l-mashikh (Cairo, 1328H, p. 500).
19
Biqs (d. 885/1480) version of the fatw does not mention Ibn Barrajns Ayn al-yaqn. See Mara
al-taawwuf wa-huwa kitbn: Tanbh al-ghab il takfr Ibn Arab wa-Tadhr al-ibd min ahl al-ind
bi-bidat al-ittid, ed. al-Wakl, Cairo, 1953, p. 167.
20
Ibn Barrajns famous introductory quote Every Prophetic utterance is [contained] in the Qurn, or its
root [lies therein], however closely or remotely [this may seem], and regardless of whether one
comprehends [this truth] or is blinded [from it]; for we have neglected nothing from the Book (Q 6:38)
caught the attention of Jall al-Dn al-Suy in al-w li-l-fatw, 2 vols., Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmiyya, 1975; vol. 2, p. 160; and Suy, al-Itqn f ulm al-qurn, Beirut: Dr al-Kitb al-Arab, 1999,
vol. 2, p. 258. Modern works reiterate this statement as well:

- The Mauritanian Qurn commentator Muammad al-Amn al-Shinq (d. 1974), Aw al-bayn f
al-qurn, 9 vols., Beirut: Dr al-Fikr, 1995; vol. 2, p. 429.

188
mentioned above, Ibn Barrajns major tafsr, whose authentic title is Tanbh al-afhm,

was mistakenly also named K. al-Irshd by a scribe sometime in the late 6th/12th century.

As a result of this error, Andalus authorities such as Qurub (d. 671/1273) confused the

two works and erroneously cited the Tanbh as the Irshd.21 The authentic title of this

first work, the Irshd, was accurately preserved in a different manuscript family which

ended up in the hands of the Egyptian Mamlk scholars Zarkash (d. 794/1391) and

Suy (d. 910/1505), who both knew the Irshd as a book on Qurn-adth

concordance, not a tafsr.22 Given the discrepancies in the manuscript tradition, there is

reason to suspect that genuine copies of the Irshd survive as misattributions to another

author, or as falsely entitled Tasfsr al-Irshds which have yet to be catalogued.

- Al-Jill, Sayyid Muammad Ri, Tadwn al-sunna al-sharfa, Iran: Mabaat Maktab al-Ilm al-Islm,
1997, p. 350.

- Amad usayn Yaqb, Ayn al-sunna wa-mdh faal bih?, Beirut: al-Dr al-Islmiyya li-l-iba wa-
l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, 2001, p. 22.

- The contemporary Egyptian jurist al-Qaraw cites Ibn Barrajns famous quote on concordance in his
fatw entitled bayn al-sunna wa-l-qurn. See http://www.qaradawi.net/library/63/3215.html.
21
See Qurubs encyclopedic work on eschatology entitled The Reminder of the States of the Deceased
and Affairs of the Hereafter (Kitb al-tadhkira bi-awl al-mawt wa-umr al-khira (3 vols., al-diq b.
Ibrhm ed., Riy: Maktabat Dr al-Minhj li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, 1425/2004), where cites Ibn
Barrajns tafsr five times and mistakenly refers to it as K. al-Irshd, or K. al-Irshd al-hd il al-tawfq
wa-l-sadd (vol. 1, p. 396). The citations are typical of Ibn Barrajns tafsr. They deal with the torments of
the Day of Judgment (vol. 2, pp. 585-586), descriptions of the different states of people in the hereafter,
(vol. 2, p. 592); the state of the hypocrites, (vol. 2, p. 740); a adth commentary (vol. 1. pp. 395-396) and a
discussion of the intercession of the Prophet (vol. 2, p. 601). No mention is made of Qurn-Sunna
concordance whatsoever, and by the editors own admission, Ibn Barrajns Qurn exegesis Irshd is in
Maktabat al-Jmia al-Islmiyya bi-l-Madna al-Nabawiyya, 7292.

22
See Suy, al-w, vol. 2, p. 196, where in answer to a question concerning the circumstances of
resurrection (awl al-bath), Suy begins his discussion of whether Satan and human and jinn
unbelievers shall walk across the bridge that spans over Hell (al-ir) by pointing out that Ibn Barrajn
proclaims in the Irshd that unbelievers do not walk across the ir. This position, Suy contends, is
confirmed by some adth reports and contradicted by others. Suy is aware of Ibn Barrajns authentic
Irshd on Qurn-adth concordance, so I take this reference at face value. This fatw can be found
reiterated in works by later scholars, such as the contemporary Shfi-Ashar scholar of Jordan, asan b.
Al al-Saqqf in a shar al-aqda al-awiyya, Beirut: Dr al-Imm al-Rawws, 2007; pp. 560-61.

189
 The biographer Ibn al-Abbr (d. 658/1260) does not mention the Irshd in his

notice on Ibn Barrajn, but only states that he wrote other works. But Ibn al-Zubayr (d.

708/1308) describes the Irshd accurately as follows:

[Ibn Barrajn] authored the book al-Irshd in which he undertook to extract

a Muslim b. al-ajjjs (d. 261/875) adth from the Book of God. That is,

at times he shows you [how] a adth [can be extracted] from the wording of a

qurnic verse, or from the [verses] intended sense or import, or from the

[verses] allusion (ishra), or from a combination of two consecutive or isolated

verses, or from several verses, and so on. The content of the book faithfully

accomplishes its purpose [of demonstrating adths concordance with the

Qurn], in a way that allows you behold Gods description of His prophet as he

who does not speak of his own desire (Q, 53:3) (wa-m yaniqu an al-haw).23

The Irshd in Context

Key passages from the introductory preface and first chapter of the Irshd have

survived in the writings of the prolific Mmlk scholar Badr al-Dn al-Zarkashs (d.

794/1391) monumental work, entitled The Demonstration of the Sciences of the Qurn

(al-Burhn f ulm al-qurn) which was the first all-inclusive medieval synthesis of

Qurnic sciences ever written in medieval Islamic thought. It laid the foundations for

Suys (d. 910/1505) famous work The Perfection of the Sciences of the Qurn (al-

Itqn f ulm al-qurn) which eventually eclipsed the Burhn. The forty-seven chapters

of the Burhn treat various topics pertaining to the Qurn, from causal circumstances of

23
Ibn al-Zubayr, ilat al-ila, pp. 31-33, nr. 45.

190
revelation (asbb al-nuzl), legal verses, inimitability of the Qurn (ijz), to

orthography and the observance of courtesy during recitation of the Holy Book. In his

discussions of these major themes, he often assesses opinions of adth scholars,

theologians, exegetes, and grammarians side by side.24 In his fortieth chapter he discusses

a theme that is commonly found in dth and ul discussions, namely the concordance

between the Sunna and the Qurn (muadat al-sunna wa-l-qurn). In this chapter,

which spans a mere fifteen pages, Zarkash adopts Ibn Barrajns position wholesale by

quoting excerpts from the Irshd from beginning to end.

In another work,25 Zarkash explains that the Irshd forms part of a broader

longstanding ul discussion over the rationale behind the binding legal status of the

Prophets Sunna, that is his actions, sayings, and tacit approvals. In their legal reasoning,

Sunn fuqah operated on the assumption that the Sunna is legally binding because God

Himself vested Muammad with authority and commanded believers to emulate him in

the Qurn. After all, God states: Say [Oh Muammad]: If you love God, then follow me,

and God will love you. (Q 3:31). But uls pushed the debate further and asked: how

exactly does the divine Word validate prophetic custom? Is the qurnic validation of the

Sunna evident and binding for every single prophetic practice? Does every Sunna need to

be validated Qurnically in order for it to be legally binding? To answer these

complicated questions, theorizing uls first examined specific cases of concordance

between the Sunna and the Qurn (muadat al-sunna li-l-qurn). The great legal

thinker al-Shfi (d. 204/820), who was one of the earliest codifiers of the concept of

24
Rippin, al-Zarkash, EI2.
25
See his monumental work on ul entitled al-Bar al-mu f ul al-fiqh, 6 vols., Kuwait: Wizrat al-
Awqf wa-l-Shun al-Islmiyya, 1992

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Sunna, discerned between three categories of Sunna in relation to the divine Word: (1) a

Sunna which is explicitly sanctioned by the Qurn and elucidated verbally or

behaviorally by the Prophet; (2) a Sunna which is only implicitly sanctioned by the

Qurn and elucidated verbally or behaviorally by the Prophet; (3) a Sunna performed by

the Prophet which has no detectable qurnic validation.

While both jurists and uls are in agreement that even qurnically unvalidated

prophetic practices carry juridical weight, uls split into two camps as to rationale

behind this precept. The first ul camp holds that God commanded believers to obey His

Messenger because He possessed foreknowledge of Muammads rightful conduct.

Therefore, it is God who bestowed Muammad with the freedom to institute a Sunna, and

no explicit qurnic foundation is necessary for every Sunna in order for it to be binding.

While this argument secures the divinely-vested legal authority of the Sunna, it is also

problematic. For it concedes that not every Sunna is qurnically validated, and therefore

implies that the Qurn does not emcompass knowledge of all things, since only a select

number of prophetic practices are sanctioned qurnically. In other words, this ul

argument contradicts the doctrine of the all-comprehensive Qurn, and flatly goes

against the verse which states that We have neglected nothing from the Book (6:38).

Hence, the second ul camp emerged in opposition to the first. This second position

rejects the concession that not every Sunna is qurnically substantiated. These uls

contend that every prophetic practice a priori is rooted in the Holy Book, since the latter

contains all knowledge. It is to this group that Ibn Barrajn not only adhered, but also

became the most outspoken and iconic champion. His Irshd was written as a defense of

192
this ul position. In Zarkashs words, he categorically asserted and built his work al-

Irshd upon this position, giving detailed justifications for it [therein].26

Excerpt of Irshd from Zarkash

Having looked at the ul context in which the Irshd was written, let us turn to

some extracts of this work. Zarkash opens his discussion of Qurn-Sunna concordance

with the following categorical assertion quoted from Ibn Barrajns Irshd:

Every Prophetic utterance is [contained] in the Qurn, or its root [lies therein],

however closely or remotely [this may seem], and regardless of whether one

comprehends [this truth] or is blind of it; for we have neglected nothing from the

Book (6:38). 27

The Irshd presupposes that the Prophet embodied the Word of God and acted in

complete accordance with it. His utterances necessarily have a qurnic origin, and are

equally binding as the divine Word, since God commands believers to obey God and His

Messenger (Q 3:32). In the context of al-Andalus, the purpose of the Irshd is to lay

down a methodology to approach the broader adth corpus. All adth, whether weak or

strong, are to be assessed in light of their qurnic roots. Ibn Barrajn proclaimed that

those adth which are supported by the Qurn are to be accepted as authentic and to be

absorbed into the tradition, whether they be purportedly strong, weak, or even fabricated.

Similarly, those adth which do not accord with the Qurn are to be rejected regardless

26
See al-Bar al-mu, vol. 4, pp. 165-66, under Mabith al-sunna, masalat al-sunan ind al-Shfi
thalth aqsm.
27
Zarkash, al-Burhn f ulm al-qurn, ed. Muammad Ab al-Fal Ibrhm, 4 vols., Cairo: Dr al-
Turth, n/d, Vol. 2, p. 129.

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of their authenticity. The Irshd was thus written with a view to expanding the confines

of Mlikism by opening it up to the broader body of adth literature. In the wake of

Imm al-Shafi, the Irshd sought to elevate the adth corpus and Sunna to the status of

a minor revelation which illuminates, supplements, but never contradicts the Qurn. Ibn

Barrajns use of adth in his tafsr, as we shall see below, dovetails with his adth

theory in the Irshd.

Moreover, this work which is a defense of adth, is also premised on the dogma

of qurnic inimitability (mujiz). The Holy Book encompasses knowledge of not only the

adth but all things past, present and future. By extension, Ibn Barrajns purpose in

penning the Irshd is to secure the supremacy not only of adth, but the Qurn itself

which is the source of all knowledge. This knowledge, he argues in later works, can be

accessed by the mystics. Yet despite the mystical undertones,28 the Irshd stands

somewhat out of pattern with Ibn Barrajns later works. Whereas in the Irshd he is an

avid adth expert keen to prove his status as a muaddith and ul, his later works

feature a pronounced usage of adth and Qurn as vehicles for mystical contemplation

and for beholding the forms of the Hereafter. Ibn Barrajns thesis in the Irsh,

moreover, did not leave much of an impression on Sufis. It did, however, impact uls,

exegetes, and adth scholars and came to be regarded as the capstone in the

longstanding ul debate over the concordance of Qurn and Sunna (muadat al-

qurn wa-l-sunna). Despite being lost, the Irshds iconic opening quote continues to be

28
Ibn Barrajn speaks of practicing servanthood (taabbud) with respect to divine names (p. 142), saints
miracles (p. 143), and the importance of pondering Gods signs in creation (yt).

194
reiterated by scholars up to the modern period as a slogan in support of the centrality of

the Sunna.29

Zarkash reproduced several pages from the Irshd to demonstrate Ibn Barrajns

thesis of the Qurns concordance with the adth.30 Ibn Barrajns supreme command

of adth is evident in this work, but the flow of his writing is choppy on account of its

technical content and the continuous references to Qurn and adth. What follows is a

translation of Zarkashs redaction of the Irshds introduction, where he cites a series of

adth-Qurn concordance examples to prove his central thesis:

Are you not aware that the Prophet said in the adth of stoning (al-rajm):

Verily, I shall judge between you by the Book of God. [Although stoning] is not

explicitly stated (na) in the Book of God, the Prophet vowed to judge by the

Book of God [and decreed that the adulteress be stoned].

Stoning is implicitly contained in (tar mujmal) the verse it shall avert from her

the punishment (24:8).31 The specific [decree] of stoning therefore comes from the

general [Qurnic prescription] the punishment. This general verse is made clear

by the Prophets ruling and by his command [to enact the punishment]. [The

interpretation of this general verse] is also contained in the comprehensive

29
See ft. 19.
30
Zarkash, al-Burhn, vol. 2, pp. 129-145.
31
In reference to the qurnic passage: And those who cast it up on their wives having no witnesses
except themselves, the testimony of one of them shall be to testify by God four times that he is of the
truthful, and a fifth time, that the curse of God shall be upon him, if he should be of the liars. It shall
avert from her the chastisement if she testify by God four times that he is of the liars, and a fifth time,
that the wrath of God shall be upon her, if he should be of the truthful. (Q. 24:6-9 Arberry)

195
[command] Whatever the Messenger gives you, take; whatever he forbids you, give

over (59:7) and Whosoever obeys the Messenger, thereby obeys God (4:80). The

same applies to all of the Prophets decrees and rulings.

But the learner only perceives this [knowledge of concordance] in proportion to his

degree of exertion, devoted capacity, and measure of understanding. Whoever

seeks this knowledge attains only what God aids him in attaining, for He is the

Bestower of blessings. This insight [into the concordance between Qurn and

adth] is an elevated knowledge, a great source of certainty.

The Prophet alerted us to [this concordance] in many of his addresses:

For instance, when [Muammad] mentioned what is in store for saints in paradise,

he said in it is what no eye has seen, no ear has heard, nor has it occurred to a

human heart, save that with which I have acquainted them. Then the Prophet said:

if you wish you may recite No soul knows what comfort is laid up for them

secretly (32:17).

In another adth, the Companions asked shall we not simply trust in God and

forsake our deeds? and the Prophet responded: perform good works, for each of

you is disposed to what he was created for (kullun muyassarun li-m khuliqa lahu).

Then the Prophet recited: As for him who gives and is godfearing and confirms the

reward most fair, We shall surely ease him to the Easing. But as for him who is a

miser, and self-sufficient, and cries lies to the reward most fair, We shall surely

ease him to the Hardship (92:5-10).

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 The Prophet described paradise as follows: verily in it is a tree under whose shade

a rider journeys one hundred years without reaching its end. Then he said: you

may recite and shade extended (56:30).

Thus the Prophet himself taught his Companions the concordance between adth

and the Qurn, and he alerted them to the Qurnic validations of his adth, so

that scholars from his community (umma) may extract adth meanings from the

Qurn, that they may find certitudeand ascend in ranks (li-yartaq f al-

asbb).

The Irshds introduction ends here, according to Zarkash. Notably, Ibn Barrajn

generally follows the layout of adth in Muslims collection, though he does skip over

certain closely worded reports and includes reports not in Muslim. For instance, the

adth of stoning is from the Muwaa, while the famous adth of intention below is

taken from Bukhrs a.

Verily actions are judged according to intention, and every person will earn what

he intended. So whoevers emigration was to God and His Messenger, then his

emigration is to God and His Messenger. And whoevers emigration is toward a

worldly attainment or a woman he may marry, then his emigration will be for

what he emigrated towards. (innam al-aml bi-l-niyt)

He states that the adth is explicitly mentioned in the following passage:

Whosoever desires this hasty world, We hasten for him therein what We will unto

whomsoever We desire; then We appoint for him Hellfire wherein he shall roast,

condemned and rejected. And whosoever desires the world to come and strives

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 after it as he should, being a believer those, their striving shall be thanked.

(17:18-19)

Then Ibn Barrajn explains that the verse:

Those who take unbelievers for their friends instead of believersdo they seek

glory in them? But glory altogether belongs to God (4:139)

Points to verse:

Whosoever desires glory, the glory altogether belongs to God. To Him good

words go up, and the righteous deedHe uplifts it; but those who devise evil

deedstheirs shall be a terrible chastisement, and their devising shall come to

naught (35:10).

III. Shar asm Allh al-usn

Ibn Barrajns Commentary on Gods Beautiful Names (Shar asm Allh al-

usn) is sometimes called Shar man asm Allh al-usn. It is, by Ibn al-Zubayrs

own admission, one of the most renowned (shahr) Sufi treatments of the names. The

Shars abridgement32 and references to it in works of later authors, and its numerous

manuscript renditions in libraries across the Muslim world stand as testament to its

enduring fame and influence. Although preceded by earlier Andalus and eastern

32
An abridgement of the Shar was written by Abd al-Qdir b. Ibrhm al-Maqdis al-Shfi in 934/1528
entitled Mulakhkha min kitb shar man asm Allh al-usn wa-tafsruh wa-l-itibr min kitb
Allh wa-l-irshd il al-taabbud bi-manh wa-aml al-nufs bi-muqtah (MS 2221, Berlin). In it,
al-Maqdis presents only Ibn Barrajns taabbud passages for the names. (De La Torre, Shar, p. 41).

198
commentaries,33 and by the Sufi Shar asm Allh al-usn of Qushayr,34 Ibn

Barrajns is in its own right a trailblazing work. It informed and influenced the works of

scholars across ages and disciplines, including exegetes like Ab Abd Allh al-Qurub

(d. 671/1273),35 Ab ayyn al-Gharn (d. 745/1344),36 Burhn al-Dn al-Biq (d.

885/1480),37 Sayyid Mamd al-ls (d. 1270/1854)38 and Muammad al-hir b.

shr (d. 1393/1972),39 as well as followers of Muy al-Dn Ibn al-Arab (d.

637/1240) like Aff al-Dn al-Tilimsn (d. 690/1291),40 and theologians like Ab Bakr

b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148) and Taq al-Dn b. Taymiyya (d. 728/1328).41 Furthermore, in

the wake of Ibn Barrajns Shar, a number of Sufis and scholars took direct inspiration

from this workAb al-Abbs al-Uqlsh (d. 549/1154),42 Ab Bakr b. al-Arab (d.

33
For a brief treatment of works by Ibn azm, Ibn al-Arab, al-Qushayr and others, see De La Torres
introduction to the Shar, pp. 26-28.
34
Shar asm Allh al-usn, alawn ed., Cairo: al-Azhar, Majma al-Buth al-Islmiyya, 1970.
35
Al-Qurub, al-Jmi li-akm al-qurn, 10 vols., Amad al-Bardn & Ibrhm Ufsh eds., Cairo: Dr
al-Kutub al-Miriyya, 1964; vol. 7, p. 327.
36
Ab ayyn, Al-Bar al-mu f al-tafsr, ed. Muammad Jaml, Beirut: Dr al-Fikr, 1992; vol. 5, p.
231.
37
Biqs citations of Ibn Barrajn in Nam al-durar f tansub al-yt wa-l-uwar are too numerous to
count. E.g., 22 vols., Cairo: Dr al-Kitb al-Islm, 1992; vol. 22, p. 371.
38
Al-ls, R al-man f tafsr al-qurn al-am, ed. Abd al-Br Aiyya, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmiyya, 1415/1994, vol. 8, p. 155.
39
Ibn shr, al-Tarr wa-l-tanwr, 30 vols., Tunis: al-Dr al-Tnusiyya li-l-Nashr, 1984; vol. 9, p. 188;
vol. 18 pp. 192-93, 232; vol. 28, p. 354; vol. 30, p. 615.
40
Aff al-Dn al-Tilimsn (d. 690/1291) authored an Akbar commentary on the divine names in which he
contrasts the works of al-Bayhaq, al-Ghazl, and Ibn Barrajn. Two MSS in Istanbul, (Beyazit 8011,
Laleli 1556), and one in Lucknow, India (H. L. 2579).
41
Ibn Taymiyya, Kitb al-afadiyya, 2 vols., ed. Muammad Slim, ubia al nafaqat aad al-musinn,
1985; vol. 2, p. 337-339.
42
Uqlshs work is entitled al-Anb f shar aqiq (shar) al-ift wa-l-asm (Brockelmann, GAL, I,
pp. 361, 370; S. I, p. 633. Cf. De La Torres edition, p. 27.

199
543/1148), and Muy al-Dn Ibn Arab (d. 637/1240)to pen their own treatises on the

names.43

Ibn Barrajn purportedly penned his Shar in response to a question posed to him

by a friend about the meaning of the famous adth of the Prophet, which is narrated on

the authority of Ab Hurayra:

Verily, God has ninety-nine Names, one hundred minus one, he who enumerates

[ah] them enters paradise.44

The inquirer, described as a beloved friend, a pure and intimate brother (al-wal

al-abb, al-akhkh al-muf al-qarb),45 was probably his disciple (lib).46 But the

Shar was intended to be diffused to a wider audience in al-Andalus. Rather than

addressing his reader (qri), Ibn Barrajn directs his words toward the listener of his

book (smi tanfin hdh),47 signaling that the Shar was intended to be delivered

orally before an audience of listeners. With this goal in mind, he attempts a balance

between scholarly erudition and mainstream accessibility, for his listeners would have

consisted of both erudites and pious laymen. So the Shar is comparatively easy to

follow, especially in comparison to the Irshd and the which even the biographers

43
See De La Torres edition, pp. 27-28.
44
Ibn Barrajn explains that the Names included in the shar are derived from Qurn and adth
(ishtiqq), yet exceed ninety-nine so as to ensure the recompense of paradise promised by the Prophet.
Although he could have dwelled on other Names, our author states that he restricted himself to 145 with
a view to brevity. (p. 2)
45
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 26.
46
He is addressed as such in Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 220.
47
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 358.

200
describe as abstruse (ghmi). Ibn Barrajn intentionally switches registers throughout

the text to target different addressees. From one page to the next, he oscillates between

the prolix and admonitory tone of a preacher, to the flowery rhyming prose (saj) of a

belletrist, and densely metaphysical expositions of a theologian, or free flowing

reflections of a Symbolist mystic. Despite its eclectic range of registers, the Shar as a

whole can be regarded as a theological work, since it contains extensive discussions on

subjects such as the beatific vision (ruya), determinism and freewill, or the relation

between the Essence and the names of God. These theological discussions are not found

so frequently in his other works. Still, the Shar is neither a polemical nor an

argumentative treatment of the names, and dialectical kalm contentions along the lines

of if-it-is-said, then-I-say (in qla qultu) are rare.48

There are no indications that the Shar was compiled on the basis of oral

transcriptions of a lecture series. The Shars characteristic eclecticism reflects Ibn

Barrajns expertise in multiple fields, and a natural ability to move between disciplines,

synthesizing disparate bodies of knowledge and drawing his listeners into his

cosmological worldview. Notwithstanding the fact that his central concerns and points of

emphasis differ from work to work,49 and that some finer doctrinal points become

highlighted later on in the tafsrs, all of the central doctrines of Ibn Barrajns writings

48
E.g., Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 94.
49
For instance, the doctrine of the Two Breaths (fayayn) is much less prominent in the Shar than in his
later works, especially the , where it assumes a central function in capturing the ontological continuity
between the transcendent divine principle and created manifestation. As well, certain qurnic verses and
adth reports become more emphasized later in his writings. In the , the adth of the Two Handfuls
(qabatayn) becomes central to his discussion of Gods omnipotence. God grasps the souls of humanity in
two handfuls and proclaims: This group to Hell, and the deeds of the people of Hell shall they perform;
and this group to Heaven, and the deeds of the people of Heaven shall they perform; and I do not care.
(hul li-nr wa-biamal ahl al-nr yamalnwa-l ubl).

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are already present in this work. Moreover, the Shar is no less esoteric and mystical in

flavor than the . But unlike the amorphous which was orally transcribed by

professional scribes, the Shar is Ibn Barrajns most structured and coherent work,

dotted with meticulous cross-references,50 and intended to be read out chronologically

from beginning to end.51

Deliberately prearranged, and written on the basis of a detailed outline, the Shar

teases out a number of thematic topics relevant to every divine name. For instance, he

allocates the names of divine power (al-Qadr, al-Qdir, al-Muqtadir, al-Qaw) for

discussions of predestination, freewill, and acquisition (kasb), whereas the name al-

Shahd, the Witness consists of a lengthy treatment of the fundamental articles of faith

which believers must bear witness to.52 The author insists repeatedly that his work is

intended to be short and concise,53 but in this respect he fails miserably since his is the

longest book of its kind, spanning over 700 pages in print and only matched in length by

Amad b. Al al-Bns (d. 622/1225) commentary.54 The prolixity of the Shar is partly

due to Ibn Barrajns tendency to digress on lengthy tangents. These detours are often cut

50
Ibn Barrajn cross-references his work, referring readers to similar or more extensive discussions of a
given theme. See Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 234; vol. 2, p. 166.
51
Ibn Barrajn often remarks that we have previously said so-and-so, and we shall return to this in a later
discussion under divine name x. (Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 105).
52
See respectively, Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, pp. 143-55, and 1-117.
53
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 275.
54
jj Khalfa, Kashf al-unn, 2 vols., Beirut: Dr Iy al-Turth al-Arab, n/d; vol. 2, pp. 1031-1033.

202
short by remarks such as, let us return to what we initially intended to say; after which

he veers back to an originally proposed topic of discussion.55

One of the striking features of the Shar is that Ibn Barrajn comments not on

ninety-nine but one-hundred and thirty-two names. To be sure, this long list is not the

outcome of a Mutazl attempt at extracting (ishtiqq) divine names on the basis of

rational speculation. That is, Ibn Barrajn did not come up with non-conventional divine

names on the basis of what his intellect (aql) deemed to be suitable designations of God.

For he never introduces a name without demonstrating its Qurn or adth origin. So his

was a conscious effort to broaden Ashar discourse on the asm while adhering to its

tenet that the divine names must be fixed (tawqf) by the Qurn and adththereby

preempting charges of Mutazilism.56 For the most part, this exercise in excavating names

from scripture was positively received by Ibn Barrajns contemporaries. It even

launched a new trend in Andalus asm commentaries. For instance, we know that the

Shar inspired the Ashar theologian Ab Bakr b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148) to propose his

own list in a work which included names like Fourth Among Three (rbi thaltha),

Sixth Among Five (sdis khamsa), and Teacher (muallim).57 Objections to Ibn

Barrajns novel method, however, were voiced by scholars such as the Granadan adth

expert Ibn al-ar (d. 598/1201) who accused him of mentioning names with no

55
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 40.
56
Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris: Cerf, 1988; pp. 55-60, 67.
57
Ibn al-Arabs work is entitled al-Amal al-aq f shar asm al-usn (Brockelmann, GAL, S., I, p.
772). See Ibn shrs discussion in al-Tarr wa-l-Tanwr, vol. 9, p. 188. The Granadan adth expert
Ab Jafar b. al-ar al-Qays b. al-ar (d. 598/1201) criticizes Ab Bakr b. al-Arab for following
Ibn Barrajns approach of extracting (ishtiqq) numerous unfamiliar names of God from scripture.
Qurub, a staunch defender of Ibn Barrajn, contends the both scholars were drawing names from Qurnic
and adth sources. (Qurub, al-Jmi li-akm al-qurn, vol. 7, p. 327).

203
Qurnic or dth precedenta charge of Mutazilism. About one century later, the

polemic over Ibn Barrajns method of drawing divine names still did not subside. So

Qurub (d. 671/1273), a great admirer of Ibn Barrajn, defended the Shar once again,

and boasted his own new list of two-hundred names in a commentary entitled The Most

Sublime Commentary on the Beautiful Names (al-Asn f shar al-asm al-usn).58

Thus the Shar instigated a new scholarly approach to the names in al-Andalus and was a

watershed for this theological genre.

Ibn Barrajns Approach to the divine names

The Shar opens with a carefully redacted fifteen-page introductory discussion of

the authors mode of approach to the divine names. The author begins by explaining what

the Prophet meant when he said that enumeration (i) of the names begets paradise.

Enumeration, he explains in his introduction, is a seven-fold process:

(1) Deriving the linguistic meanings of the names.

(2) Discerning between the particular linguistic and theological connotations of each

name.

(3) Identifying the names connections to the exalted attributes (al-ift al-ul)

i.e., Essential attributes of Asharismnamely lordship (ilhiyya), oneness (wada),

life (ayt), knowledge (ilm), power (qudra), volition (irda), and dominion (mulk).

For instance, to oneness belong names like the One (Wid), Solitary (Fard), Odd

(Witr), Everlasting Refuge (amad).

58
Qurub, al-Jmi li-akm al-qurn, vol. 7, p. 327.

204
 (4) Enumerating the meanings and traces (thr) of the divine names in the universe.

(5) Practicing servanthood (taabbud) with respect to each name.

(6) Putting the sum knowledge of the names into practice by disciplining the soul and

clinging to the commands and prohibitions of the Qurn and the Sunna.

(7) Here Ibn Barrajn pauses. He submits that the very act of demonstrating Gods

presence by searching for His traces in the cosmos presupposes a degree of

incertitude and impiety on the part of the seeker. For those who truly possess

knowledge of God are in no need of a blue-print of His names and attributes. Theirs is

an immediate knowledge and a conviction which is not dependent on re-membrance

and re-collection. As the Qurn puts it, they are those unto whom We have given the

Book [and who] recognize it just as they recognize their sons (2:146). Ibn Barrajn

concedes that attaining to this station of love (maqm al-maabba) is the ultimate

way of enumerating the names (i al-asm), since theoretical knowledge comes

to a halt, and divine love takes full possession of the soul so that it recognizes its Lord

spontaneously and directly.

Secondly, Ibn Barrajns introduction engages with debates over questions such

as: What are the origins of the divine names? What does it mean to assign a name

(tasmiya) to a thing (shay)? Further, is a name related to the reality that it designates? In

this context, he posits that there are four categories of identity relationships:

(1) A surname or title (laqab) which designates an object or a living creature such as

bird or mountain.

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 (2) A second type of designation relates to specific circumstance or mood, and serves

to distinguish between things and to facilitate communication. Words such as

goodness and success fall under this second category. Unlike the divine Names,

these appellations do not relate ontologically to the actual reality of the named thing.

The qurnic verse These are nothing but names which you have namedyou and

your forefathersfor which God has bestowed no warrant from on high (53:23)

describe such designations.

(3) There are also names which are attributes that correspond to or contradict the

reality that they designate. For instance, the Prophets names and titles, including the

praised one, (Muammad) or the beloved of God (abb Allh) correspond exactly

to the elevated spiritual station of the Prophet. Similarly, the Qurn states O

Zachariah! We bring you the glad tiding of [the birth of] a son whose name shall be

John (yay). [And God says,] Never have We given this name to anyone before

him. (19:7) The prophet Yay, explains Ibn Barrajn, lived up to his name (lit.

yay he lives) and died in a state of belief, free from sin, and thus the name and

the reality of the named are in agreement.59

(4) Unlike all other designations, the divine names belong to a higher ontological

plane. They are not extracted from language but the reverse. Moreover, they are

divided into various subcategories. There are names of action (asm fil) such as

Creator, Reviver, and Giver of Death. There are also names which indicate the divine

Essence and divine acts (dht wa-fil) which Ibn Barrajn does not expound upon in

59
Shar, De La Torre ed., pp. 9-10. See Kukkonen, al-Ghazl on the Signification of Names, Vivarium,
48, 2010, pp. 69-74 for an analysis of this topic in the Maqad.

206
 the introduction. Still others indicate Essence and attribute (ism dht wa-ifa), such as

the Living, the Everlasting, and the Merciful, while some point to both Essence and

meaning (dht wa-man) from the viewpoint of earthly creation, such as the

Worshipped One (mabd). There are also names which allude to God, like He is

that (huwa dhk). Additionally, there are esoteric names designated by individual

sacred letters such as Alif, H, Nn, or B which are known innately through mans

primordial nature (fira). At the highest level, where faith is coupled with knowledge

and understanding, the mystic realizes that the name and the Named are mysteriously

identical.60

Organizational Structure of the Shar

Ibn Barrajn then sheds light on the Shars organizational structure. He arranges

his names roughly according to the seven Essential attributes of Asharism, namely

lordship, unity, life, knowledge, power, will, and dominion. Moreover each of the seven

groups are further subgrouped around a particular theme. For instance, under names of

lordship he groups those closest to the divine Essence (dht), such as Allh, Deity (Ilh),

One (Wid), He (Huwa); then names of Essence which convey an attribute, such as

Living (ayy), Real (aqq), Clarifier (Mubn); then names denoting divine eternity

(qidam) like Abiding (Bq), Everlasting (Dim); then names of majesty like Great

(Kabr), Exalter (Al), Magnificent (Am), and Majestic (Jall), and so forth. Also, he

pairs up correlative names such as Gripper (Qbi) and Outspreader (Bsi), or Abaser

60
Shar, De La Torre ed., pp. 10-12.

207
(Mudhill) and Exalter (Muizz) under the same headings since, as Ibn Barrajn remarks,

one cannot be understood without the other.61

(1) Linguistic Analysis (takhrj lughaw)

The Shar features a tripartite treatment of the divine names. In effect, Ibn

Barrajns work amounts to three separate levels of commentary on the divine names,

since each name receives three distinct commentaries (ful). The first is a philological

examination (istikhrj lughaw), the second doctrinal (itibr), and the third devotional

(taabbud). This tripartite organizational pattern informs the structure of his two Qurn

commentaries as well, which as we shall see are divided under similar headings. The first

linguistic analysis consists of an exposition of the names different shades of meaning in

light of Qurnic, adth, poetic, literary and lexicographic sources at his disposal.62 Ibn

Barrajns mastery of the Arabic language shines forth here, and the Shar was treasured

by philologists as a mine for linguistic excavations. Notably, one of his obscure

definitions under the name al-Azz caught the eye of the celebrated Cairene

lexicographer Ibn Manr (d. ca. 712/1312), who cites Ibn Barrajns definition under

the entry -Z-Z of Lisn al-arab.63

(2) Contemplative Penetration (itibr)

Ibn Barrajns linguistic analysis sets the stage for his theological appraisal of the

name. Having mapped out different linguistic possibilities, he proceeds to look at the

name through a theological lens. Typically he affirms that every connoted meaning can

61
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, pp. 205, 213.
62
See De La Torre, Shar, pp. 39-42 for further details on the istikhrj lughaw sections.
63
Ibn Manr, Lisn al-arab, Beirut: Dr dir, vol. 5, p. 378.

208
be applied to God. For instance, al-Jall encompasses exaltedness (ul), outwardness

(uhr) self-greatness (kibr), magnificence (iam), and preeminence (khayrra) which

are all admissible designations for God as understood by Asharism.64 However, certain

names such as al-Matn (the Firm) have corporeal or anthropomorphic implications, like

solidness (alba) and coming together of disparate parts (ijtim al-ab) which

are not applicable.65 Generally, Ibn Barrajn proceeds to tender a middle-of-the-road

theological solution. He reasons that God is at once the utterly transcendent, other and

unique, while being comparable and describable by various names appearing throughout

the Qurn and adth. If God were absolutely transcendent, then He would be

unknowable. If totally immanent, then one risks opening the door to anthropomorphism.

While the Mutazils emphasized incomparability (tanzh) to the point of deeming

anthropomorphic descriptions of God (His hand, face, etc.) incomprehensible (tal),

literalists took affirmations of similarity too literally and fell into the trap of

anthropomorphism.66 By positioning himself as a straddler between two extremes, Ibn

Barrajn squarely adopts the Ashar camp.

But Ibn Barrajns allegiance to Asharism in the Shar is not wholehearted. He is

not, for instance, fully persuaded by the doctrine of without how (bil kayf).67 Instead

of promoting Asharism, his itibr is an attempt at turning abstract articles of belief into

actualized spiritual realities which are beheld directly in this life. In his words, itibr is

not a conventional articulation of creed, but a quest for the realities of belief (alab

64
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 171, 237; see also vol. 2, p. 249.
65
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 155.
66
See Ibid., vol. 2, p. 433 for an attack on the literalists and Mutazil doctrine.
67
E.g., Ibid., vol. 2, p. 100.

209
aqiq al-itiqd).68 In order to present a world of tangible divine self-disclosures that

serve as passageways into the world of the Unseen (lam al-ghayb), Ibn Barrajn

systematically identifies each names traces (thr) and pathways (maslik) in the

cosmos. These traces can then be used as ladders to ascend by contemplation up to the

divine. This contemplative cross-over (ibra) represents the crux and central concern of

Ibn Barrajn in the Shar as in his later works, and herein lies its originality, for it is none

other than a grafting of Ibn Masarras concept of ibra onto the Shar al-asm genre.

To give an example of ibra as it applies to the divine names, Ibn Barrajn

demonstrates how Gods name the One (al-wid) is reflected in the cyclical return of all

things to their origin, or in the revolution of the planets around their orbits. The traces and

pathways of the One are evident in the natural world, for instance disparate roots, stems,

branches, leafs, and fruits unite to make up a single plant, which is called tree. The

human constitution also manifests the One, by virtue of the fact that various body

components such as toes, veins, and ligaments combine to form one limb, a foot; or the

fact that the human body is presided over by a head which directs its thoughts, and by a

heart which directs its consciousness. Just as all things are dependent upon the One, so

the human body is dependent upon the human heart, for if the heart decays, the entire

body decays according to the dth. Ibn Barrajn then turns his contemplative gaze to

patterns in society, noting how fathers preside over families; large cities over smaller

towns; and countries over cities, and so on. Thus all things, from the minutest to the

greatest proclaim God as al-Wid, the One.69 Just as the One is manifest in the world, it

68
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 148.
69
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 74-76.

210
also manifests in the hereafter at a much higher scale: the ultimate sign of oneness is the

beatific vision (al-ruya al-karma) on Judgment Day, or even the fact that we die alone,

are buried alone and recompensed alone, for even if all creatures were to die with

someone, that person would still be sentenced to a lonely death. As well, paradise and

hell are created by and for the affirmation of Gods oneness.70

Then Ibn Barrajn looks at the name al-Aad. He remarks that whereas al-Wid

denotes divine oneness as it relates to the world of duality and multiplicity, al-Aad

denotes the Exclusively One and stands apart from creation; it is Gods exclusive unity

in Himself and independent of all relationality. In his itibr, Ibn Barrajn states that this

name is inaccessible, incomprehensible, and closest to the Greatest Name (al-ism al-

aam) and leaves no traces in this world. Our cross-over into the name, or ibra, is by

conceiving the pre-cosmic reality of all existents within Gods knowledge before He said

Be! to them.71 Given the inaccessibility of al-Aad, Ibn Barrajn offers no practical

devotional recommendations for this name in his taabbud section.

(3) Devotional Practice (taabbud)

The final devotional passage for each name centers on the practice of

servanthood (taabbud) in relation to a particular divine name. Having contemplated the

meaning and reality expressed by each name, Ibn Barrajn addresses his listener directly

as my brother (y akh) and enjoins him to expose himself to the names distinctive

spiritual grace (baraka).72 For example, taabbud with respect to al-Wid behooves a

70
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 72-80.
71
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 84.
72
E.g., Ibid., p. 60.

211
complete realization that only God creates, nourishes, and sustains us, and so it behooves

upon the believer to worship Him exclusively and without a partner. As a consequence of

His oneness, moreover, God only accepts only devotional works that are performed for

His sake.73

In his later works, Ibn Barrajn also interjects admonitory passages within the

fold of his exegetical, theological, or mystical discussions to enjoin his reader to fear

God, strive in performing acts of worship, fight the temptations of the carnal soul, discern

between good actions and blameworthy actions, and increase ones God-consciousness at

each and every moment of life. These passages, which are usually pronounced in the first

person and addressed either to the reader directly or the author himself, and preceded by

the expression know, may God grant us both success (ilam waffaqan Llhu wa-

iyyka), are sometimes written in heartfelt rhymed and rhythmic prose (saj).74 They

afford Ibn Barrajn an opportunity to display his linguistic artistry. It should be noted,

however, that by the last third of the Shar, his devotional sections grow progressively

thinner and repetitive. At this point in the work, Ibn Barrajn merely enjoins the listener

to intense piety or to seek knowledge of the name as its form of taabbud.75 Here Ibn

Barrajn seems to have exhausted his imagination and, to avoid redundancy he

sometimes skips over the taabbud or itibr sections altogether.76 This loss of creativity

is not to be attributed entirely to Ibn Barrajns unimaginativeness, however. For it

73
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 82.
74
For examples of admonitory passages in his tafsrs, see Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 90; vol. 5, p. 300;
, 36.
75
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 239.
76
See al-Ftiq, in Ibid., vol. 2, p. 202; see also al-Rfi, al-Khfi, vol. 2, p. 213.

212
should be recalled that his work spans over one-hundred and thirty names, many of which

are nearly identical in meaning. In many cases, he refers the reader back to a previous

devotional discussion in the Shar.77

Ibn Barrajns Shar versus Ghazls Maqad

Modern scholars very often assume that Ibn Barrajns Shar is heavily

influenced by Ghazls al-Maqad al-asn f shar asm Allh al-usn (The Sublime

Objective in Commenting Upon Gods Beautiful Names).78 This presumed intellectual

connection is not only based on circumstantial evidence. It is also informed by a view of

Andalus intellectual history that is constantly judged in relation to the Mashriq (the

view from the center as Bulliet would have it) and not on Andaluss own terms.

Observing that Ibn Barrajn was known as Ghazl of al-Andalus, Gharmn, Faure and

Bell79 postulate that he represents the reception of Ghazls thought in al-Andalus, and

that this ultimately earned him the ire of the Mlik fuqah. Garden contends, and I

agree, that Ibn Barrajn was highly original and not Ghazls mere alter ego. Garden

suspects that Ibn Barrajn may have been slightly informed by Ghazl, whereas I argue

that he was not so in the least.80 Ibn Barrajn displays unique originality in his writings

and at times seems to go out of his way to make counter-claims that Ghazl would have

rejected. To begin with, the Shar surpasses the Maqad in length, and to my opinion in

77
Some synonymous names, like Elevator of Ranks (Raf al-Darajt) and Possessor of Majesty (Dh
al-Jall) are not commented upon, Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 176; see also vol. 2, pp. 213, 298.
78
See for instance De La Torres edition, pp. 26-28, who basis her assumption on the fact that Ibn Barrajn
shared a disciple, Ibn al-Kharr, with Ab Bakr b. al-Arab who was al-Ghazls student in the east.
79
Faure, Ibn al-Arf, Ibn Barradjn, and Ibn as, EI2; Gharmn, Al-Madris al-fiyya, p. 193;
Bel, A., Le Sufisme en Occident Musulman au XI e et au XIIe Sicle de J. C., pp. 145-61.
80
Garden, Al-Ghazls Contested Revival, pp. 145, 195.

213
originality, inspiration, and medieval influence too, and there is no historical or textual

evidence proving that Ibn Barrajn even read the Maqad before writing his Shar. In

fact, the evidence at hand points to the opposite, that he had no knowledge or at least no

interest in the Maqad whatsoever. To begin with, the two authors diverge too often in

their interpretations of the names that they share in common. But more importantly, there

are fundamental doctrinal disagreements between the two figures. To name one example,

counter to Ghazl, Ibn Barrajn rejects etymological derivations of the divine names a

priori. He holds that creation and language proceed from the names, not the other way

around, and thus discards the possibility that Allh, for instance, is derived from W-L-H

or -L-H.

The tendency to assume that Ibn Barrajn borrowed heavily from the Maqad is

found already in remarks by Ibn al-Arab in the Futt,81 as well as Ibn Taymiyya who

saw a link between Ghazls and Makks takhalluq and Ibn Barrajns taabbud

headings. Ibn Taymiyya criticized certain aspects of the doctrine of takhalluq,

specifically Ghazls far-fetched attempt in the Maqad at drawing divine-human

correspondences for every name, including uniquely divine ones like Overbearing (al-

Jabbr) and Self-Great (al-Mutakabbir). Ibn Taymiyya argues that Ghazls

theomorphic ethics opened the door to two extremes: for Ibn al-Arab, Ibn Sabn and

other heretics (malida) this led to incarnation (ull) and union (ittid), whereas for

the anti-Ghazlian al-Mzar (d. 536/1141) none of Gods traits could be assumed by

man. In light of this polarizing dispute, Ibn Taymiyya reckons that Ibn Barrajn
81
Ibn al-Arab speaks of Ibn Barrajns doctrine of takhalluq bi-l-asm in the Futt (vol. 2, p. 649). Cf.
De La Torre, p. 28, ft. 40. This doctrine is of secondary importance to the Shar and the expression
takhalluq bi-l-asm hardly ever appears. When it does, Ibn Barrajn prefers to employ the expression
takhalluq bi-asm Allh instead of takhalluq bi-akhlq Allh.

214
cautiously avoided using the word takhalluq in his Shar, opting instead for the more

neutral sounding phrase, practice of servanthood (taabbud):82

Ghazl and Makk both adopt the concept of assuming character traits

(takhalluq). Ab al-Bayn al-Dimashq refuted Makk, while Ab Abd Allh al-

Mzir and others refuted Ghazl on this point, proclaiming that there is no divine

character trait that man may assume. That is why Ab al-akam b. Barrajn in his

Commentary on the Beautiful Names avoided the terms assuming character traits

(takhalluq) and bearing resemblance (tashabbuh) and used the term practice of

servanthood (taabbud). He would mention the meaning of the name and its

etymology, then a reflective passage (itibr) where he points out its traces in

creatures, followed by a [passage on] the servants practice of the servanthood

(taabbud) which God mandated for him.83

What is surprising is that Ibn Barrajn speaks disapprovingly of the notion of

assuming the character traits of God and makes no connection between takhalluq and

Sufism or Ghazl at all. To his knowledge, this doctrine was abused by falsifa who

turned away from prophetic knowledge in favor of the intellect on the grounds that they

had acquired divine character traits (akhq Allh). Ibn Barrajn, in other words,

associates the doctrine of takhalluq not with Ghazl but with the latters arch-nemesis,

the falsifa. Ibn Barrajn does away with the phrase altogether, and in one very rare

instance opts for the more cautious wording assuming the meanings of His names

82
Ibn Taymiyya, Kitb al-afadiyya, 2 vols., ed. Muammad Slim, ubia al nafaqat aad al-musinn,
1985; vol. 2, p. 337-339.
83
Ibn Taymiyya, Jmi al-masil, 5 vols., ed. Muammad Azz al-Dn, Mecca: Dr lam al-Fawid li-
l-Nashr wa-l-Tawz, 2001; vol. 6, p. 126.

215
(takhalluq bi-man asmihi) which secures a distance between God and man, as

opposed to assuming Gods character traits.84 Ibn Barrajns dismissal of the doctrine

of takhalluq as a deviation of the falsifa speaks volumes. It signals that Ibn Barrajn

knew nothing of the Maqad when he wrote the Shar. I reason, therefore, that Ghazls

influence on the Shar is chronologically impossible. The Shar must have been written

around Ibn Barrajns early to mid-forties, that is before 495/1102 when Ghazls books

were introduced into al-Andalus by Ab Bakr b. al-Arab, and before the book burning

of 503/1109. The following is Ibn Barrajns discussion of takhalluq from the Shar:

It is reported that certain followers of philosophythose who belittled prophecy

and aggrandized their limited intellects by giving precedence to reason (maql)

over prophetic knowledgehave said: the best act is likening oneself to Gods

character traits (tashabbuh bi-akhlq Allh) to the extent that is humanly

possible. This is an error in both expression and approach (ibra wa-l-

madhhab). As for its error in expression, it is because nothing is likened to God in

any way, i.e., [nothing is comparable to] the state of a [divine] name nor an

attribute. And, strictly speaking, it is impermissible to talk of Gods attributes as

character traits since actual character traits are derived from creatures (khalq),

whereas Gods attributes and names cannot be described in this way. Character

traits exist in creatures (al-akhlq mawjda bi-l-makhlq) and are engendered by

the commandBe and it isAs for their error in approach, they claim that

knowledge of a knower amounts to becoming similar to Him, and it is because of

84
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 159.

216
 this corrupt beliefthat they claim freedom (urriyya) and drop knowledge

which is the Book and the Sunna.85

As a final note, it must be stressed that the Shar and the Maqad differ markedly

in purpose and overall orientation. Ghazls central concern in the Maqad is to expound

upon his doctrine of theomorphic ethics, i.e., assuming the character traits of God

(takhalluq bi-akhlq Allh) by demonstrating how humans can acquire qualities of all the

divine names. This presumes an active involvement on the part of the soul in its quest for

a divine character trait. The Ghazlian seeker of the names plays an active role in seeking

Gods character traits. In contrast, Ibn Barrajns proposes a practice of servanthood

with respect to the names (taabbud bi-l-asm) which presupposes a passive relation to

the names, in which the disciple exposes himself to the benefic graces (baraka) of a

particular name, either by getting to know its properties, or by trying to live up to its

imports in order to benefit from its barakanot by actively and directly inculcating its

qualities. The Maqad in other words proposes a top-down relationality to the names,

whereas in the Shar the taabbud it is bottom-up. Besides, whereas takhalluq is central

to the Maqad, taabbud is secondary to the Shar. The heart of Ibn Barrajns oeuvre is

rather the penetrative itibr, or cross-over which seeks to guide the reader from an

abstract belief in God to concrete awareness of divine presence through Gods names,

traces, and symbols. Maqdiss abridgement (mulakhkha) of the Shar missed the

point, for in it he assembled the taabbud passages and overlooked the itibr entirely.

Likewise, modern scholars fail to appreciate Ibn Barrajns remarkable Shar on its own

terms by fixating on Ghazls concept of takhalluq.

85
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 126.

217
 Interestingly, Ibn Barrajn seems somewhat to have warmed up to the idea of

takhalluq in the (156), his last work which was composed around 526-530/1131-

1135. By then he had presumably read Ghazls articulation of the doctrine, was famed

as the Ghazl of al-Andalus, and therefore no longer associates takhalluq with the

falsifa. But the Sevillan master is still somewhat uncomfortable with the idea that God

has character traits (akhlq Allh), a description which he deems too temporal and

anthropomorphic to befit the Almighty. In a discussion of saints who attain great spiritual

realization, he concedes that the awliy are characterized by [Gods] description

(yattaifu bi-wafi-hi). Here, he tacitly endorses takhalluq but still shuns the Ghazlian

turn of phrase. This development in Ibn Barrajns thought in the leaves one to

suspect that Ghazlianism left a light imprint upon him at the end of his career, if that.

Unidentified Sources of the Shar

The works of Ibn Barrajn pose a challenge to the intellectual historian because

he hardly cites any authorities by name, and for different reasons. His corpus, which

synthesizes his broad mastery of religious sciences, was written almost entirely from

memory. The bulk of qurnic verses, adth reports, qirt variants, and Biblical

passages in his works are cited from memory.86 This is evident in the fact that Ibn

Barrajn frequently fuses closely worded qurnic verses or adth reports into a single

quotation. Sometimes he explicitly admits not being able to recall a particular passage

from an unnamed book.87 Most of his adth reports are cited according to the meaning

86
He cites a supplication of Ibn Qutayba (d. 276/889). See supplication allhumma khallin min
dhunb in Ibid., vol. 1, p. 222.
87
Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 185a: he concludes a discussion of ulm al-awil by saying and
he mentioned things which I cannot recall (wa-dhakara kalam lastu adhkur-hu)

218
but not the wording of the original reports. Aside from the Qurn, only his citations of

poetry verses, which are more easily retainable owing to the rhyme and meter, are cited

with exact precision.

The reasons for Ibn Barrajns lack of citations are many, and they more or less

apply to his later works as well. On the practical level, he was writing his Shar

especially for an audience of both laymen and specialists. The former would have had no

interest in scholarly citations, and the latter would have been acquainted with many of the

works which Ibn Barrajn was consulting as he wrote the Shar. Secondly, rather than

reiterating formalities as would be required in a classical work of tafsr or fiqh, he

excluded cumbersome citations, chains of transmission (isnds) and other conventions

for stylistic preference and with an eye to brevity. In addition, Ibn Barrajns silence must

have been programmatic. With the exception of the falsifa and sometimes the Mutazila,

both of whom Ibn Barrajn calls out on several occasions, groups with whom he

disagrees are never divulged by name. This polemical discretion was in part cautionary

his way of avoiding ire and persecution from contemporaries as did Ibn Masarra and

alamank before him.88 But in part, Ibn Barrajns silence was motivated by a pious

reluctance, or courtesy (adab) toward intellectual adversaries and a distaste for

confrontational polemics.89 And finally, the lack of citations reflects Ibn Barrajns deep

commitment to the idea of reengaging the Qurn and adth and freeing himself from

88
For examples of uncited mystics statements, see in the Shar, see Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 43, 174, 181,
218, 332-33; vol. 2, pp. 164, 179, 360-61. In the Tanbh, see Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 15a, 41b, 189b.
See Adln ed., vol. 2, p. 815.
89
In Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 235, Ibn Barrajn strongly disagrees with the mainstream interpretation
of the name al-Laf as The Subtle and claims that this understanding detracts from divine majesty. But
despite his strong disagreement, he does not mention specific authors names.

219
the methodological, theological, and juridical pedantries of the different schools of law

and theology. By refraining from quoting the Mlik or Ashar position on a particular

matter, he consciously sought to expose a universal, unpronounced, and non-

denominational truth.

Citations and References in the Shar

The Qurn is the most-oft quoted text in the Shar. The verses are referenced

either to show the qurnic derivation of a divine name or to corroborate his doctrinal or

devotional discussions. His adth citations are relatively fewer in number, but serve the

same function as the verses. The Shars modern editor Mazyad tracks Ibn Barrajns

adth reports in the a collections of Muslim and Bukhr, although there are a fair

number of reports from other sources including collections of Bayhaq, Amad b.

anbal, and abarn. Mazyad traces some reports to ascetic works like Ibn al-

Mubraks al-Zuhd wa-l-raqiq and Ibn Ab al-Dunys al-Tahajjud wa-qiym al-layl,

as well as al-Jis al-Bayn wa-l-tabyn.90 Another important work is Ab Nuaym al-

Isbahns (d. 430/1038) ilyat al-awliy, from which he repeatedly drew maxims,

anecdotes and even page-long supplications.91 Since Ibn Barrajn cites his adth from

memory, his reports follow the meanings but not the exact wording of the dth reports.

Ibn Barrajn also cites adth qudss, or holy sayings which are ascribed directly to

God but not included in the Qurn. The most popular of these adth qudss is the

famous statement which begins with: I was hungry but you did not feed me; thirsty but
90
See footnotes in Shar, vols. 1 & 2, Mazyad ed.
91
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 168, 185, 189, 399; vol. 2, pp. 260. One may add Abd Allh b. al-Mubrak al-
Marwazs (d. 181/797) treatise on asceticism entitled al-Zuhd wa-l-Raqiq (Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p.
168, ft. 1.) He cites a supplication attributed to the Prophet that has a parallel in al-Ghazls Iy. Shar,
Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 271.

220
you did not give me to drink, and which has parallels in the Gospels. Aside from

Prophets and Companions of Muammad, authorities whom Ibn Barrajn mentioned by

name can be counted on a single hand: al-asan al-Bar (d. 110/728),92 Rbia al-

Adawiyya (d. 185/801),93 Sahl al-Tustar (d. 283/896),94 and a certain ascetic Ibn al-

Muabbar (d. 206/821).95 Ibn Barrajn also names a number of historical and biblical

figures, and poets. His scattered biblical references occur with much less frequency or

length than in his exegetical works, though he does display familiarity with biblical

material already in the Shar.96

Unlike the Tanbh where Ibn Barrajn is often in conversation with other exegetes

whom he refers to generically as ahl al-tafsr, in the Shar he seldom makes such

references. That is, he is less engaged with other commentaries on the names in the

Shar, whereas in the Tanbh he is in constant discourse with Sunn exegetes. As

mentioned above, the commentary by Ghazl most likely penetrated into al-Andalus

after the composition of the Shar, while Ab Bakr b. al-Arabs was undoubtedly

written after Ibn Barrajns Shar. So, the works which could have been at Ibn Barrajns

92
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 332.
93
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 246.
94
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 391. In Tanbh, he cites an account by Sahl al-Tustar of Sufis ability to translocate
(Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 330.)
95
Ibn Barrajn cites the title of his book, Khil al-aql wa-ft al-haw, see Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p.
281. In Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, pp. 258-59 (and Adln ed, vol. 2, p. 789) a second book by the same
author is cited, namely K. al-mint li Ibn al-Mukhbir. The vocalization and placement of the name
is problematic. This may be Dwd b. al-Muabbar/al-Majd b. Qadhm b. Sulaymn al- al-
Bakrw al-Bar Ab Sulaymn (d. 206/821) who is cited in Hadiyyat al-rifn, vol. 1, p. 358. However,
van Ess vocalizes the name as Dwd b. al-Muabbar (d. 206/821) in Theologie, vol. 2, pp. 119-120 and
describes him as a follower of Sufyn al-Thawr (vol. 1, p. 226; vol. 4, pp. 746-47).
96
See De La Torre ed., pp. 42-4.

221
disposal are relatively few. It is safe to say that the commentaries which he had at his

disposal were either by lexicographers, Mutazils,97 Ibn azm, or the Sufi commentary

of Qushayr. One of the earliest commentaries was Mubarrad (d. 285/898) lexicographic

treatment of the names, as well as Rzs (d. 322/933) K. al-Zna who, in addition to

lexicography, employed an Isml approach to the science of the letters (ilm al-urf).

With regard to the names derivations from Qurn and adth and theological

interpretations, Ibn Barrajn may have consulted Baghdd (d. 429/1037). In al-Andalus,

the lost commentary by Ibn azm (d. 456/1064) would have also been consulted by Ibn

Barrajn. Moreover, Qushayrs (d. 465/1072) work which discussed ways of inculcating

the properties of the names, may have also influenced Ibn Barrajns Shar, although

further study is required to fully substantiate these links.98

Passages from Ab lib al-Makks Qt in the Shar

General Indwelling (ull mm)

Ab lib al-Makks (d. 386/996) discussions of Gods unity (tawd), His

comparability and incomparability (tashbh/tanzh), and omnipotence (qudra) in his

mystical treatise Qt al-qulb (Nourishment of the Heart)99 left a mark on the writings

of Ibn Barrajn, and in particular his Shar. The keen-eyed anbal polymath Ibn

Taymiyya (d. 728/1327) was the first to spot copied passages in Ibn Barrajns Shar
97
Ibn Barrajn occasionally refutes Mutazil doctrines, so it is possible that he had access to a Mutazil
commentary.
98
See De La Torres introduction, pp. 25-29.
99
Makks Qt is a lengthy work divided into 48 chapters (fal), the longest being chapter 32 on the stations
of certitude (maqmt al-yaqn). It attempts to determine the central doctrines of Sufism and the
corresponding key terms of the mystics spiritual experience, and to illustrate the ways and practices of the
Sufi masters. Like Ibn Barrajns works, it is marked by the absence of the isnd. Like the Iy, the Qt
has been criticized by adth scholars for inclusion of inauthentic adth.

222
lifted from Makks Qt. He went as far as to describe our author as a follower (min

atb) of Makk, whose Qt stands as testament to Slimiyya teachings in Bara.100

Massignon, who was probably informed by Ibn Taymiyyas writings, maintained that the

Tanbh and the Shar were representative of the teachings of Makk and the Slimiyya.101

Ibn Barrajn possessed either a copy of the popular Qt, or one of several Andalus

abridgements (mukhtaar) that were composed around his time.102

Ibn Taymiyyas objections to Makk and Ibn Barrajn center on the question of

how to declare God One (tawd) and utterly transcendent in relation to the cosmos,

while avoiding dualism between Creator and created. The correct understanding of this

100
The mystic and adth scholar Ab lib Muammad b. Al b. Aiyya al-rith al-Makk (d. 386/996)
was a native of the Persian province of Jibal, but was raised in Meccahence the epithet al-
Makkwhere he joined the circle of Ab Sad al-Arb (d. 341/952), a Baran adth scholar and sufi
disciple of Ab al-Qsim al-Junayd (d. 260/874). Makks schooling in Junayd Sufism, with its emphasis
on ascetic discipline (riya) and sobriety (aw) left its mark on his life and oeuvre, just as it characterizes
Ibn Barrajns devotional practices although in a more moderate form. As a young man Makk left Mecca
to join the Slimiyya in Bara, which he entered only after the death of its eponymous founder Muammad
b. Amad b. Slim (d. 297/909). The earliest sources describe the Slimiyya as a group of popular
preachers and ascetic Sufi theologians. They claimed followers among the jurists and adth scholars in
Bara and its environs. (B wering, Mystical vision, p. 92.) Muammad b. Amad b. Slim (d. 297/909) was
a disciple and companion of Sahl b. Abd All al-Tustar for his entire life, serving him for either 30 or 60
years. All we know of his thought is that he was a devoted and faithful transmitter and expositor of his
masters teachings. His son Amad b. Muammad b. Amad b. Slim, also a disciple of Tustar, was
entrusted with the leadership of the Slimiyya upon his fathers death. He died around 356/967 aged almost
ninety. The two figures are often confused in the primary sources. Their teachings emphasize putting trust
in God (tawakkul) and ascetic renunciation (zuhd). They trained their disciples to constantly invoke the
formula God is with me, God is my onlooker, God is my witness (Allh ma, Allh nir, Allh shhid)
since worship of God comprises three elements: fear, longing (raj), and nearness (qurb). Makk
unreservedly adopted the latters teachings under the tutelage of his son Ab al-asan b. Slim (d.
356/967). In the Qt, Ibn Slim is referred to as our master and one of our learned men (ba
ulamin). Later, Makk came to be regarded by his biographers as the foremost shaykh of the
Slimiyya. (Bowering, Mystical Vision of Existence in Classical Islam, pp. 75-99. See also quotations
related by Abd al-Ramn al-Sulam d. 412/1021 in abaqt al-fiyya, ed. Muaf A, Beirut: Dr al-
Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 2003; pp. 312-314, entry #78.)
101
Massignon, Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism, trans. Benjamin
Clark, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997; p. 201.
102
The earliest of this genre is by Muammad b. Khalaf b. al-Murbi al-Andalus (d. 485/1192) who may
have met Ibn Barrajn, and is entitled al-Wul il al-ghara al-malb min jawhir qt al-qulb. (elebi,
Kashf al-unn, vol. 2, p. 1361.)

223
relation between God and the world, a central concern in Ibn Taymiyyas massive body

of writings, lies in striking a balance between Gods incomparability (tanzh) and His

comparability (tamthl). While transcendence does not connote unknowability, giving too

much weight to tanzh reduces God to an abstract philosophical principle. In theological

terms, it ends by denying Gods attributes (tal)literally, a profession of ineffectuality.

At the other extreme, Ibn Taymiyya holds that tamthl amounts to anthropomorphism

(tashbh).103 To solve this problem, Makk contended that the divine Essence is both

above time and space, and within it. Ibn Taymiyya took objection to this paradoxical

position, and labeled it a type of general indwelling (ull mm).104 That is, Ibn

Taymiyya accused Makk of professing that God in His very Essence resides in the

world. According to Massignon, Ibn Taymiyya traces Ibn al-Arabs wadat al-wujd

back to the general indwelling of the Slimiyya.105

The fourth opinion (qawl) is of the one who says that God in His Essence is

above the world (fawq al-lam) and that His Essence is present in every place

(wa-huwa bi-dhti-hi f kull makn). This is the doctrine held by groups (awif)

of theologians and Sufis such as Ab Mudh and his likes. Ashar mentioned in

the Maqlt this [doctrine] in connection with other groups. Also, the discourse of

the Slimiyya such as Ab lib al- Makk and his followers (atbih) such as

103
A Muslim Theologians Response to Christianity: Ibn Taymiyyas al-Jawb al-a, pp. 3, 5.
104
Ibn Taymiyya draws a distinction between specific indwelling (ull kh) and general indwelling
(ull mm). Specific indwelling indicates an ontological identification between God and the body of a
sanctified individual. God occupies a locus (maall) in a particular individual, such as Jesus according to
Christians. General indwelling implies a direct ontological correspondence between God and the cosmos.
(Ibid., p. 8.)
105
This was first pointed out by Massignon in La Passion dAl-Hosayn Ibn Mansour al-Hallaj, vol. 2, p.
514.

224
 Ab l-akam b. Barrajn and his likes (wa-amthlih) contain allusions to this. At

the same time, their words at times contradict this position.106

In the following passage, Ibn Taymiyya quotes passages from Makks Qt which he

finds to be objectionable:

General indwelling occupies a large part of Ab libs writings, despite his

disavowal of (tabarr min) the term ull. Much of what he writes concerning

divine unicity (tawd) is laudableuntil he says: He is in front of (amm) all

things, behind (war) all things, above (fawq) all things, with (maa) all things,

nearer (aqrab) to all things than they are to themselves. And [to believe that] in

spite of this He is not indwelled in things (ghayr muallal li-l-ashy), that things

(ashy) are not a locus (maall) for Him and that upon the throne He resides as

He desires without explaining how (takyf) and without the declaration of

similarity (tashbh).107

106
Ibn Taymiyya, Majmat al-fatw, vol. 2, p. 182; see also vol. 5, p. 81 for a similar passage, and vol. 5,
p. 142. In a chapter entitled Concerning Ab libs opinion on transcendence (ul) and other matters
where he is right and where he erred, Ibn Taymiyya says: al-Baghdd mentions in his Trkh that a
group of scholars spoke out against what Ab lib al- Makk said regarding the attributes. What he fell
into in terms of indwelling (ull) was spilled over into other masters such as Ab al-akam b. Barrajn
and his likes. See vol. 5, p. 289.
107
Ibn Taymiyya, Majmat al-fatw, vol. 5, p. 289; Makk, Qt al-qulb, p. 1171. To Ibn Taymiyyas
own admission, certain passages of Makks writings contradict the notion of indwelling, such as: God is
an Essence (dht) that is singular by Itself (munfarid bi-nafsihi). He is unified in His descriptions
(mutawaid bi-awfi-hi). He does not commingle (l yamtazij) nor is He coupled together with anything
(l yazdawij il shay). He is distinguished from His creation (bin an khalqihi), and does not indwell
corporeal bodies (l yaill al-ajsm), nor do accidents (ar) indwell Him. Nothing occupies His Essence
but Him (laysa f dhti-hi siwhu), and no part of His Essence occupies anything other than Him (l f
siw-hu min dhtihi). Nothing is in creation (khalq) but creation, and nothing is in the Essence but the
Creator (Qt, 1172) I, [Ibn Taymiyya] say: and this denies indwelling just as he denied it initially.

225
 Makk does indeed appear to oscillate between an affirmation and negation of

general indwelling in his writings. The following passage is a translation of relevant

sections from the chapter on tawd in Qt al-qulb.

The obligatory assertion of divine unity (far al-tawd) consists in the hearts

belief (itiqd al-qalb) that God exalted is One not as number (wid l min

adad), First without second (awwal l thn lahu), and existent (mawjd) without

doubt. He is Present, never absent (ir l yaghb); Knowing, never ignorant;

Powerful, never weak (qdir l yajiz). [It also consists in the hearts belief] that

His names, attributes and lights are neither created nor separated from Him, and

that He is in front of (amm) all things, behind (war) all things, above (fawq) all

things, with (maa) all things, and nearer (aqrab) to all things than they are to

themselves. And [to believe that] in spite of this He is not indwelled in things

(ghayr muallal li-l-ashy), and that things (ashy) are not a locus (maall) for

Him, and that upon the throne He resides as He desires without explanation of

how (takyf) and without anthropomorphism (lit. declaration of similarity)

(tashbh)108

He is with you wherever you are (57:4). He is not connected to creation, nor is He

disconnected. He is neither touching engendered existence (ghayr mumss li-

kawn) nor distant (mutabid) from it. He is nearer to all things with a nearness

that is His description. He encompasses all things by an encompassment that is

His description. He is with all things, above all things, in front of all things, and

108
Makk, Qt al-qulb, vol. 3, pp. 1171-1172. See Gramlich, Die Nahrung der Herzen: Ab lib al-
Makks Qt al-qulb, 4 vols., Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1992-95; vol. 3., p. 9, vol. 3 (chapter 33).

226
 behind all things by a height (ul) and a closeness (dun) which is His nearness

(qurb).109

He surpasses intellects, and escapes understandings, imaginations, and intellects.

He is as He described Himself, and He is above the descriptions that His creatures

attribute to Him. We, [members of ahl al-sunna wa-l-jama] describe Him in

accordance with the authenticated reports (riwya) and sound [reports] of the

messenger of GodGod is the beginningless (azal) who does not cease to be

(lam yazal), the endless (abad) who does not indwell (lam yaull).110

The uncited passage which Ibn Taymiyya had in mind is to be found in the Shar

under the name the First (wid). Ibn Barrajn quotes more or less directly from the Qt

but without naming Makk:

He is the encompasser (mu) of all things with an encompassing that is His

description. He is with all things, above all things, in front of all things, and

behind all things with an aboveness and belowness which is His proximity. He is

behind all transformation (awl) which is behind the totality of the Throne (jumlat

al-arsh), and He is closer to the jugular vein than the heart, and to the spirit

which links to the body. Despite all this, He is above all things, encompassing of

all things, and nothing encompasses Him, and He occupies no place, and nothing

is like unto Him (42:11).111

109
Ibid., vol. 3, p. 1178; See Gramlich, Die Nahrung der Herzen, vol. 3, p. 15.

110
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 1172-1173. See Gramlich, Die Nahrung der Herzen, vol. 3, p. 10.
111
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 113. See also De La Torre ed., p. 61.

227
 In the , Ibn Barrajn states: He is in every place while being in no place, and

with every existent while transcending attributes of temporally originated

existents.112

Ibn Taymiyya rightly notes that Ibn Barrajn, like Makk, both waiver between what

appears as general indwelling (ull mm) and pure transcendence of God.113

Makks Notion of Unbounded Divine Power

In addition to general indwelling, Ibn Taymiyya accuses Makks writings of

overemphasizing divine power to the point that God may make Himself unpowerful. In

one of his fatws, Ibn Taymiyya objects to the far-reaching theological implications of

this doctrine:

On the basis of unbounded power and might (mulaq al-qudra wa-l-aama) and

without any discernment (tamyz), one groupincluding Ab lib al-Makk

says: If He so desires, He can be encompassed by the smallest (adn) thing, and if

He desires all things will not encompass Him. If He so desires, all things will

know Him, and if He so desires, nothing will know Him114

112
, 143. Wa-kn f kull makn bi-m huwa l f makn, wa-maa kull mawjd bi-m huwa mutal
an ift al-mudathn. For a comparable passage, see Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 819 where he states:
God is the Outward above whom there is none, and the Inward below whom there is none. (wa-huwa al-
hir laysa fawqa-hu shay, wa-l-bin laysa dna-hu shay).
113
See , 150 for a discussion of divine transcendence which contradicts Ibn Barrajns unstated
notions of ull.
114
Ibn Taymiyya, Majmat al-fatw, vol. 5, p. 288. The passages quoted by Ibn Taymiyya is from
Makk, Qt al-qulb, vol. 3, p. 1179.

228
 The passage in the Qt which Ibn Taymiyya has in mind where Makk seeks to

preserve divine omnipotence to the extent that Gods power is capable of self-negation, is

the following:

The testimony of the possessor of certitude (shahdat al-mqin) is certain that

God isnearer (aqrab) to all thingsby a nearness (qurb) that is His description

and not by the denoting of nearness (taqrb) nor by drawing near (taqarrub), and

that He is upon the throne in all of this And that God encompasses His throne.

He is above all things, and above the beneath of all things (fawq tat kull shay).

Thus He is above aboveness (fawq al-fawq) and above beneathness (fawq al-tat),

and He is not described as being beneath [something] such that something would

be above Him (fa-yakn lahu fawq) for He is the Highest and the Most High (al-

al al-al). No place is devoid of His knowledge and power, and He is not

delimited (yuadd) by a place, nor is He lacking (l yufqad) in any place, nor is

He found in any place. For beneathness is for [spatial] lowness (al-tat li-l-asfal)

and aboveness is for [spatial] height (al-fawq li-l-al), but He is above every

above, and above all beneaths in exaltedness (sum)and places are for [merely]

possible things (al-amkin li-l-mumkint), and His place (makn) is His

[omnipotent] will (masha), His being is His power (wujdu-hu qudratu-hu), and

the throne and the earth (thar) and everything in between are delimitations for

the lower and higher creations, and are like a mustard seed in His grip (qaba).

And He is higher than that, and He encompasses all that by an encompassment

that is His description, and by a wideness (sia) that is His power, and by a height

229
 that is His magnificence (aama) in a way that the intellect cannot perceive, nor

can the imagination (wahm) specify. There is no end to His height, no above to

His exaltedness, no distance (bud) to His drawing close (dunw), no sense

perception (iss) to His being (wujd), no touching to His witnessing (l mass f

shuhdihi), no perception to His presence, and no scope to His encompassment

(l a li-atihi).115

Ibn Barrajn casually reiterates similar statements in his writings:

In commenting on the name Exclusively One (aad), Ibn Barrajn states: If He

so desires, nothing would encompass Him. If He so desires, all things would

know Him (or disclose Him, i.e. yarif-hu or yuarrif-hu), and if He so desires,

nothing would know Him. And if He so chooses, He would be found in all things,

and if He so chooses He would be found in no thing.116

In the Tanbh, he states If God wanted, He could place the many inside the few,

encapsulate the vast inside the narrow, and bring together all of His creation

inside a mustard seed.117

It appears therefore that Ibn Barrajn was struggling theologically to articulate his

thoughts of divine comparability and incomparability a problem which was solved

later by Ibn al-Arabs conception of the divine names as occupying spheres or

115
Makk, Qt al-qulb, vol. 3, pp. 1176-1177. See Gramlich, Die Nahrung der Herzen, vol. 3, pp. 14-15.
116
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 94.
117
Tanbh, Mazyad ed, vol. 3, pp. 57-58.

230
Presences (sing. ara) of different scopes. Elaborating on Ibn al-Arabs solution falls

outside the confines of this chapter.118

118
Ibn al-Arab resolved this theological problem by conceiving of the divine names as having presences
(ara) or spheres of influence. For instance, God is Powerful, and the Presence of Power includes all of
existence that comes under the sway of His power. But the Presence of Power is more limited than the
Presence of Knowledge, and regardless of how powerful God is, He cannot make Himself ignorant of His
knowledge. See Chitticks Sufi Path of Knowledge, pp. 5, 109-110.

231
 Chapter IV
Qurnic Hermeneutics
An Analysis of Tanbh al-Afhm and al-ikma

Introduction

This chapter represents a continuation of the overview of Ibn Barrajns works in

Chapter III. I focus here on the Sevillan masters qurnic hermeneutics and the key

thematic strands that run through both his major qurnic commentary called Tanbh al-

afhm, and the minor supplementary one entitled al-ikma. There are four sections

in this chapter. Section I is a brief survey of tafsr literature in al-Andalus, which helps

locate Ibn Barrajns exegetical endeavors in the broader Andalus context. Section II

examines the style, structure, hermeneutics, and central doctrinal themes that govern

Tanbh al-afhm. I assess his use of intra-qurnic exegesis, employment of adth

literature, inner interpretations (tawl) of qurnic verses, his differentiation between

different levels of the qurn which he calls Tremendous vs. Exalted Qurn, his

fixed and consimilar verses (mukamt wa-mutashbiht), orderliness (nam) of the

Qurn, axial themes around which the sras revolve, his theory of abrogation of qurnic

verses (nsikh wa-manskh), variant qurnic readings and the seven aruf. These

themes are most prominent in the Tanbh, but nevertheless are present in the as well.

It should be noted that his two tafsrs are intended to be studied as a compositional whole,

and so some illustrative examples are drawn from the . These examples are

nevertheless of the authors approach in the Tanbh as well. Section III endeavors to

survey the compositional method, structure and central themes of his minor commentary,

232
the I. I conclude with Section IV, a brief discussion which shall be further elaborated

as I progress through my dissertation, of the sources used by Ibn Barrajn in authoring

both qurnic commentaries.

I. Tafsr Literature in al-Andalus

Exegetical literature in al-Andalus witnessed a vigorous period of productivity

from the 3rd/9th to the 8th/14th century, although its distinguishing features, gradual

development, and sources of influence have yet to be fully mapped out. One modern

scholar has broadly characterized the hermeneutical methodology of Andalus tafsr as

being classical mainstream, that is to say intra-scriptural and adth centered, anti-

Mutazil, theologically unspeculative, juridically focused, anti-allegorical, critical of

exegetical material culled from Judeo-Christian sources (isrliyt), and highly

influenced by the works and exegetical methodologies of abar (d. 310/922),

Zamakhshar (d. 538/1144), and Fakhr al-Dn al-Rz (d. 606/1209).1 While this

preliminary attempt at charting a hermeneutical genre in al-Andalus is somewhat useful,

it does not take into account lost tafsrs of a Muy al-Dn Ibn al-Arab (d. 638/1240) nor

those of Ibn Barrajn.

The pioneering exegete in Iberia was the aforementioned 3rd/9th century pioneer

Baq b. Makhlad (d. 276/889), whose exegesis is known as Tafsr Baq b. Makhlad.2 His

1
Abdul-Raof, Schools of Quranic Exegesis: Genesis and Development, London: Routledge, 2010. For a
similar assessment, see Rm, Manhaj al-madrasa al-andalusiyya f-l-tafsr, Riy: Maktabat al-Tawba,
1417/1996; pp. 17-19.
2
Ibn Makhlad was primarily a scholar of adth, and began his studies in Cordoba with Muhammad b. s
b. al-Ash (d. 221/835). He then continued on to North Africa, Egypt, Syria, Makka, Baghdd, Bara,
stopping en route to learn from the celebrated adth scholars of his day. This quintessential lib al-ilm
spent some fifteen years in search of knowledge from Mliks and beyond, and brought back a number of

233
Tafsr, which is only partially extant, was acclaimed by Ibn azm as being superior to

even abars massive Jmi al-bayn an tawl y al-Qurn.3 It appears that Ibn

Makhlads exegesis, which drew heavily from exegetical adth as a source of explaining

Qurnic yas,4 was also primarily aimed at deriving juridical rulings. It is very likely

that Ab Bakr b. al-Arab and Ab ayyns juridical tafsrs were informed by Ibn

Makhlads work.

During the 4th/10th century, Ibn Ab Zamann al-Ilbr (d. 399/1008) authored an

abridgement (mukhtaar) of Yay b. Salms tafsr, to which he added some of his own

grammatical and linguistic insights.5 In the 5th/11th century, Makk b. Ab lib al-Qays

(d. 437/1045) composed K. al-Hidya il bulgh al-nihya, as well as Mushkil irb al-

qurn on grammatical semantics of the Qurn.6 Qays was from al-Qayrawn but settled

in al-Andalus, and his exegetical work is one of the earliest Andalus tafsrs concerned

valuable works of jurisprudence, biographical collections (abaqt), prophetic narrative (sra), and most
new importantly adth collections. Pellat maintains that by introducing into Muwaa-focused Andalus
scholarly circles new collections of adth from the east such as Muannaf b. Ab Shayba, Ibn Makhlad
broadened the scope of adth studies in his region. Moreover, he displayed a certain degree of
independence with respect to the Mlik madhhab, and his contact with Shfi, hir, and anbal
methodologies seem to have rubbed off on him. As his adth lessons at the Grand Mosque of Cordoba
attracted ever more students, the Mlik fuqah grew suspicious of his teachings and charged him with
heresy. His life was protected, however, by amr Muammad I (d. 273/886), and he succeeded in training a
generation of adth scholars who in turn established a new Andalus school of adth. His Muannaf stands
among the earliest works of the genre.
3
Raisuddin, Baq b. Makhlad al-Qurub (201-276/816-889) and his contribution to the study of adth
literature in Spain, Islamic Studies , vol. 27, nr. 2 (Summer 1988), pp. 161-168. Pellat, Bak b. Makhlad,
Ab Abd al-Ramn, EI2.
4
For an overview of the role adth literature plays in the classical exegetical tradition, cf. Speight, The
Function of adth as Commentary on the Qurn, as Seen in the Six Authoritative Collections, in
Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qurn, ed. Andrew Rippin, Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1988; pp. 63-81.
5
Ibn Ab Zamann, Muammad b. Abd Allh, Tafsr al-Qurn al-Azz, 5 vols., Cairo: al-Frq al-
adtha li-l-iba wa-l-Nashr, 2002. See Dhahabi, Tarkh, yrs. 380-400, p. 380; and GAS I, pp. 46-7.
6
For a discussion of the beginnings of grammar and the linguistic sciences in tafsr works, cf. Gilliot,
Exegesis of the Qurn: Classical and Medieval, EQ.

234
with linguistic and grammatical analysis of the Qurn, as well as its variant readings

(qirt). Ibn Aiyya, Ibn al-Juzay, and Ab ayyn later built upon Qayss

grammatical and linguistic insights. Later scholars criticized him for incorporating Jewish

and Christian accounts (isrliyyt) into his tafsra practice which most Andalus

exegetes did not endorse except for Ibn Barrajn.

The 6th/12th century was a period of great scholarly productivity in the field of

tafsr in the Muslim world at large, and al-Andalus was no exception. Amazingly, over

one-hundred and thirty-six exegetes receive entries in Suys biographical dictionary of

exegetes, (abaqt al-mufassirn) in this century alone, including Baghaws (d.

516/1122) Malim al-tanzl, Zamakhshars (d. 538/1143) al-Kashshf, and Rzs (d.

605/1209) al-Tafsr al-kabr.7 In al-Andalus, Ab Bakr b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148)

authored his Akm al-Qurn probably around the same time as Ibn Barrajns Tanbh.

The Akm primarily aims at extracting Mlik juridical rulings from individual qurnic

legal verses (yt al-akm). In the Akm, Ibn al-Arab begins by describing in general

terms the sra in question, then by listing the verses which have legal import. This is

followed by a systematic commentary on the juridical bearings from each of the selected

verses. He considers causal circumstances of revelation (asbb al-nuzl),8 variant

readings (qirt), adth, linguistic features, grammatical inflexion, and opinions of

Muslim scholars on the legal implications of the verse. He had a reputation for directing

acerbic criticisms at other jurists opinions. He would sometimes accept opinions that fell

7
Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi (Interpretation Methodology of Ibn Barrajn), Ph.D. Diss,
Jmiat al-Yarmk, Jordan, 2009, Kulliyyat al-Shara wa-l-Dirst al-Islmiyya, Qism Ul al-Din, n/p, p.
13.
8
For a useful of asbb al-nuzl in Qurnic exegesis, cf. Rippin, The Function of asbb al-nuzl in
qurnic studies, BSOAS, University of London, vol. 51, nr. 1 (1988), pp. 1-20.

235
outside of the Mlik school.9 Far from being simply a collection of exegetical legal

material, the Akm evinces Ibn al-Arabs juridical and analytical genius and insight.

The Akm was composed around the same period as Abd al-aqq b. Aiyyas

(d. 546/1151) highly celebrated al-Muarrar al-wajz f tafsr al-kitb al-azz. Ibn

Aiyya was born to a scholarly Granadan family, and his father like many scholars of al-

Andalus had travelled to the east for studies. Ibn Aiyya earned his reputation as a master

of adth, jurisprudence, exegesis, and literature. In al-Muarrar he commented on

verses individually and in an easily comprehensible style. His was a true tafsr bi-l-

mathr, that is it drew on Prophetic adth and reports attributed to the Companions to

make exegetical assertions about the Qurn. Moreover, he relied heavily on abars

qurnic hermeneutical theory and his voluminous supply of exegetical material.10 He

drew extensively from Arabic poetry, and integrated grammatical analyses of the Qurn

as well as discussions of variant readings (qirat).

In the 7th/13th century, the celebrated Cordoban scholar and admirer of Ibn

Barrajn, Muammad b. Amad al-Qurub (d. 671/1272) authored his monumental

juridical exegesis Jmi akm al-qurn. Along with Ibn al-Arab, Qurubs exegesis is

the most famous legal Qurn commentary of the Sunn tradition. The Jmi contains

discussions on linguistics, semantic analysis, grammatical inflexion, variant readings,

9
Rm, Manhaj al-madrasa al-Andalusiyya f-l-tafsr; p. 11.
10
In addition to the massive assemblage of reports in the Jmi, abars three-fold conceptualization of
Qurnic material seems to have been adopted by most Andalusian exegetes. These categories are 1) verses
that only the Prophet can interpret; 2) verses that only God understands; 3) verses the scholars of religion
and the Arabic tongue are able to interpret. For an extensive discussion of abars exegetical method, cf.
McAuliffe, Quranic Hermeneutics: The Views of al-abar and Ibn Kathr, Approaches to the History of
the Interpretation of the Qurn, ed. Rippin, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988; pp. 48-53. See also Fudge,
Qurnic Hermeneutics: al-abars and the Craft of Commentary, London: Routledge, 2011; pp. 12-13.

236
adth citations, causes of revelation, and reports of the Prophet and his Companions. He

cites Jhil and Arabic poetry abundantly in his work.11 He criticized his predecessors for

uncritically incorporating material into their commentaries. He comments on both legal

and non-legal verses, and discusses juridical opinions of different schools extensively

while weighing the strengths and weaknesses of each.

In the 8th/14th century, Muammad b. Juzay al-Kalb (d. 741/1340) penned al-

Tashl li-ulm al-tanzl. Ibn Juzay was born and raised in Granada in a scholarly milieu,

and died in the battle of arf. His Tashl is an abbreviated and condensed tafsr replete

with anecdotes and edifying teachings (nukat, fawid). He also assesses the opinions of

previous exegetes whom he often does not mention by name. In the same century,

Muammad b. Ysuf b. ayyn (d. 754/1353) compiled al-Bar al-mu f tafsr al-

qurn al-karm in Egypt. Originally from Granada, he settled and died in Egypt where

he was revered as a scholar of adth, tafsr, literature, and history. Ibn Hayyn was also

well acquainted with Ibn Barrajns works, which he quotes fairly frequently. This work

was influenced by Zamakhshar and Ibn Aiyyas tafsrs. He begins his commentary by

explaining each word individually, then proceeds to explain the meaning of the verse

holistically, speculating on its causes of revelation, its connection to the sra and

preceding verses, its abrogated or abrogating status (nsikh wa-manskh), variant

readings for which it is famous, and relevant reports attributed to the Prophet and his

Companions and Successors. Finally, he comments on the rhetorical features of the verse

and sometimes includes moderate Sufi insights on the verse. Like other Andalus legal

tafsrs, he also points out legal differences of opinion among the schools. He rarely cited

11
Abdul-Raof, Schools of Quranic Exegesis, p. 143.

237
Jhil or Arabic poetry in his work, but devoted extensive passages to comparative

grammatical assessments of Zamakhshar and Ibn Aiyya.

II. Tanbh al-afhm

Stylistic and Organizational Features of the Tanbh

Ibn Barrajns major tafsr, Tanbh al-afhm il tadabbur al-kitb al-akm wa-

taarruf al-yt wa-l-naba al-am, (lit. Alerting Intellects to Meditation on the Wise

Book and Recognition of Symbols and the Tremendous Tiding [of Judgment Day]) is

one of the most important exegetical works produced in the Muslim West. It differs

markedly in organizational pattern and doctrinal orientation from previous tafsrs in the

region. In contrast to the more orderly compositional structure that characterizes previous

Andalus tafsrs and the Shar itself, Ibn Barrajn undertook the writing of the Tanbh

without a clear-cut and premeditated outline. This work is more of an eclectic mlange of

material culled over the years from a wide spectrum of sources than a systematic Sufi

tafsr. The bulk of the Tanbh consists of ad hoc flows of thought drawn from memory

and inspired by the authors multifaceted scholarly formation. Often, his expatiations are

not so much prompted by the contents of a given sra as they are answers to questions, or

engagements with other scholars, or readings that he happened to be doing at the time of

his writing.12 Many passages reflect his personal spiritual experiences with the Qurn

interlaced with Mutabirn teachings (ahl al-itibr), eastern Sufi treatises, ascetic

literature (zuhdiyt), Sufi exegetical material, the science of the letters (ilm al-urf),

12
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 377: the new fal begins with a brief outline of the different ways of
waging jihd with the sword, the tongue, and the heart, then he abruptly carries on his discussion of sra 29
(al-Ankabt).

238
and astrology (ilm al-falak). Other passages read as formal scholarly treatments of the

Qurn drawn from a vast mental repository of qurnic variant readings (qirt), adth

reports, mainstream Sunn tafsr, Biblical material, Ashar theology (kalm), legal theory

(ul al-fiqh), causal circumstances of revelation (asbb al-nuzl), Arabic poetry and

literature, and even geometry and medicine. On occasion, the polymath treats his readers

to carefully crafted and highly eloquent rhyming prose (saj) passages. As in the Shar,

these deliberate redactions usually take on an admonitory tone and evince his skills as a

littrateur.

This all goes to say that the Tanbh is not intended as a verse-by-verse running

commentary on the Qurn. It is rather a lengthy and eclectic meditation on the Qurn

complementing and informed by Ibn Barrajns engagements with students, rigorous

spiritual practices, and multifaceted interests. The Tanbh unfolds without a thematic

cohesiveness. Themes recur throughout the tafsr in an unsystematic manner and are

treated each time from different angles. For example, in order to fully grasp his idea of,

say, the Universal Servant (al-abd al-kull), it is necessary to analyze discussions of this

theme scattered throughout his entire body of works. The Tanbh is therefore akin to a

colorful necklace that strings together gemstones of different shapes and sizes, and the

thread that links these jewels together is Ibn Barrajns mystical experience of, scholarly

interaction with, and subjective projections onto the divine Word. Unlike mainstream

Sunn tafsrs like abar or others, whom Ibn Barrajn generically refers to as the

exegetes (ahl al-tafsr), it cannot be utilized as a reference work, nor should its worth be

evaluated against such works.

239
 Ibn Barrajn composed the Tanbh from beginning to end, starting probably with

sra 1 (Umm al-Kitb/Ftia) and following the sequence of the sras to 114 (al-Ns). He

composed his introduction at the very end. His commentary on sras 1-7 (especially 2),

however, are disproportionately longer and more thematically aligned to the contents of

the Qurn than sras 8-114. In Mazyads edition, the tafsr of sras 1-7 occupy no less

than 47% of the entire tafsr.13 He justifies his longer discussions by pointing to their

qurnic significance,14 and, as we shall see below, he considers sra 2 to be a

differentiation (tafsl) or unpacking of sra 1, which contains the entire message of the

Qurn in condensed, undifferentiated mode. On a more practical level, one senses that

for the first half of the Tanbh, Ibn Barrajn worked methodically through the entirety of

the Qurn with a view to authoring a systematic and running commentary. As he

progressed in his tafsr, he became more selective with regard to which verses to

interpret. He grew weary of the tediousness and sheer volume of his initial undertaking in

the first 7 sras, and favored a more selective approach guided on personal proclivities

and interests. Ibn Barrajns gradual shift in writing is also evidenced by a change in the

headings. The earlier subsections (ful) up to the end of sra 2 (Baqara) have useful

designated titles such as fal on invocation (dhikr) or fal on contemplating the

significance of water, 15 but these headings are unfortunately abandoned by the second

third of the Tanbh. Likewise, in the second half of the Tanbh Ibn Barrajns choice of

verses and themes of discussion grow progressively narrower, and the Qurn is used

more as a springboard for incoming thoughts and ruminations.

13
In Mazyads edition of the Tanbh, sras 1-7 span 961 of the total 2069 pages of the tafsr.
14
See Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 411.
15
Compare titles of ful of the Tanbh in Mazyad ed., vol. 1 with those of vols. 2-5.

240
 Given Ibn Barrajns approach, the sum total of the verses commented upon in the

Tanbh do not add up to the entire Qurn. For instance he skips over verses 6-7 of sra 1

(Umm al-Kitb/Ftia) and moves into sra 2 (Baqara),16 and skips most verses of the

shorter sras. These thematic leaps and inconsistencies indicate a curve of development

in Ibn Barrajns exegetical method beginning with a systematic, rigorous, and

comprehensive approach and ending with a more free-flowing and subjective one

informed by mystical insights, scholarly interactions, questions from students, or recently

perused books. This disorderliness renders the Tanbh at times unpredictable,

inconsistent, and repetitive, and his disjointed ruminations can be laborious to read. It

may be this aspect of the Tanbh to which Ibn al-Zubayrs remark about the

incompleteness of Ibn Barrajns tafsr refers.

Unlike the Shar, Ibn Barrajn generally does not provide the reader with

references and citations. Only on rare occasions does he refer his reader to a passage from

the Shar or the Irshd, or to a specific sra in the Tanbh.17 He vaguely cross-references

previous passages or earlier works, and when he does he simply turns the readers

attention elsewhere in his work. Since such cross-references usually read as, we have

previously said (qad taqaddama al-kalm),18 it is difficult to determine whether he

means earlier passages of the Tanbh, or other works, or even an outside classroom

discussion that he had with his students. This disorderly and somewhat carefree approach

16
See Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 93-95.
17
For instance, in sra 103 (wa-l-Ar), he refers readers to a discussion covered under sra 4 (Nis). See
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 2, p. 1008.
18
One finds the expression taqaddama al-kalm early on in the Tanbh in references to topics that were not
previously discussed.

241
of his exegetical corpus suggests that the Tanbh was written over the course of many

years, and that as he progressed deeper into his work he only retained a faint memory of

the location of previous passages.

The organization of the Tanbh into separate ful conveniently dovetails with Ibn

Barrajns particular mode of approach. He rarely introduces a sra by reiterating factual

data such as whether it is Meccan or Medinan, or the number of its verses, nor does he

proceed through each verse systematicaly. Instead, he divides his work into topical units,

or Sections (ful), which separate his text into vague organizational units. Each stand

as independent and tightly knit core reflections on a cluster of 5-20 sequential qurnic

verses. These clusters of yas, which form the starting points for his discussions, are

never fully written down. Instead, he mentions only the opening and ending of the

cluster, with a view to brevity and possibly assuming that his reader has memorized the

Qurn. He also tends to incorporate uncited extracts from other passages of the Qurn

in his verse clusters.19

Each self-contained fal was presumably written in one sitting, which explains

why many end abruptly, giving way to a new fal and topic of discussion, as if the author

were interrupted in the middle of his writing process, only to return to it the next day with

new thought in mind.20 For instance, in one passage he jumps from a discussion of the

denizens of paradise and their recollections of the here-below (duny) to a new fal in

19
Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 80b.
20
E.gs., Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 44a-44b; 87b-88a. See also Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 308 where
Ibn Barrajn jumps from a discussion of the antichrist (dajjl) to inner interpretation (tawl) of sra 12
(Ysuf).

242
which he analyzes Adams vicegerency (khalfa) on earth.21 By grouping his patterns of

thought into different ful whose contents are only loosely bound to the sra, Ibn

Barrajn affords himself the freedom to explore those themes that strike his attention

while bestowing the Tanbh with a sense of structural cohesiveness and a progression

through the Qurn.

The ful vary considerably in length and tend to be shorter and more concise in

the Tanbh than in his other works, especially the where they tend to be more

lengthy and disorganized. But the length of a fal is not indicative of its importance, for

sometimes he interjects a short and pithy fal consisting of a few maxim-like sentences

that summarize his entire thought-system.22 Such summations act as cornerstones to

remind the reader of Ibn Barrajns essential concern in the oeuvre, namely to point out

ways of ascending to God by contemplating revelatory knowledge in all its forms. In

addition to the ful, it should be noted that our author includes other organizational units

like Reminder (tanbh), Clarification (bayn), Notification (ilm) or From a

different perspective (wajh khar) which seem to serve specific purposes: generally his

tanbh passages consist of analyses on points that are either problematic or a cause of

scholarly contention, whereas bayn consists of a broader definition or insight into the

significance of a given theme. An ilm marks an idea that is not intrinsically part of his

ongoing discussion, but that Ibn Barrajn wants to communicate, while wajh khar

typically fits as an appendix or alternate viewpoint to a previous fal. In addition, Ibn

Barrajn frequently introduces a new topic of discussion by abruptly presenting a new

21
Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 71a.
22
Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 128a, 129a.

243
verse into the fal. In these instances, proclamations like His statement, Mighty and

Exalted is He (qawluhu azza wa-jalla) or God Most Highs statement (qawluhu

tal) serve to demarcate his new discussions within a fal.23

Introduction to Tanbh

Unlike the Shars introduction where Ibn Barrajn diligently explicates his

methodological approach to the divine names, our author spends little time at the

beginning of the Tanbh to discuss his exegetical approach. Instead, he briefly alludes to

his doctrine of the superior reading (tilwa al-uly) and notes that the Qurn contains

many registers of meaning that can only be accessed through an exertion of scholarly

effort and mystical insight. The introduction consists of a synoptic overview of certain

fundamental principles that inform Ibn Barrajns thought pattern. This is not to be taken

as an exhaustive nor a particularly significant list of core doctrines, since the Universal

Servant (al-abd al-kull), the Real In Accordance To Which Creation Was Created

(al-aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq), and even his crossover (ibra) are hardly

mentioned.24 For an introduction to such a major work, it is surprising that he did not put

more effort into it. He probably wrote it at the tail end of his tafsr when, to put it starkly,

he had run out of imaginative ink.

It is worth going over the contents of the introduction. It commences with a series

of powerful formulae in praise of Gods oneness, everlastingness, creative ability,

omniscience, predetermination of all things in the Guarded Tablet, and unrivaled

23
For instance, see Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 2, p. 611.
24
Ibn Barrajn appends a lengthy discussion of the formulaic phrase of the basmala (i.e., bismi Llh al-
Rmn al-Ram In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate) to his introduction, since he
considers it to be distinct from sra 1 (Umm al-Kitb). Cf. Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 60-68.

244
omnipotence, then he professes Muammads messengerhood. Ibn Barrajn asserts

formulaically that Muammads prophecy was foretold by the Torah (tawrt), the

Gospels (injl), and the Psalms of David (zabr).25 He then turns to the Qurn, and

asserts that it and all existent things were brought into existence in order to be

contemplated by Mutabirn.26 After touching on the nature of God, of prophecy, and

revelation, Ibn Barrajn lays out his hierarchical spiritual anthropology. He avers that the

fabric of human souls is woven from various combinations of inanimate, vegetal, animal,

intellectual, and angelic attributes. For instance, forgetful, ignorant, and stupid souls are

dominated by earthly and inanimate attributes (ift jamdiyya), whereas souls that are

predominated by vegetal attributes tend to dim-wittedness and an excessive appetite for

food and drink. As well, souls dominated by attributes of dumb beasts (ift bahmiyya)

tend to be ignorant and lustful, while those with predatory attributes (sabu) are disposed

to violence, anger, and vindictiveness. Ibn Barrajn then turns to higher souls which,

being dominated by intellectual attributes (ift al-aql) possess piercing intelligence and

an ability to discern ambiguities. At the highest level are those who possess angelic

attributes (ift malakiyya), whom Ibn Barrajn identifies with believing Muslims who

are endowed with modesty, a distaste for disagreement, a yearning for higher realities,

equitable balance (inf), justice, and other virtues.27

25
Ibn Barrajn only evokes this classical Muslim trope in his introduction to the Tanbh and the . (See
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 52; and , 1.) Aside from these two rare instances, he only cites Biblical
material with a view to deepening or complementing his understanding of the Qurn.
26
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 51-53.
27
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 54-55.

245
 Ibn Barrajn then turns to the question of salvation. He remarks that just as the

hereafter is divided into two opposing abodes of heaven and hell, the here-below is of

necessity populated by the felicitous and the wretched (shaq wa-sad). He emphasizes

that Gods mercy is all-encompassing, and that God may instill the spirit of faith (r al-

mn) into the heart of any individual, thereby granting him salvation regardless of his

inner attributes. Then, Ibn Barrajn turns his focus away from the question of mercy to

divine omnipotence and omniscience, by citing an authoritative divine saying (adth

quds) where God, after having created Adam and his progeny in preeternity, decrees

categorically that one group for Heaven, and I dont care (l ubl); the other for Hell,

and I dont care. This adth, which asserts Gods unrivaled power and comprehensive

knowledge, cuts across all levels of his discussion. In light of this report, Ibn Barrajn

concludes that mans eschatological destiny hinges on his outward actions, which are at

once the consequence of his inner attributes while being divinely determined in

preeternity. He sees no paradox here, nor any divine injustice at play, for felicity and

perdition of souls are necessary consequences of Gods omniscience and omnipotence

which in turn cannot not manifest. The question of justice (adl), which is so central to

Mutazilism, does not figure into Ibn Barrajns discussion, since his underlying Ashar

presumption is that what God wills is tantamount to justice.28

Ibn Barrajns soteriological discussion gives way to a new section (fal) centered

on the then-sensitive concepts of mystical inspiration (ilhm) and unveiling (kashf). Here,

he squarely adopts a mystical epistemology by endorsing the possibility of acquiring

knowledge through mystical experience and purification. Ibn Barrajn was well aware of

28
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 54-55.

246
the Andalus epistemological rivalries discussed in Chapter I, and that scholars like Ab

Bakr b. al-Arab rejected ilhm and kashf on the basis that these doctrines would give

license for mystics to claim an ability to acquire prophecy (iktisb al-nubuwwa). Ibn

Barrajn carefully defines inspiration as a glimpse at the treasuries of the non-manifest

world (bin) that descends onto the tablet of the heart (law al-qalb). Inspiration (ilhm)

and direct perception (shur) take place once the lower attributes (ift duny) of the

soul are transformed into higher divine attributes (ift uly). The highest level of

perception attainable by non-Prophets is that of iddqiyya, or truth-confirmer in which

one actually hears the direct Word of God (mukhaba wa-l-taklm). The saint in this

station is endowed with direct communication (mudatha) and discourse (taklm) with

the divine, and gains access to the Unseen realm (ghayb) and to future events he

experiences a foretaste of prophecy.29 God elects His prophets from among these truthful

servants (iddqiyyn) but since the divine election of prophecy came to an end with the

Messengerhood of Muammad, the seal of prophets, the acquisition of prophecy is not

possible.30 Inspiration is therefore a temporary gift from heaven bestowed upon a purified

heart and can occur in different degrees of intensity but always falling short of prophecy.

Unveiling (kashf), on the other hand, is a permanent state that takes possession of

the soul. Ibn Barrajn states that the veils of separation, forgetfulness, and egoism may be

lifted from the sights of believers who are persistent and wholehearted in their quest to

please God. He defines unveiling as the state of beholding the Unseen world with

29
Gril, La Lecture Superieure, p. 516. For a discussion of the subtle difference between prophethood
and sainthood, see Tanbh, vol. 2, pp. 985-986.
30
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 56-57.

247
sincere conviction through the light of faith. Since the Unseen realm is beyond

individuals (shakh), substances (jawhar), accidents (ara), it cannot be conceptualized

by the intellect nor envisaged by the imagination. Only the light of faith is up for such a

task. A person for whom the veils have been cast aside marvels at the spiritual objects of

vision (mar rniyya) directly by inner vision, or insight (bara), whereas the

intellect (aql) beholds them through faith. Moreover, just as unveiling is commonly

associated with an inner insight (bara) of the external eye, the other sense organs can

also participate in unveiling. The faculties of taste, hearing, smell, and touch have their

inner faculties (awss bina) which can apprehend the world of the unseen (ghayb), but

awareness (shur) of these latter faculties rarely takes place in the spiritual life.31

Ibn Barrajns Qurnic Hermeneutics32

The Tanbh gained lasting fame primarily on account of a passage in which Ibn

Barrajn accurately prognosticates the Muslim recapture of Jerusalemspecifically the

victory of the battle of an as we shall see in a later chapterfrom the Crusaders in

583/1187 based on an astrological analysis of the opening verses of sra 30 (Rm). The

Tanbh, which continued to be recopied for over six centuries until at least 1129/1716,

had already assumed a legendary quality in the eyes of scholars of the 6th/12th century.33

31
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 55-56.
32
This section draws primarily on the Tanbh and occasionally on the . The reason for this is there is a
lot of thematic and doctrinal overlap between both works. Some of the most illustrative examples of his
core ideas are included in the , and I think they are worth being included into the discussion.
33
Not everyone read the Tanbh for astrological purposes. A number of exegetes cite approvingly his
suggestion that the Prophet experienced two nocturnal journeys from Mecca to Jerusalem instead of one,
the first with his inner heart (fud) and the second in actual body (bi-l-ayn). This unique doctrine was
cited in a great number of exegetical discussions up to the modern era. See for instance Sayyid Al al-
ir al-ihrn (d. 1935), Tafsr muqtanayt al-durar wa-multaqat al-thamar, 12 vols., Dr al-Kutub al-
Islmiyya, n/d, vol. 10, p. 266; as well as Isml aqq al-Bursaw, R al-bayn f tafsr al-qurn, 10
vols., Istanbul: Mabaa Uthmniyya, 1926, vol. 9, p. 225.

248
For instance, the contemporaneous Egyptian belles-letterist Abd al-Ramn b. al-Njir

al-Sadd (d. 537/1142) held that one could predict events up to the day of resurrection

with an accurate comprehension of Ibn Barrajns tafsr.34

But astrological predictions and letterist manipulations of the cosmos are

secondary to the tafsr as a whole. Ibn Barrajns overarching concern is to demonstrate

the inherent complementarity of divine revelation and cosmic symbols, and secondly to

show how a total immersion in these two modes of divine self-disclosure can generate a

concrete awareness of Gods presence in this life. In addition, it is in the Tanbh, with its

pronounced emphasis on variant qurnic readings (qirt), philological, poetical,

theological, and sometimes legal or even medical material, that Ibn Barrajn proves

himself to his readers as a professional scholar with a mastery of the traditional

exoteric sciences. Thus on the one hand, the Tanbh is known for being an occult tafsr.

On the other, it was intended as Ibn Barrajns most exoteric work which addresses a

variety of religious discourses within the broader Sunn exegetical tradition. Like

Qushayrs Laif, Ibn Barrajn readily interweaves his mystical teachings alongside

formal scholarship.35 The Tanbh is thus a multifaceted text where exoteric and esoteric

interpretations are not arranged systematically. Rather, it features an interplay of the

authors multiple areas of expertise, from language, poetry, and adth, to theology, law,

asceticism, Masarrism, Ismlism, and early Sufism.

34
Goldziher, Ibn Barran, ZDMG, lxviii (1914), p. 546.
35
See Nguyen, Sufi Master and Qurn Scholar: Ab al-Qsim al-Qushayr and the Laif al-Ishrt,
London: Oxford UP in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2013, pp. 126-128.

249
 The Tanbh, in short, preserves the annals of a great sages unique scholarly and

mystical voyage into the vast world of revelation. Its eclecticism issues from Ibn

Barrajns broad understanding of the meaning of revelation (way), which embraces

not only the qurnic text and earlier revelations, but also natural symbols, and any form

of knowledge that ultimately flows from the divine including qurnic sciences (tafsr,

asbb al-nuzl, qirt), the adth corpus, experiential mystical insights, esoteric

disciplines like astrology and letterism. Practically any form of knowledge could be used

to ascend the ladder of comprehension of the divine Word, since all knowledge points to

the same divine truth.

Furthermore, Ibn Barrajns Tanbh is not a typical Sufi tafsr, nor does it draw

heavily upon this genre. Surprisingly, many passages favored by Sufis, like the Light

verse and the story of Moses and Khir hardly receive any attention by Ibn Barrajn in

his tafsrs. His approach differs from that of early Sufi exegetes who typically scrutinized

the Quran in search of allusions (ishra) and correspondences to their own spiritual

states. Iconic figures like Sulam (d. 412/1021) and Qushayr (d. 464/1072), for instance,

collected interpretive sayings of earlier masters to illustrate their personal interactions

with the divine Word.36 In contrast to this classical ishr approach, Ibn Barrajn

itibr approach advocated an unprecedented hermeneutic of total immersion into the

universe of the Qurn and natural symbols. For him, discovering the inner meanings of

the Quran went hand in hand with an ever-ascending apprehension of the natural order.

It necessitates an existential transformation in which human character-traits are effaced in

36
See Sands, f Commentaries on the Qurn in classical Islam, London: Routledge, 2006; pp. 35-44;
68-71.

250
the divine, exposing the spiritual aspirant to the graces of direct awareness (shur) and

inspiration (ilhm).37 At the supreme level, the Qurn discloses itself to the reader as a

direct and personal revelation a level which he terms the superior reading (al-tilwa

al-uly) of the Qurn.38

The objective of the tafsr is explicitly conveyed by its title, Tanbh al-afhm il

tadabbur al-kitb al-akm wa-taarruf al-yt wa-l-naba al-am, literally Alerting

Intellects to Meditation on the Wise Book and Recognition of Symbols and the

Tremendous Tiding [of Judgment Day], which can be simply rendered as Meditations

on the Qurn, on Natural Symbols, and Eschatology. For Ibn Barrajn therefore, the

qurnic revelation and the world of divine symbols serve as complementary and

ultimately identical facets of a single reality which flow from God and return to Him.

Moreover, man who is identified as the particular servant (abd juz) in relation to the

macrocosm or universal servant (abd kull), and is the third dimension of this single

reality.

37
Gril, La Lecture Superieur, pp. 510-522. Gonzalez, Un Ejemplo de la Hermeneutica Sufi del coran
en al-andalus, Historia del Sufismo en al-Andalus, Cordoba: Almuzara, 2009; pp. 41-76.
38
The term al-Tilwa al-uly does not occur frequently in Ibn Barrajns writings. But it is mentioned in
passing in his introduction (Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 59) and accurately describes the thrust of the
authors approach. Ibn Barrajn holds that two types of reciters of the Qurn are heirs (writh) to the
prophets. The first is in such a state of immersion and realized witnessing (taqq al-shuhd) of Gods
presence during his qurnic recitation that it is as if he were reciting directly to his Lord. The second level
is yet higher than the first. His heart purified and awakened (tayaqqu), his mystical knowledge
existentially realized and informed by mental inspiration (ilhm) and intellectual openings (futt), and
his soul rejoicing (taladhudh) in God, and in the lights of certitude and intimate witnessing (uns al-
mushdada), such that it is as though God were reciting the Qurn to him. Whereas the first senses that he
is reciting the Book to God, for the second God is reciting through him, and he hears the divine response to
his recitation. His experience of the Qurn like a direct and personal revelation. The first is akin to a
scholar who reads to his student, while the second is like a student to reads back to the scholar. This
discussion occurs in Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, pp. 155-57; and , 29-30.

251
 Intra-qurnic Exegesis: The Qurn explains the Qurn

Let us look at the first cornerstone of our authors methodology, which is his use

of the Qurn to explain the Qurn. At root, Ibn Barrajn was a scripturalist who lived

and breathed the Qurn. He decried scholars who confined themselves to the

terminological shackles of established juridical, theological and exegetical convention,

and advocated a fresh return to the Word of God and His Messenger. To this end,

virtually all of his technical terms, such as mutashbiht, exegetical opinions, and

cosmological doctrines are defined with reference to the Qurn and contra normative

Sunn interpretations. His radical back-to-the-sources outlook permeates throughout his

works, and bears the stamp of 5th/11th century Andalus adth revivalists discussed in

Chapter I. In the following passage, he decries Mlik scholars of his day who limited

religious discourse to the positions of Mlik and his adherents. Of note, he refrains from

openly naming the Mlik school:

Anyone who professes a doctrine without proof from the Book or the Sunna, and

whose wisdom is not glaringly evident his doctrine is to be forsaken (fa-

qawluhu matrk). And whoever takes up religious knowledge for the sake of

zealously defending and campaigning for non-binding forefathersis ignorant

(al-taaub li-l-aslf min ghayr al-mawthq bihimfa-huwa umm).39

Naturally, Ibn Barrajns most important exegetical source in the Tanbh and the

is the Qurn itself. He evinces a near-complete disinterest in the approximately 500

qurnic verses that are legal in nature, and never bothers to mention differences of

39
This quote is from the Tanbh, cf. Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 42.

252
opinion (khilft fiqhiyya) between jurists. When he makes note of a particular legal

matter he does not go into detail nor does he attribute it to a particular legist or school.

Ibn Barrajns commentaries often accommodate competing interpretations, and he often

lists various possible meanings of a given verse, without categorically excluding any

interpretation. Sometimes he observes that the meaning oscillates between two meanings,

and other times he gives priority to one meaning over another. Given his fixation on

nam, or qurnic orderliness discussed below, virtually every commented ya is

juxtaposed with, or defined in relation to one or several others. This is particularly

apparent in Ibn Barrajns analysis of synoptic or undifferentiated verses (yt mujmala),

which he unpacks by drawing on thematically-related specifics in differentiated verses

(yt mufaala). For instance, verse Q 2:124 alludes ambiguously to Abrahams being

tested with certain words and he fulfilled them. So Ibn Barrajn notes that the exact

words of his trial are spelled out in verses Q 53:36-53.40 In addition, many of Ibn

Barrajns intra-qurnic insights are highly original and caught the eye of later

authorities. In the following illustrative example, he tenders an unprecedented

interpretation of Q 17:1 in reference to Q 27:8 and Q 20:12:

God says: Glory be to Him, who carried His servant by night from the Holy

Mosque to the Further Mosque the precincts of which We have blessed, that We

40
And Abraham, he who paid his debt in full, That no soul laden bears the load of another, and that a
man shall have to his account only as he has laboured, and that his labouring shall surely be seen, then he
shall be recompensed for it with the fullest recompense, and that the final end is unto thy Lord, and that it
is He who makes to laugh, and that makes to weep, and that it is He who makes to die, and that makes to
live, and that He Himself created the two kinds, male and female, of a sperm-drop, when it was cast forth,
and that upon Him rests the second growth, and that it is He who gives wealth and riches, and that it is He
who is the Lord of Sirius, and that He destroyed Ad, the ancient, and Thamood, and He did not spare them,
and the people of Noah before certainly they did exceeding evil, and were insolent and the Subverted
City He also overthrew. (53:36-53) cf. Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, pp. 41-42.

253
 might show him some of Our signs. (Q 17:1) It may be that that land was called

holy and blessed on account of the self-disclosure of the Blessed and All-Holy

(tajall al-Mubrak al-Qudds) therein to Moses and His speaking to him at that

place. For God says: So, when he came to it, he was called: Blessed is he who is

in the fire, and its precincts (Q 27:8); and I am thy Lord; put off thy shoes; thou

art in the holy valley, Towa (Q 20:12). Therefore it is not farfetched to say that

God caused the blessedness of His self-disclosure to dwell there until Judgment

Day.41

Use of adth for Explaining the Qurn

After the Qurn, the most important source which informed Ibn Barrajns

worldview and exegetical hermeneutic are the 3rd-5th/9th-11th century Sunn adth

collections. This is so evident that nearly every interpretation on an ya is supported by

one or two pertinent adth, and over one thousand reports are cited in the Tanbh, and

close to the same number in the . His adth are almost never preceded by

cumbersome chains of transmission (isnd). Ibn Barrajns adth are used most often

either for admonitory purposes, or as scriptural underpinnings for his mystical doctrines,

or to unpack and clarify a comprehensive qurnic verse (bayn mujmal). adth thus

confirms rather than informs the contents of his qurnic interpretations. Ibn Barrajn

frequently comments upon his adth reports, and incorporates adth variants to enrich

his analysis. These reports, which are all cited from memory, are drawn from a broad

array of works attributed to the Prophet, including the ah and sunan collections. They

comprise, a al-Bukhr (d. 257/870), a Muslim (d. 261/875), a Ibn ibbn

41
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 363.

254
(d. 354/965), a Ibn Khuzayma (d. 311/923), Sunan Ab Dwud (d. 276.889), Sunan

al-Bayhaq (d. 458/1066), Sunan al-Drim (d. 255/869), Sunan al-Tirmidh (d. 279/892),

Sunan Ibn Mja (d. 273/887), Musnad Ab Yal al-Mal, Musnad Amad b. anbal,

Musnad Anas b. Mlik, Muannaf Abd al-Razzq al-ann (d. 211/826), Mustadrak al-

kim al-Naysbr (d. 405/1014), and Muwaa al-Imm Mlik (d. 179/795).

Interestingly, unlike most Sunn exegetes, Ibn Barrajn makes little use of

exegetical reports (akhbr) ascribed to the Prophets Companions and Successors in his

tafsr. When he does so, his reliance on these reports is not disclosed. He does, however,

employ a select number of divine sayings (adth quds) to supplement his discussions of

Gods proximity to man.42 Although he acknowledges the importance of causal

circumstances of revelation in understanding the Qurn, asbb al-nuzl rarely figure into

his commentary, and when they do they are secondary to his interpretations.43

Modern Muslim scholars have reproached Ibn Barrajn for not specifying the

sources and authenticity of his adth reports, and for liberally incorporating not only

sound (a), but also weak (af) and fabricated (maw) reports.44 This is to forget,

however, that most Andalus exegetes, including Ibn Aiyya (d. 541/1146), Ibn Juzay (d.

758/1357), and Ab ayyn al-Gharn (d. 745/1344), cited adth freely and without

citing their sources. They also narrated adth in a non-verbatim fashion, (riwya bi-l-

42
Very few statements attributed to the Companions appear in his works.
43
See Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 147.
44
For examples, see Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, pp. 54-55. Ibn Barrajn only once cites
a adth from Musnad Amad Ibn anbal.

255
man), a common practice which only Ab Bakr Ibn al-Arab objected to.45 Ibn

Barrajns attitude toward adth parallels Ab lib al-Makks most closely. Makk,

who wrote from memory, also frequently used weak adth in his Qt al-qulb. He

maintained the permissibility of non-verbatim narration of adth by qualified scholars,

and insisted that many Companions and early authorities also transmitted the meaning of

the Prophets words without relating his exact words. Furthermore, Makk by his own

admission shared the anbal preference for weak adth over scholarly opinions

(ray).46

In similar vein, Ibn Barrajn used purportedly weak and fabricated adth, and

narrated reports non-literally. He defended this practice, so long as his weak reports were

not used for juridical purposes. For questions of eschatology and metaphysics, it is truth,

not historical accuracy of the chain (isnd) that counts and truth is weighed against the

Qurn. That is to say that the Qurn is the ultimate litmus test for testing the veracity of

all adth. Ibn Barrajn drives this point home when reflecting on verse Q 54:1 on the

splitting of the moon. The adth about the Prophet splitting the moon in Mecca is

transmitted by a single narrator (adth d) and is deemed to be weak. Yet it is

confirmed by the Qurn in the verse The Hour has drawn nigh and the moon is split (Q

54:1). Considering this unusual paradox, Ibn Barrajn asserts that the value of a adth,

regardless of its authenticity, should be assessed primarily in light of its qurnic

45
Rm, Manhaj al-madrasa al-andalusiyya f-l-tafsr, p. 19.
46
Makk, Qt al-qulb, revised by Sad Nasb Makrim, 2 vols., Beirut: Dr dir, 1995, (fal 32: shar
maqmt al-yaqn wa-awl al-mqinn), vol. 1, pp. 356- 358.

256
foundation. When weak adth agrees in substance with the qurnic message, its use is

permissible:

In the transmission of the report of the splitting of the moon by a single narrator,

despite its prominence in the qurnic text, there is a divine wisdom: that single-

strand narrations may behoove inner knowledge (ilm bin), and that it is not

impossible for truth to come by way of a adth or a sunna whose transmission is

weak. Whenever one is confronted by a weak adth or report, one must first

assess whether its meaning is confirmed by the Qurn. One should refrain from

saying this did not come down by a sound transmission nor did a trusted

authority (thiqa) transmit it. Instead one should assess the report according to the

method undertaken in [my] K. al-Irshd. In similar vein, a adth could come

down through a sound chain of transmission that links back to one or many

trusted authorities, but upon closer inspection [one finds that] it has no [qurnic]

foundation (al). That is why scholars say that, aside from those which are mass-

transmitted (tawtur), adth reports do not behoove knowledge even though they

may be legally binding (l yjib al-ilm wa-in awjaba al-amal).47

Ibn Barrajns attitude toward adth comes across clearly in a passage of the

where he quotes a lengthy weak adth description of the one-hundred million

(miat alf alf) different paradisal delights that await those who recite sra Y-Sn (36) in

this world. Preempting objections to his usage of a weak adth, which was probably

drawn from a Sufi source such as ilyat al-awliy or Qt al-qulb, Ibn Barrajn states:

47
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, p. 228.

257
 Proof (dall) for this [adth] is not to be sought after, nor should adth

narrators look for a reliable chain of transmission (sanad) as one would normally

for legal commands, prohibitions, and penalties. For its [qurnic] foundations

(ul) confirm its veracity, and the totality of revelation substantiates its

necessarily existent truthfor the Prophet said: convey on my behalf even if it

be a single verse, and feel free to transmit from the People of Isrl. This he said

with respect to their states in the herebelow, so what about an abode whose

measure is unfathomable?48

In his works, Ibn Barrajn does not appear to put forth an example in which a adth with

a strong transmission is contradicted by a qurnic verse. His principle of qurnic

supremacy, in other words, is only employed with a view to broadening the scope of

authoritative scriptural sources to which Ibn Barrajn can make use of. It was an

expansive hermeneutical principle articulated in response to conservative positions

against the assimilation of novel adth materials in 4th-5th/10th-11th century al-Andalus.

Tawl: Inner Interpretation of the Qurn

Ibn Barrajn affirms that the divine Word addresses itself anew to each and every

generation.49 For it brings together all knowledge (qaraa, whence qurn), just as it

discriminates and differentiates all things from each other (farraqa, whence furqn).50

48
, 729-730.
49
He states that some meanings of the Qurn are only understood by the majority [of scholars] at the
second return [of Christ] on account of the events which take place on that day [which are alluded to in the
Qurn]. , 295; this point is reiterated in 595.
50
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 105.

258
In one of the most significant passages in Ibn Barrajns entire corpus, he proclaims the

all-encompassing nature of the Qurn:

Know with certainty that there is no created existent in the cosmos except that it

is announced, denoted, alluded to, and declared by the Qurn (yunbiu bihi wa-

yadullu alayhi wa-yushru ilayhi wa-yashhadu lahu). [This is so] even though some

allusions may be recondite (daqq), and some declarations may be hidden

(istasarrat ba al-shahdt) for this [principle] is all-inclusive (amm)God

said: We have neglected nothing in the Book (Q 6:38).51

In this sense, therefore, one can say that Ibn Barrajn sees that his goal as an

exegete is to excavate both the external philological and inner mystical meanings of the

divine Word. The process of uncovering hidden meanings, however, is not always

associated with the term tawl. While the term does appear dozens of times in both

tafsrs, it does not figure into many of his important doctrinal discussions. Unlike other

Sufi commentaries like Tustars, whose exegetical approach is sometimes referred to

tawl kashf, or inner interpretation by unveiling, Ibn Barrajn did not scrutinize every

qurnic verse for its hidden tawl in the same way.52 Thus I would argue that tawl is

not central to Ibn Barrajns exegetical hermeneutics.

51
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 103.
52
On rare occasions, Ibn Barrajn is critical of the loose hermeneutics of bins who reinterpret revelation
on the basis of personal preference. He calls their maligned practice tawl, in reference to the verse As for
those in whose hearts is swerving, they follow the resembling passages, desiring dissension, and desiring
its interpretation (tawl). But the Qurn also employs the term tawl in a positive sense as well, and
throughout most of Ibn Barrajns exegetical corpus this term generally means inner interpretation. See
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 221-22: tawl of the cow. For examples of tawl in the Tanbh, Mazyad
ed., see vol. 1, pp. 221-22 tawl of the cow; pp. 269-72 for a treatment of parts of the Verse of Light; p.
308 for tawl of characters in sra 12 (Ysuf); pp. 509-10 for tawl of the verse And a sign for them is that
We carried their seed in the laden ship (Q 36:41); vol. 2 p. 734 for tawl of the verse and the provision

259
 Nonetheless, his definition of tawl is quite unique. He posits that the word

derives either from the root -W-L or W--L. Therefore there are two modes of

interpretation (tawl). The first corresponds to the root -W-L, whence the adjective

awwal or first. Tawl in this case means understanding the firstness (awwaliyya) of a

verse, that is, tracing its meaning back to its root in the Guarded Tablet, source of all

revelation. So when a qurnic ya discusses realities that are either above or before

cosmic existence, such as the pre-eternal Primordial Covenant, revelation, prophecy, or

Gods names and attributes which are above time and space, then the exegete must

attempt to grasp their firstness (awwaliyya) or their original pre-cosmic state. For

instance, the qurnic Prophets Ysuf and Yaqb were endowed with an ability to

interpret deams (tawl al-alm), for they could trace the meaning of dreams back to

their origin which is none other than the Guarded Tablet. The second possibility of tawl

corresponds to the root W--L, whence mal or final destination. Here, interpretation

entails understanding a verse in terms of its lastness in the Hereafter. For instance, Ibn

Barrajn notes that all verses relating to recompense, reward and punishment, life and

afterlife, resurrection and post-resurrection, must be interpreted in relation to their

ultimate lastness.53

Even though Ibn Barrajn distinguishes conceptually between these two

approaches to tawl, for the most part he does not specify which one he has in mind

God sends down from heaven, and therewith revives the earth after it is dead (Q 45:5); p. 874 for tawl of
verse Upon the day when the leg shall be bared (Q 68:42); p. 1018 for commentary on the inner symbolism
of the prayer movements. Adln ed., vol. 1, pp. 269-72, 308, 509-10; vol. 2, pp. 734, 874, 1018. See also
, 93, 162, 196-198, 378, 386-388, 413, 435-436, 476, 506, 512-513, 578, 589, 591, 595, 825, 854,
878, 887, 892, 899, 903, 933.
53
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 493-94.

260
when interpreting a relevant verse. That is, he lets the reader surmise whether his tawl

aims at uncovering the firstness or lastness of a verse. Often he employs the phrase the

tawl of this verse from the viewpoint x (tawl al-ya min hdh al-wajh) before his

analysis, thereby recognizing that his interpretation is one among many possibilities. The

following is an example of his tawl which touches on eschatology and therefore pertains

to the second type. It is essentially an allegorical interpretation of the verse Q 22:31:

God says: Whosoever associates with God anything, it is as though he has fallen

from the sky and the birds snatch him away, or the wind sweeps him headlong

onto a far-off place (Q 22:31). The inner interpretation (tawl) of the sky is divine

unity (tawd); the birds snatching him away are the misguiding devils who urge

him to follow the winds of his caprice; and the wind sweeping him headlong is the

deed that distances from God; and the far-off place is Hell may we be spared

from it by His mercy.54

Leaving aside Ibn Barrajns theoretical distinction between lastness and firstness

in tawl, when one examines his tafsr it becomes apparent that he seeks to draw out the

inner meaning of verses in one of two ways. Either he applies an allegorical interpretation

to a verse such as when he compares the revivifying effect of rainwater to the awakening

of souls by revelation.55 Or, he reinterprets a verse by pointing out an alternative meaning

of one of its keywords. Typically, he justifies this alternative meaning by reference to a

54
Tanbh, Adln ed, vol. 1, p. 206.
55
So behold the traces of Gods mercy, how He gives life to the earth after it was dead (Q 30:50) this is
[the effect of] water. The traces of Gods mercy can also be a description of revelation, and the earth
denotes the bodies and limbs; and the giving of life to them is through acts of obedience, faith, and
submission. Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 415.

261
verse or adth report in which the keyword is used in the second sense. That is to say,

Ibn Barrajns tawl is often hyper-literalist. He permits for a complete rereading of

verses literal import by introducing a second literal meaning. The following two

examples illustrates this literal approach that characterizes Ibn Barrajns tawl:

In a well-known adth narrated in the a of Bukhr, God Continues to

place [people] in Hell, and it will say, Are there any more? until the Overbearing

(Jabbr) stomps His foot in Hell, and its parts come together and it says,

Enough! Enough! Enough! [Ibn Barrajn states:] The appropriate

interpretation of the foot (tawl qadam) is tendered by the verse and give thou

good tidings to the believers that they have a sure footing (qadam idq) with their

Lord (Q 10:2); so the foot should be understood [not as a physical foot but] as

that which God put forth in the beginning of the affair (m qad qaddamah f

qudma al-amr) when He said verily My mercy overcomes My wrath.56

The second example: And We ransomed him with a mighty sacrifice (Q

37:107)God described the sacrificed ram (kabsh) as mightythe kabsh is

interpreted (tawl) as the noble, respected, and acclaimed man; [for according to

an alternative lexicographic meaning,] the kabsh of a people is their leaderand

the Messenger of God said On the Day of Resurrection, death shall be brought

forth in the form of a kabsh [then sacrificed].57

56
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 81-82.
57
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 532.

262
 Tremendous Qurn (al-qurn al-am) vs. Exalted Qurn (al-qurn al-azz)

Ibn Barrajn confronts his reader with a plethora of conceptual categories and

subdivisions. One of the most important is his technical distinction between the

Tremendous Qurn (al-qurn al-am) and the Exalted Qurn (al-qurn al-azz).

These two seemingly similar terms, which he maintains distinct throughout his exegetical

works, refer to two categories of qurnic revelation. The first, the Tremendous Qurn

(al-Qurn al-Am), is the sum of all divine names and attributes mentioned in the

Qurn. These names add up to over one-hundred.58 Key synoptic passages pertaining to

the Tremendous Qurn include golden verses like: God there is no god but He. To

Him belong the Names Most Beautiful (Q 20:8) and He is God; there is no god but He.

He is the King, the All-holy, the All-peaceable, the All-faithful, the All-preserver, the All-

mighty, the All-compeller, the All-sublime. Glory be to God, above that they associate!

He is God, the Creator, the Maker, the Shaper. To Him belong the Names Most Beautiful.

All that is in the heavens and the earth magnifies Him; He is the All-mighty, the All-wise.

(Q 59:23-24).59 Ibn Barrajn finds reference to this doctrine in the verse We have given

58
This technical term is pointed out by Amina Gonzlez Costas Un Ejemplo de la Hermeneutica Suf del
Corn en al-andalus: El Comentario Cornico al-ikma De Ibn Barran (m. 536/1141) de Sevilla,
in Historia del Sufismo en al-Andalus; Maestros Sufes de al-andalus y el Maghreb, Cordoba: Almuzara,
2009, pp. 41-65; and in Fateh Morsis dissertation, pp. 69-71. For references to this term in the , see
18, 127, 128, 206, 426, 428, 569, 597, 666, 683, 726, 750, 812, 815, 831. It is worth noting that Ibn
Barrajn takes an interest in the exact purposes and meanings of the divines names that mark the end of
many verses, and act as separators (sing. fila) between one verse and another. The function and
meaning of these fawil tie into his theory of nam since they are arranged in the ya for a purpose. For
instance, he interprets the verse: So fight in Gods way, and know that God is the Hearing, the Knowing
(Q 2:244) that is fight in Gods way in order to gain martyrdom, for He is Knowing of those killed for His
sake, and Hearing of those who say that they are dead despite being forbidden from saying so. Tanbh,
Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 428.
59
, 597, 666. Elsewhere, Ibn Barrajn states that the Tremendous Qurn is contained in summary
and in detail in certain chapters and verses, such as the Seven Overlapping verses (al-sab al-mathn), sra
112 (al-Ikhl), verses 2:164, 2:186, Verse of the Footstool (yat al-kurs), endings of sra 2, beginnings of
sra 3, Q 3:18, beginnings of sra 57, end of sra 59, and verses of divine glorifications, praises, blessings,
exaltations, like Q 23:14, 40:63, 67:1, 43:85, 25:1-2. (, 1150)

263
thee seven of the oft-repeated, and the Tremendous Qurn (Q 15:87); as well as in a

adth from the Muwaa wherein the Prophet proclaims that God revealed to him a sra

the likes of which is found neither in the Torah, the Gospels, the Psalms, nor the

Qurn. This sra is the Ftia or Umm al-Qurn, is identified with the Tremendous

Qurn as well.60

The Tremendous Qurn represents the undifferentiated essence of the divine

Word, such that a [seemingly] small portion of it expresses the entirety [of the Qurn];

and one undifferentiated passage encompasses all [verses] into which the whole

differentiates.61 The Tremendous Qurn is superior to the rest of the Qurn by virtue of

its ontological proximity to the Guarded Tablet, source of all revelation. And, while the

entire Qurn is magnificent, the divine names are most magnificent,62 for they in

particular are imbued with the divine presence:

God indwells His names [in the Tremendous Qurn], as well as the meanings

(man), concomitants (muqtaayt), and differentiations (m infaalat ilayhi) of

His exalted attributes just as the Spirit indwells bodies.63

To drive his point home, Ibn Barrajn asserts that the Tremendous Qurn

corresponds in status to the Torah which God inscribed with His hand according to a

adth.64 Uttering the Tremendous Qurn is an antidote to spiritual diseases of the heart

60
, 726. This report is found in different versions. See Tanbh, Mazyad ed., pp. 71-72.
61
, 1031.
62
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 74.
63
, 48.
64
Ibid., 428.

264
and soul, and its words possess a taslismanic efficacy (ruqya) to heal the body.65 When

God states that If We had sent down this Qurn upon a mountain, thou wouldst have

seen it humbled, split asunder out of the fear of God. And those similitudes We strike

them for men; haply they will reflect (Q 59:21), He is referring specifically to the

Tremendous Qurn. Similarly, Ibn Barrajn holds that the Prophets exemplary character

derives from the Tremendous Qurn: Surely thou art upon a Tremendous character

(khuluq am) (Q 68:4), that is the character of the Tremendous Qurn.66

Exalted Qurn (al-qurn al-azz)

Ibn Barrajn employs the term Exalted Qurn (al-qurn al-azz) to denote the

totality of the qurnic revelation, including the mutashbiht, and excepting its divine

names. The Exalted Qurn is the unpacking or differentiation (tafl) of the Tremendous

Qurns divine names.67 The Exalted Qurn unpacks seven distinct themes: (1) the

divine command (amr)68 (2) divinity (ulhiyya), its attributes and names, (3) oneness

(wadniyya), (4) lordship (rubbiyya), divine blessings, the primordial covenant,

affirming Gods lordship and His messengers, discerning between prophets and

charlatans, (5) knowledge of worship according to the ordinances of the messengers, (6)

65
Ibid., 569.
66
Ibid., 426.
67
Ibid., 15, 17, 48, 70, 193, 194, 199, 360, 576, 701, 805, 816, 1026. Presumably, this term is derived
from the verse Those who disbelieve in the Remembrance when it comes to them -- and surely it is a Book
Exalted; falsehood comes not to it from before it nor from behind it; a sending down from One All-wise,
All-laudable (Q 41:41-42). In content, the Exalted Qurn is a confirmation of what was before it, guiding
to the truth and to a straight path, and it is a called to answer Gods summoner, and believe in Him, so that
He will forgive you some of your sins, and protect you from a painful chastisement (Q 46:30-32).
68
Ibn Barrajn ambiguously refers his reader to the previous itibr for the first part. See Tanbh,
Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 83.

265
living up to the trust (amna) of the covenant, (7) the crossover (itibr) which is key to

unlocking the primordial covenant by way of knowledge, and through it one ascends to

knowledge of certainty, then vision of the realities of faith with the eye of certainty.69 In

sum, the Exalted Qurn details the multiple facets of divinity (ulhiyya) and prophecy

(risla),70 and, with its commands, prohibitions, and stories, it is both a reminder of the

Tremendous Qurn and a severance (fal) from it.71

Ibn Barrajns hierarchical vision of the Qurn is comparable to a set of Russian

dolls. Each level within this vertical hierarchy is contained in the one above it. The

Exalted Qurn, which is the bulk of the text, is the differentiation of the Tremendous

Qurn (the divine names), which itself is a differentiation of the disconnected letters

(urf muqaaa), which are differentiations of the archetypal Mother of the Book

(umm al-kitb) in the Guarded Tablet.

Importance of Sras 1 & 2

In addition to this vertical hierarchy from the Tablet down to the Exalted

Qurn, Ibn Barrajn also posits a horizontal hierarchy of the sras themselves. Sra 1,

which is the Mother or Head (umm) of the Qurn, heads (yaummu) the rest of the

Qurn and contains all of its meanings in undifferentiated mode. Sra 1 contains the

seven all-comprehensive divine names:

69
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 83-84.
70
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 79.
71
, 128.

266
 Umm al-qurn contains seven sections, seven versesand seven names. Five of

the names are apparent: God (Allh), Lord (Rabb), Merciful (Ramn),

Compassionate (Ram), and King (Malik). Another is implied by the attribute of

praise (amd), Praiseworthy (amd), and the last is hidden between the attribute

and the name in praise belongs to Allh, and the Merciful the Compassionate (Q

1:3); it is declared by Thee only we serve; to Thee alone we pray for succor (Q

1:5). This is the Tremendous Qurn which was [according to a adth] granted

to Muammad.these seven names are the Seven Oft-Repeated (sab al-

mathn)72 Consequently, knowledge of Umm al-qurn cannot be demarcated

by the insightful intellect, nor contained by the Guarded Tablet but only by

Gods exalted knowledgefor temporally originated knowledge (ilm mudath)

and even the Guarded Tablet cannot encompass the knowledge of Gods Essence

(ilm dht Llh).73

Further, Ibn Barrajn posits that sra 2 is an unpacking of sra 1, just as sras 3-

114 elucidate the meanings of sra 2. Given the importance of sra 2, Ibn Barrajn

devotes almost one fourth of his Tanbh to commenting upon it. In his words:

Sra 1 encompasses the entire Qurn in a summary fashion (mujmal). Sra 2

encompasses the entire Qurn since it unpacks sra 1. The rest of the Qurn is a

detailing, elucidation, and commentary [on sra 2]74

72
Tanbh, ed. Mazyad, vol. 1, p. 74.
73
Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa, fll. 41b-42a.
74
Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 41.

267
 Fixed & Consimilar verses (mukam wa-mutashbih)

Ibn Barrajn devotes a considerable amount of his attention in the Tanbh to verse

Q. 3:7 around which exegetical discussions of the mukamt and mutashbiht revolve:

It is He who sent down upon thee the Book, wherein are verses mukamt that are

the Mother of the Book, and others mutashbiht As for those in whose hearts

there is deviation, they desire what is tashbaha from it, desiring dissention

(fitna) and desiring its interpretation (tawl); but no one knows its interpretations

except God and those firmly established in knowledge. They say: We believe in it,

all that is from our Lord, but only men of understanding take heed.

Before putting forth his own view of the mukamt and mutashbiht, he briefly

reiterates interpretations of many early authorities, noting for instance, that Ibn Abbs,

Mujhid, and Qatda hold the mukamt to mean abrogating verses (nsikht) that

convey juridical commands and prohibitions. The mutashbiht on the other hand are

abrogated verses (manskh) according to Ibn Abbs, or consimilar verses according

to Ab Ubayda; or even ambiguous verses which are difficult to interpret (tawl)

according to Muammad b. Isq and Ibn Jubayr.75

As for Ibn Barrajn, he strongly rejects the interpretation of the mutashbiht as

ambiguous verses, and contends that ambiguity lies in the eye of the beholder, not in

the divine word. For the more insight one has, the clearer the Qurn becomes:

Ambiguity is an attribute in us, not in the Qurn Most-Clear, which God

describes as O mankind, a proof has now come to you from your Lord; We have

75
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, pp. 481-82.

268
 sent down to you a light most-clear (Q 4:174) but its [clarity] is an inner light

that only discloses itself to Gods chosen ones.76

For Ibn Barrajn, then, the mukamt and mutashbiht verses are not to be

understood as clear versus ambiguous. Instead, he redefines the mukamt as fixed

verses which stem from the Mother of the Book (umm al-kitb) which is the source of

all revelation. The mukamt thus are intermediaries between the archetypal source of

revelation and the Qurn, since they are fixed in the Mother of the Book and descend to

the Qurn. Contra every Qurn commentator that I am aware of, Ibn Barrajn defines

the mysterious disconnected letters (fawti al-suwar or urf muqaaa) as the

mukamt. He argues qurnically that the disconnected letters are called fixed. For

instance, Alif Lm Ra Book whose verses are fixed (Q 11:1), or Mma Book

whose verses have been fixed as an Arabic Qurn for a people who reflect (Q 41:1-3).

Also, the disconnected letters are undifferentiated or compact (mujmal), since the

Qurn states: Alif Lm R, a Book whose verses are fixed (ukimat) then differentiated

(fuilat).

The fixed verses differentiate into ordinary verses which represent the bulk of the

qurnic text, or consimilar verses (mutashbiht) which, in their repetition stand as

testimony to the inimitability of the divine Word. Echoing Ibn Qutayba, abar, and

Baghaw,77 he states that the mutashbiht:

76
, 200.
77
Kinberg, Ambiguous, EQ.

269
 Resemble one another (tashabbaha bauhunna baan) in inimitability (ijz),

beauty of [chronological] sequence (usn al-sard), fine [thematic] arrangement

(karm al-nam), truthful guidance, and lucid clarity.78

These consimilar verses stand as proof of the stylistic inimitability of the Qurn, just as

they confirm and corroborate each other in truth and divine origin Will they not, then,

contemplate this Qurn? Had it issued from any but God, they would surely have found

in it many an inconsistency! (Q 4:82).

Ibn Barrajn tenders linguistic arguments for his interpretation of the mukamt

and mutashbiht. He points out that the word mutashbih, which is the active participle

of the root verb SH-B-H, appears in the Qurn twice, where it clearly means

consimilar.79 Philologically, he argues that mutashbih is not derived from the fourth

verb form ashbahawhence shubha (obfuscation) and mushtabih (obfuscated)which

means to obfuscate or render ambiguous. Rather, the term derives from the sixth

form tashbahawhence shabah (similarity) and mutashbih (consimilar)which

denotes to become consimilar. Ibn Barrajn also marshals several intra-qurnic proofs

for his interpretation of the mutashbiht as consimilars:

The People of the Book told Moses we will not believe thee till we see God

openly (Q 2:55); God said in response their hearts are consimilar (tashbahat

qulbuhum) (Q 2:118), that is, their hearts are alike in unbelief and
78
, 193.
79
It is He who sent down upon you the book, wherein are verses clear ( yt mukamt) that are the
mother of the book ( umm al-kitb), and others ambiguous (mutashbiht) (Q 3:7). Many exegetes remark
that Q 39:23 appears to contradict Q 3:7, in that all verses are characterized as being mutashbih: God has
sent down the fairest discourse as a book consimilar (kitban mutashbihan). So does Q 11:1, in which all
verses are described as clear: a book whose verses are set clear (ukimat ytuhu).

270
 rebelliousness, and so they resemble each other in words. In like manner, the

Qurn is exaltedly described as being consimilar (tashbaha al-qurn) from

beginning to end, just as all the parts of existence are consimilar in testimony to

their Maker and in prostration to their AuthorBut most people [i.e., scholars]

were duped (lubs) by the close [semantic] resemblance between consimilar

(mutashbih) and obfuscated (mushtabih).80

[The second proof lies] in the verse: It is He who produces gardens trellised, and

untrellised, palm-trees, and crops diverse in produce, olives, pomegranates, each

to each are consimilar and dissimilar (mutashbihan wa-ghayra mutashbihin).

Here, God states that the branches of the trees interlock because these trees grow

[closely together] on a single plot of land, and so the branches are indiscernible

from each other (ashbahat, not tashbahat) and cannot be distinguished by the

onlooker (ay ashkalat al mutaammilih). The term consimilar (al-

mutashbih) is derived from the verb to be similar (ashbaha) [not from the verb

to obfuscate (ishtabaha)]so they are the consimilar verses in my view.81

[Finally], sometimes, the Qurn calls something that is consimilar (mutashbih)

an obfuscation (mushtabih) but only in relation to its corresponding object. For

instance Or have they ascribed to God associates who created as He created, so

that creation is all obfuscated (lit. consimilar) to them (fa-tashbah al-khalq

alayhim)? (Q 13:16) It can be said such-and-such became consimilar (tashbah

al-amr alayy) to mean it became ambiguous (ashkal alayy). Thus, ambiguity

80
, 194.
81
Ibid., 194.

271
 (ishkl) is in the eye of the beholder (mutaammil), not in that which is beheld

(mutaammal)82

Ibn Barrajn compares the fixed verses to rainwater which descends from heaven,

giving life to consimilar types of organisms:

The ordered arrangement of the Qurn resembles the differentiation of rainwater

which descends from heaven to earth, and gives life to plants, animals and

humans. God says, And on the earth are tracts neighbouring each to each, and

gardens of vines, and fields sown, and palms in pairs, and palms single, watered

with one water; and some of them We prefer in produce above others. Surely in

that are signs for a people who understand (Q 13:4). So first comes the water,

which corresponds to the fixed (mukam) disconnected letters, as well as the

qurnic divine names which, analogous to the rainwater, differentiate into

different [consimilar mutashbiht] meanings and purposes. Thus, the fixed

verses differentiate into consimilar verses and are above them [in rank].83

Ibn Barrajn also compares the fixed verses (mukamt) to roots of trees that are

firmly sunk into the grounds of the Archetypal Book. The consimilar verses

(mutashbiht) are the interlocking branches of these trees which are hard to distinguish

from each other. Telling them apart entails tracing each back to its foundation (al) in the

fixed soil of the Archetypal Book. 84 Those who possess certainty (mqinn) and mastery

82
Ibid., 195.
83
Quoted from Tanbh in Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 153.
84
For a more complete elaboration on this analogy, cf. Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 546-47.

272
of the esoteric sciences can,85 with Gods help, access the Archetypal Book (al-kitb al-

mubn) from the differentiated verses of the Qurn.86 One of the keys to discerning the

consimilar verses is to scrutinize the Qurn using ul al-fiqh and adth. This is

confirmed by the verse: and We have sent down to thee the Remembrance that thou

mayest make clear to mankind what was sent down to them; and so haply they will reflect

(Q 16:44).87 Ibn Barrajns insistence on the centrality of adth as antidote (shif)88

to the disease of qurnic ambiguity brings to mind his earlier work al-Irshd, devoted to

the concordance between Qurn and adth, and which aims at securing the primacy of

adth in the understanding of the Qurn.

Orderliness of the Qurn (nam)

We have seen that Ibn Barrajn holds that the Qurn is a harmonious text which

devoid of ambiguity. Its fixed and consimilar verses can be unveiled by sincerely faithful

and diligent mystic-scholars who master the prerequisite exoteric and esoteric qurnic

sciences. The science of the letters (ilm al-urf), for instance, throws light on the

disconnected letters (urf muqaaa) of the fixed verses (mukamt), whereas ul al-

fiqh and dth unveil the meanings of the consimilar verses (mutashbiht). In addition

to ul and adth, Ibn Barrajn insists that consimilar passages can be grasped by an

understanding of the then neglected doctrine of qurnic nam, or thematic arrangement

of the Qurn. For the Qurn, in his eyes, is a divinely strung pearl necklace (lit. nam)

85
Tanbh, Reisulkuttab 30, fl. 128b.
86
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 103.
87
, 200.
88
Ibid., 196.

273
 or, a beautiful web of intricately arranged (nam), thematically interconnected, and

overlapping verses that form a coherent and unified compositional whole. Ibn Barrajn is

the first exegete to dedicate the bulk of his exegetical corpus to explaining the theory of

qurnic nam. Although he does not refers to outside sources, he is clearly building upon

Abd al-Qhir al-Jurjns (d. 471/1078 or 474/1081) careful semantic analysis of nam in

Dalil al-ijz (Proofs of the Qurns Inimitability) which he developed on the basis

of efforts by Khab (d. 386/996 or 388/998) and 3rd/9th century Mutazil works of

Wsi (d. ca. 307/919), Ji (d. 255/869).89 Other works that may have informed Ibn

Barrajns theory of nam likely include the exegete al-Khab al-Iskfs (d. 421/1030)

Durrat al-tanzl,90 and Burhn al-Dn Mamd b. amza al-Kirmns (d. 505/1111) al-

Burhn f tawjh mutashbih al-qurn.91

Before presenting Ibn Barrajn nam theory, it must be emphasized that, counter

to what may be expected, he was not primarily interested in nam in order to defend the

dogma of stylistic inimitability (ijz) and divine authorship of the Qurn. Later Qurn

commentators, such as the 11th/15th century Mamlk exegete Biq had apologetic

purposes in mind when authoring Nam al-durar f tansub al-yt wa-l-suwar. Biqs

tafsr, which borrowed heavily from Ibn Barrajns, provided the basis for works by 20th

century Muslim intellectuals like the Indian Amn Asan Il and Farrh who studied

nam in order to defend the Qurn from Orientalist and Christian criticisms of

incoherence. But for the Sevillan master, polemics over the Qurns authorship and

89
Regrettably, Wsis K. Ijz al-Qurn f namihi wa-talfihi, and Jis K. f al-itijj li-nam al-
qurn wa-salmatihi min al-ziyda wa-l-nuqn, known as Nam al-qurn are lost.
90
See Heinrichs, Nam, EI2.
91
Kirmn, Asrr al-tikrr f ulm al-qurn, aw, al-Burhn f tawjh mutashbih al-qurn, Cairo: Dr al-
Itim, 1398/1978.

274
inimitable coherence were of little concern. Instead, his trailblazing treatment of the

thematic arrangement and interconnection of the Qurn served to substantiate his

reinterpretation of the mutashbiht as consimilar (not ambiguous) verses. To his

eyes, defining the mutashbiht as ambiguous stifled and muted the Qurn, precluding

the possibility of authentic mystical exegesis. That is, Ibn Barrajn argued that by casting

veils of ambiguity over the Qurn, exegetes opened backdoors for Isml bin

interpretations (tawl) of its verses. By proving the thematic arrangement of the

mutashbiht, therefore, Ibn Barrajn sought to clear the Qurn of ambiguity while

securing the interpretive license of mystic-scholars, the true repositories of inner

knowledge, over the Qurn and debunking Isml exegetical misinterpretations. In his

words,

[Defining the mutashbiht as ambiguous renders them] a source of dissension

(fitna), a playground for whims and lies, and an invitation to metaphorical

interpretation (tawl)As for those in whose hearts is swerving, they follow the

consimilar passages, desiring dissension, and desiring its metaphorical

interpretation (Q 3:7)Moreover, it is as a result of the near-total neglect of

nam that [Qurn commentators] have failed to understand and discern

obfuscated (mushtabih) from consimilar (mutashbih) verses. [Deeming

certain passages unfathomable,] they wrongly forbade their followers from

looking into the Qurn and contemplating the Book of God (tashrd al-atb an

al-naar f al-qurn wa-l-tadabbur li-kitb Llh) as He commanded us to do.92

92
, 196, 200. It should be noted here that nam, which is part and parcel of contemplating the Book,
is a chief concern of Ibn Barrajns Tanbh and his . It is evidenced by the very title of the Tanbh,
[Alerting Intellects to] Contemplating the Wise Book (tanbh al-afhm il tadabbur al-kitb al-akm).

275
 For Ibn Barrajn, the Qurn descended as a compositional whole (jumlatan) from

the Guarded Tablet down to the lower heaven on the Night of Power (laylat al-qadr)

where it was preserved in the Exalted Abode (bayt al-izza) and revealed to the Prophet

piecemeal (najm) like intermittent showers of rain.93 Its descent took place by means of

different angelic envoys, or Spirits:

The Qurn was sent down from the Holy Spirit (r al-qudus) to the Spirit of

the Command (al-r min al-amr)94 to the Spirit of the Heavenly Ascent (r al-

marij) to [Gabriel] the Trustworthy Spirit (r al-amn), to the heart of the

Messenger to the hearts of the believers, then to their tongues and bodily parts by

way of reading (tilwa), recitation (qira), and good deeds.95

The sras of the Qurn represent independent and cohesive blocs. They are

arranged next to each other by their Author with deliberation. The yas too, which make

up the sras, are divinely arranged for a specific purpose. Bearing this inter-textual

cohesion in mind, one detects three basic patterns of accordance (nam) in Ibn Barrajns

works: 1) Thematic orderliness (intim al-man) between individual yas, between

entire sras, or between yas of general and specific import; 2) Explicative orderliness

where one passage elucidates another; and 3) Symmetrical orderliness where the

placement of identical yas have a bearing on the meaning of another.

93
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 475.
94
Here, Ibn Barrajn has in mind the verse They will question thee concerning the Spirit. Say: The Spirit is
of the command of my Lord. (Q 17:85).
95
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 568.

276
 The most frequent type of nam featured in Ibn Barrajns works is the thematic

orderlines of two verses. In fact, his transitions from one verse to another are almost

always preceded by the statement: God linked the previous verse with the following

(waala bi-dhlika qawlahu). The term wal is usually synonymous with nam, signaling

a thematic continuity between a passage and its preceding one. 96 For instance,

descriptions of the unbelievers in Q 2:6-797 represent a continuation (wal) by way of

contrast to the godfearing (muttaqn) in Q 2:2-4.98 Or again, there is an evident thematic

wal between Q 20:53 and Q 20:55 in the dialogue between Moses and the Pharaoh:

Pharaoh said, Who is your Lord, Moses? (49) He said, Our Lord is He who

gave everything its creation, then guided it. (50) Pharaoh said, And what of the

former generations? (51) Said Moses, The knowledge of them is with my Lord,

in a Book; my Lord goes not astray, nor forgets -- (52) He who appointed the

earth to be a cradle for you, and therein threaded roads for you, and sent down

water out of heaven, and therewith We have brought forth divers kinds of plants.

(53) Do you eat, and pasture your cattle! Surely in that are signs for men

possessing reason. (54) Out of the earth We created you, and We shall restore you

into it, and bring you forth from it a second time. (Q 20:49-55)99

96
Sometimes, the link (wal) denotes that two Qurnic verses simply follow one another sequentially
without there being any thematic connection linking the two. , 158.
97
As for the unbelievers, alike it is to them whether thou hast warned them or hast not warned them, they
do not believe.[6] God has set a seal on their hearts and on their hearing, and on their eyes is a covering,
and there awaits them a mighty chastisement. (Q 2:6-7)
98
Ibid., 60-62.
99
Ibid., 57-58.

277
 Aside from the term wal, the Tanbh and are replete with references to

nam. Many times, nam means that two passages within a sra intersect thematically.

These verses are typically situated at the beginning and end of a sra, as with Q 10:2 and

Q 10:108.100 However, Ibn Barrajn likes to point out cases when the opening and closing

verses of one sra accord with those of an adjacent sra. In these cases, he notes an

accordance not only between individual verses but also entire sras. For instance, sras

16 and 17 accord with one another since they both begin by glorifying God and declaring

His incomparability (tasb). Moreover, the accordance between 16 and 17 is extended

over to sras 14 and 15, and to all sras of divine threat (dhawt al-war).101 Another

example of inter-sra accordance is as follows:

The verse O believers, fulfill your bonds (Q 5:1) accords in meaning with

(muntaimu al-man bi-qawlihi) the first and last verses of sra al-Nis, namely

O mankind, fear your Lord by whom you demand one of another, and these

bonds of kinship (Q 4:1) and O mankind, a proof has now come to you from your

Lord, and We have sent down to you a manifest light (Q 4:174). In Q 4:1 God

reminds believers of their bonds of kindship (arm) and commands that these

bonds be upheld by bonds of reverential fear (taqw): and fear God by whom you

demand one of another, and these bonds of kinship (Q 4:1) lest you break them

100
Ibid., 495, Was it a wonder to the people that We revealed to a man from among them: Warn the
people, and give thou good tidings to the believers that they have a sure footing with their Lord? The
unbelievers say, This is a manifest sorcerer. (Q 10:2) And Say: O men, the truth has come to you from
your Lord. Whosoever is guided is guided only to his own gain, and whosoever goes astray, it is only to his
own loss. I am not a guardian over you. (Q 10:108).
101
Ibid., 570.

278
 and verse Q 4:1 is connected (waala) by way of thematic arrangement (naman

bi-l-man) with Q 5:1, O believers, fulfill your bonds.

Certain qurnic verses are synoptic and therefore stand at the nexus of a large

number of verses within their sra. For instance, the all-inclusive command So remember

Me, and I will remember you (Q 2:152) accords with any qurnic ya in sra 2 that

alludes to divine remembrance (dhikr). Thus the verse God obliged the fast (Q 2:183)

accords with Q 2:152 since fasting (iym) is a form of bodily remembrance (dhikr).102

Likewise,

Verse Q 2:152, So remember Me, and I will remember you, accords with

(muntaim bi) Q 2:127-28 where Gods blessings upon us [the Muslim

community] were mentioned when He caused us to be uttered on the tongues of

Abraham and Ishmael prior to our existence on the day that they erected the

Sacred House [in Mecca] when they supplicated, Our Lord, receive this from us;

Thou art the All-hearing, the All-knowing; and, our Lord, make us submissive to

Thee, and of our seed a nation submissive to Thee; and show us our holy rites,

and turn towards us; surely Thou turnest, and art All-compassionate.103

Another synoptic verse is Q 4:170. It accords with (muntaim bi-) several other

verses in sra 4, and has analogues (nar) elsewhere. These analogous qurnic passages

overlap thematically but have no detectable sequential correspondence. Ibn Barrajns

102
O believers, prescribed for you is the Fast, even as it was prescribed for those that were before you (Q
2:183).
103
, 114.

279
only purpose in pointing them out is to underscore the beautiful consimilarity

(mushbaha) of the Qurn:

Verse Q 4:170, O mankind, the Messenger has now come to you with the truth

from your Lord; so believe; better is it for you. And if you disbelieve, to God

belongs all that is in the heavens and in the earth; and God is All-knowing, All-

wise; accords with Q 4:1 in the opening of the sra, O mankind, fear your Lord,

who created you of a single soul, and from it created its mate, and from the pair

of them scattered abroad many men and women; and fear God by whom you

demand one of another, and the wombs; surely God ever watches over you. Verse

Q 4:170 also accords with connecting passages which discuss the excellence of

prophecy (nubuwwa) and messengerhood (risla), its commands and prohibitions,

and divinely-sanctioned authority (walya f Llh)Its analogue (nar) with

which it accords (al-muntaam bih) is in the story of Abraham and his honored

guests (mukramn) from the opening of sra 51 (al-Dhriyt) to the end of verse

30, as well as the story of Zakariy in sra 19 (Maryam) up to verse 9, and the

discourse of Maryam in verses Q 19:20-21. The latter two passages (Q 19:1-9, 20-

21) have analogous passages (nar) in sra 3 (l Imrn).104

Certain yas are so universal that they summarize the entire qurnic message.

Such verses accord with any given passage of the Qurn. Moreover, they resemble one

another in content and are among the mutashbiht. Passages like Blessed be He who

104
See , 275. Elsewhere, Ibn Barrajn remarks that 6:5 and 26:189 are corresponding verses: They
denied the truth when it came to them, but there shall come to them news of that they were mocking (Q 6:5).
And, But they denied him; then there seized them the chastisement of the Day of Shadow; assuredly it was
the chastisement of a dreadful day (26:189); cf. , 325.

280
has sent down the Criterion upon His servant, that he may be a warner to all beings; to

whom belongs the Kingdom of the heavens and the earth; and He has not taken to Him a

son, and He has no associate in the Kingdom; and He created the All-Thing, then He

ordained it very exactly (Q 25:1-2) accord with universal verses like those of sra 112

(al-Ikhl), and vice-versa.105 As a result of nam, the commentary on verses from one

sra are sometimes to be found in the fold of another interpretations of Q 1:5 is to be

found within his remarks on Q 2:6.106

The second category of nam can be called explicative orderliness, which is

when one passage explains the meaning of a different verse within the same sra (intim

kadh bi-kadh) by virtue of their intra-sra accordance. Oftentimes, the connection

between the two is not obvious at first glance. In such instances, Ibn Barrajn admits that

the correlation between two verses is farfetched and uses the qualifying adverb perhaps

(rubbam) prior to his discussion.107 The following example, which concerns juridical

rulings of conjugal marital relations, is illustrative of Ibn Barrajns theory of

explicative accordance:

Verse: It is not piety to enter houses from their backdoorsSo enter houses from

their [front] doors (Q 2:189). Despite differences in discourse (tabud al-khib),

this verse is arranged (naama) with Q 2:222 that states: They will question thee

concerning menstruation. Say: It is hurt; so go apart from women during the

monthly course, and do not approach them till they are clean. When they have

105
, 1150.
106
Tanbh (Damad Ibrahim Paa, 25) fl. 38b, 41b, 42a.
107
, 310.

281
 cleansed themselves, then come unto them from whence God has commanded

(amr) you. [By nam, we deduce that] the command (amr) in Q 2:189 is to enter

houses from their [front] doors, while the object of command (mamr bihi) in Q

2:222 is to come unto [women] from their fronts. Otherwise, what could the

command in Q 2:222 be in reference to? this is its meaning.108

In other words, the general command (amr) in Q 2:222 for men to come unto

[women] from whence God has commanded is specified by the earlier verse to enter

houses from their [front] doors Q 2:189. Henceat the risk of being much too explicit

men are commanded to carry out vaginal and not anal intercourse with women, just as

they must enter houses from their front doors and not their backdoors.

The third type of nam is symmetrical orderliness, where two repetitious

passages within a single sra serve to uncover hidden meanings of the Qurn. For

instance, in sra 24 (Nr), the assertion And verily we have sent down to you signs

making all clear (yt mubayyint) is twice repeated (verses 34 and 46). Around these

two verses are, the Verse of Light (35), descriptions believers (37), unbelievers (39), and

hypocrites (47). Ibn Barrajn speculates:

There are two types of light, visible and invisible, just as there are two types of

unbelievers (kfir); hypocrites or Peoples of the Books and sheer unbelievers

(kfir ma). That is perhaps why this phrase [And verily we have sent down to

you signs making all clear] is repeated in the beginning and end of the passage.

108
Ibid., 162.

282
That is to say that the first verse, Q 24:34, addresses the outer cosmic signs making all

clear, while Q 24:46 alludes to the inner signs making all clear.

Themes of the Sras

For Ibn Barrajn, not a single letter, word, verse, or chapter of the Qurn is

accidental. Just as he insists that the qurnic verses are thematically arranged, he also

believes that each of the sras stand as independent compositional units which revolve

around an axial theme. Moreover, each sra is deliberately placed next to another for a

divine purpose. His pioneering unity-of-the-sra approach to the Qurn, which heralds

Zarkash (d. 794/1392) and Biqs (d. 885/1480) works, is especially notable in the

shorter sras, and particularly sras 50 onward which are more thematically cohesive

than the longer sras. Sometimes Ibn Barrajn points out a theme that is succinct and

compelling. For instance, sra 41 (Fuilat) opens with the statement Mm, a sending

down from the Merciful (al-Ramn), the Compassionate (al-Ram) (Q 41:1-2). This, he

argues, alludes to the fact that the entire sra centers on Gods mercifulness and

compassion.109 In comparison with later works, Ibn Barrajns pioneering discussion is

quite rudimentary in terms of content. In addition, his terminology, much of which was

borrowed from al-Jurjns (d. 471/1078 or 474/1081) works, is inconsistent. He calls the

thematic axis of a sra either signifiers of the sra (dalil al-sra), underpinning

address of the sra (tass al-khib), context of the sra (siyq al-sra), or intention

of the sra (ghara al-sra). Many times, his treatment of the sra theme consists of a

list of topics covered in the chapter:

109
For a complete discussion, see Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, p. 34.

283
 The underpinning address (tass al-khib) of sra 50 (Qf) is Gods power to

give life and death; the return after origination (awd bad al-bad); indications of

the proofs and signs [of these aforementioned truths]; practicing self-observance

(murqaba); protection; recalling the two destinies [of the grave and hereafter]

and all that they entail by way of promised [rewards] for faith, and threatened

[punishments] for unbelief and rejection [of the hereafter].110

The signifiers (dalil) of sra 51 (Dhriyt) are: (1) that the recompense is sure

to happen; (2) that the promise and threat are true with all that they entail...111

The purpose of sra 75 (qiyma) is to affirm the return to the origin, to affirm

mans acquisition (kasb) [of deeds], and to correct the ascriptions of actions to

him, to obtain knowledge of Gods measuring out [of all things], to [affirm] that

there is no change nor power except by God, and that nothing is but by His

Will.112

Abrogating & Abrogated verses (nsikh wa-manskh)

The extensive body of exegetical literature regarding nsikh wa-manskh, or

abrogating and abrogated legal enactments in the Qurn, developed as commentaries

and glosses upon the following emblematic verse and others:

110
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, p. 176.
111
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 187.
112
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 410.

284
 Whatever verse We abrogate (nansakh) or We make forgotten (nunsih) We will

replace it with one better than it or similar to it. Do you not know that God is

powerful over all things? (Q. 2:106)

Ibn Barrajns stance on this subject is, to my knowledge, unprecedented. He not

only dismisses the bulk of the discussion on nsikh wa-manskh, but condemns earlier

Qurn scholars who attempted to harmonize between perceived legal contradictions of

the Holy Book for resorting too often to naskh, thereby broadening the scope of this

theory far beyond its limits. So whereas earlier qurnic commentaries like abars are

replete with examples of naskh, Ibn Barrajn rejected most instances where the juridical

ruling of one qurnic verse is said to abrogate (naskh) another. In opposition to most

Sunn exegetes, Ibn Barrajn accepted naskh as being valid only when the abrogating

verse (nsikh) happens to be positioned in sequential proximity to the abrogated

(manskh) verse within the actual text of the Qurn. This being the case, he only accepts

approximately five instances of abrogation in the entire Qurn, and takes pains to refute

every other case by reconciling their apparent contradictions.113

Ibn Barrajns perspective on abrogation approximates that of the adth expert

Ab Muslim al-Ibahn (d. 430/1038), who categorically denied the possibility of intra-

113
One case of abrogation has to do with offering alms to the Prophet upon visitation:

God said: O ye who believe! When you hold conference with the messenger, offer an alms before
your conference. That is better and purer for you. But if you cannot find the means, then God is
Forgiving, Merciful. (58:12) is abrogated by Fear you to offer alms before your conference ?
Then, when you do it not and God has forgiven you, then perform the prayer, and pay the alms,
and obey God and His Messenger. God is aware of the things you do. (Q 58:13)

Another case of abrogation concerns Abrahams sacrifice of his son:

Verse And when he had reached the age of running with him, he said, My son, I see in a dream
that I shall sacrifice thee; consider, what thinkest thou? He said, My father, do as thou art
bidden; thou shalt find me, God willing, one of the steadfast; (Q 37:102) is abrogated by thou
hast confirmed the vision; even so We recompense the good-doers. (Q 37:105).

285
qurnic abrogation. But there is no evidence that Ibahn, who is often mentioned in

ul discussions on naskh, had any influence upon Ibn Barrajn.114 For the Sevillan

masters stance on naskh was rooted in his doctrine of nam. That is, the very structure of

the Qurn, whose yas are all systematically arranged into a cohesive and orderly

compositional whole, precludes the possibility of one ya abrogating another unless it is

adjacent to it. For if one verse could abrogate another one which happens to be located

elsewhere in the Qurn, then this would introduce an element of disorderliness which

would disrupt the impeccable arrangement of the revealed text. Therefore, only

conflicting verses that are adjacent to each other in the text of the Qurn are considered

abrogative by Ibn Barrajn. In order to uphold his theory of nam, then, Ibn Barrajn

takes pains to refute earlier authorities by showing how their presumably abrogated

(manskh) verses still stand. His refutations are always phrased in the utmost courtesy, to

the point that he never discloses the names of scholars with whom he disagrees. 115 Also,

it should be observed that in line with early 2nd/8th century authorities like Mujhid (d.

104/722), and A (d. 114/732), Ibn Barrajn preferred to call verses which he did not

accept as being abrogated, temporarily suspended (ya munsaa) or delayed

(takhr) implying that their meanings would be divinely disclosed sometime in the

future.116

One instance of abrogation which Ibn Barrajn does accept concerns the

conditions of firr, that is, conditions that make it permissible for Muslim warriors to flee
114
Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 142.
115
For examples, see see Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fll. 118b, 181b, 184a, 187b.
116
For a more detailed discussion, see Ibid., fl. 109a. This discussion comes up in the context of the verse:
For whatever verse We abrogate or cause to be delayed (nunsih), We bring a better or the like of it (Q
2:106).

286
from the enemy on the battlefield. Verse Q 8:65 stipulates that a Muslim can only flee if

he is outnumbered by one-hundred enemy combatants, whereas Q 8:66 lowers this ratio

down to ten-to-one, thus abrogating the former. Jurists, for their part, consider fleeing

from battlefield where Muslims are outnumbered by less than ten-to-one to be a grave sin

(sing. kabra). The two verses in question are:

O Prophet, urge on the believers to fight. If there be twenty of you, patient men,

they will overcome two hundred; if there be a hundred of you, they will overcome

a thousand unbelievers, for they are a people who understand not; (Q 8:65) which

is abrogated by: Now God has lightened it for you, knowing that there is weakness

in you. If there be a hundred of you, patient men, they will overcome two hundred;

if there be of you a thousand, they will overcome two thousand by the leave of

God; God is with the patient. (Q 8:66).117

Now given that Ibn Barrajn rejects most cases of intra-qurnic abrogation in

order to uphold his notion of nam, it comes as no surprise that he rejects the possibility

of a qurnic ruling being abrogated by the Sunna of the Prophet and his Companions.

This position is in fact common to most Sunn exegetes and uls, since the Word of

God is unquestionably more authoritative and legally binding than that of the Prophet and

his Companions. But Ibn Barrajn takes this teaching to heart, and maintains the

unconventional opinion discussed in Chapter II that the ya concerning temporary

marriage (nik al-muta) is not abrogated by the Prophet nor by Umars prohibitions,

but is rather temporarily suspended (munsaa) and can be reinstituted if necessary in

times of war. Interestingly, Ibn azm relates that Ibn Masarras follower al-Ruayn also

117
Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 145.

287
proclaimed the permissibility of nik al-muta.118 This idea seems to be shared among

Masarrs in general.

As well, Ibn Barrajns discussion of Q 2:182 concerning the Muslim fast (iym)

is particularly interesting, since the Muslim fast underwent several stages, culminating in

the command to fast in the month of Ramadan. In the process, Ibn Barrajn reasons that

God abrogated several rulings relating to the fast and instituted others in their stead. He

dismisses the possibility that rulings of the Qurn or the Sunna concerning the fast were

abrogated, and argues instead that it was the ancient rulings of the People of the Book

that were abrogated:

O believers, prescribed for you is the Fast, even as it was prescribed for those

that were before you haply you will be godfearing (Q 2:182) God declared

the prescribing of the Fast upon Muslims generally. But the length of the fast

would have been unknown, had it not been for the words even as it was

prescribed for those that were before you. So the Muslims were told to observe

the fast of those [religious communities] who came before them. They used to fast

and break-fast before the setting of the sun just like the People of the Gospel.

Then God specified his general [command] by saying then complete the Fast unto

the night (Q 2:187), so Muslims began to commence their fast shortly after

breaking it, so that when one of them finished his food or slept through a meal he

would not return to it [until the next breaking of fast]. This was a cause of

hardship for some Muslim, so God specified once again And eat and drink, until

118
Ibn azm, al-Fial f al-milal, vol. 5, p. 67.

288
 the white thread shows clearly to you from the black thread at the dawn (Q

2:187).

Moreover, Muslims would not touch their women nor consummate them during

the entire [month of] fasting. This was also a source of duress, so God again

specified that permitted to you, upon the night of the Fast, is to go in to your

wives; they are a vestment for you, and you are a vestment for them. God

knows that you have been betraying yourselves, and has turned to you and

pardoned you. So now lie with them, and seek what God has prescribed for you

(Q 2:187).

When the Prophet came to Medina, he discovered that the Jews fasted on the day

of shr, and that they obliged their children and young ones to do the same.

So God specified His desire [for Muslims to fast] the month of Ramadan, wherein

the Qurn was sent down. Before this verse was revealed, Muslims used to

emulate the fast of the People of the Book, so God abrogated some of the rulings

of the People of the Book. In all of this, there is nothing of the Qurn that is

abrogated.119

Variant readings (qirt) & the Seven Aruf

Ibn Barrajn was known by his biographers as a scholar of qurnic variants, and

frequently reveals his command over the subject in the Tanbh, but only seldom in the

. His discussion of qirt, however, seems to be included out of convention. It is

more a display of erudition, and a fulfillment of an expectation by readers, than an

119
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 396.

289
exhaustive and systematic treatment of the subject. His discussions are selective, and

many important variant readings of verses are touched upon briefly or skipped entirely,

such as the famed and contended readings of Q 4:1.120 For the most part, his discussions

of qirt add nothing substantial to his exegetical teachings and appear merely as a

scholarly convention vesting his work with interpretive authority. What is interesting is

that Ibn Barrajn objects to the officialisation of Mujhids seven readings at the cost

of relegating the so-called rare readings (shawdhdh) to marginal status. He notes that

for the first generation of Muslims, these seven readings were not recognized as being

superior to the rest. The rare readings, which were also transmitted by pious erudites

with chains that go back to the Prophet, were unjustifiably marginalized in the 3rd/9th

century.121 Therefore Ibn Barrajn entertains rare variant readings (qirt shdhdha) and

sometimes, as an exegetical exercise, attempts alternative interpretations of verses in light

of their rare variants. Ibn Barrajn also occasionally re-ranks readings in terms of

authoritativeness; an appraisal deemed problematic by scholars who accept variants as

equally legitimate and therefore unrankable readings of the Qurn.122

Another noteworthy aspect of Ibn Barrajns qirt is his understanding of the

seven aruf. Exegetical discussions over the seven aruf go back to a adth report

narrated by Imm Mlik in the Muwaa, and by Muslim and Bukhr in their as, to

the effect that the Qurn was revealed according to seven aruf (al sab aruf).

120
Mankind, fear your Lord, who created you of a single soul, and from it created its mate, and from the
pair of them scattered abroad many men and women; and fear God by whom you demand one of another,
and the wombs; surely God ever watches over you (Q 4:1).
121
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 104-05.
122
Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, pp. 185-90.

290
These aruf are interpreted by medieval Sunn authorities as seven letters, or seven Arab

tribal dialects, seven resonances of meaning, or the seven readings collected by Ibn

Mujhid (d. 324/935). Some even interpret the aruf to mean the seven so-called facets

of the Qurn, namely command, prohibition, promise, threat, argumentation, moral

stories, and instructive examples. Ibn Barrajn, for his part, favors the understanding of

the seven aruf as the indefinite number of ways in which the Qurn can be

pronounced. Each Muslim, in other words, is given license to recite the Qurn according

to his training and capabilities. So non-Arabs (ajam) who are unable to pronounce the

Arabic alphabet correctly, or who even replace one letter by another, are not penalized

in the Hereafter for their mistakes. The Qurn, he reasons, was divinely facilitated to

accommodate Arabs and non-Arabs. The number seven therefore simply denotes an

opened door to multiple possibilities (bb fat al-kathra).123

III. al-ikma bi-akm al-ibra

The Title and Purpose of the

We have looked at the central elements of Ibn Barrajns exegetical methodology,

many of which appear in his minor tafsr too. The full title of this work is al-ikma

bi-akm al-ibra. This calls for two clarifications. Firstly, the keyword here is ibra or

crossover, not ikma (wisdom). Ibra is commonly understood to mean an admonition

or exhortation by which one takes warning or example (Lane). Since the root of ibra, -

B-R, means to cross over, it can also be defined as a crossover from the knowledge of

what is seen[to] the knowledge of what is not seen (Lane). It is this second definition

123
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 107-09.

291
of ibra, namely crossing over into the unseen world through penetrating the depths of

qurnic verses and natural symbols, that Ibn Barrajn has in mind, and which he equates

ultimately with wisdom. This notion of ibra harks back to the writings of Ibn Masarra as

we shall see. The central objective of the is therefore attainment of wisdom (ikma)

by undertaking the crossover (ibra) into the world of revelation and natural symbols.

The title of this work is most accurately translated as The Elucidation of Wisdom

According to the Principles of the Crossover into the Meanings of the Exalted Qurn,

or more loosely, Wisdom: The Crossover into the Meanings of the Qurn.

Secondly, Ibn Barrajn uses the term Exalted Qurn (al-qurn al-azz) in a

very unusual and terminologically specific way. As we saw above, he distinguishes

between two levels of the revelation. The first he calls al-qurn al-azz, and the second

is al-qurn al-am. By the former he means the sum of all qurnic verses excluding

the qurnic divine names and certain very synoptic passages like sra 1. That is, the

qurn al-azz is the lowest and most differentiated level of the Qurn, and in the

Ibn Barrajn sets out to ascend from the lowest revelatory discourse up through the

highest levels of the divine Word.

Ibn Barrajn authored the as a supplement to the Tanbh, and it may be that

the two tafsrs were meant to be studied as one unit. Throughout the , the author

refers readers to the Tanbh and presupposes familiarity with it.124 The was taught

and transmitted by Ibn Barrajns students over the course of two generations probably

together with the Tanbh, then fell into disregard by the 7th/13th century following the
124
Ibn al-Arab refers to the and Tafsr Ibn Barrajn interchangeably in his discussion of the
Jerusalem prediction. (See Melvin-Koushki, Ibn Barrajn, Seer of Gods Cycles: The Seven Years of
Srat al-Rm 1-5, p. 6; n/p).

292
Jerusalem prophecy. Ibn al-Arab read this work at Tunis in 590/1194 under Abd al-

Azz al-Mahdaw. Mahdaw had certainly studied the with Ibn al-Kharr (d.

581/1185) who was Ibn Barrajns direct disciple. Ibn al-Arab acknowledged the value

of the Sevillan masters exposition of the Reality By Which Creation is Created, (al-

aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq), as well as his astrological prediction the recapture of

Jerusalem, but he deemed that the Sevillan had not reached full mastery of the spiritual

sciences.125

Introduction, Style, Structure, and Composition of the

Ibn Barrajns generic and preachy introduction, spanning 4-6 folios, is written in

short and choppy spurts of rhyming prose (saj). His purpose here is not to lay out an

exegetical methodology, but to admonish his reader, calling him onto reverential piety,

and to emphasize the supreme importance of the Qurn, symbolism (yt), and saints of

God (awliy). The Qurn, he proclaims, contains knowledge of past and future, and is

accessible to the saints who are the representatives of the prophets and who undertake the

crossover (yaburn) onto Gods wonders (ajib llh). Moreover, he says, natural

symbols (yt) such as sun and moon complement the Qurn and adth, and serve as

links (wal) between God and the human heart.

Organizationally, the follows the general layout of the Tanbh, progressing

through the entire Qurn from beginning to end with only a few discrepancies. 126 It is

125
See Addas, Quest for the Red Sulphur, p. 127.
126
In , Ibn Barrajn merges sra 9 (al-Tawba which is not preceded by a basmala) with sur 8 (al-
Anfl), whereas in the Tanbh a separate chapter is devoted to sra 9. It should be noted as well that there is
no separate section devoted to sra 28 (al-Qaa) in the . Instead, the text jumps from 27 (al-Naml) to
29 (al-Ankabt). There are also a few discrepancies in the titles of the sras of the two tafsrs: sra 40 is
called al-Mumin in and Ghfir in Tanbh; sura 42 is called Mm Ayn Sn Qf in and al-

293
divided into Sections (ful) and other subheadings, and is dotted with vague cross-

references to previous passages (qad taqaddama) from who-knows-where. The ,

even more than the Tanbh, is a journey without a roadmap. It reads as a haphazard draft,

a preliminary thought process put to paper without prior deliberation. Its ful are not

always cohesive patterns of thought, and seldom do they revolve around one core idea. In

this way, the conveys a highly personal engagement with the divine Word in which

the authors exegesis of the text is inseparable from his eisegesis of his world of ideas. 127

As was the case with Tustar and Qushayrs tafsrs, the was delivered orally and

extemporaneously by the elderly Ibn Barrajn, probably in the presence of select

disciples and a professional scribe over the course of many months or years. 128 Each

individual fal represents a separate dictation session or lecture addressed to his

students.129 Dictated entirely from memory, the is virtually devoid of cited

authorities, and often merges analogously worded qurnic verses together under one

ya.130 The is not a running verse-by-verse commentary and cannot be used as a

reference work. It is, to use Salehs term, a madrassa-style exegesis than an encyclopedic

Shr in Tanbh; sura 45 is called al-Shara in and al-Jthiya in Tanbh; sura 61 is called al-
awriyyn in and al-aff in Tanbh. There are also several minor title discrepancies in the shorter
sras since they are selected from different combinations of the opening words of each sra.
127
Cite Bowerings introduction to the .
128
Bowering, Mystical Vision, p. 111; Nguyen, Sufi Master and Qurn Scholar, p. 130. But that is not to
say that all orally dictated works are grammatically and organizationally deficient. Al-Juwayns famous
theological treatise al-Irsh, for instance, consisted of organized transcribed lectures. Ibn Barrajn was not
a systematic thinker nor a theologian of al-Juwayns caliber, and moreover, was probably in his seventies
or eighties when he narrated the .
129
Oral transmission of the is signaled by his laxity with grammar. (Example: 295: anna f al-qurni
fahmun instead of fahman), and oral mistakes of transcription (875, one finds allamahu kulla lughan instead
of lughatin).
130
To name one of several examples, , 1: Q 3:81 is meshed with Q 38:88; as well, 17: Q 12:111 and
Q 10:37 are conflated.

294
commentary, directed at spiritual aspirants.131 It comprises the reflections of a revered

elderly scholar who goes through the Qurn, picking clusters of verses that strike him

from each sra, and using them as a launch-pads for his expatiations. The verses act

merely as hooks or suspenders for thought patterns that reemerge over and again.

Central Themes of the

There is a considerable amount of thematic overlap between both tafsrs. But Ibn

Barrajns fundamental objective in writing the is to instruct his disciples on how to

behold the Unseen (ghayb), or as he puts it repeatedly, to cross over from the visible into

the invisible (al-ibra min al-shhid il al-ghib). Ibn Barrajn no longer tries to

maintain a balance between exoteric and esoteric sciences. Discussions of variant

readings (qirt), names of adth narrators, early Companions and other authorities are

cast aside.132 For instance, whereas the authoritative Companion Ibn Abbs is cited

dozens of times in the Tanbh, he is only mentioned once in his supplementary .133

His work thus is not so much a formal scholarly treatment of the Qurn, but an endless

flow of reflections on the divine Word intended as an esoteric supplement to the Tanbh.

A select number of favored qurnic yas surface time and again and are commented

upon repeatedly in the . These are (1) Q 57:3, 25:2, 23:88 on Gods omnipotent rule

over all existents; (2) Q 57:4 58:7 on Gods omnipresence at every instant; (3) Q 7:172

on the pre-cosmic existence of mankind and the Day of Covenant; (4) Q 14:48 on the

131
This classification was coined by Saleh, Classical Tafsir Tradition, p. 199.
132
See Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 11b, where his commentary on sra 1 discusses extensively the
variants in mlik and malik, as well as al-amdu, al-amdi, and al-amda. Such discussions are frequent in
the Tanbh and rare in the .
133
, 45.

295
final transformation of this earth into a new earth and skies on Judgment Day, a verse

which for Ibn Barrajn captures the ontological connection between both worlds.

In lieu of the Tanbhs formal qurnic scholarship, therefore, the features

long and recurring discussions of doctrines like The Most Evident Reality (al-aqq al-

mubn), The Real to Whom is the Destination (al-aqq alladh ilayhi l-mar) or the

Primordial Covenant (al-ahd al-awwal). Moreover, Biblical materials feature much

more prominently in the , to the extent that he introduces new doctrines inspired by

the Hebrew Bible and New Testament. These include the tree of life (shajarat al-

ayt), and the tree of knowledge of good and evil (shajarat marifat al-khayr wa-l-

sharr). The Biblical concepts in effect replace the Tanbhs oft-repeated qurnic images

of the Olive Tree (shajarat al-zaytn) and the Tree of the Real According to Which

Creation is Created (shajarat al-aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq).

What follows is a birds-eye glance of the central themes of the , which can be

grouped under five categories: God, revelation, man, the cosmos, and the hereafter:

I. GOD: Ibn Barrajn never tires of reminding his reader that God is Omnipotent

(qadr), Omniscient (alm), and Omnipresent (hir).134 He predetermined the destinies

of all things past, present, and future at the dawn of cosmic existence (al-taqdr al-

awwal), inscribing His all-comprehensive knowledge of creation onto the Preserved

134
Ibn Barrajn cites the following Qurnic verses dozens of times in the to underscore Gods
omnipresence: He is the First and the Last, the Outward and the Inward (Q 57:3); He is with you wherever
you are (Q 57:4); Three men conspire not secretly together, but He is the fourth of them, neither five men,
but He is the sixth of them, neither fewer than that, neither more, but He is with them (Q 58:7); He also
references the following adth quds (analogous to Mathew 25): Son of Adam, I was sick and you did not
visit me; I was hungered and you did not feed me; I was naked and you did not clothe me; the servant
responds: Lord, when were You sick that I may visit You; hungry that I may feed You; naked that I may
cloth You? God answers: had you done it unto My servant, you would have done it unto Me. (Ibn dam
maritu fa-lam taudn)

296
Tablet (law al-maf).135 Above time and space, He resides on His throne (istiw al

al-arsh) from whence His command (amr) descends at every moment. These basic

tenets are foundational to Ibn Barrajn and have far-reaching consequences for his

thought-system. For the world which he inhabits is not only fixed and unchangeable. It is

also (a) cyclical, (b) interconnected, and hence (c) predictable. Firstly, all created things

undergo Gods cycles of decree (dawir al-taqdr), since they originate in God and

return to Him. Within this great cycle of origin and return, existents including revelations,

historical events, and human destinies undergo minor cycles of their own: religions come

and go, empires rise and fall, and humans oscillate between joy and hardship. In addition

to being cyclical, the cosmos is interconnected at every level of existence because Gods

command (amr) descends from the Throne down to the minutest object at every instant.

Consequently, the higher corresponds to the lower (al-al yantaim bi-l-asfal), and the

destiny of one existent is indicative of anothers. Rotations of the heavens have

correspondences to historical events, and the rise of one empire foreshadows the collapse

of another. The world of creation (lam al-khalq) thus operates like a complicated

clockwork made up of rotating, interconnected parts. Mutabirn study the mechanics of

this clockwork by meditating upon Gods signs and His rotating celestial spheres

135
The following adth reports are mentioned dozens of times as proofs for the doctrine of
predetermination: Verily, God first created the Pen, then the Tablet, then He said to the Pen: write. [The
Pen] asked: Oh Lord, what shall I write? He responded: write My knowledge of My creation (ilm f
khalq). Then [God] commanded [the Pen once more to] write, so it responded, what shall I write? He
answered write the decree (miqdr), the He said write, and it responded what shall I write? He answered
write everything that shall be (m huwa kin).

- adth of the Two Handfuls (qabatayn): God grasps the souls of humanity in two handfuls and
proclaims: This group to Hell, and the deeds of the people of Hell shall they perform; and this group to
Heaven, and the deeds of the people of Heaven shall they perform; and I do not care. (hul li-nr wa-
biamal ahl al-nr yamalnwa-l ubl.)

- Verily God predetermined the destinies of existents before creating them by fifty-thousand years. (inna
Allah qaddar maqdr al-khaliq qabl an yakhluqahum bi-khamsn alf sana)

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(dawir al-aflk). Gradually, they come to decipher the divine command (amr) and its

cyclical decrees (dawir al-taqdr). They attain an insight into the Unseen world

(ghayb), and foretell future events just as Ibn Barrajn did.

II. REVELATION: The qurnic revelation is the verbatim word of God and the

final differentiation of the Archetypal Book (tafl umm al-kitb). The qurnic text is a

unified, coherent and compositional whole (nam), with multiple levels of meaning.

Some meanings are accessed through assiduous formal study, others through mystical

insight and the esoteric sciences. The formal Islamic disciplines like the qurnic

sciences, adth, Arabic poetry and literature are indispensable supports for an

understanding of the outward meaning (ihr) of the divine Word, whereas purity of soul

and heart-knowledge enable the reader to penetrate into its inner meanings (bin). One

of the most sublime levels of meaning which can be attained is an understanding of the

disconnected letters (urf muqaaa), since these issue directly from the Guarded Tablet

(law al-maf).136 In addition, the Torah and the Gospels are differentiations of the

Archetypal Book (tafl li-umm al-kitb) just like the Qurn, and therefore corroborate

Qurnic stories and teachings.137

III. MAN: Ibn Barrajn emphasizes three points with regard to man. Firstly, the

souls of humanity had already affirmed Gods Lordship before creation on the Day of

Covenant (yawm alast).138 Therefore, all knowledge of God is imprinted upon mans

136
The contains over thirty discussions of urf muqaaa in the , see index.
137
There are over fifty references to the bible in the , see index.
138
The following verse is cited over ten times: And when thy Lord took from the Children of Adam, from
their loins, their seed, and made them testify touching themselves, Am I not your Lord? They said, Yes,

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primordial disposition (fira) and to know God is to return to the primordial state (fira).

Ibn Barrajn also stresses the direct and immediate reciprocity between God and man

(tajwub), and insists that God resides within the hearts of His favored saints.139

Secondly, Ibn Barrajn emphasizes a correspondence between man and creation, or

microcosm and macrocosm. His discussions of the Universal Servant versus the

Particular Servant clearly anticipate Ibn al-Arabs doctrine of the Universal Man

(insn kmil).

IV. COSMOS: Ibn Barrajn posits a fundamental dichotomy between the non-

manifested world of the divine command (lam al-amr) and the manifested world of

creation (lam al-khalq).140 At the same time, he rejects the idea that the world of

creation is separate from the next world, and insists on an unbroken ontological link

between the herebelow (duny) and the afterworld (khira). The herebelow derives its

very existence from and is rooted in the latter; literally, the herebelow is a bundle that

was yanked out of the afterworld (al-duny jadhbatun judhibat min al-khirati). Ibn

Barrajn marshals several scriptural proofs in support of the ontological continuity

we testify (Q 7:172), often in conjunction with the expression the primordial beginning (al-bad al-
awwal). See indexes.
139
The famous adth of extra-canonical deeds (adth al-nawfil) is cited over fifteen times in different
variants: Verily, I do not look upon a servants heart and find it mostly occupied by My remembrance
except that I become the hearing with which he hears, the sight with which he sees, the tongue by which he
speaks, the hand with which he grasps, and the foot with which he walks. (inn l aali al qalb abd
fa-ajid al-ghlib alayh dhikr ill kuntu samahu al-ladh yasmau). Another adth which stresses divine-
human reciprocity reads: Each time the servant says [in prayer] praise belongs to Allh, Lord of the
Worlds (2:1) God responds My servant praised Me. (kullam ql al-abd al-amdu li-llh rabb al-lamn
yaql Allh amadan abd).

Kull shay mentioned 65+ in

140
Al-Khalq wa-l-amr are paired up some fifty times in , see index.

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between this world and the next.141 The most important is the doctrine of the Two

Breaths (nafasayn) of Heaven and Hell which he cites over eighty times in the .

This conception originates in a adth from the Muwaa in which the Prophet states,

Intense heat is from the raging of Hell (shiddat al-arr min fay jahannam). Thus,

reasons Ibn Barrajn, there is a direct and open channel between this world and the next.

Scorching summer heat waves issue from the breath of hellfire, while cool spring breezes

issue from the opening of the gates of paradise (fat al-janna). These Breaths operate

like the dualistic forces of yin-yang, causing joy and suffering, ease and hardship, belief

and unbelief, and other dualities that make up this world.

This brings us to another cosmological dichotomy that is prevalent in the .

For Ibn Barrajn, everything other than God (m siw llh) is a differentiation (tafl)

or an unpacking of the contents of the Guarded Tablet (law al-maf); in other words,

existence is a spelling out of Gods all-comprehensive knowledge. Now Gods

knowledge is differentiated into two basic modes, or Two Beings (al-wujdayn). The

first Being is the cosmos (lam) and the second, revelation (way). These two

Beings are complementary and ultimately identical because they are both

differentiations of the Guarded Tablet. Therefore the revealed books of Judaism,

Christianity, and Islam are complemented by the book of nature and its symbols (yt).142

This being the case, the crossover (ibra) into qurnic yas and natural symbols unlocks

141
Most importantly, he reads the verses upon the day the earth shall be changed to other than the earth,
and the heavens (14:48) to mean literally that the Unseen is hidden underneath the earth, and on Judgment
Day earth will be overturned so that the Unseen becomes visible. As well, he favors the following adth:
The here-below in the afterworld is but like a finger dipped into the river; behold how much [the finger]
retrieves of it. (m al-dny f al-khira ill ka-ubu adkhaltahu f al-yamm fa-nur bi-ma yakhruj
minh).
142
10+ discussions of al-wujdayn: al-alam wa-l-way

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the gates of the Unseen world and affords man with a foretaste of heaven (al-janna al-

ughr).143 The entirety of Gods symbols and cosmic order is The Real According to

which Creation is Created (al-aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq), a true understanding of

which opens the door to spiritual realization (taqq).144

V. HEREAFTER : Between the herebelow and the afterworld lies the interworld

(barzakh) or isthmus.145 This intermediary reality which is generally associated with the

grave, has different modes. For instance, the deceased Prophets, martyrs, and righteous

servants await for Judgment Day in a Paradisal interworld (jannat al-barzakh), whereas

unbelievers await in a hellish interworld of torment. In his discussions of the interworld

and afterworld (khira), Ibn Barrajn underscores the ineffable immensity of these

Unseen realms, their awesome paradisal delights and infernal torments.146 But the

grandest of all spiritual realities is the beatific vision (al-ruya al-aliyya), where

believers meet face to face with the divine on Judgment Day. This vision is also called

The Reality to Whom is the Destination (al-aqq al-ladh ilayhi al-mar)147 or The

143
Over 150 discussions of symbolism in verses speaking of yt Allh. The term ibra is discussed over
45 times in the ; see index.
144
35+ discussions and references to this term in ; see index.
145
The word is mentioned or discussed over 60 times; see index.
146
I have prepared for my righteous servants that which no heart has witnessed, nor eye has seen, nor ear
has heard, nor has it occurred to the heart of a moral man leaving aside [those bounties] about which you
have been informed (adadtu li-ibd al-lin m l ayn raat 9 citations)

Zamharr (35+)
147
25+ discussion in , see index.; al-aqq al-ladh ilayhi al-mar 20+ discussions;

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Most-Evident Reality (al-aqq al-mubn),148 which are foreshadowed by exclusive

signs [of God] (yt kha) like sun and moon.

IV. Citations in the Tanbh and

As explained above, Ibn Barrajns exegetical corpus draws upon a variety of

tafsr adth, theological, literary, ascetic, Sufi, and Isml sources. But it is remarkable

that in presenting his explanations, Ibn Barrajn is elusive in revealing these diverse

traditions. What comes across is a text which appears to be entirely of his own

independent creation. Aside from Prophetical and Biblical figures, he cites only a handful

of works and authorities by name. In the Tanbh, and less so in the which has hardly

any non-scriptural references, most of his cited interpretations are referenced generically.

For instance, his citations of the mainstream classical exegetical opinion begin with such

statements as the exegetes say (ql ahl al-tafsr). Or, to stress that a given opinion is

accepted by most exegetes, he states the majority of exegetes (al-jumhr min ahl al-

tafsr), or on the contrary certain exegetes (ba al-mufassirn). These generic

references to accepted majority or minority positions signal the most basic

interpretations, and are always inserted as prefaces to Ibn Barrajns counter-assertions.

Ibn Barrajns frequent contentions with ahl al-tafsr are invariablysupported by qurnic

or adth references.149

148
50+ citations of al-aqq al-mubn.
149
To name a few examples from the Tanbh: see Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 76a where Ibn Barrajn
rejects the understanding that Adam and Even were naked before the Fall. He defends this opinion on
Qurnic grounds and contra the Bible and the mainstream interpretation. See also 64a where he offers a
new interpretation of the Qurnic term waqd jahannam. See also Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 544, he
rejects the account tendered by many exegetes that the prophet Dwd committed grave sin, and provides
an alternative Qurnic reading. See also Tanbh, Reisulkuttab 30, fl. 178b, where he argues, contrary to
many that God does forgive those who associate partners unto Him (shirk) if they repent (tawba).

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 The authorities whom Ibn Barrajn cites most often by name in the Tanbh are

early scholars of qurnic readings among the Companions and Followers. The Tanbh

also features ad hoc references to the Musnad of Amad b. anbal, Ab Ubaydas (d.

210/825) Majz al-qurn, al-Khall b. Amads Kitb al-ayn, Kitb al-munjt by a

certain Ibn al-Mukhbir.150 Among mystics, he quotes al-asan al-Bar (d. 110/728),151

Sahl al-Tustar (d. 283/896),152 and Ibn Masarra (d. 319/931).153 The cited authorities are

usually inserted in passing, and are less significant than his unnamed citations.

In addition, a handful of unnamed sources can be identified in the Tanbh. One of

the most important is abars (d. 310/923) monumental Qurn commentary Jmi al-

bayn, which he cites either to point out a mainstream interpretation of an ya which he

disagrees with, or to relate the majority (jumhr) and minority opinions of Sunn scholars

on a particular subject. abar is also referenced to present a host of possible meanings of

a word.154 Other exegetes that can be detected include Wid (d. 468/1076) in al-Wajz f

tafsr al-qurn al-azz.155 Many of Ibn Barrajns linguistic and literary discussions are

paraphrased from sources that were at his disposal. Arabic linguists, ahl al-marifa bi-l-
150
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, pp. 258-59. See Adln ed., vol. 2, p. 789 where the editor has kitb al-
mint li-bn al-Mukhbir. The vocalization and placement of the name is problematic. This may
be Dwd b. al-Majr al-Bar (d. 206/821) who is cited in Hadiyyat al-rifn, vol. 1, p. 358. However, van
Ess vocalizes the name as Dwd b. al-Muabbar (d. 206/821) in Theologie, vol. 2, pp. 119-120 and
describes him as a follower of Sufyn al-Thawr (vol. 1, p. 226; vol. 4, pp. 746-47).
151
Tanbh, Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 97b-98a: al-asan al-Bar is quoted in a discussion of the amount
of time people are condemned to Hell; al-Bar wishes he would dwell therein for only 1000 years.
152
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 330.
153
Ibn Barrajn narrates a adth about the antichrist (dajjl) on the authority of Ibn Masarra; see Tanbh,
Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 126. See also vol. 1, p. 463, ft. 1, where Ibn Barrajn evidently borrows Ibn
Masarras doctrine of the existentiating Book.
154
See for instance Ibn Barrajns discussion of the word raqm in sra 18, which echoes abars account.
Tanbh, Adln ed., vol. 1, p. 113.
155
Hosni, Manhaj al-imm b. Barrajn f tafsrihi, p. 32.

303
lisn, are often generically cited to support a linguistic interpretation. For instance, he

draws ancient Arab lexicographic definitions from Azhars (d. 370/980) Tahdhb al-

lugha, al-Khall b. Amads (d. ca. 165/791) Kitb al-ayn, and Ibn Durayds (d.

321/933) Jamharat al-lugha.156

156
Ibid., p. 32.

304
 Chapter V

Biblical Proof-Texts for Qurnic Teachings1

Introduction

Ibn Barrajn was one of the earliest scholars of Islam to use the Arabic Bible

extensively and non-polemically in his quest to understand the divine Word. This chapter

assesses his mode of engagement with the Bible and the different strategies he employed

to resolve perceived incongruities between narratives of the Qurn and the Bible. The

Bible enjoys the same degree of interpretive authority in Ibn Barrajns works as

Prophetic reports, and there is at least one instance where the Bible not only complements

but also challenges his understanding of the Qurn. Ibn Barrajns openness to the Bible

rests on his hermeneutical principle of Qurnic Hegemonythat is to say, his

reasoning that since the Qurn is Gods untarnished divine revelation, it can serve as the

ultimate litmus test against which all other scriptural passages, including Bible, are to be

judged. His far-reaching hermeneutical principle of qurnic hegemony was probably

partly inspired by the scripturalist-literalist writings of the hir scholar Ibn azm (d.

456/1064). An exhaustive compilation and translation of the biblical materials in Ibn

Barrajns works accompanies this dissertation, confirming beyond reasonable doubt that

the Bible used by Ibn Barrajn was translated into Arabic directly from Jeromes Latin

Vulgate.

1
A preliminary version of this chapter was presented at the Yale Arabic Colloquium in late Fall 2013. I am
grateful to my professors and colleagues for their invaluable feedback. Special thanks to Gerhard
Bowering, Frank Griffel, Beatrice Gruendler, Stephen Davis, Dimitri Gutas, Matthew Ingalls, Mareike
Koertner, Ryan Brizendine, Pieter Coppins, and Rose Deighton. A special thanks to Samuel Ross for his
invaluable comments.

305
 I. The Arabic Bible in Muslim Spain

From Jeromes Latin Vulgate to the Mozarab Arabic Bible:

In 382 C.E., Pope Damasus I commissioned the acclaimed Latin Christian priest

Jerome (d. 420) to translate the Bible into Latin. Jeromes translation was preceded by a

number of inconsistent and often unreliable Latin versions which had been in circulation

in Africa and Europe since the second century C.E. These older Latin translations were

undertaken by a variety of known and unknown authors and they varied in their degrees

of quality. Moreover, the Old Testament books of these early Latin texts were rendered

into Latin via the Greek Septuagint, not directly from the Hebrew. Jeromes first task was

to revise the translations of the four Gospels on the basis of the most reliable Greek

textual sources at his disposal. Then, from 390 to 405 C.E., he undertook a new

translation of the thirty-nine books of the Hebrew Bible directly from the Hebrew

Tanakh.2 Jeromes masterful translation steadily gained recognition in the provinces of

the Roman Catholic Church and was soon adopted as the definitive Latin translation of

the Bible, superseding the older Latin versions. By the thirteenth century C.E., Jeromes

translation came to be known simply as the versio vulgata, or the commonly used

version.

Jeromes translation was widely available among the indigenous Arabic-speaking

Christians of al-Andalus, known as the Mozarabs (from mustaribn, meaning

Arabicised). As far as we can ascertain, Latin continued to be the primary liturgical

language of the Mozarabic church, despite the fact that Mozarabs were thoroughly

2
Jerome was heavily informed by several other sources, including Greek exegetical material and the
Hexapla, a columnar comparison of the variant readings of the Old Testament carried out by Origen 150
years before Jerome.

306
Arabicised by the fifth/eleventh century. Since the Latin Vulgate was not readily

accessible to the average Mozarab, it is safe to assume that passages from the Bible, and

in particular the Gospels, Pauline Epistles, and the Psalms, were read out before Mozarab

congregations in Arabic by the fifth/eleventh century at the latest.3

The emergence of local Andalus Arabic translations of the Bible began already in

the late third/ninth century, and by the fourth/tenth century, various segments of the

Arabic Bible were probably available to Jews, Christians, and Muslims of al-Andalus.4 It

is apparently on the basis of Jeromes Vulgata that the brilliant third/ninth century-

Andalus scholar af b. Albar al-Q rendered the Psalms into Arabic rajaz verse. This

task, which he completed in 275/889, is often viewed as the watershed moment for the

production of Christian-Arabic Mozarab literature in al-Andalus.5 Nonetheless, Qs

popular versified translation appears to have been preceded by earlier local renderings

which we have no knowledge of, since the author expresses his disapproval of the hyper-

literalism of a previous prose rendition of the Psalms in his introduction. Taking his lead

from af, Isq b. Balashk al-Qurub translated the Gospels on the basis of Biblia

Hispana or the pre-Jerome Vetus Latina in the mid-fourth/tenth century. Aside from Ibn

Balashks translation, there seems to have existed another independent translation whose

dating and authorship are unknown, but which was based on the Hebrew-to-Latin

3
Van Koningsveld, Christian-Arabic Manuscripts from the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa, Al-
Qantara 15 (1994), pp. 423-51, p. 426; H. Kassis, Arabic-Speaking Christians in al-Andalus in an Age of
Turmoil (Fifth/Eleventh Century Until A.H. 478/A.D. 1085), Al-Qantara 15 : 2 (1994), pp. 401-22.
4
Griffith, The Bible in Arabic: The Scriptures of the People of the Book in the Language of Islam,
Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013; p. 199.
5
Van Koningsveld, La literatura cristiano-rabe de la Espaa Medieval y el significado de la transmission
textual en rabe de la Collectio Conciliorum, in ., Concilio III de Toledo XIV
Centenario 589-1989, Toledo: Arzobispado de Toledo, 1991; pp. 695-710, p. 698.

307
translation of Heironym, known as the Biblia Vulgata (Iuxta Hebraicam Veritatem). This

anonymous translation was less widespread in al-Andalus, although sometimes it was

collated against passages of Ibn Balashks Arabic version for purposes of revision and

correction.6

Regrettably, our knowledge of the Andalus Arabic Bible(s) is limited since the

full translations of these works have not survived. In effect, the paucity of the surviving

Mozarab literary sources pales in comparison to the productivity of Christians of the

Mashriq, and this disproportion mirrors the historical ups and downs of the Mozarab

Christian community itself. The paucity of Mozarab literature is not surprising given that

the community as a whole was scattered on account of migrations either to the northern

Christian territories beginning in the fifth/eleventh century, or by forced deportation to

North Africa in the sixth/twelfth century. Nor did it help that Catholic bishops of the

northern kingdoms of Iberia deplored the Toledan Church for its Mozarabic liturgy and

doctrine, and for submitting to Muslim rule. In fact, the very term Mozarab (mustarib)7

is an anachronistic label of opprobrium that harks back to fifth/eleventh-century-Christian

texts and was employed pejoratively against Toledan Christians.8 Ironically, therefore,

the extinct Christian-Arabic tradition of Muslim Spain in general, and the Arabic Biblical

texts in particular, is more likely to be excavated from indirect medieval Muslim and

Jewish sources than from original Christian texts.

6
Van Koningsveld, Christian-Arabic Manuscripts, pp. 425-26.
7
De Epalza, Mozarabs: an Emblematic Christian Minority in Islamic al-Andalus, in Mar n, et. al. (eds.),
The Formation of al-Andalus, 2 vols. Aldershot; Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate, 1998, vol. 1, pp. 149-151.
8
Christys, Christians in al-Andalus, 711-1000, Richmond : Curzon, 2002; p. 8.

308
 One such Muslim source that gives us a window into the Mozarab Arabic biblical

tradition is the written corpus of the Sevillan mystic and Qurn commentator Ibn

Barrajn (d. 536/1141). In sharp contrast to the general tendency of post-fourth/tenth-

century-qurnic exegetes both east and west, excepting the modern period, this author

seems to be the first Qurnic exegete to seriously engage with the Bible non-polemically

and through actual extended quotations. He freely incorporated biblical materials into his

works in order to explain the Qurn and fill gaps in his understanding of biblical figures

and narratives. That is, whereas Ibn Barrajn probed into the Bible to further his

understanding of the divine Word, his medieval predecessors biblical engagement was

generally polemical and characterised by a desire to, 1) claim that Jews and Christians

had corrupted their scriptures either textually or by way of errant interpretation; 2) find

proof of Muammads prophecy in the Bible; 3) correct biblical narratives that did not

align with qurnic ones.9 When pooled together, the biblical passages in Ibn Barrajns

extant works occupy approximately twenty full pages in modern print and are almost

certainly taken from a Latin-to-Arabic Andalus translation. Ibn Barrajns works are

therefore of interest to both scholars of qurnic exegesis as well as scholars of Arabic

biblical literature.

This chapter assesses Ibn Barrajns mode of engagement with the Bible in his

extant body of writings. I demonstrate the different strategies marshaled by Ibn Barrajn

to resolve perceived incongruities between narratives of the Qurn and the Bible. I claim

that the Bible enjoys the same degree of interpretive authority in his works as Prophetic

reports (adth), and that there are instances where the Bible not only complements but

9
See Griffith, The Bible in Arabic, p. 176.

309
also challenges his understanding of the Qurn. Ibn Barrajns openness to the Bible

rests on his hermeneutical principle of Qurnic hegemony; that is to say, his reasoning

that since the Qurn is Gods untarnished divine revelation, it can serve as the ultimate

litmus test against which all other scriptural passages, including Bible, are to be judged.

Pushing the premises of this principle as far as they will go, he argues that adth reports

are also to be assessed uniquely on the basis of their alignment with the Qurn. I propose

that Ibn Barrajns far-reaching hermeneutical principle of qurnic hegemony may have

been in part inspired by the scripturalist tendencies that are articulated in writings of the

hir scholar Ibn azm (d. 456/1064). This dissertation ends with an exhaustive

appendix and translation of the Latin-to-Arabic biblical passages in Ibn Barrajns works.

This compilation of scattered and heretofore unexamined Arabic biblical materials

demonstrates the parallels and occasional divergences between Ibn Barrajns Bible and

its original Latin Vulgate equivalents. I maintain that parallels between his Arabic

Biblical citations and Jeromes Latin Vulgate confirm a Latin basis for the Arabic beyond

reasonable doubt.

II. Ibn Barrajn and the Arabic Bible

To my knowledge, Ibn Barrajn is one of the earliest Qurn exegetes in Islamic

history to employ the Bible extensively and for non-polemical purposes in his quest to

understand the divine Word. However, he was not the only exception to the medieval

tendency to engage the Bible narrowly and polemically. For instance, the Isml

philosopher amd al-Dn al-Kirmn (d. after 411/1020) is known to have included

310
quotations from Jewish-Christian sources into his works.10 Moreover, the near-

contemporaneous sixth/twelfth century-eastern Sufi author Shams al-Dn al-Daylam (d.

ca. 593/1197) cited passages from the Hebrew Bible in Arabic script. These biblical

citations seem to have been included in order to corroborate his interpretations of

qurnic passages like Q 42:11; 2:30; and 24:35.11 But Ibn Barrajn goes much further

than Daylam both hermeneutically and quantitatively. It was three centuries later that the

Mamlk scholar in Egypt al-Biq (d. 885/1480) extensively explored Jewish and

Christian scriptures for the same exegetical purposes, as Walid Saleh has demonstrated in

his pioneering studies of this author.12

But while Biqs sympathies with the Bible aroused controversy in Mamlk

Egypt, it is remarkable that Ibn Barrajn, who wrote during the height of the Crusades

10
See GAS, I, pp. 580-2; Kraus, Hebrische und syrische Zitate in ismlitischen Schriften, Der Islam
19 (1931), pp. 243-63.
11
See Bowering, The Writings of Shams al-Dn al-Daylam, Islamic Studies 26 (1987), pp. 231-36; The
Light Verse: Qurnic Text and Sufi Interpretation, Oriens, 36 (2001), pp. 113-144 (esp. pp. 140-42);
Deylam, ams-Al-Dn Ab bet Moammad, EIr, Vol. VII, Fasc. 4, pp. 341-342.
12
Saleh has several studies on Biq. See Sublime in its Style, Exquisite in its Tenderness: The Hebrew
Bible Quotations in al-Biqs Qurn Commentary, in Joel L Kraemer; Y Tzvi Langermann; Jossi Stern
eds., Adaptations and Innovations: studies on the interaction between Jewish and Islamic thought and
literature from the early Middle Ages to the late twentieth century, Paris; Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2007, pp.
331-347; A Fifteenth-Century Muslim Hebraist: Al-Biq and His Defense of Using the Bible to Interpret
the Qurn, Speculum, 83:3 (July 2008), pp. 629-54; Saleh and Casey, An Islamic Diatessaron: Al-
Biqs Harmony of the Four Gospels, Sara Binay and Stefan Leder (eds.), Translating the Bible into
Arabic: historical, text-critical, and literary aspects, Beirut: rient-Institut Beirut; W rzburg : Ergon
Verlag W rzburg in Kommission, 2012, pp. 85-116. It is worth noting that Biq, who stood at the
forefront of a scholarly dispute over the permissibility of using the Bible, authored a treatise in defense of
his exegetical method in qurnic commentary Nam al-durar entitled al-Aqwl al-qawma f ukm al-naql
min al-kutub al-qadma, Walid Saleh (ed.), (Leiden: Brill, 2008) in which he cites a large number of
Muslim authorities who sanctioned the use of the Bible. Strangely, Ibn Barrajn who is quoted over fifty
times in Nam al-durar, does not receive an entry in the Aqwl. It is hard to imagine that this omission was
accidental. I speculate that Biq excluded Ibn Barrajn from his treatise because in the Mamlk period our
author had gained a reputation for being a allj-like radical Sufi who divulged the divine secret and who
held a militant political agenda akin to that of Ibn Qas. Now Biq himself was a famous detractor of Ibn
al-Arab and Ibn al-Fri, and sought to distance himself from Ibn Barrajn in the Aqwl. His inclusion of
such a figure among his scholarly cohorts in the Aqwl may not have strengthened his argument in the eyes
of his opponents.

311
and the Reconquista, was not criticised by his scholarly peers for his inquiries into the

Bible. The reason for this may be explained by the fact that the late Almoravid rulers and

their state-sponsored judges (sing. q) felt threatened not by Muslim biblical studies,

but by the increasingly political epistemological claims of Sufism which posed a threat to

the established political and religious structures of authority of the day. Curiously, the

only hint of discomfort by a Muslim with Ibn Barrajns biblical engagement appears on

the cover of one manuscript of the Shar, in which an anonymous scribe accuses him of

being a Christian (mas).13 This accusation is certainly false, but it does carry a grain

of truth. For Ibn Barrajns third most important source of inspiration in his quest to

understand of the divine Word is none other than the Bible the first and second being

respectively Qurn and adth reports. Ibn Barrajn freely incorporated Arabic biblical

material primarily Genesis, and the Gospel of Matthew alongside adth to present

his interpretations of qurnic verses which often differed markedly from mainline Sunn

exegetical interpretations.

What books of the Bible did Ibn Barrajn have access to?

Ibn Barrajns interest in the Bible can be detected already in his early

commentary on the names of God. The influence of the Bible on his thought became

progressively more pronounced in his major Qurn commentary (Tanbh al-afhm), and

even more so in the later minor Qurn commentary ( al-ikma). His engagement

with the Bible thus spanned over the course of forty years and culminated in his two

Qurn commentaries. Broadly speaking, Ibn Barrajns choice of biblical citations was

13
The manuscript in question is in Istanbul, arullah 1023 (235 ff.; copied in 795/1392), fl. 17. Cf. Amad
Shafqs introduction to Mazyads edition of Ibn Barrajns Shar, vol. 1, p. 19, n. 1.

312
determined not by theological considerations but simply by those biblical books which he

had access to. As we shall see below, Ibn Barrajn employed a host of techniques to

subvert theologically problematic biblical passages. Which books, then, did Ibn Barrajn

have access to? With regard to the Hebrew Bible, he quoted extensively from Genesis

(chapters 1, 2, 3, 15, 18, 19, 22) and paraphrased a handful of passages from Exodus.14

Interestingly, the Torah (and especially Genesis) is cited more frequently than any other

book of the Bible. Ibn Barrajn never tires of reminding his reader that the Torah enjoys a

special status among revealed scriptures mentioned in the Qurn. He notes that the Torah

is qurnically described as a discernment or differentiation (tafl) of all things: And

We wrote for him [Moses] on the Tablets of everything an admonition, and a

differentiation of all things (Q 7:145). Ibn Barrajn takes this verse to mean that the

Torah not only issues from Gods knowledge inscribed upon the Guarded Tablet (al-law

al-maf), but it fleshes out or unpacks the all-embracing non-differentiated (mujmal)

knowledge of the Tablet in a way that is not found in other scriptures.15 The Torah

contains all knowledge of past, present, and future, and like the Qurn it also contains

predictions about what is to come. The Torah, in other words, is an important source of

mystical inspiration and corresponds precisely to what Ibn Barrajn terms the Sublime

Qurn (al-Qurn al-Am). This expression, which is unique to Ibn Barrajn, denotes

that aspect of the Qurn which comprises the divine names and attributes, as well as the

14
Ibn Barrajn probably did not possess a full Arabic translation of Exodus, but he did have some
familiarity with this biblical book. In his interpretation of Q. 7: 134-135, where Mosess followers turn to
him in supplication after suffering from locusts, the lice and the frogs, Ibn Barrajn cites what appears to be
passages from Exodus 9:13-35 on the plague of hail. He attributes the plague of hail to the rod of Aaron
instead of the hands of Moses stretched forth to the heavens. He quotes these passages from memory.
Additionally, he cites Exodus 4:1-9 to interpret the word rijz in the Qurn 7:134. (Tanbh, Mazyad ed.,
vol. 2, pp. 356-57).
15
, 40.

313
synoptic, all-comprehensive qurnic verses. Thus, both the Torah and the Sublime

Qurn encapsulate Gods undifferentiated knowledge inscribed in the Guarded Tablet.16

It is very likely that Ibn Barrajn came across commentaries upon the Torah in

Arabic, specifically commentaries on Genesis and Exodus, since he claims to have

consulted commentaries upon some of the previously revealed Books in a discussion of

Exodus (3:21-22).17 The extent to which these works were available in Arabic at the time

remains an open question. However, it is not unreasonable to assume that Ibn Barrajn

had written or oral access to eastern commentaries authored by Jewish exegetes like of

Saadiya Gaon (d. 331/942),18 or the Irq Christian commentator Ibn al-ayyib (d.

435/1043),19 or even local biblical commentaries such as those produced by his

contemporary though younger Jewish scholar Abraham Ibn Ezra (d. ca. 563/1167).

16
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 283.
17
The passage concerns the women of Israel who borrowed jewels of silver, gold, and raiment from their
neighbors God says to Moses in Exodus 3:21-22: And I will give this people favour in the sight of the
Egyptians: and it shall come to pass, that, when ye go, ye shall not go empty: But every woman shall
borrow of her neighbor, and of her that sojourneth in her house, jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and
raiment: and ye shall put [them] upon your sons, and upon your daughters; and ye shall spoil the
Egyptians. Ibn Barrajn notes how this is confirmed qurnically by the verse, we were loaded with fardels,
even the ornaments of the people, and we cast them (Q 20:87). In this discussion again, Ibn Barrajn cites
from memory as he interlaces qurnic verses with passages from Exodus. See Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 2,
pp. 366-67.
18
For a recension based on the Jewish translation of Saadiya Gaon, see P. Kahle, Die arabische
Bibelbersetzungen (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1904). For Saadiyas commentary, see P. de Lagarde,
Materialien zur Kritik und Geschichte des Pens Pentateuch, (Leipzig: Teubner, 1867), Eng. Trans. M.
Linetsky, Rabbi Saadiah Gaons Commentary on the Book of Creation (Northvale, N.J. and Jerusalem:
Jason Aronson, 2002). See also R. Steiner, A Biblical Translation in the Making: The Evolution and Impact
of Saadia Gaons Tafsr, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Center for Jewish Studies/Harvard
University Press, 2010.
19
On Ibn al-ayyib, see G. Graf, GCAL, vol. 2 (1947), pp. 160-77; S. K. Samir, La place dIbn at-ayyib
dans la pense arabe, Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 58 (2006), pp. 177-93; J. Faultless, Ibn al-
ayyib, D. Thomas, et al., (eds.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History Volume 2 (900-
1050), Leiden: Brill, 2009, pp. 667-97; Ibn al-ayyib, Commentaire sur la Gense J.C.J. Sanders (ed.),
(CSCO 275, Scriptores Arabici 25; Louvain: Secrtariat du Corpus SCO, 1967); R. Vollandt, Christian-
Arabic Translations of the Pentateuch from the 9 th to the 13th Centuries: A Comparative Study of

314
 Ibn Barrajn was fully aware of the distinction between the Torah and the Books

of Prophets (kutub al-nubuwwt), and he used both to deepen his understanding of the

Qurn and even correct a conventional interpretation accorded to Q 2:243 by Sunn

exegetes as we shall see below. Moreover, Ibn Barrajn accords the status of divine

revelation (way) to the Books of Prophets, and gives them equal interpretive weight as

the Torah. This is remarkable since the Qurn itself does not list the Books of Prophets

as a revelatory text. Finally, Ibn Barrajn quotes this passage from memory, and quite

accurately, which signals the fact that like the Qurn and adth, he had committed a

significant portion of the Bible to memory. While some passages he quoted from

memory, for others he must have had a book at hand. He had knowledge of Ezekiel (1:37,

and 37:1-10) which he quoted loosely and from memory. He also cited from Ezekiel 1:10

in his discussions of the divine throne:

It is frequently said in the ancient books (kutub mutaqaddima) and primal

knowledge (ilm awwal) that the carriers of the throne are four angels. One

of them resembles a human, the others an ox, lion, and eagle.20

Elsewhere he elaborates that the qurnic exegetes explain that,

It came down to us from the prophecies of some prophets describing their

nocturnal ascents which they underwent. It is also said that the carriers of

Manuscripts and Translation Techniques, Ph.D. Thesis, Cambridge: St. Johns College, University of
Cambridge, 2011.
20
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, pp. 369-70.

315
 the mighty throne are Mkl, Isrfl, and two others [Azrl and Jibrl]

whose names have slipped my mind. And God knows best.21

Although it is not possible to determine which Books of Prophets Ibn Barrajn had access

to aside from possibly Ezekiel, it is certain that he had a broad albeit vague familiarity

with the other Books of the Prophets (kutub al-nubuwt). For instance, he points out that

the kutub al-nubuwt are replete with instances where cup is a metaphor for good or

evil.22 He may have obtained knowledge of books like Ezekiel through an Islamic

secondary source or an oral Jewish informant. As we shall see below, he cites from the

Books of Prophets (kutub al-nubuwwt) in order to argue against mainstream exegetical

interpretations of the Qurn. What is hermeneutically significant is that Ibn Barrajn

accords the status of divine revelation (way) to the Books of Prophets, which are not

explicitly listed in the Qurn as revelatory texts, and gives them as much interpretive

weight as the Torah. He also quotes some of these passages from memory. Before turning

to the New Testament, it is curious to note that Ibn Barrajn only occasionally cited

Isriliyt accounts to drive home a point in his tafsr. These Isriliyt sometimes

include adth literature in which Muammad relates anecdotes about Jewish prophets.23

Isriliyt, however, did not seem to have attracted his attention and therefore occur with

much less frequency than biblical citations, although they enjoy more or less the same

level of authority as the latter.

21
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 373.
22
Cf. Ezekiel 23:33, Zechariah 12:2, Revelation 14:10, 1 Corinthians 10:21.
23
For instance, one adth states that David was told by God to Convey good news to sinners, and warn
the truthful ones, for ignorant sinner are held at a lower standard than those who are endowed with
knowledge of God and the afterlife. See Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 307.

316
 Ibn Barrajn only quotes from the Gospel of Matthew (chapters 4, 11, 13, 20, and

24).24 He does not evince any knowledge of the existence of Mark, Luke, and John (al-

anjl al-arba) and similarly, there are no indications that he had access to an Arabic

translation of the Diatessaron, such as Ibn al-ayyibs so-called Arabic Gospel Harmony.

While equating the injl with Matthew, Ibn Barrajn emphasises that the Qurn itself

acclaims the Gospel (injl) as a source of guidance, light, and admonition (Q. 5:46), terms

which the Qurn ascribes to itself (Q. 10:57; 4:174). The implication for Ibn Barrajn is

evident: that one must seek the channels of guidance, light, and admonition in both the

Qurn and the Gospel.25 It is noteworthy that Ibn Barrajn does not accord the same

status to the Gospels as he does to the Torah. While the Christian revelation is certainly a

channel of guidance and light, it does not stand as a differentiation of the Guarded Tablet

in the direct way as the qurnically affirmed status of the Torah. To some extent,

therefore, he cites the Torah in his writings with more interpretive authority than the

Gospels.

Three points are worth mentioning with regard to Ibn Barrajns interaction with

the Gospel of Matthew. First, Ibn Barrajn sometimes describes the Gospels not as the

word of God, as understood in the qurnic context, but as a collection of statements by

Jesus.26 Second, he was well aware of the fact that certain adth reports had direct

24
The fact that Ibn Barrajn possessed only a translation of Matthew in Arabic is alluded to in the Shar
where he states: It is repeatedly mentioned in the book that is said to be the Gospel: Cast this wicked
servant into the lower darkness; there shall be prolonged weeping and gnashing teeth. (Shar, Mazyad
ed., vol. 2, p. 83.) The only Gospel of the New Testament where this verse appears repeatedly is Matthew
(8:12, 13:42, 13:50, 22:13, 24:51, 25:30). In Luke it appears only once 13:28. Therefore Ibn Barrajn
equates the Injl with the Gospel of Matthew.
25
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, pp. 283-84.
26
See Appendix I, section on Eleventh Hour.

317
parallels in the Gospels. For instance, he quotes a famous adth quds, or statement

attributed to God outside of the Qurn, from a Muslim, where God addresses

humanity: Oh son of Adam, I was ill and you did not visit me; I was hungry and you did

not feed me; I was thirsty and you did not give me to drink, etc.27 For Ibn Barrajn, such

parallels only confirm the veracity and ultimately divine origin of both statements.

Second, the Christian theological doctrine of original sin, which developed in the

Latin theology of Augustine during the late fourth/early fifth century C.E., left a faint

trace in Ibn Barrajns thought and especially his narrative of the fall of man. For

instance, in a report about Muammads nocturnal ascent to heaven narrated by Bukhr

and others, the father of mankind Adam is described as sitting among his descendants in

the heavens.28 He looks at those who are to his right and smiles; and then looks at those

who are to his left and cries. Ibn Barrajn explains that Adam cries on behalf of those

who, like himself, were beguiled by Satan. Their being beguiled, he explains, was in

them [i.e., in their nature] like an inheritance (knat f-him ka-l-wirtha).29 Ibn

Barrajns explanation of mans inherited sin which is passed down trans-generationally

appears to be influenced by the Christian theological doctrine of original sin which he

may have received orally.30 Further, original sin dovetails with Ibn Barrajns

27
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 135. See parallels in Mathew 25:35-45.
28
The term used in the adth is aswida for both those to Adams right and left. An aswad can mean a great
serpent. (See Lisn al-arab, S-W-D).
29
, 381.
30
The scriptural foundations for this concept are seemingly to be found in Romans 5:12-21, 1 Corinthians
15:22, and Pslam 51:5.

318
soteriological pessimism since in his eyes, heaven and hell are decreed by God in pre-

eternity.

f all biblical books, the Psalms, which Ibn Barrajn usually equates with the

zabr, inform his writings the least. It is not clear whether he had access to an Arabic

translation of the Psalms, or if he ever read them in their entirety. He describes in several

passages how they contain the oft-repeated refrain Oh David, hear what I say, and the

truth I say, be such and such; Oh David, heard what I say, and the truth I say, do not do

such and such. However, this recurring refrain can be found in early Muslim sources,

and there is no proof that Ibn Barrajn used the Arabic rajaz rendering of the Vulgate

Psalms by af b. Albar al-Q (d. 276/889).31 Our authors understanding of the Psalms

comes across in the following statement:

God said [in the Qurn]: For We have written in the Zabr, after the

Remembrance, The earth shall be the inheritance of My righteous

servants (Q. 21:205). The zabr could mean all [divinely revealed]

books, or it could mean [the Psalms] which were sent down to David; and

this [latter meaning] is more probable.32

31
Ibn Barrajn states: wa-amm kitb al-zabr fa-yaql munazziluh al-al al-kabr jalla jalluh: y
Dwud isma minn wa-l-aqq aql kun kadh wa-kadh, y Dwud isma minn wa-l-aqq aql l tafal
kadh wa-kadh, wa-yukthir min hdh fa-ashbah. (, 42). Parallels of this quotation are found in a
statement attributed to the second/eighth-century Successor (tbi) and narrator of Isriliyt, Wahb b.
Munabbih, in Ab Nuaym al-Abanns ilyat al-awliy wa-abaqt al-afiy, 10 vols., Beirut: Dr al-
Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 1988; vol. 4, pp. 45-46. Given that Ibn Barrajns knowledge of the contents of the
zabr appears to originate in reports of Wahb, I suspect that he did not possess a copy of af rajaz
rendition. See M.T., Urvoy ed., Le psautier mozarabe de Hafs le Goth, (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires
du Mirail, 1992).
32
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 44.

319
 Principle of Qurnic Hegemony

Ibn Barrajn affirms that the Qurn is superior to previously revealed scriptures

since it is the last of these scriptures and therefore both embraces and guards

(muhaymin) all preceding revelations from error. He counsels his reader,

Whenever you desire to read the Torah, the Gospel, Scrolls of Abraham,

Moses, Noah, li, or any prophet or messenger, then read the Qurn

[instead]. For it is Gods straight path to which all previously sent

[messengers] were guided.33

At the same time, Ibn Barrajn equates the oft-recurring polysemic qurnic word

al-kitb (e.g. Q 5:48) with all revealed scriptures, including the Torah, the Gospel, the

Psalms (zabr), and all divinely revealed scriptures.34 Moreover, the utility of previous

scriptures lies in the fact that they elucidate or differentiate (tafl) Gods all-embracing

knowledge of the Guarded Tablet (law maf) which he occasionally refers to as the

Mother of the Book (umm al-kitb). In the following passage, Ibn Barrajn promotes an

engagement with non-qurnic sources of revelation, including the Torah, Gospels,

Psalms, and all other scriptures as a means of guidance and of deepening ones

understanding of the contents of Gods non-differentiated knowledge inscribed upon the

Mother of the Book:

God says: And those [godfearing] who believe in what has been sent

down to thee and what has been sent down before thee (Q. 2:4). Our

33
, 910.
34
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 165.

320
 Qurn, and the previous Books including the Torah, Gospels, Psalms, and

all other scriptures are together a guidance for those who have certainty,

since they give report of Gods good pleasure, and on the whole they alert
35
to what was inscribed upon the Mother of the Book.

In other passages, Ibn Barrajn clearly states that the Qurn is the most reliable

revealed source. Thus, he argues, it serves as a litmus test against which the veracity of

previous revelations and especially biblical material can be gauged. Standing on firm

qurnic grounds, Ibn Barrajn advocates for the usage of all revealed books without

exception, books which he describes as scrolls ennobled by the exalted revelation (al-

uuf al-mukarrama bi-l-way al-al).36 Notably, the tone of Ibn Barrajns justification

for the usage of the Bible is not defensive, but matter-of-fact. He affirms that any biblical

passage should be accepted as authentic if it is confirmed by the Quran (midqu-hu min

al-qurn). Ibn Barrajn takes his principle of qurnic hegemony a step further. He

proclaims that the veracity of a Prophetic adth report is not to be assessed in light of

the soundness of its chain of transmission (isnd) but rather in connection to its

accordance with the Qurn. Thus, even though Ibn Barrajn rhetorically distances

himself from the content of the Bible by introducing each passage with the cautionary

formula it is said in the book that is said to be the Gospel/Torah (f al-kitb al-ladh

yudhkar annahu al-injl/al-tawrh), in effect both the Bible and the adth enjoy equal

weight in his writings since they are always weighed against the Qurn. Ibn Barrajn

frequently refers to biblical passages from Genesis and elsewhere as adth (lit. speech)

35
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 224. See also , 18, 31.
36
, 268.

321
instead of verse/sign ya or revelation way,37 and like dth passages, he also adds a

layer of formulaic stock-phrases to references to God and prophets like peace be upon

him (alayhi al-salm) or glorious is His speech (azza min qil).

Ibn Barrajns principle of qurnic hegemony is indicative of a literalist hir

streak that runs through his adth-inspired writings. It is not coincidental that

biographers like Ibn al-Zubayr describe him as a scholar who bound his opinions to the

outward [meanings] of the Book and the Sunna.38 Ibn Barrajns notion that biblical

passages, like adth reports, regardless of the weakness of their chains of transmission

(isnd), should be accepted or rejected expressly on the basis of their concordance with

the Qurn is radical. That is, he endorses the idea that even a prophetic report that has a

fabricated chain of transmission (maw) should be accepted if it is in alignment with

the message of the Qurn.39 This powerful principle of qurnic hegemony undercuts

the entire isnd approach to Sunn adth. While it is not to be found in Ibn azms

works, Ibn Barrajns drastic scripturalism, his opposition to the Sunn scholarly

consensus (ijm), his occasional criticism of taqld and the madhhabs, and his

undercutting of the Sunn tradition of assessing adth reports on the basis of chains of

transmission betrays a hir leaning in his thought.40 In fact, hir writings of Ibn

37
E.g., Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 15.
38
Ibn al-Zubayr, K. ilat al-ila, nr. 45, p. 32.
39
Ibn Barrajn drew on the authority of an isnd when it suited him, even though he usually stressed his
principle of quranic hegemony and the corrective function of the Qurn in confirming weak dth.
Moreover, it is noteworthy that Ibn Barrajn only used his principle of qurnic hegemony to confirm
weakly transmitted adth reports and biblical passages, and never to challenge the authenticity of a
soundly transmitted prophetic report on the basis of a contradicting qurnic verse. His principle of qurnic
hegemony, in other words, was only employed with a view to broadening the scope of authoritative
scriptural sources to which Ibn Barrajn could make use of. See , 729-30.

322
azm were accessible and widely known to scholars of sixth/twelfth century-Muslim

Spain, especially in Seville,41 and Ibn Barrajn certainly came into contact with teachings

of this school and took inspiration from them.42 Ironically, Ibn Barrajns hir

scripturalist leanings broadened rather than restricted his engagement with the Bible.43

Supersession of Pre-Islamic Religions (naskh)

Ibn Barrajn took an interest in devotional practices of other religions and in their

symbolic meanings. For instance, he notes how Roman Catholics of al-Andalus perform

baptismal ceremonies in which the new initiate is immersed in holy water (m al-

mamdiyya) to provide protection against evil and wash away sins. He remarks that this

rite is typically carried out in the presence of a group of Christians, who touch the newly

baptised Christian, thereby emulating all of the created existents which, by virtue of

having been touched by God, also possess an intrinsic love and yearning [for their

Creator].44

40
There are significant differences between the two thinkers. Contra Ibn azm, Ibn Barrajn accepts weak
dth reports and analogical reasoning (qiys), submits that there is utility in the madhhab system while
criticizing it, and endorses the idea that the Qurn contains inner meanings which are accessible to
spiritually qualified scholars. Ibn azm rejected all of the above and considered qurnic verses and strong
adth reports to be equally authoritative. Sabra, Ibn azms Literalism: A Critique of Islamic Legal
Theory in Camilla Adang; Ma. Isabel Fierro; Sabine Schmidtke (eds.), Ibn azm of Cordoba: The Life and
Works of a Controversial Thinker, eds., (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2013) pp. 97-160, pp. 99-109.
41
Adang, The Spread of hirism in Post-Caliphal al-Andalus: The Evidence from the Biographical
Dictionaries, in Gnther, Sebastian (ed.), Ideas, Images, and Methods of Portrayal: Insights into Arabic
Literature and Islam Boston; Leiden: Brill, 2005; pp. 297-346, pp. 336-37.
42
For instance, we know that the hir Ibn Yarb (d. 522/1128) studied the adth collection of Bukhr
with Ibn Manr, who was Ibn Barrajns adth teacher; and that Ibn Barrajns Mlik student Abd al-
aqq al-Ishbl transmitted hir works of Ibn azm. There are also connections to Ibn Barrajn through
Ab Bakr al-Mayrqs hir teacher Ibn Barrl/Buriyl, who was a student of Ibn azm and who came
into contact with Ibn Barrajns associate Ibn al-Arf; See Adang, The Spread of hirism in Post-
Caliphal al-Andalus, p. 329.
43
Adang, The Spread of hirism in Post-Caliphal al-Andalus.
44
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 270.

323
 But for all his openness to scriptures and his curious inquiry into the practices of

other religions, it must be emphasised that Ibn Barrajn was a firm believer in the dogma

of supersessionism whereby Islam supersedes or abrogates Christianity, just as the latter

is understood to have superseded Judaism. Salvation in the afterlife therefore is only

possible within the framework of the qurnic message brought by Muammad. All other

religions are devoid of salvific efficacy, and Ibn Barrajn does not entertain the

possibility of pubescent non-Muslims being saved after the coming of Islam, or of hell

ever subsiding for its denizens.45 He plainly articulates this point of view in many of his

writings, and especially on his commentary on the following qurnic verse:

When there came to them a Book from God, confirming what was with

them and they aforetimes prayed for victory over the unbelievers

when there came to them what they recognised, they disbelieved in it; and

the curse of God is on the unbelievers (Q. 2:89).46

What follows is a translation of a rare passage which captures Ibn Barrajns pessimistic

understanding of the history of Christianity and Judaism. The passage suggests that all

the true followers of Christianity were killed off by their religio-political opponents, and

that the Torah and Gospels suffered from severe distortions either by way of false

45
Ibn Barrajn discusses the eschatological destiny of the children of unbelievers in the context of the
following qurnic verse: Immortal youths will wait on them (Q. 56:17). These are the youths that died
prior to attaining the age where one is obligated to observe the legal precepts of religion (wujb al-taklf);
that is they died in a state of primordiality (fira). I think, and God knows best, they theseare the children of
the disbelieves, whom God entrusts to the service of the people of paradise, just as they were their [child]
slaves and servants in this world. As for the children of the believers, they will be with their parents. Their
fate in paradise, and God knows best, will be different. I think that they will grow up and take wives; for
this is implicit in the verse [And those who believed, and their seed followed them in belief], We shall join
their seed with them (Q. 52:21), thereby completing the happiness of their parents. Ibid., vol. 5, p. 422
46
E.g., Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 120-22, 267.

324
interpretation (tarf al-man) or textual forgery (tarf al-na) by the mainstream

Christian community. He begins by stating that God revealed the Gospel (Injl) upon

Jesus as a confirmation of the Torah which was sent upon the Children of Israel. Some

believed in him and affirmed the Torah and the Gospels, while others refused,

Until the day a king appeared who changed the Torah and the Gospels,

and he was followed by the Byzantines and Greeks. Then bishops were

summoned from various parts of the earth, and they assigned three-

hundred and a few dozen bishops to compile a canon (qnn) which

would be imposed upon the people of their dominions; and so they did.

Then the followers of Jesus were killed and torn to pieces, save a few who

were protected by the regime of the day. These [survivors] continued to

recite the Torah and the Gospels, and to worship God until the day they

were succeeded by a generation who complained about them to their king,

and they said: none has insulted us with such a grave insult as these

[Christians] because they recite in the Torah whosoever does not judge

according to what God sent down, they are the disbelievers, and in the

Gospels whosoever does not judge according to what God sent down,

they are the unrighteous, and they are the digressers. And in our own

book [the Qurn] we read So judge between them according to what God

has sent down, and do not follow their caprices, to forsake the truth that

has come to thee (Q. 5:48) and Had they performed the Torah and the

Gospel, and what was sent down to them from their Lord, they would have

eaten both what was above them, and what was beneath their feet (Q.

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 5:66). And we have previously discussed how the earlier scriptures can be

deduced from the Qurn for those who seek to do so and are facilitated

for the task.47

Interpretive Solutions to Inter-Scriptural Incongruities

1) Historical Contextualisation

Having outlined Ibn Barrajns general understanding and approach to the Bible,

let us look at how he tackles scriptural incongruities between qurnic narratives and

those of Jewish and Christian sources. Aside from omissions, Ibn Barrajn resorts to what

may be called historical contextualisation in order to resolve scriptural incongruities

between the Bible and the Qurn. He insists that each divine revelation was tailored by

God for the community that was destined to receive it, and that perceived incongruities

often result from cultural, geographic, and even climatic particularities of the community

God happens to address. For instance, he notes much like the philosopher al-Farb (d.

339/950), that religions are divinely tailored for the ultimate purpose of salvation. Thus,

hellfire is often qurnically described as hot, but in the New Testament it is said to be a

place of freezing. This, he reasons, is because the Qurn was revealed to Arabs for

whom coolness is a blessing, and heat a curse; whereas the Bible was destined for

northern European inhabitants of cold temperatures for whom heat is a blessing, and

coolness a curse. Thus, he reasons, Hell has a freezing quarter designated for Christians,

and a hot quarter for Muslims. For Ibn Barrajn, as for later exegetes such as Ibn

Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), Gods tailoring His message to different peoples is a

47
Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 305-06.

326
manifestation of divine mercy, since God wants His servants to fear Hell and therefore

describes it in a way that would most terrorise listeners.

It is repeatedly mentioned in the book that is said to be the Gospel: Cast

this wicked servant into the lower darkness; there shall be prolonged

weeping and gnashing teeth.48 This expression denotes freezing

[temperatures], because the region where the people to whom Jesus was

sent is predominantly cold. They suffered in this life from the cold of that

region. They used to fight it with heat, and would protect themselves with

[heat] from the harm [of cold]. This is in contrast to the state of the [Arab]

people of the [desert] region where the Qurn descended.

There is far-reaching wisdom behind this twofold division of

Gods address [to humanity]: that [the message] may be a source of more

awe in their souls, and that it may be a more stinging whip of fear for their

hearts, and more effective in inspiring fear and grief in them, and that it

may prompt their inner souls to flee from the imminent threat [of Hell].

And herein the excellence of His mercy becomes apparent through His

address. For He created Hellfire from the whip of His mercy, in order to

impel His servants to flee from it to His heaven.

Or it may also be that God knew that the [Arab] disbelievers who

live in the hot region of the earth would dwell in the region of Hellfire that

is predominantly hot; whereas the disbelievers of the cold regions would

48
Mt 8:12, 13:42, 13:50, 22:13, 24:51, 25:30; Lk. 13:28. The Arabic translation here is: iqdhif bi-hdh
al-abd al-s f al-ulumt al-sufl aythu yal al-awl wa-qalaqat al-ars.

327
 inhabit the region [of Hell] which is predominantly cold. All this in order

for His books and messengers to be affirmed, and in order for the

punishment of this life to connect to the punishment of the hereafter, and

in order that they be given the like thereof (Q. 2:25), and God is the

Knowing, the Wise.49

2) Allegorical Interpretation (tawl)

Finally, Ibn Barrajn commonly resorts to allegorical interpretation (tawl) to

align qurnic narratives with biblical ones. For instance, he uses tawl to explain the

allegorical significance of the Tree of Life, and the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil

which do not feature prominently in Islamic eschatological literature. In the Qurn, only

one tree is featured and there is no explicit mention of the Tree of Life. Ibn Barrajn

therefore puts forth three possible interpretations for the two trees. Either (1) these names

were falsified by Jews (tarf) and are not genuine revelations. This possibility is

expressed but not emphasised by Ibn Barrajn. (2) The trees were so named by Satan

himself in order to lure Adam and Eve into disobeying Gods command in Genesis 3:4-5.

Or (3) the trees can be allegorically interpreted (tawl) to denote respectively the divine

command (amr) which, when heeded gives way to blissful immortality in the hereafter,

and prohibition (nahy) which when transgressed results in punishment in the hereafter.

The Tree of Life, which symbolises Gods commands, is a door onto the hereafter;

whereas the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil is a door onto this world. Adam ate

from the latter and was expelled to this world. Therefore, Ibn Barrajn reasons somewhat

obliquely, had Adam eaten from the Tree of Life instead of the Tree of Knowledge of

49
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 83.

328
Good and Evil, he and his progeny would have lived eternally in Eden but would have

never been raised to Paradise.50

The Bible Challenges the Qurn?

Before turning to Ibn azm, it is fascinating to note that on the rare occasion in

which adth and biblical material are aligned in meaning, they are accorded the same

level of authority as a qurnic verse. Furthermore, when a adth report and a biblical

passage agree on a meaning that stands at odds with the Qurn, they may actually

challenge the meaning of a particular qurnic passage. In this case, Ibn Barrajn affirms

the veracity of both the qurnic verse, the contradicting adth report, and the biblical

passage even if he is unable to entertain a solution to the apparent contradiction. His

acceptance of such scriptural paradoxes at face value is suggestive of the Ashar

principle of without how (bil kayf) which he evokes occasionally in his writings.51 As

the example below clearly demonstrates, adth reports and biblical materials are not

merely secondary to the Qurn, but at times can challenge and modify the meaning of a

qurnic verse. This fact alone makes Ibn Barrajns two tafsrs remarkably unique in

Islamic exegetical literature.

Ibn Barrajn notes that despite the Qurns emphasis on Gods absolute

dissimilarity or transcendence (tanzh) in verses like there is nothing like unto Him (Q.

42:11), there are certain biblical passages as well as adth reports which state explicitly

that man was created in the image of God. Although the Qurn is the most authoritative

50
, 382-83.
51
E.g., Ibn Barrajn contrasts biblical and dth reports which state that man was created in Gods image,
against the qurnic statement that there is nothing like unto God (laysa ka-mithlihi shay, Q. 42:11).

329
scriptural source for Ibn Barrajn, it cannot trump the combined authority of the Bible

and adth. Ibn Barrajn therefore concedes that both are true without being able to

provide an explanation:

Caveat: This previous [biblical] passage mentions Let us make man in

Our image, after Our likeness (Gn 26:1), and the Qurn confirms and

protects the books that came before it, and God states truthfully: there is

nothing like unto Him (Q. 42:11), and He says and none is equal to Him

(Q. 112:4). Yet, the Prophet said in an authentic report that God created

Adam upon His image and in another, upon the image of the All-

Merciful, and both [the seemingly conflicting qurnic verses and the

adth reports] are true, and God speaks the truth and guides to [His]

way.52

In sum, while both adth and biblical material are equally weighed against the Qurn,

the interpretive weight accorded to each of them may vary according to context.

Depending on which biblical or adth passage is being cited, Ibn Barrajn may either

accord the Bible as much weight as a complementary adth, or more weight than a

adth, or the reverse. In all cases, the Qurn has the last word since a adth or biblical

passage is authoritative to the extent that it accords with the Qurn. However, it should

be noted that when adth and biblical material accord on a meaning, they are given the

same level of authority as a qurnic verse.

52
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 15.

330
 III. Ibn azm versus Ibn Barrajns Biblical Citations

ne of the most famous Andalus Muslim scholars to engage with Jewish and

Christian scriptures was the sharp-tongued and controversial Cordoban polymath Ibn

azm (d. 456/1064). His knowledge of Hebrew was limited, but this did not deter him

from articulating one of the most polemical onslaughts against the Hebrew Bible and

New Testament ever written. Ibn azm deplored the Bible for being historically

unreliable, internally contradictory, rationally absurd, and morally decadent. Ibn azms

sources remain unclear, though it is quite certain that he relied mostly on Arabic

translations that were at his disposal. It is almost certain that Ibn azm had more than

one incomplete translation of the Torah at hand, since he occasionally compares his

translations side by side. In all likelihood, his was not a complete translation of the Torah,

but rather an abridgement which he collated against another written source or even

against oral informants.53 Modern scholars are in disagreement as to whether Ibn azm

had access to Saadya Gaons (d. 331/942) translation of the Torah, a local Latin-to-

Arabic rendering, or even a Karaite source.54

It is certain that Ibn Barrajn did not extract his knowledge of the Bible from Ibn

azms polemical work, The Book of Discernment Between Religions, Doctrines, and

Sects, (K. al-Fal f al-milal wa-l-r wa-l-nial).55 Rather, both authors probed into the

Bible on the basis of translations that were at their disposal. As far as I can ascertain, the

53
Adang, Muslim Writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible: From Ibn Rabbn to Ibn azm, New York:
E.J. Brill, 1996; p. 137.
54
For a detailed discussion of the range of opinions regarding the authorship of Ibn azms Bible, see
Ibid., p. 136.
55
Ibn azm, K. al-Fal f al-milal wa-l-r wa-l-nial, 5 vols., Muamad Ibrhm Nar and Abd al-
Ramn Umayra (eds.), Beirut: Dr al-Jl, 1995.

331
scattered biblical quotations in Ibn azms Fal overlap loosely in seven instances with

Ibn Barrajns biblical citations. ther than the Fal, I have not detected overlaps in Ibn

azms earlier works. As the chart below indicates, these overlapping translations fall in

Genesis (2, 3, 15) and Matthew (11, 13, 24).

Broadly speaking, Ibn Hazm and Ibn Barrajns hermeneutical engagement with

the Bible is almost antipodal. Ibn Hazms paramount concern is to show that Hebrew

Bible and the New Testament are replete with internal contradictions. Ibn Barrajn, on

the other hand, had no interest in the supposed internal contradictions of the Bible, and

rather tried to incorporate biblical material into his exegetical works order to deepen his

understanding of the Qurn. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that for the former, the

de facto assumption is that the Bible was tampered with (mubaddal) and falsified

(muarraf) unless proven otherwise; for the latter, the holy book is an authentically and

divinely preserved revelation unless there is strong evidence to prove its inauthenticity.56

As we have seen, even in cases where the Bible is not in alignment with the Qurn, it is

still possible to resolve the incongruities in Ibn Barrajns eyes without resorting to the

idea that Jewish and Christian communities distorted the meaning or wording of their

scriptures.

In addition to differences in outlook, it should be noted that Ibn azm had

minimal knowledge of Hebrew,57 whereas Ibn Barrajn appears to have had none

whatsoever. Moreover, Ibn azm had a broader knowledge of the Bible since he had

56
For a discussion of Ibn azms polemic against Judaism and Christianity, see Behloul, The Testimony
of Reason and Historical Reality: Ibn azms Refutation of Christianity, pp. 455-83; and Urvoy, Le sens
de la polmique anti-biblique chez Ibn azm, pp. 485-96, in Ibn azm of Cordoba.
57
Adang, Muslim Writers on Judaism, p. 134.

332
access to the four gospels, whereas Ibn Barrajn equates the injl only with Matthew.

Sometimes, Ibn Barrajn states that he is quoting from memory, and cites different

possible alternatives for a given word in Matthew. There is no evidence, however, that

Ibn Barrajn had multiple translations of the Bible. Ibn Barrajns focus on Matthew is

no surprise, since the first Gospel occupied a central position in the Mozarab community

of al-Andalus from the beginning. Notably, the bulk of Ibn azms quotations are from

Matthew as well, although a few are from Mark, Luke, and John.58 Nonetheless, it is not

impossible that Ibn Barrajn had heard of the four Gospels but deliberately chose to omit

anything about their existence in order to eschew polemics.

Two more conclusions can be drawn from a close comparison of the translations

used in the works of Ibn azm and Ibn Barrajn. Although the translations are not

identical, the stylistic flow of the Arabic in the version of Genesis quoted by both Ibn

azm and Ibn Barrajn is strikingly similar, and both renderings lack the idiosyncratic

Hebraisms often found in medieval Jewish translations of the Hebrew Bible. Unlike

Jewish Arabic versions of the Bible in the Mashriq, such as the famous one of Saadiya

Gaon which was possibly available in sixth/twelfth century-Muslim Spain,59 the Mozarab

translation of the Bible into Arabic lacks the distinctive features of translations influenced

by Hebrew, Greek, Syriac and Aramaic source languages. The same stylistic observations

can be said for passages in Matthew, whose phrases bear some similarity to qurnic

58
Unlike Ibn azm, Ibn Barrajn does not cite the chapters of the Bible that he quotes from. He only refers
once to the opening of Genesis as the sifr al-awwal, first book of the Torah whereas Ibn azm uses the
conventional term bb. This may or may not indicate the different translations used by both Muslim
authors.
59
Adang, Muslim Writers on Judaism, p. 136.

333
language. On the whole, however, there seem to be more discrepancies between Ibn

azms and Ibn Barrajns Hebrew Bible translations than their versions of Matthew.

Despite some textual differences, one may postulate, based on stylistic

considerations, that both translations used by Ibn azm and Ibn Barrajn originate from a

similar Latin-to-Arabic translation of the Bible. Indeed, the textual discrepancies that can

be detected in both versions do not necessarily imply that the two authors used Bibles of

two different translators. It is reasonable to postulate that just as cherished classical

Arabic qadas were living texts that were modified by poets over time, Mozarab

Arabic biblical translations of the Hebrew Bible and the Gospel of Matthew evolved over

the centuries as successive generations of Mozarab scholars tweaked and refined the

Arabic recensions. Since the Arabic translation of the Vulgate never acquired the same

canonical status as Jeromes Latin translation, Mozarab scholars would have felt free to

insert their personal stylistic modifications. If this is the case, then passages of Ibn

azms Bible may represent earlier versions of the same Arabic Vulgate translation used

by Ibn Barrajn one century later, and/or, possibly, the re-introduction of cherished pre-

Jerome old Latin readings by North African and Andalus copyists into the Mozarab

Bible.

IV. Chart: Comparison of Closest Parallels between Ibn azm and Ibn Barrajns
Biblical Passages

Ibn Barrajn Ibn azm

Genesis 2:8


61


60


60
a, 19, 278

334
Genesis 2:10-14









63
.

.
62
.
Genesis 3:24

:



64
65

Genesis 15:!3


67

66

Matthew 11:11,13

61
Ibn azm, Fal, vol. 1, p. 203
62
, 476.
63
Ibn azm, Fal, vol. 1, p. 203
64
, 387.
65
Ibn azm, Fal, vol. 1, pp. 207-08
66
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, pp. 141-42.
67
Ibn azm, Fal, vol. 1, p. 216

335



.
68
:
[ ]
69



Matthew 13:31-32





:

71


70

Matthew 24:22,24
:
[ ]

:



73


72
.
.

68
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, pp. 94-96. For a similar passage, see also , 589.
69
Ibn azms version reads: In Matthew twelve, the Messiah said to them Cf. Fal, Vol. 2, p. 69.
70
, 589.
71
Ibn azm, Fal, vol. 2, p. 79
72
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, pp. 248-49. Segments of the following passage are missing from the
manuscripts that were at Mazyads disposal. I therefore rely primarily on Reisulkuttab 30, fl. 362b-363a.
73
Ibn Hazm, Fal, vol. 2, p. 117. Ibn azm claims that this passage is from Matthew 15. The editor
corrects this assumption, and identifies the passage as Matthew 24.

336
 Chapter VI
Cosmological Teachings and Spiritual Practices

Introduction

Most of the reports supplied by medieval biographers about Ibn Barrajn fail to

convey how he actually lived, practiced, and experienced the world around him in light of

his cosmology. Only one anecdotal vignette truly stands out in this regard. The setting is

simple: Ibn Barrajn and his student are conversing after a funeral at a local village

cemetery in the backlands of Seville when suddenly, a mule comes into sight. Ibn

Barrajns reaction to this seemingly ordinary encounter, which is cited in passing by

Qurub in the Tadhkira, captures his constant mystical quest for Gods signs in the

ordinary events of day-to-day life. It is, in effect, an enactment of his pivotal idea of the

cross-over (ibra) into the unseen; the rupturing of the duny-khira dualism by bridging

hir and bin, and anchoring mystical teachings about the hereafter in concrete

corresponding events in the world. The report reads as follows:1

Ab al-akam b. Barrajn related to meand he was of the folk of

knowledge and practice (ahl al-ilm wa-l-amal)that they once buried a

dead person in their village (qaryati-him) east of Seville. When the burial

was completed, they sat to the side for a talk when suddenly a riding

animal (dbba) which was grazing nearby hurried to the grave and placed

its ear upon it as if it were listening. Then it turned back, then returned to

1
This anecdote comes up in Qurubs short discussion on adth that affirm the ability of beasts
(bahim) to hear the torments of the dead in their graves. It was related possibly by one of our authors
students, Muammad Abd al-aqq (n.d.)

337
 the grave and placed its ear upon it as if it were listening, then turned back

once more. It kept doing so time again. Ab al-akam [Ibn Barrajn]

then said: At that moment I recalled the torments of the grave, and the

statement of the Prophet: verily the [people of the graves] are tortured by

a torturing that can be heard by beasts. And only God knows what the

state of that dead man was. He [Ibn Barrajn] related this story while we

were studying Kitb Muslim b. al-ajjj.2

This anecdote is quintessentially Barrajnian. It posits creation as comprising an

outer reality (hir) and an inner one (bin). In this case, the riding animal putting its ear

to the grave embodies the hir, whereas the punishment unfolding within the grave is

the bin. On the surface, these two modes of reality appear to be separate and clearly

demarcated from each other. The funeral attendees are unaware of the fate of the departed

one, and the latter is cut off from the world of the living. But upon closer inspection, both

hir and bin emerge as intimately connected facets of the same reality with no clear

line of demarcation. As a muaddith, Ibn Barrajn was aware of prophetic reports which

relate that the dead can hear from their graves the footsteps of their loved ones leaving

the cemetery, and, conversely, that the torments of the dead can be sensed by some

creatures, like animals. The import of these adth is clear to Ibn Barrajn: the world of

the visible and the invisible are interconnected, the supernatural is natural, and the

hereafter unfolds here and now. The unseen and unheard events of the grave are, quite

literally, loud and clear.

2
Qurub, Tadhkira, vol. 1, pp. 408-409. It should be noted that this anecdote was cited by Qurub as an
illustration of the Prophet adth about animals hearing the punishment of the grave. There are no tongue-
in-cheek implications in this anecdote.

338
 Ibn Barrajn saw all things with the eye of correspondence. He overcame the

duality of hir and bin, and linked realities above and below. He was a true mutabir

(contemplator or undertaker of the ibra/cross-over), and beheld realities of the hereafter

unfolding in this world. Ibn Barrajn saw the next world via this world because in the

final analysis, the duny reveals, rather than veils, the khira.3 His core mystical intuition

was both unpretentiously straightforward, and radically transformative. He came to know

that the line of demarcation between the visible world (lam al-shahda) and the

invisible realm (al-ghayb) was unreal. He was convinced that pitting herebelow

(duny) against hereafter (khira) is ultimately an illusory dichotomy, since the duny

is subsumed in the khira here and now. In his words, God hid the next world in the

shade of this world (khabbaa al-khira f ill al-duny).4 Duny and khira are terms of

convenience which describe an unbroken ontological continuum. The hereafter

surrounds this world. It is hidden within it, yet concealed from us.5 To put it even more

bluntly, earth is heavenly, and heaven is earthly. That is, every earthly phenomenon is a

window into paradise, just as every paradisal reality finds echo on earth.

To my mind, it is clear as day that Ibn Barrajn attained a concrete state of

certitude, a faith-centeredness, and a mystical intuition that radically changed the way he

lived, thought, and wrote. One of the striking features of his writings is just how real,

tangible, and self-evident the reality of the hereafter was for him. When he described the

3
This event took place during the second stage of his career, marked by his move into the rural outskirts of
Seville to lead pursue a contemplative mystical life. Ibn Barrajn continued to teach dth even after
moving from Seville.
4
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 233.
5
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 144.

339
world of the unseen (ghayb), he spoke of it not as second-hand reports gleaned from a

sacred text, but as an eyewitness account. His renown among mystically-inclined

Andalus scholars rested not solely on what he produced on paper, but who he was as a

realized mutabir. Qurubs report and many others convey this fact clearly. Because for

Ibn Barrajn, sanctity and scholarship went hand in hand, and he spent most of his

waking hours practicing and preaching the ibra from every conceivable angle. He lived,

breathed, taught, wrote, and died with a remarkable singularity of purpose guided by his

core intuition. His ostensibly unsystematic mystical teachings in fact revolve, like a

rigorously geometric pattern, around the axial principle of itibr. Although a certain

intellectual development and evolution is detectable in his works, Ibn Barrajns

worldview was thoroughly developed, and internalized existentially before he began

putting pen to paper in the Shar asm Allh al-usn, and possibly even earlier.

This chapter endeavors to explain how Ibn Barrajn saw the world around him,

and how he sought to live, contemplate, and pray in accordance to that vision. It

comprises two parts: 1) cosmological teachings, and 2) spiritual applications. The first

section of this chapter will analyze his central teachings hierarchically, beginning with

the highest reality of al-Abd al-Kull, followed by the Principle of Correspondence

between man-cosmos-revelation, then the so-called doctrine of the Reality-According-to-

Which Creation-Is-Created (al-aqq al-makhlq bi-hi al-khalq), his ontology, and finally

Signs of God (yt Allh). The second part of this chapter will begin with Ibn Barrajns

Cross-Over (ibra) which is at once an intellectual doctrine and a spiritual exercise. A

comparison between Ibn Masarra and Ibn Barrajns conceptions of the ibra will be

340
tendered here as well. Finally, I shall examine his spiritual practices proper, as gleaned

from a small number of scattered passages in his body works.

I. Cosmological Teachings

The Universal Servant (al-abd al-kull):

Ibn Barrajn had no interest whatsoever in argumentative dialectics or elaborate

rational proofs for religion, prophecy, eschatology, Gods existence, and the like. He

rested his thought on the axiomatic assumption that the universe must have a Maker since

it is orderly: The first knowledge which the intellect [must acquire] is that a made object

must have a maker.6 To his mind, rejecting this basic truth out of which everything

unfolds is willful obstinacy (ind).7 Instead of engaging in theological gymnastics, he

preferred to seek God directly through the traces of His names and qualities in creation

as we saw above, the sight of a mule in a graveyard.

However, the timeless question as to how God relates to the world clearly did

pose a philosophical problem for Ibn Barrajn, and he found his solution in the Universal

Servant (al-abd al-kull). This doctrine, which anticipates and inspires Ibn al-Arabs

Perfect Man (al-insn al-kmil),8 features prominently in Ibn Barrajns mystical

thought.9 The Universal Servant is the first creation of God as one totality and one

6
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 6.
7
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 299.
8
The term al-abd al-kmil (The Perfect Servant) was commonly used by Ibn al-Arab as a synonym for
the Perfect Man (al-insn al-kmil), while al-abd al-kull is also occasionally employed in his writings.
9
The Universal Servant is one of the most oft-repeated terms in the . It bears different titles in his
works. Occasionally, he describes it as the universal creation (al-khalq al-kull), universal existent (al-

341
harmony (jumla). It is the initial, all-comprehensive reality that brings together all things.

But, Ibn Barrajn insists repeatedly that it can neither be categorized as a created existent,

nor as part of the divine Essence per se, since it occupies an intermediate station between

God and the world of creation.10 That is, al-Abd al-Kull is situated above the world of

creation, but is subsumed under the divine command. As a unifying meta-cosmic entity,

the Universal Servant contains all realities of creation (macrocosm) and man

(microcosm), and stands sublimely as the archetype of both:

When the whole (al-jam) was given form (tuuwwira) as one form, that

[reality] was the Universal Servant, that is, all created things that enter

under engendered being and temporal origination (mushtamila al kull

m dakhala tat al-kawn), namely time, place, direction, area, nearness,

distance, spirit, body, existence, nonexistence, creation in its entirety, the

command, and that which is determined by this determination, or follows

it, or comes to be from it.11

This totality (jumla) of creationis created not in space or time, nor is

it surrounded by a receptacle (arf), for space, time, and receptacles are

encompassed in its being. Only Gods command surrounds it in power,

knowledge, desire, giving of existence, and so on.12

mawjd al-kull), the universal world (al-lam al-kull), or the universal object of divine act (al-mafl
al-kull). For instance, see his discussion in Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 6-7.
10
The Universal Servant was made by his Maker not in the way of created things (wa-huwa al-abd al-
kull jaala-hu jiluhu al ghayr makhlq. (Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 48).
11
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 146-47.
12
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, pp. 152-53.

342
 The Universal Servant is the one that emerges from the One, and by virtue of its

all-embracing oneness encompasses all existent things known by God in His knowledge.

At root, al-Abd al-Kull is a way of conceiving of the relationship between God and

creation, between the immutable transcendent One and the world of multiplicity and

decay, without introducing multiplicity in the divine order. Al-Abd al-Kull is

comparable to the very first rays that emerge from the sun. These initial rays are so close

to the source of light that they resist clear-cut categorization as pure sun or ray. The

quasi-incomprehensible ontological in-between-ness of the Universal Servant stands as a

solution for the classical philosophical conundrum of how the One relates to multiplicity,

a problem that found various expressions in late antiquity. This philosophical dilemma

begins with a fairly straightforward premise: if multiplicity (kathra) were to emerge

directly out of unity (wada), then there would be something in divinis that is not pure

unity. The Neoplatonic demiurge, Christian doctrines of the Logos, Ikhwnian and Sufi

ideas of al-Abd al-Kull, and al-Insn al-Kmil, all emerge as responses to this basic

philosophical problem. In this line of thinking, Gods relation to the world of multiplicity

is governed by pure oneness: He knows all things with a knowing that is one, measures

out all things with one measuring (taqdr) that is one, hears all audible things with a

hearing that is one, and sees all things with a vision that is one.13 Oneness, in other

words, permeates Gods relationship to multiplicity through al-Abd al-Kull. Thus al-

Abd al-Kull is the closest relativity to God without which creation could not take place,

but which neither adds nor detracts anything from Him.

13
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 333.

343
 For Ibn Barrajn, al-Abd al-Kull is a deeply Qurnic doctrine that is affirmed in

a number of verses. One of the most obvious examples is the verse: your creation and

sending forth (bath) are as but one single soul (Q 31:28). Ibn Barrajn also finds

reference to his doctrine of the Universal Servant in the key verse of the Ftia: Lord of

the worlds (rabb al-lamn) (Q 1:2). More commonly, however, he refers to the verse

He created the All (kull shay) and measured it out with a measuring (Q 25:2):

God alone created the so-called Universal Servant, which is expressed

[qurnically] as the All [in the verse]: He created the All and measured It

out with a measuring (Q 2:25). This Universal Servant encompasses

(aw) every engendered thing, just as Eve (aww) encompasses all

mankind, both male and female. Except that Eve was Adams

counterpartpeace be upon them, whereas God has no counterpart,

similar, comparable, or analogous entity. He is the Independent, the

Praiseworthy, and nothing is like unto Him (42:11).14

In typical fashion, Ibn Barrajn anchors his abstract teachings not only in concrete

qurnic verses, but also qurnic symbols and mental images. In the symbolism of the

Qurn, he equates the All (kull shay), or the Universal Servant with the Guarded Tablet

(al-law al-maf) upon which God inscribed His knowledge of all things from the

beginning of creation to the day of Judgment.15 The guarded tablet contains Gods

knowledge of all things to the day of resurrection. It is the source of revelation, creation,

human destiny, and everything that unfolds in existence. But the Tablet is decisively not
14
, 368.
15
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 289.

344
within the created order hence its equation with al-Abd al-Kull. It should also be

noted that when Ibn Barrajn mentions al-kull, The All, he has in mind the created

universe as a whole. The al-Abd al-Kull subsumes The All in pure unity.

Furthermore, in his meditations upon al-Abd al-Kull, Ibn Barrajn proposes two

images by way of conceiving of the form of this reality. The first is to envision it/him as a

man standing in a prayer (rajul qim yuall) of perfect submission before God. The

supreme one-on-one between the All and the Absolute typifies the supreme prayer which

every believer should aspire to perform. A second useful image which Ibn Barrajn

conjures is that of a ship (safna). Like Noahs ark which carried all species across the

floods of the world, the Universal Servant sails upon the seas of nonexistence, engulfing

all created existents within its hull.16

Universal Servant vs. Particular Servant (al-abd al-juz)

When God said Be (kun!), the first thing that emerged was not the world as we

know it, but an all-embracing reality which contains the knowledge of Gods creation

until the Day of Resurrection. All things unfold as a consequence of the reality of the

Universal Servant. Thus al-Abd al-Kull was created in the best of forms and the noblest

of measurings (taqdr); the form of Gods form (rat al-aqq). Man, on the other hand,

was created upon the form of the form of God. That is, man was created upon the form of

al-Abd al-Kull. Just as the qualities of the divine names and attributes permeate the

reality of the Universal Servant in differentiated and non-differentiated modes, likewise

God created Adam and implanted within him the meanings of the names. Like the

16
Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 14-5. For an extensive discussion of the ship metaphor, see Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 333-335.

345
Universal Servant, the qualities of Gods names permeate the Adamic form and are

concealed within him.

Adams creation upon the form of the Universal Servant is the meaning behind

the mysterious qurnic myth in which God taught Adam all the names (Q 2:31), and by

virtue of that knowledge was able to teach the angels (Q 2:30-38). The angels, unlike

Adam, are not created in the image of Gods form, the Universal Servant. The names and

qualities of God do not permeate their form as fully as they do in Adam. As the sound

adth explicitly states: God created Adam in His form (khalaqa Allh dam al

uratihi) or alternatively, in the form of the Compassionate (al rat al-ramn). The

form of God is al-Abd al-Kull. That is, mans form is [fashioned] according to the

form of the Real (ra al rat al-aqq), that is, the form of the Universal Servant.17

Therefore, God bestows existence upon man through the Universal Servant. Ibn Barrajn

calls the Adamic form, or the archetypal man, the Particular Servant (al-abd al-

juz).18 Adam is Particular since he is a part (juz) of the Universal Servant, created

as he was in its/his form.19

17
Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 343-44.
18
The Partial Servant is sometimes called the Partial World (al-lam al-juz) and the Partial Object of
Gods Act (al-mafl al-juz).
19
It is important not to confuse the Universal Servant with either the macrocosm, nor with the Sufi notion
of the sanctified soul of the ideal Sufi master who perfectly reflects Gods names and attributes. This
confusion is easy to make, since this servant is also kull, and appears to denote the cosmos as a whole.
Moreover, the term juz, Particular Servant, gives the impression that the two terms have a direct,
correlative relation to one another. This false impression is reinforced by the fact the term Particular
Servant (al-abd al-juz) is occasionally brought up in discussions of Universal Servant, and Ibn Barrajn
moreover invites his reader to picture the Universal Servant in the form of Adam praying in perfect
submission to his Lord. A close reading of the text, however, makes it clear that Ibn Barrajn compares
Adam to the Universal Servant by way of imagery, not correspondence, and that the Particular Servant and
the cosmos derive ontologically from the Universal Servant.

346
 The Principle of Correspondence: Man-Creation-Revelation

Reality consists of two parts: God and manifestation, or, God and everything

other than God (m siw Allh). Al-Abd al-Kull, which is neither one nor the other,

links the two together. Broadly conceived, the world of m siw Allh is like an arrow

which emerges out of God and points back to Him. M siw Allh in its totality is a

super-sign (ya) that reflects God. But m siw Allh is divisible into three broad

categories which signal God in distinct ways. These are: (1) man (insn), (2) creation

(khalq), and (3) revelation (way). Man has free will and is the compact, undifferentiated

(mujmal) reflection of the Universal Servant; the universe is its unpacked, differentiated

(mufaal) cosmic reflection of the Universal Servant; while revelation resembles both

man and creation since it comprises both differentiated and undifferentiated modes of

divine self-disclosure: the mukamt and mutashbiht. Their triangular correspondence

arises from the fact that everything in m siw Allh is ontologically rooted in the reality

of the Universal Servant. Thus the principle of correspondence applies not only between

above and below, or duny and khira, but also within manifestation between man,

creation, and revelation. For each reflects the Universal Servant and ultimately God in

distinct modes. The principle of correspondence is explicitly articulated in the following

passage:

Realize that God hid His artisanry in creation, veiled power in the object

of power, concealed the secret in the place of concealment, and obscured

the property of the mystery between the fixed (mukamt) and the

mutually resembling [verses] (mutashbiht). Thus there is neither

meaning nor object of knowledge in the whole (kull) which does not have

347
 its analogue in the part (juz), even if it fades on account of its smallness.

Nor is there any existent, thing, or meaning in the part except that it is a

reality that points to another reality which has perfect existence in the

hereafter. This is because what is in the whole is analogous to what is in

the part, regardless of the disparity [that may exist] on account of [the

wholes] greatness. The novice may not be capable of discerning [the

correspondence between the part and the whole], and his knowledge falls

short of this correspondence. Likewise, there is no secret in the mutually

resembling [verses] (mutashbiht) except that their root is in the fixed

verses (mukamt), pointing and alluding to it as its counterpart (nar).20

Ibn Barrajn devotes an enormous amount of time to discussing the correlative

correspondences between the three loci. One of the distinctive correspondences that links

them together is the inherent imprint of beauty, harmony, and orderliness upon

everything in manifestation. When Ibn Barrajn discusses the so-called traces (sing.

ithra) of the divine names in manifestation, he means primarily the visible harmony and

orderliness throughout existence. The three loci participate in the orderliness that

inherently issues from the divine command, through the Universal Servant, into the

world. Take man, for instance. He is orderly and beautiful in both bodily constitution and

inner disposition (fira). His body is miraculous in its configuration, just as his soul is

innately disposed to the truth, and ingrained with a guiding inner light of fira. Like man,

the cosmos is also inherently orderly and harmonious as evidenced in circular planetary

rotations, interdependence of natural phenomena, or in the simple perfection of a Sevillan

20
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 345-46. (MS Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fll. 145b-146a).

348
olive tree. This innate harmony that permeates the universe is the aqq According to

Which Creation is Created (MBK, more on this below) which corresponds to human

fira. Finally, revelation, like man and cosmos, is orderly and beautiful to anyone who

ponders its language, listens to its enchanting recitation, immerses in its infinite wisdom,

or ponders its inimitable structural composition (nam). Orderliness is innate to the

Qurn, just as fira is innate to man, and MBK to creation. All three issue from the

same divine fiat.21 All three bear the traces the divine names.

Aside from the universal orderliness and harmony that permeates manifestation,

Ibn Barrajn loved to analyze the specific ways in which man, cosmos, and revelation

correlate. The parallels between man and universe are confirmed explicitly in the Qurn

by the verse: In the earth are signs for those having sure faith; and in your selves; what,

do you not see? (Q 51:20-21). In Ibn Barrajns words, the inner dimension of the

Particular Servant is linked to the outer dimension of existence (ittaala bin al-abd al-

juz bi-hir al-wujd).22 Thus, the sensory faculties play the same role in the human

body as the angels do in the macrocosm. Just as the human senses are subservient to the

intellect, so the angels carry out their duties in perfect obedience to God. That is, the

sensory faculties are extensions of human will, just as angels are extensions of the divine

will. In addition, like the human body, everything in the cosmos is interconnected, inter-

dependent, and in need of the divine for its existence. For nothing stands on its own (l

yaqm bi-nafsihi).23 All entities of the cosmos, like all human organs, are inter-

21
Hence Ibn Barrajns stress on the doctrine of orderliness of the Qurn (nam al-qurn) discussed in
Chapter IV.
22
Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 152-53.
23
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 360-66.

349
dependent: plants are in need of sun, animals of plants, the heart of lungs, limbs of veins,

and so on. And just as man depends upon earth for his livelihood and would perish

without the world, so the world is divinely tailored for and subjected to (taskhr) man,

and would not emerge into existence except for him. Mans life depends on the cosmos;

while the cosmos raison dtre is man.

In addition to human-cosmic correlations, Ibn Barrajn observed multiple

correspondences between man and revelation. For instance, qurnic verses interlock and

explain one another. The mutashbiht and mukamt are mutually complementary. The

inter-connectedness of the Qurn recalls the inter-connected structure of the cosmos:

The world, says Ibn Barrajn, resembles the Qurn, and the Qurn the world

(ashbaha al-lam al-qurn, wa-l-lam al-qurn).24 This was so patent to Ibn Barrajn

that he often referred to the cosmos and revelation simply as the two beings (al-

wujdn).25 For everything in the world is mentioned and alluded to in the Qurn, and

vice-versa.26 In his way of thinking, the disciplines of astrology and mystical qurnic

exegesis, for instance, are complementary. Studying the rotation of the spheres advanced

ones understanding of the Qurn; while understanding the Qurn increased ones grasp

of creation.

The Qurnic verses inter-connectedness is reminiscent of human anatomy as

well. Every qurnic verse is connected to the other (taalluq al-ba bi-l-ba) just as the
24
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 154.
25
Occasionally, Ibn Barrajn calls wujdn MBK and revelation (Tanbh, vol. 4, p. 256) since MBK
is the sum-total of Gods signs in creation, whereas revelation, which is that aspect of MBK that is
expressed or signified by revealed religion.
26
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 103, 154.

350
celestial bodies, and human organs are mutually dependent. In addition, just as man is

central to the cosmos as a whole, containing all cosmic realities in undifferentiated mode,

so Srat al-Ftia engulfs the entire message of the Qurn. Man in relation to the

universe is analogous to the Ftia in relation to the Qurn.27 Additionally, revelation,

like the cosmos, is created and tailored for man. If it were not for man, revelation would

not have been revealed. Conversely, if it were not for revelation, man would perish in this

world and the next. Man relies upon revelation for his salvation and guidance; revelation

needs man to come into being. Since everything is in a state of inter-connectedness, inter-

dependence, and correlative existence, man must thus seek guidance wherever it is

inscribed: from the book of revelation, the book of nature, and the book of the self, the

guidance of innate disposition (hidyat al-fira).28

The Real According to Which Creation is Created (MBK)

So far we have analyzed Ibn Barrajns doctrine from a top-down approach. That

is, by tracing how all things unfold ontologically from the Universal Servant into the

realm of m siw Allh which is divisible into the world of man, creation, and revelation.

But the path to God is a two-way mode of reflection: it is possible to descend from the

highest principles of existence into their lowest differentiations, or conversely to ascend

from the differentiated particulars to the highest principles. This bottom-up ascent to the

divine takes the world of creation (lam al-khalq) as its starting point.

27
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 360-66.
28
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 318.

351
 First, proclaims Ibn Barrajn, one must recognize that creation intrinsically bears

the touch of the divine Creator, just as an artisan (ni) inherently leaves his personal

mark on his artistic productions, or an author upon his writings. The fundamental calling

of religion is to train man in the art of recognizing Gods marks in creation. Thus, just as

an art connoisseur cultivates a skillful and almost intuitive ability to evaluate, identify

and attribute works of art to their artists on the basis of style, technique, and experience,

so the contemplator of cosmic existence gradually develops a nuanced apprehension of

the inimitable marks of divine artisanry. These marks (thr), which are imprinted across

the canvas of physical existence, revealed religion, and the human state, convey

something of the qualities of God. The connoisseurship of Gods traces is mystical

knowledge (marifa), which enables the spiritual connoisseur to cross over (ibra)

through penetrative contemplation (itibr) from the outward appearance (hir) of

existence to its inner (bin) reality, and to acquire wisdom (ikma). The contemplator

(mutabir) nurtures his inborn human ability to recognize God in all things through a

methodical process of spiritual training, inner purification, and, as he emphasizes

endlessly, practicing the cross over from the visible to the unseen (ibra min al-shhid

il al-ghib).

Ibn Barrajn was a connoisseur of this divine art. He spent his waking hours

practicing, explaining, and illustrating ways of reading the books of nature, revelation,

and man. He never tired of reminding his pupils that creation did not emerge out of non-

existence in vein, and that God did not create the heavens and the earth and all that is

between them, in play (libn). Rather, the world was fashioned according to an orderly,

harmonious, cohesive, and beautiful design. As the Qurn concisely puts it, We did not

352
create the heavens and the earth except according to the aqq (Q 44:38-39). This bi-l-

aqq,29 says Ibn Barrajn, is the sum total of the traces (ithra), pathways (maslik),

or inherent requirements (muqta) of Gods names and attributes in the cosmos, in the

Qurn, and in man. This aqq is not God per se, and this comes out in Ibn Barrajn use

of language in that he never follows the word aqq by a formulaic expression such as al-

aqq tal (The Real be He exalted). Yet aqq contrasts with khalq, creation, and

represents Gods presence in creation. MBK thus bridges the aqqkhalq bipolarity.

This aqq, moreover, is not just one of many ways of conceiving of or accessing the

Real. It is, rather, the only means by which God can be known. For in the final analysis,

we only have access to God through His creation. The divine only self-discloses in m

siw Allh: the cosmos, revelation, and man. God can only be known through His exalted

attributes (ift ul), which in turn are accessed through His beautiful names (asm

usn), which in turn are grasped through their traces (thr) in m siw Allhthe sum

total of which is denoted by this qurnic aqq.30

Ibn Barrajn most commonly refers to this pervasive aqq as the aqq-

According-to-Which-Creation-is-Created (al-aqq al-makhlq bi-hi al-khalq, henceforth

MBK). MBK is so pervasive that it only stops short of existence (wujd) itself. It is

such a broad conceptual category that it is difficult (though not impossible) to grasp. This

29
The qunic expression bi-l-aqq is polysemic and occurs in the Qurn in various contexts. (See Q
6:151, 7:43, 7:53, 7:89, 7:159, 7:181, 8:5, 10:5, 15:55, 15:64, 15:85, 16:3, 16:102, 17:105, 18:13, 21:112,
23:41, 25:68, 29:44, 30:8, 44:39, 46:3). In the context of MBK, I do not think it should be translated as
the Real Through Which Creation is Created butbut according to which creation is created. For aqq in
the Qurn ranges in meaning from according to wisdom, justice, right, rightness, and correct. Bi-l-aqq
also relates to truth, reality, confirmed, binding, authentic, genuine, sound, valid, substantial, real, fact,
necessary, requisite, unavoidable, binding, obligatory, incumbent, due, necessarily-existing by His own
essence (applied to God). For Ibn Barrajn, the aqq in MBK encompasses all of these meanings.
30
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 194-95.

353
aqq is the all-encompassing totality (jumla jmia) of the denotations (dalil),

revelations, messengers, and signs of God in the heavens and the earth.31 It is the sum

total of the qualities of the divine names in existence. It is Gods disclosure of His names

and qualities by way of the Universal Servant, in the present moment, throughout

creation.

In more theological terms, MBK can be explained as follows: God in His

infinite unity, majesty and beauty would only decree that which is harmonious and

beautiful. The divine command, which is an extension of Gods Essence, contains only

His qualities and attributes. MBK issues from that divine command (lam al-amr) and

permeates the visible world (lam al-shahda).32 In Ibn Barrajns words, divine unity is

the fountainhead (yanb) of MBK.33 Thus, like the Abd Kull, MBK does not

entirely belong to created existence. It is not in the way of created things (laysa al

makhlq), but rather reflects the divine names and qualities in creation. MBK stands at

the junction of this world and the next, and there is a direct ontological link (ittil)

between both.34

How then does MBK relate ontologically to the Abd Kull? The answer to this

is never explicitly explained by Ibn Barrajn. What is clear is that while the Abd Kull is

a cosmogonic doctrine which looks back to the source of creation, MBK is an

eschatological concept which anticipates and represents Gods supreme Self-Disclosure

31
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, pp. 276-77.
32
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 166.
33
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 277.
34
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 37.

354
on Judgment Day (more on this below). Second, while both the Abd Kull and MBK

are subsumed under the divine command (amr), the latter is situated between the divine

and the world, and never enters into it. On the other hand, MBK is below the Abd

Kull, permeates creation, and embraces the reality of all things in differentiated

(mufaal) and undifferentiated mode (mujmal).

In Ibn Barrajns way of looking at things, everything is either a sign of Gods

presence, or of His absence. The tapestry of creation is woven out of contrasts. Good and

evil, beauty and ugliness, love and hate, faith and unbelief, virtue and vice, and so on, are

all threads that run through the world and serve as indications of the hereafter. From this

standpoint, MBK is that positive aspect of this world which points to Gods names and

to the next world:

The world is divided into two parts; remembrance (dhikr) and trial

(fitna). The part of trial is the antichrist (dajjl) which is the greatest

[trial], and which is like a center-pole from which all trials branch out. The

part of the remembrance is MBK, wherein there is no trial, and which is

like a center-pole for remembrance, from which all remembrance branches

out.35

Given the wide-ranging, and literally all-encompassing nature of the doctrine of MBK,

discussions of this teaching recur throughout Ibn Barrajns writings, and in countless

contexts. Indeed, it would be no exaggeration to state that his central preoccupation

throughout his extant oeuvre is to shed light on his doctrine of MBK. He proclaimed

35
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 212.

355
that MBK is to existent things like a point is to a line: it begins with it, and is

connected through it, and ends with it.36 Bearing testimony to MBK is the loftiest

assertion of divine unity (al-tawd al-al), the eye of certainty (ayn al-yaqn)

mentioned in the Qurn, and a foretaste of paradise itself.37 Whether one calls it MBK

or otherwise, it remains a fundamental article of faith which is incumbent upon every

believer, and true belief entails an affirmation of God, His angels, revealed book,

messengers, the last day, and MBK with everything it encompasses.38

Like most of Ibn Barrajns doctrines, MBK bears various technical titles, all of

which indicate his understanding of MBK not as a separate creative principle, or a

cosmogonic reality that acts as a Neoplatonic demiurge out of which creation emerges.39

Rather, the doctrine of MBK is the broadest possible way of speaking of Gods

relationship to creation, since it denotes the orderly nature of Gods creativity, and the

sum-total of the traces of the divine names. Pondering and grasping this pervasive cosmic

aqq is an intellectual-spiritual ascension into the realities of the hereafter. In the

36
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 180.
37
Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 365-66.
38
Ibid., vol. 3, p. 507.
39
Although none of these titles are not easily weaved into a sentence, Ibn Barrajn insists on using the
entire formula repeatedly. Sometimes, he refers to it as aqq according to which the world is
fashioned/cleaved (Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 56) (al-aqq al-mafr alayhi al-lam) or the aqq
which permeates the world and which is given existence by Gods names and attributes (al-aqq al-
mabthth f al-lam al-mawjd an asm Allh wa-iftihi fhi) (Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 172).
Elsewhere one finds the simpler expression aqq that permeates the world (Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p.
338) (al-aqq al-mabthth f al-lam). Occasionally, Ibn Barrajn refers to MBK as the aqq that
pervades the world, and that issues from the requirements of Gods names (al-aqq al-mabthth f al-
lam al-munfail an muqta asm Allh). (Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 414; Reisulkuttab 30, fl.
271b) and the aqq according to which He made all of creation (al-aqq al-ladh faara al-khalqa
kullah alayhi) (Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, p. 120).

356
following quote, Ibn Barrajn lists a few among the myriad of implications of the

doctrine of MBK:40

God only created the heavens and the earth and all that is between them

bi-l-aqq, and this aqq consists of the pathways of the meanings of His

names and attributes in the world, and everything that points to the

existence of the next world and its components, and that which He obliged

us to bear witness to, namely the coming of the Hour with appointed times

and designated periods, and that the recompense will necessarily and

undoubtedly take place, and the attributes of the recompense, and

knowledge of the spring-source of the [hidden] treasuries, and knowledge

of the spring-source of revealed Laws, and those things that are affirmed

by the foundations of Islam, and discernment between what is permissible

and the forbidden therein.41

In typical fashion, Ibn Barrajn makes full use of the mythic language of the

Qurn to explain, anchor, and buttress each of his teachings. He reminds his reader that

the Qurn enjoins the believer repeatedly to seek knowledge of the creation of the

heavens and earth (eg. Q. 88:18-20), and most of the Islamic revelation is devoted to

recalling Gods signs in the world. In fact the central purpose of many sras, including

the all-important Sra 55 (al-Ramn) is to remind the reader of MBK, hence the

40
The one notable exception to this is the last quarter of the Tanbh, where discussions occur less
frequently as if to signal that the reader has understood this teaching. In fact, toward the end of the Tanbh
when Ibn Barrajn comes across verse 64:3 We created the heavens and the earth bi-l-aqq, he states
exhaustedly we have already spoken of this to the utmost of our ability. Ibid., vol. 5, p. 343.
41
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 12.

357
repeated refrain So which of the graces of your Lord do you deny?42 From this

perspective, Ibn Barrajns doctrine of MBK is a direct response to this qurnic

invitation to contemplate Gods creation,43 and to recall that the things of this world are

signs of those in the next, and that everything is a sign of God. Moreover, as Ibn Barrajn

often states, it was Abraham, the archetypal contemplative (sayyid al-mutabirn) who

arrived at the knowledge of divine unity by pondering the celestial heavens; knowledge,

that is, of MBK which he expressed in his proclamation to his father: there has come to

me knowledge which has not come to thee (Q 19:43).44 Finally, it should be noted that Ibn

Barrajn insists that the doctrine of MBK is explicitly articulated in the Qurnic verse

And God created the heavens and the earth bi-l-aqq, so that every soul may be

recompensed for what it has earned (Q 45:22). The first half of this verse denotes

MBK, the world of the names and attributes. The second denotes the consequences of

MBK, namely religion, prophecy, and the innate disposition of all things (fira) to

God.45

MBK Heralds al-aqq al-Mubn

In the final analysis, MBK is an anticipation of the full, unobstructed divine

self-disclosure on Judgment Day.46 This major theophanic event, during which God

reveals Himself in His full glory to believers, is the central divine theophanic event

42
, 913.
43
Ibid., 151
44
Ibid., 288
45
Shar, vol. 2, p. 339.
46
, 361

358
known as the Supreme Self-Disclosure (al-tajall al-al). It is never beheld directly by

believers in the herebelow since they are engulfed in veils of gross material existence.

These obstructing veils will be rent apart on Judgment Day when the heavens will be

transformed to other than the heavens, and the earth (Q 24:25). Ibn Barrajn commonly

refers to the divine theophany in the hereafter as al-aqq al-mubn, the

Manifest/Elucidating aqq.47 All professions of faith (shahdt) are anticipations of that

fundamental, fully realized, and archetypal tte--tte on Judgment Day. It is in this sense

that MBK is a foretaste of paradise.48 Bearing witness to MBK in this world

anticipates the testimony of God as al-aqq al-mubn in the next, which is the mother

and pillar of all professions of faith (umm/umdat al-shahdt).49 In Ibn Barrajns

words:

MBK in this world will be replaced by al-aqq al-mubn [in the next].

[Al-aqq al-mubn] is MBK in the here-below radiating the light of that

aqq al-mubn.50

The term al-aqq al-mubn is, predictably, derived from the multiple qurnic statements

which relate that on the Day of Judgment man will know that God is al-aqq al-mubn

47
Ibn Barrajn occasionally employs the term al-aqq al-mubn synonymously with another Qurn-
inspired expression, aqq To Whom is the Destination (al-aqq al-ladh ilayhi al-mar). The two terms
are virtually synonymous, differing only in emphasis. The aqq To Whom is the Destination specifically
connotes the impending nature and certainty of the divine self-disclosure in the hereafter (Ibid., 60).
48
Ibid., 235
49
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 113.
50
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, p. 391.

359
(e.g. Q 24:25).51 Moreover, Ibn Barrajn finds reference to this doctrine in perhaps what

is his favorite and most oft-repeated adth report (found in the authoritative collections

of Bukhr, Muslim, and others) about the al-aqq al-mubn:

You will see your Lord just as you see the full moon at night, and just as

you see the sun at noon when there is no cloud before it.52

MBK thus anticipates al-aqq al-mubn in this world. However, Ibn Barrajn also

stressed that the Supreme Self-Disclosure of God is not an occurrence that takes place in

the future. It is a continuous process of regeneration occurring here and now. God, al-

aqq al-mubn, gives reality to MBK in this world. (al-aqq al-mubn, ay al-mubayyin

al-aqq al-makhlq bi-hi al-khalq). That is, al-aqq al-mubn actualizes the reality of

MBK (muiqq al-aqq al-makhlq bi-hi).53 The only difference between now and

Gods self-disclosure on Judgment Day is the removal of the obstacles between God and

creation. After all, there is no repetition in Gods self-disclosure (l tikrr f al-tajall).

51
Ibn Barrajn also plays on the ambiguity of the term mubn, which like aqq, carries several shades of
meaning. Not only does mubn manifest or most-evident, it is also the most evidencing reality, (al-aqq al-
mubayyin). Mubn is the piercing discrimination and discernment between truth and falsehood. The
implication for Ibn Barrajn is clear: the divine self-disclosure or al-aqq al-mubn is self-evident through
its signs, demonstrations, witnesses in MBK. In his discussions, Ibn Barrajn emphasizes the all-
encompassing nature and centrality of the divine adjective mubn. God is not only the Manifest Reality, but
also the Manifest God (ilh mubn), Manifest Lord, Manifest King, and so on for every divine name. That
is, Gods self-disclosure is mubn from every conceivable aspect. Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 23.
52
Given the centrality of such verses and adth statements to Ibn Barrajns thought system, Ibn Barrajn
devotes an entire section of his Shar to discussing verse 24:25: Upon that day God will pay them in full
their just due, and they shall know that God is the Manifest Truth (Ibid., vol. 2, p. 21), and countless
discussions of this verse and the aforementioned report feature in his two qurnic commentaries.
53
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 257.

360
 Monism? One Wujd, Two Worlds, and Many Levels

Between Tanzh of the Asharites and Tashbh of the Anthropomorphists

Ibn Barrajn saw existence (wujd) as a unitary whole with no independent parts.

He held the cosmos to be an ontological and almost physical extension of the hereafter. In

his oft-repeated words: this world is a bundle yanked out of the next world (jadhba

judhibat min al-khira). The next world is present in the visible world, or in the belly of

this world (f ban al-ar).54 Man dwells on the back or outward aspect of this world

(ahr), whose belly or inward aspect (ban) is the hereafter. The outward dimension of

the world is an offshoot, or a branch (far) of the root (al) of the hereafter.55 But the

two worlds are far from being on par with one another. For this world is deficient

(nqia), andits fulfillment is the hereafter.56 The next world is ontologically superior,

more real (ziydatan f al-wujd) and nobler (akram wujdan) than this world.57 Despite

their ontological resemblance (tashbuh al-wujd), the herebelow is merely a tiny

prison in relation to the hereafter.58 For Ibn Barrajn, the sufficient proof for this

hierarchical monist cosmology lies in a faithful and literal reading of adth literature.

When the Prophet proclaimed that my pulpit is a garden of paradise, what else could he

have possibly meant?59 Ibn Barrajn was convinced that his ontological framework was

54
, 559
55
Ibid., 559
56
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 50.
57
, 8, 116.
58
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 63.
59
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 143-44.

361
the most faithful and profound way to understand the Prophets awareness of celestial

and infernal realities, which he expressed in countless adth wherein religious and

natural landmarks like the northern Medinan mountain of Uud or the courtyard in his

own mosque are identified with paradise. Conversely, the Prophet saw other natural

landmarks such as the small southern-Medinan mount of r as infernal. Among Ibn

Barrajns favorite Prophetic statements in support of his ontology is the following:

This world in relation to the next is like unto a finger that is dipped into a

river: behold how much it draws from it.60

For Ibn Barrajn, any honest and faithful reading of such prophetic reportsand

they countlessuncovers profound secrets about the nature of existence and its relation

to the hereafter. Without an ontological hermeneutic that posits an unbroken continuum

in the chain of being, hundreds of such scriptural passages would either give way to

anthropomorphism (tajsm) la Ahl al-adth, or would be incomprehensible (tal, bi-

l kayf) and metaphorically interpreted away (tawl) as the rationalist theologians do so

often.

Ibn Barrajns hyper-literal reading of scripture was a mystically-driven attempt

to undercut the theological literalism shared by Andalus Mliks on the one hand, and

the rationalist worldview upheld by the newly established Andalus Asharites

(mutakallimn) on the other. Neither of the two perspectives sat well with him. For the

literalists were so bent on their anti-intellectual approach to scripture that they fell into

crude anthropomorphism (tajsm), while the theologians sought to uphold Gods

60
, 116.

362
dissimilarity (tanzh) to such a degree that they either declared the intellect to be

ineffectual (tal, bi-l kayf)61 in the face of seemingly problematic scriptural passages,

or ventured into far-fetched interpretive gymnastics (tawl) that reduced God to an

inaccessible philosophical abstract. True, the transcendentalism of the Asharites (and

Mutazilites before them) emerged largely in reaction to the crude interpretations of Ahl

al-adth, theological literalists, and other early groups who posited an identical physical

relationality between the divine and creation on scriptural grounds. The mujassima were

guilty of the heresy of tashbh (declaring similarity) by imposing corporeality upon God

and heaven. In response, the theologians attempted to avoid the pitfall of tashbh by

overemphasizing tanzh (dissimilarity). But from Ibn Barrajns perspective, both the

anthropomorphists and the theologians represented extreme confinements of religious

discourse. The former ultimately accepted a corporeal divinity, while the latter imposed

impermeable boundaries between this world and the next and were guilty of excessive

transcendentalism and of taking recourse to bi-l kayf at every turn.

The ontological worldview articulated by Andalus mystics, beginning most

prominently with Ibn Barrajn, arose as a response to these two entrenched

perspectives.62 In effect, Ibn Barrajn did not accept the theologians transcendentalism

as a solution to anthropomorphism, because the theologians set up a divide between

duny and khira, hir and bin, to the point of incomprehensibility and inaccessibility.

Ibn Barrajn attempted a midway between the crude corporealism (tajsm) of the

61
Ibn Barrajn takes objection to bi-l kayf in his writings.
62
Ironically, these mystics were almost without exception experts in adth. This monistic worldview
would later be elaborated in the writings of Ibn al-Arab ontology and imaginal world (lam al-khayl),
and would reach its peak of philosophical elaboration in Mulla Sadras idea of transubstantial motion (al-
araka al-jawhariyya)

363
Andalus Mlik literalists on the one hand, and radical transcendentalism of his Asharite

contemporaries on the other. In a sense, Ibn Barrajns solution amounts to a direct

inversion of the anthropomorphist worldview: while anthropomorphists saw heaven as a

prolongation of the world, Ibn Barrajn saw the world as a prolongation of heaven. That

is, he did not hold heaven to be like the world, but the world to be like heaven. Ibn

Barrajn begins with heavenly matter and then imposes it upon the corporeal matter. In

other words, he did not believe in matter as an independent, physical entity. Rather, he

believed matter itself to be real only insofar as it is an extension of heaven. This world is

a bundle yanked out of the next world, i.e., this world is made from the same stuff as the

next world. In short, Ibn Barrajn sees the world as heavenly; the anthropomorphist sees

heaven as worldly; while for the theologian, heaven is heaven, creation is creation, and

never the twain shall meet.

Scriptural Proof-Texts for Ibn Barrajns Ontology

The Hidden Object (al-khab)

Ibn Barrajn marshals many scriptural proof-texts in support of his hierarchical ontology.

The first comes directly from the Qurn, namely doctrine of the hidden object, (al-

khab). The Qurn states: He brings out what is hidden in the heavens and the earth (Q

27:25). This hidden object (khab) means many things. From one perspective, it is

MBK, or the meanings and realities of the names and attributes which are indicated by

the signs (yt).63 But more importantly, the khab denotes, 1) pre-cosmic state of

creation in Gods knowledge, which comes into existence when He says Be (kun) to it.

63
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 124.

364
The water underneath the throne of God symbolizes this first khab; 2) that aspect of the

next world which manifests in this world. Ibn Barrajn laments the loss of knowledge of

the khab.

He who brings forth what is hidden in the heavens and earth. (Q 27:25)

The hidden thing (khab), although knowledge of it is hugely vast, goes

back to two types, and only God knows what is behind them. The first is

that He hid water in His treasuries, and He hid within the water the things

to which water is employed Naught is there, but its treasuries are with

Us (Q 15:21). When God wants to give existence to a thing, He says be to

it and it emerges into existence just as He desires. The second and greatest

of all types of khab is Gods hiding the hereafter in this world, so when

one of us dies he emerges into it. The Prophet said: the Garden is closer

to one of you than the straps on his sandals, and so is the Fire. God hid

the Garden in the skies and the earth, and He hid the Fire underneath the

earths, and within the earths, and Upon the day the earth shall be changed

to other than the earth, and the heavens (Q 14:48) He will reveal it to

them directly.64

The doctrine of khab is central to Ibn Barrajns thought because it emerges directly out

of the Qurn and captures his monist ontology in concrete qurnic imagery. It is

64
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 235. The following quote is relevant as well: All of existence was hidden
in His knowledge, power, and desire, and Gods mentioning of the throne points to the fact that all of
existence comes under the might throne because it encompasses all of existence. Also, all of existence was
hidden in the water under the throne, and all of existence on that day was in a state of original
undifferentiation (murtaqq). Tanbh, vol. 4, p. 236.

365
discussed so often in his extant works that the author assumes the readers understanding

of this idea in most passages.

The Two Breaths (al-nafasayn):

Ibn Barrajn also finds reference for his idea of ontological oneness in relevant adth.

One of the most prominent is his recurring discussion of The Two Breaths (fayayn).

The two fays originate in a adth which states that cool breezes hail from the opening

of the gates of heaven (fat), while scorching summer heat waves stem from the breath

(fay) of the fires of Hell. For someone who regularly experienced the scorching summer

heat, bitter winter cold, and cool spring breezes of Seville, the connection of the seasonal

rotations to the opening and closing of the gates heaven and hell must have been

immediately tangible. Moreover, Ibn Barrajn posited that the four elements (al-ul al-

arba) which make up physical existence derive from the Opening (fat) of heaven, and

the Scorching (fay) of Hell. The balanced fusion and mixing of these elements make

account for the diversity in the world.65 It is tempting to posit that global warming, from

Ibn Barrajns standpoint, would be interpreted as cosmic a disproportion between fay

and fat, an excessive opening in the gates of hell that is in proportion to an internal

imbalance in the fira of the human state.

A Philosophical Explanation: Imaginal Existence (al-wujd al-mithl)

Ibn Barrajns philosophical explanation for ontological unity of the two worlds

lies in his concept of al-wujd al-mithl, which clearly prefigures Ibn al-Arabs

65
Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 114-15.

366
doctrine of the Imaginal realm (lam al-khayl/mithl).66 Underpinning Ibn Barrajns

concept of wujd mithl, or imaginal existence is an attempt at addressing the

philosophical problem posed by the fact that everything in existence is in a constant state

of change. If everything changes and disappears, how then does God recover it? The

archetypal image, or mithl of a created thing is never annihilated. Only the created

aspect of a thing is susceptible to annihilation and thus goes out of existence. Ibn

Barrajns al-wujd al-mithl is a premonition of Ibn al-Arabs imaginal world (lam

al-khayl). The imaginal existence of Ibn Barrajn is constantly fixed in a place of subtle

existence. The image of a created thing is not only Gods knowledge of it, but occupies

an intermediary existence between divine knowledge and corporeality. In effect, nothing

real ever disappears, for its image always remains.

Unlike scriptural proof-texts mentioned above, philosophical discussions of al-

wujd al-mithl only recur a handful of times in Ibn Barrajns works. It should be noted

that this notion is quite extraneous to Ibn Barrajns thought system, and is never fully

integrated into the pattern of his teachings. However, given Ibn Barrajns broad

selection of uncited sources, there is little reason to suspect that it is a later gloss added

by someone inspired by Ibn al-Arab, since it is found in several passages throughout his

66
Figures after Ibn al-Arab preferred to employ the word khiyl to mithl in such discussions. Although
this may be a tenuous link, there are references to the idea of continuous existence in the works of Ibn Sn.
See al-Najt, (Cairo, 1938, Book III, pp. 291-98). A parallel passage is found in the Shif. See The
Metaphysics of The Healing, parallel English-Arabic text by Michael E. Marmura (Provo: Brigham Young
University Press, 2005), pp. 347-57. (I am grateful to William Chittick for bringing these passages to my
attention).

367
works and can be traced back to one of the earliest witnesses of the Tanbh which was

copied from the original MS.67

In the following passage, which is translated in full, Ibn Barrajn provides an

explanation of the afterworld in terms of images (mithlt). He stresses that existence is

more real in heaven than in this world, but its existence is neither spiritual nor corporeal,

but an imaginal intermediary one. His description of wujd mithl is comparable to a

cosmic backup disk, which is transferred into the afterlife. All things are backed up by

imaginal existence which is continuous. Nothing real is ever lost of wujd mithl. The

subtle existence which supports the reality of things never disappears, and that is the

reality that appears on the day of resurrection. In qurnic language, the preserved book

(kitb af) which embraces the reality of all things embodies imaginal existence. The

fruits of the hereafter are not wujd mithl itself, but are derived from it and are similar

to it. On day of resurrection, earth will be restored changed to other than the earth and

the heavens. Heavens here is the realm of invisibles, the angels, and the unseen, whereas

earth is the physical world. Both are transformed at the resurrection:

Every imaginal existence (wujd mithl) belongs to a manifest or a non-

manifest thing, and although the manifest dimensions are annihilated

where annihilation is permissiblethe images remains. It is not like

shadows which disappear; when a person is gone a shadow is gone. God

does not cause something which He created to stop existing with respect to

what it is, nor with respect to His exalted command and Manifest Book,

67
See MS Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fll. 49b-50a; MS Yusuf Aga, which is copied from the original (al),
161a-b

368
 rather non-existent things are only non-existent because of lacking [Gods]

giving it existence, and in relationship to what is other than He, and by

relationship to His putting of power into effect in that, and His will in the

giving existence to mirrors and viewers, or a servant along with everything

that goes along with being a servant on the day of arising, by making

manifest what is hidden of that, then He separates the vile from the good,

placing this on one side, and that on the otherand We have a preserved

book (kitab af) (Q 50:4) [The imaginal existence] embraces everything

that has been given existence, and what was taken out of existence, and its

roots, and that which all of it comes back to, and that which is put into

work in it, and its return, its being, its where, its place, its when, and

everything has a measure with Him, (Q 13:8) this all is realized by being

given subsistence, and with its subsistent existence, taking its place in the

next abode. God says: it is given to them in resemblance and whensoever

they are provided with fruits therefrom, they say: this is what was given us

aforetime (Q 2:25). This is a reminder of the aforementioned imaginal

existence. That is, God decrees in the next abode that each time something

is taken from it, its image (mithl) takes its place, so that it is without

sensory timeits sign [in this world] is the recurring fruit of a tree which

takes the same for most people year after year; it shall be so in heaven but
68
without time.

68
Tanbh, MS Reisulkuttab, 30, fll. 161b-162a. This passage is found in the last section (fal) of Ibn
Barrajns commentary on sra 3 (l Imrn) of the Tanbh. Unfortunately, it is not available in print. The
entire passage appears to be missing from the MSS of Mazyads edition (see vol. 1, p. 597-607).

369
 Metaphorical Illustration: Mustard Seed and Its Tree

The inter-relationality between this world and the next can also be conveyed through

metaphor. Ibn Barrajns favorite illustration is the relationship of a mustard seed to the

mustard tree. The mustard seed contains all the qualities of its tree, just as this world

bears the marks of the next. Ibn Barrajns imagery aligns perfectly with the qurnic

myth of creation. For God first planted trees in heaven, and the seeds grew out of the

trees. The visible world is thus, quite literally, an offshoot of the invisible world, bearing

its marks and traces throughout:

Take, for example, the mustard seed. It is small and fine when God plants

it. You can directly observe its heat,69 color, shape, form, taste, smell, and

all or most of the qualities for which it comes to be called mustard. God

configures [the seed] and nurtures it into a standing tree with [primary]

roots and [secondary] roots that each have their roots, [and so on] to the

furthest limit. The tree also has a trunk which brings together the things

that ascend from its base, and which branches out at the top. That trunk

has branches, which in turn have twigs, which again have shoots, leaves,

and blossoms, and everything that ensues from it all. There is no doubt

that God infuses the taste of the seed throughout the tree, including its

dryness, heat, benefits, and harms, and all of its external qualities which it

Moreover, the passage is not in Adlns edition of the Tanbh which only covers the second half of Ibn
Barrajns commentary beginning with sra 17 (al-Isr). For a second discussion of al-wujd al-mithl,
see the Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 133-35 (See MS Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fll. 49b-50a; MS Yusuf
Aga, which is copied from the original (al), 161a-b).
69
Ibn Barrajn is using Galenic categories of heat and dryness to describe the qualities of mustard.

370
 was created with, and the internal attributes which emerge from it. Such is

the case for the aqq (MBK) which we seek to describe.

Similarly, knowledge that is discovered when one contemplates the

[mustard] seed must be recognized by the intellect with certainty, and

witnessed to by faith. One must acknowledge that all parts and qualities of

the tree are from [the mustard] seed, including primary roots, and

secondary roots, to their furthest limit, and all parts above it, with primary

branches, and secondary branches, to their furthest limit, and the

blossoms. It is thus that one must know that the tree is conceived of in that

seed.

It is in this manner that the next world is known from this world. And

when one returns the gaze (Q. 67:4) a second time, one knows that this

world is from the next world. Upon returning the gaze the second time one

recognizes the things of the next world in every being of this world, for

this world is drawn from the next. This is the [true] testimony. Thus the

tree in this metaphor, with all that it encompasses, is the Intermediate

Abode (al-dr al-wus) [elsewhere Ibn Barrajn calls the tree the next

world (khira)]70 whereas this world is the seed with all its contents and

everything into which it divides. For when God first created this world, He

did not begin with seeds but He created trees and plants, and out which He

gave existence to seeds. Similarly, this world is drawn from the next, so

70
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 164.

371
 this world inasmuch as it is the tree which contains all living things,

corresponds to the seeds. When [living creatures] die, they emerge as the

tree from which the seeds come to be. Then when they are resurrected,

they correspond to the seed. God says: We have decreed among you death;

We shall not be outstripped; that We may transform the likes of you, and

make you to grow again in a fashion you know not. (Q 56:60-61)this is

an example of the correspondence of the tree to the kernel, and the kernel

to the tree.71

Pushing the boundaries of the Ghayb

Ibn Barrajn rejects the common understanding of the unseen world (ghayb) as a

transcendent abode that is out there spatially, and yet-to-come temporally. From this

point of view, the paradisal and infernal realities of the hereafter are not invisible in the

herebelow, only to be grasped in the beyond. Rather, the visible world both veils and

reveals the invisible. It signals the next world because it is an integral part of it. In effect,

Ibn Barrajn called for a redefinition of the unseen world (ghayb) as a relative category.

Since existence is essentially one, the unseen world is a dimension of reality that must

somehow be accessible. Thus, what is unseen for a common believer is visible for friends

of God; and what is unseen by the latter is visible for prophets; and the unseen for

prophets is visible for angels; and the unseen for angels is known by God. The only true

ghayb is what he called ghayb al-ghayb, the mysteries reserved by God in His

treasuries for Him alone. Thus, examining the unseen world, or even predicting the

recapture of Jerusalem, for example, is not an illicit act of encroaching upon the ghayb.

71
Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 499-502. (collated against Reisulkuttab 30, fll. 289a-b.)

372
Rather, a friends of Gods ability to foretell the future is merely a breaking-of-habit

(kharq al-da). The key to peering into the unseen is to undertake the cross-over (ibra)

through signs of God in creation, man, and revelation:

The ghayb is that which is not perceived by the senses. It is only unseen

in relation to those whom [God] addresses (mukhabn). As for the One

Who address us, there is no unseen for Him.72

Within the unseen [world] is that which is unseen in relation to some but

not others; such as the angels and their bodies of knowledge which are

unseen in relation to us, but not in relation to them. The same goes for the

jinn. Thus, everything that is absent from our witnessing and from our

knowledge is unseen with respect to us, even though it is visible and

known to others. The only unseen that is utterly unknown by others is

alluded to in the verse: With Him are the keys of the Unseen; none knows

them but He (Q 6:59).73

Ibn Barrajn was challenged by fellow scholars for pushing the boundaries of the

ghayb. This comes across in his apologetic response to a hypothetical question by one of

his challengers:

If someone were to say: Faith in the unseen is well-known, such as our

[adth-inspired] testimony of faith that God is real, and the angels are

real, and the prophets are real, and the hour is real, and so forth; and all

these things exist and are present even if they are not seen by the eye, for
72
Ibid., vol. 3, p. 75.
73
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 253.

373
 they are nonexistent now and shall come to be in the future. As for my

own statements [about the unseen], they are contradicted by observation,

and the intellect is hardly able to affirm them. The answer is: this is so,

but what I mention about the unseen is more worthy of the state of faith in

the unseen, and it is affirmed by scripture and it demands faith of all who

are religiously accountable (mukallaf). Moreover, just as the unseen is

manifest in relation to itself, it too has a non-manifest aspect.74

To drive his point home, Ibn Barrajn goes on to compare the perceived realities of a

sleeper and a dreamer, to that of a wakeful person. The sleeper is motionless, and

unaware of his senses, while the dreamer thinks he is aware of his senses. The unseen for

both, however, is the visible world of the wakeful person. Ibn Barrajn proclaims: If

faith were to attain pure witnessing by means of contemplation (itibr), the attribute

faith in the unseen (ifat al-mn bi-l-ghayb) would cease to exist.75

yt as Windows into Heaven

Ibn Barrajn never tired of emphasizing that signs of God in creation are not abstract and

disconnected markers with no connection to the hereafter. Rather, signs are immersed in

the two worlds, and are ontologically connected to the realities that they signal. They are

unobstructed passageways, or unbroken tunnels of light that transmit something of the

luminosity of the next world. Moreover, since this world, the interworld, and the next

world are inward and outward aspects of each other, the yt are anticipations of the

74
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 346-48 (collated against MS Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fl. 146b).
75
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 347.

374
realities of the interworld (barzakh, al-dr al-wus), which in turn anticipate those of the

afterworld in an ontological hierarchical succession.

Moreover, signs are everywhere. They are innumerable, since everything other

than God (m siw Allh) points to Him. Creation is a theater of signs, reminders

(tadhkr), or denotations (dalil) heralding and anticipating realities in the next world.

One of the axioms of Ibn Barrajns thought, which he articulates in a myriad of ways in

his works, is that every existent thing in the herebelow is a sign (ya) of a reality in the

hereafter, since all created existents are yanked out (muntaza) from the hereafter.76

Thus, every reality of this world has an archetype in the next, and is in fact and extension

of it, since the above correlates with the below (al-al yantaim bi-l-asfal). For

instance, day and night are governed by the rotations of the celestial bodies, while being

ontologically rooted in the Inner Day (al-nahr al-bin).77

The whole world is like a house filled with lamps, rays, and lights

through whom the things of the house are elucidated. As for the quest for

the source and makers of the lights, guideways, marks, and

denotationsone must imagine the oil which gives light to the lamps, and

which is the source of [light]. [Also imagine] the blessed olive tree, which

[stands as] an example for MBK.78

76
, 559
77
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 315.
78
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, pp. 121-22.

375
 One of the keys to deciphering Gods signs in the cosmos is to study revelation

closely, since the Qurn explains the cosmos, and the cosmos explains the Qurn.

Conversely, studying the cosmos helps deepen ones understanding of the Qurn. From

this perspective, studying the Qurn and reciting its verses is virtually the same as

studying astronomy, botany, or medicine with a contemplative eye. After all, Gods signs

in the world complement those of revelation:

Know with certainty that God did not report anything [in revelation]

which is not denoted in the world by a sign or by signs which give

knowledge of [the hereafter] just like the [revealed] report. Nor is there a

sign in the world that denotes knowledge of God, or of a name among His

names, or an attribute among His attributes, or of the next world and all its

existence, or of angels, prophets, prophecy, messengerhood, or of

messengers and what they brought, except that prophecy has given report

of it, and alerted us to it in differentiated or undifferentiated mode. This is

in order for the demonstration to confirm itself, and for certainty to

disclose itself. God says: We have neglected nothing in the book (Q

6:38).79

Like the qurnic verses, most signs in the cosmos reflect not just one, but many

realities of the hereafter simultaneously. Like a crystal which reflects the full spectrum of

light and colors when it is beheld from different angles, the signs of God exhibit the

hereafter in many ways. The multiple meanings of Gods signs emerge out of the fact that

79
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 334.

376
Gods creative power is infinite, and thus His creation can be contemplated from different

perspectives, and by different souls with different potentials and degrees of realization.

Moreover, just as the sun, moon, and stars never arise at the exact place twice, there is no

repetition or monotony in the divine self-disclosure. In Ibn Barrajns words, Gods self-

disclosure is ever repeating (tajall mutajaddid abadan).80 Thus he encouraged his

readers to constantly turn their gaze to the heavens and the earth. Gods creative power is

infinite, as is His revealed word. The signs of God, like the verses of the Qurn, are open

to simultaneous interpretations that are equally valid. The sea, for instance, can

symbolize both positive and negative elements of the hereafter depending on the

standpoint of the beholder. This loose hermeneutics accommodates the imaginative

faculty of the seeker and gives way to a variety of perspectives and a rich understanding

of created existence.81 For instance, beholding water with the eye of itibr alerts the

contemplative to many realities. Just as water revives barren lands, it symbolizes the

descent of the command from the divine throne to the cosmos, and Gods governance

over all things through His command. From another standpoint, water is a sign of His

deployment of revelation through His messengers, the sending forth of prophets, and

revival and resurrection of the dead, and thus of the coming of the hour.82

Believers behold the signs of God in accordance to their own capacities, and in a

hierarchical apprehension ranked in degrees of excellence (taful). Just as a poet, an

architect, and a geologist would observe a mountain in different ways, so the mystic and

80
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 414.
81
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 245.
82
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 341.

377
common believer see different levels of meaning in Gods signs. Thus, for some, these

signs are open passageways onto the unseen, while others do not even see the sign

whatsoever.83 That is, the reality of a sign is in the eye of the beholder. The diversity in

apprehension of the signs reflects the fact that each believer will experience the beatific

vision in the hereafter in accordance with his own degree of realization. The denizens of

paradise, likewise, contemplate the Face of God in accordance to their respective ranks of

knowledge and proximity to Him.

Ibn Barrajn sometimes distinguishes between ordinary analogical examples

(mathal) which have no ontological weight, and signs (ya) proper. He employs the term

mathal in the context of analogies expressed in the Qurn, whereas the word ya

connotes an analogous and ontological relationship between symbol and archetype and is

usually employed in the context of a natural symbol.84 When beholding a positive sign,

Ibn Barrajn occasionally invokes the qurnic term graces (l), since the l are

gifts that manifests positive realities of the hereafter.85 These graces most often

premonition the beatific vision. For instance, facing God in canonical prayer, knowledge

of God, supplications, and remembrance of God all anticipate the encounter, direct

discourse with, and vision of God.86 The rising of sun and moon are signs of the divine

encounter. Darkness of the night, losing ones bearings, sadness, loneliness of an outsider
83
Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 213-14. See also ibid., vol. 3, pp. 61-64 (Reisulkuttab 30, fll. 316a-b).
84
In his discussion of And it is He who let forth the two seas, this one Sweet, grateful to taste, and this salt,
bitter to the tongue, and He set between them a barrier (Q 25:53) he points out that the sweet and salty
waters of the sea referred to in Q 25:53 are amthl, or analogies for faith and guidance on the one hand, and
unbelief and perdition on the other. (Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 190-91; for a discussion of night and day as amthl,
see also vol. 4, p. 189).
85
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 85.
86
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 111-12.

378
in a foreign land, are signs of perdition. Whereas outspreading, joy, recovery from

sickness, illumination of the skies, are l of the joy experienced at the moment of the

divine encounter.87

Exclusive Signs (yt kha): Sun & Moon

The greatest of all signs is the Universal Servant (al-ya al-um) who embraces

everything other than God (m siw Allh) in an all-comprehensive, pre-cosmic

totality. Below the all-encompassing Universal Servant lie the Exclusive Signs of God,

namely sun and moon which are supreme, because they exclusively represent the Light of

Lights (nr al-anwr),88 that is, Gods self-disclosure (al-tajall al-al) on Judgment

Day. The Exclusive Signs designate God in a concentrated fashion and are hence are

more sublime.89 Below the Exlusive Signs are the signs throughout cosmic existence.

Water as Active Principle of Existence

Ibn Barrajns favorite sign of God is the qurnic water (m). Water is one in

essence, yet it gives rise to multiplicity. It is thus a perfect sign of God, the Creator of all

things. Water is cosmologically situated beneath the divine throne (His throne is upon

water). It should not be confused with ordinary H2O. Rather, the qurnic m

encompasses the realities of both ordinary water (H2O) and seminal fluid of living

creatures. Physical water and seminal fluids derive their ontological reality from the

qurnic m. Water descends from heaven, even though it is not manifest (hir) in

87
Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 306-07.
88
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 297.
89
Although the concept and technical usage of the term ya kh can be detected in the Tanbh, see vol.
4, pp. 186, 362; vol. 5, pp. 51, 252, 262-263. These special symbols feature most prominently in his final
work, the (see index under ya kha).

379
heaven itself today, it is therein in a non-manifest (bin) manner. Just as creatures that

are engendered from water are from heaven.90 The qurnic M is an active agent that

fertilizes, enlivens, and engenders life in this world. Thus, Ibn Barrajn points out that

rainwater is a perfect symbol of the descent of the divine command, prophecy, reviving

the dead, and the approaching of the reality of the Final Hour. A drop of rainwater makes

its way into a shelled mollusk in the ocean and transforms into a pearl.91

It is not surprise that one of Ibn Barrajns favorite examples of itibr is

pondering the symbolic and ontological significance of water. For just as water descends

from heaven to earth and gives life to plants, trees, and flowers, analogously a drop of

semen descends from its place of origin to its place of rest, and out of that exchange the

many successive and diverse generations of humanity and animals emerge. Ibn Barrajn

remarks that human semen is an active ingredient which produces offspring of its own

genus. That is, animals emerge from animal semen, and the same goes for the sons of

Adam. Adam himself was made of earthly clay and water. (Q 25:54) Clay is his mother,

and water his father. Water is the active principle, and clay the passive recipient.92

Thus, he reasons, the reality (aqqa) of the seminal fluid is contained in its

offspring. Likewise, the reality of rainwater, which descends from earthly clouds but

ultimately connects to the archetypal water underneath the divine Throne, gives life to the

trees and plants of Heaven is manifest in the botanical world of this world. Thus, just as

genetic relations can be established by drawing comparison between a child and his

90
Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 89-90.
91
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 246.
92
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 241.

380
parent, likewise the ontological relations between the outer world and heaven can be

discerned by recalling the similarities between the botanical world and the Heaven

above.93

This world is a piece of the hereafter, formed in accordance with the

latters form (al-duny nubdha min al-khira uwwirat al ratih), in

both felicity and torment, except that [the form of this world] is a fusion

and diminution [in relation to the hereafter]. We have also spoken of the

fact that the waters [of heaven] which descend from gardens and

fountains and a noble station (Q 26:57-58), descend upon [earthly

vegetations] which are similar to [the heavenly gardens], and vice-versa

[heavenly gardens are similar to earthly ones]. The Prophet said: the

Garden is closer to one of you than the straps on his own sandals, and so is

the Fire.94

Secondary Signs

While the natural symbols of sun, moon, and rainwater occupy the bulk of Ibn

Barrajns discussions of Gods signs (yt), other symbols are discussed in Ibn

Barrajns writings. Number one, from which all numbers issue, symbolizes God as the

First, Last, Outward, and Inward.95 Divine unity is also symbolized by the sending forth

of winds (irsl al-riy), since wind hails from a single source and envelops the world of

93
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, pp. 36-38.
94
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 303.
95
, 48

381
multiplicity.96 Further, the emergence of creation from nonexistence into existence is

signaled by mans transition from sleep to wakefulness, and by the transition from night

to day.97 The interworld (barzakh) is signaled by the crack of dawn (fajr).98 In similar

fashion, sleep, wakefulness, and dreams are signs of death, resurrection, and beholding

the hereafter. The responsiveness and subjugation of the human sensory faculties and the

limbs to the human being symbolize the angelic world, since the angels are perfectly

subservient to God.99 The beatific vision (al-ruya al-karma) is symbolized by faith in

this world, just as good deeds foreshadow pleasures of the hereafter.100

It should be noted that while Ibn Barrajn preferred to dwell on the positive signs

of the hereafter, he also discussed negative signs that evoke phenomena of hell. For

instance, hardened hearts in this world are reminders of the torture-angels of hell.101

Moreover, just as rainclouds are signs of heaven, thunder-bolts and lightning are signs of

Hell.102 Signs of God also manifest in religious history, as evidenced by reports of Gods

punishing his enemies and saving His friends.103

96
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 347.
97
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 131.
98
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 368.
99
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 243.
100
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 167.
101
, 116.
102
Tanbh, vol. 4, p. 333.
103
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 190.

382
 II. Spiritual Practices

Spiritual Egalitarianism? Awmm and Khaw

There is something to be said about Ibn Barrajns egalitarian spirituality, since holds

categorically that neither common believers (awmm) nor the spiritual elite (khaw)

see God in this world. Gods self-disclosure is only beheld in the next. On Judgment Day,

and in heaven, the believers shall enjoy the sight of God with ever more intensity and

permanence. Even the true mystic grasps only a partial glimpse of the reality behind

MBK, thereby seeing al-aqq al-mubn. This leveling of access to the divine finds

expression throughout Ibn Barrajns works. To be sure, he does emphasize the role,

sanctity, powers of perception, and epistemological superiority of the friends of God in

relation to the rest. But the awmm-khaw dichotomy is not so sharply pronounced in

his works as one finds in classical Sufi manuals of the likes of Qushayr. Ibn Barrajns

works do not feature discussions wherein the virtue of, say, reliance on God (tawakkul)

for the elite means x, and for the commoners means y. For in the end, even the

khaw only see God partially in the herebelow.

What the spiritual elite are able to attain by way of seeing God is the ibra, which

is an intermediate level of realization between the all-out claims to divine access and self-

annihilation of a allj, and common belief of an ordinary Muslim. So while ibra is

central to Ibn Barrajns understanding of closeness to God, it is always an accessible

passageway into the unseen for the reader. In the pre-arqa informal period of Andalus

mysticism where initiations and spiritual rites of Sufi order were not codified, the quest

for God was informal, open and accessible to the seeker.

383
 That said, the ibra is not easy to achieve. It demands full commitment of the

seeker on every level. Ibn Barrajns obsession with the concept of ibra is one of the

most remarkable features of his corpus.104 His writings, moreover, aimed at inspiring a

paradigmatic reorientation in his readers relationship to the world and the hereafter, and

at explaining in a myriad of ways how to become a mutabir. Ibn Barrajns teachings

amount to an extensive commentary upon the cross-over from the visible into the

invisible (ibra min al-shhid il al-ghib), an expression that recurs like a mantra

throughout his writings. The mystic dis-covers the unseen and anticipates the sweetness

and pleasures of the hereafter, thereby dwelling in the paradise of certainty (jannat al-

yaqn). Consequently, every single subject that Ibn Barrajn pursued was geared toward

the ibra. Ibn Barrajn attempted the ibra into the unseen from every way possible

angle: his interest in the cosmos, astronomy and astrology, agriculture, the science of the

soul, human anatomy, the science of the letters, tafsr, adth, biblical literature, and

104
Nearly every page of Ibn Barrajns extant corpus betrays the influence of Ibn Masarras concept of
ibra, or contemplative cross-over. The bulk of his Shar asm Allh al-usn consists of points of
cross-overs (itibr) into the traces of each name. For instance, after discussing the meanings of Gods
Oneness, he turns his contemplative gaze to the human body and soul. He notes that the human foot, with
five toes, ligaments, bones, and interconnecting veins are tied together into one foot. The same goes for the
entire human leg, and the other parts of the human body which are made up of multiple parts forming a
unified whole. These multiple limbs together constitute the human body. Ibn Barrajn then notes that the
same unity in diversity and multiplicity can be witnessed in trees and plants, which have roots, a central
trunk or stem, branches, leaves, fruits. It is in this, and in many other ways, that the marks of unity from the
divine name the One (al-wid) are to be pinpointed throughout the universe. (Shar, vol. 1, pp. 74-76).
Another example is that Gods name The One (al-wid) can be detected in the fact that man dies, and is
interred, then judged alone. Even if all of creation were to die with him, he would still not depart from the
meaning of oneness to which he is bound. (Shar, vol. 1, p. 79) The cross-over is such a frequent theme of
discussion in his works that the term ibra is key to the very title of Ibn Barrajns minor Qurn
commentary, The Elucidation of Wisdom by the Properties of the Cross-Over ( al-ikma bi-akm
al-ibra), a title which indicates that the principal purpose of his work is to demonstrate ways of penetrating
into the inner meanings of the Qurn. Ibn Barrajn devotes discrete sections within his writings, entitled
ibra, to elucidate a particular cross-over (E.g. , 601, 635). The implication here is that the cross-over
into the inner reality of things is the essence of wisdom. Ibra is discussed almost fifty times in the
from various standpoints.

384
grammar are all opportunities for itibr. Ibn al-Zubayr sensed this singularity of purpose

in his writings when he writes that:

From any science, [Ibn Barrajn] chose a selection and freely applied it

to Sufism and esoteric science (ilm al-bin).105

It is no surprise, therefore, that Ibn Barrajn identified himself not as a Sufi, ascetic,

gnostic, or even knower of God, but a Mutabir, or Contemplative. The term mutabir,

however, also contains the meaning of a bir, a Traverser, or One Who Undertakes the

Cross-Over. Alternatively, Ibn Barrajn sometimes described his type of religious quest

as a movement of Ahl al-naar f al-samwt wa-l-ar, Contemplators of the Heavens

and the Earth.106

The Crossover (ibra) from the visible to the invisible

The ibra is the culmination of Ibn Barrajns cosmological teachings applied on

the level of spiritual practice. At root, it is not an abstract intellectual exercise in

correlative thought, but a gradual spiritual recognition of the divine marks and an

assimilation of this truth into the very being of the seeker. The cross-over is not only a

religious obligation (far),107 it is the very heart and pinnacle of religion itself.108 By

105
Ibn al-Zubayr, ilat al-ila, pp. 31-33, no. 45. Bellver translation.
106
For convenience, I translate this term as contemplatives.
107
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 115.
108
Ibn Barrajn divides religion into six categories or parts (sabat ful). These culminate in a seventh
one, namely itibr. The parts are: (1) divinity (al-ilhiyya) with its qualities and names, which contains all
mystical knowledge (marifa); (2) oneness (al-wadniyya) which contains all knowledge (ilm); (3)
lordship (rubbiyya), which entails knowing the blessings, remembering the primordial covenant, and
affirming the trust of servanthood to God, believing the messengers, (4) prophecy (nubuwwa), which
entails discerning between prophets and charlatans, prophetic miracles (mujiza) from saintly miracles
(karma), (5) knowledge of the practice of servanthood (taabbud) in the wake of the teachings of the

385
developing a sensitivity to the presence of the hereafter, the believer cultivates an

intuitive sense of inner guidance so that he smells and senses the unseen like the

subtle creeping of the ant. (dabb al-naml).109 Thus undertaking the ibra, or dis-

covering the unseen is the ultimate paradigmatic shift in consciousness of the believer. It

is a passage, a cross-over, meditative penetration, or dis-covery of the invisible through

the visible, by reading the visible world with the eye of correspondence. Ibra is thus a

passage from abstract notion and intangible belief to concrete awareness and verification.

The process of itibr is a non-discursive, participative, symbolic, and associative

engagement with Gods effects and marks in the cosmos, in scripture, and in the human

self. By crossing over into the world of the unseen, the seeker prolongs, anticipates, and

ultimately identifies directly with the heavenly abode.

Just as the Prophet had a direct experience of the next world and of God in his

nocturnal ascension through the seven heavens (mirj), so Ibn Barrajn proclaims the

cross-over as the nocturnal flight (mirj) of the intellect to divine knowledge.110 For

the ibra enables the believer to experience the minor heaven. (al-janna al-ughr).111

The fruit of ibra is wisdom (ikma), which is none other than the identification of the

meanings and consequences of the divine names in created existence, and thus the

prophets, (6) the trust (amna), (7) itibr, which is the key to knowledge and to an increase in certainty
(yaqn), and to the ascension to knowledge of certainty (ilm al-yaqn), then to vision of certainty (ayn al-
yaqn) into the realities of faith. All of knowledge branches out into the one-hundred divine names and into
knowledge as such, whose number is the number of degrees of heaven. Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, pp. 83-
85.
109
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 124-25.
110
, 128.
111
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 112.

386
ascension through these meanings into the next world.112 As he puts it in one of his key

summary passages:

Knowing His names encompasses all knowledge, and knowledge of

Gods unity is the greatest demonstration, and understanding His signs in

existence is certitude, and crossing from the visible to the unseen is the

entire affair.113

Ibra presumes that every phenomenon of this world has a corresponding archetypal

reality in the next which anticipates it (li-kull aqqa aqq yataqaddamuh).114 This

adth-inspired principle guides Ibn Barrajns thought pattern. Prophets have an

outward reality that is human and mortal (bashar), and an inward reality that is angelic

(malak). Unbelievers perceive the prophets human dimension, just as mystics recognize

the angelic states of prophets. Equally, MBK consists outwardly of heavens, spheres,

stars, sun, moon, air, oceans, plants, animals, humans, and jinn. Its outward shell is the

world of divine acts (afl) and secondary causes (asbb), but its inward reality is none

other than the self-revealing God, al-aqq al-mubn.115

It is important to re-emphasize the fact that itibr is not merely a mental exercise

in drawing correspondences between the two worlds. It is a spiritual-intellectual

paradigm shift. Ibn Barrajn notes that the great contemplatives, chief among them the

112
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 148.
113
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 293.
114
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 218.
115
, 326-27.

387
Prophet Abraham, Lord of the Contemplatives (sayyid al-mutabirn), as well as

realized mystics such as Ab Yazd al-Bisam whom he cites without naming,116 attained

the highest celestial knowledge and a full transformation of their innermost being through

ibra. Thus, Ibn Barrajn distinguishes between itibr, which is the penetrative cross-

over and tadabbur, or plain contemplation, and which prefigures the ibra.

Contemplation marks the beginning stages of ibra, which is the fruit of realized

contemplation. Tadabbur without ibra is vein (wa-tadabbur dn ibra fa-huwa

khid).117 Moreover,

Every knowledge that is not connected to its ibra is not yet complete,

but rather the outward aspect of the affair (hir min al-amr), and its

completion lies in connecting it to its ibra.118

Itibr implies a transformation of the whole being of man. Ibn Barrajns cross-over

entails a complete inversion of ones relation with the hereafter and revelation, such that

the unseen becomes visible, and the world of the visible begins to dissolve and lose its

visibility and tangibility. Ibn Barrajns cross-over was a means to attaining to

knowledge of the certainty of paradise, and thereby dwelling in a paradise of certainty

(jannat al-yaqn) here and now.119

116
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 400.
117
, 60.
118
, 693.
119
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 2, p. 87.

388
 Ibn Barrajn capitalizes on the rich etymology of the term ibra. Its most common

qurnic meaning is to take heed or draw counsel from an instructive example or a

moral lesson. The Qurn repeatedly enjoins its reader to take heed, oh possessors of

insight (fa-tabir). In early tafsr literature, the word ibra was most often associated

with discussions of lessons that are to be drawn from Gods signs in the world, or His

punishments of transgressors. The term ibra also relates to tabr, which sra 12 (Ysuf)

famously associates with dream interpretation (tabr al-alm), or with the idea of being

expressive of such-and-such. Thus for instance, a divine name, is a word that is muabbir,

that is, expressive of a particular quality of the Essence. The Unseen (ghib/ghayb) is

the object of the cross-over (al-mabr ilayh). However, the root -B-R also literally

means to traverse, pass beyond, or cross-over, and thus the Qurnic injunction to reflect

and take heed is also an invitation to penetrate from the visible to the unseen.

Thus, whereas MBK captures Ibn Barrajns broadest conception of the divine

presence in existence, the ibra, the cross-over or dis-covery summarizes his spiritual

method. Ibn Barrajn equates the ibra with those who are firmly rooted in knowledge

(al-rsikhn f al-ilm) (Q 4:162), since firm rootedness (ruskh) means the

penetration of one thing into another (wulj), just as Arabs say the arrow penetrated

into the ground (rasakha al-sahm f al-ar). That is, the rsikhn f al-ilm are those

who penetrate, or cross-over from the outward to the inward aspect of reality, with the

intellect.120 That is, a full realization of the cross-over aims at not merely a belief in the

next world, but a direct apprehension of its celestial archetypes herebelow, an awareness

which by its very nature brings the seeker closer to God and allows him to live and

120
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 497.

389
imbibe heavens benefic presence, since ultimately both this world and the next are made

of the same substance.

To take one illustrative example of ibra: early commentators understand the

verse And surely in the cattle there is a ibra for you (Q 21:23) to mean that cattle

provide instructive examples for contemplatives because We give you to drink of what is

in their bellies, between filth and blood, pure milk, sweet to drinkers (Q 16:66). But our

author never tires of reminding the reader that the ibra which this verse refers to is in

fact a vision of the form of cattle in the hereafter.121 Ibn Barrajn insists moreover that

this verse signifies not simply that cattle should be contemplated, but that the existents of

the hereafter are to be apprehended through the cattle. Specifically, the rivers of milk that

never spoil in paradise are foreshadowed by the milk produced by cattle; and the same

correlative correspondences can be made for earthly wine, water, air, etc.122

While Ibn Barrajn maintains that it is possible to make the cross-over from the

visible to the invisible via the three books of nature, man, and revelation, he most often

reserves the term ibra for the act of reading the books of nature and man. The Qurn

itself commands man to behold himself, sun and moon, alternation of night and day, with

an eye of itibr and to see them as reminders of the coming of the Hour.123 But when it

comes to reading the signs of the Qurn, he most often invokes the term tadabbur, or

reflection, in keeping with qurnic verses such as do they not reflect (yatadabbar)

121
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 320-23.
122
, 635.
123
This passage appears to be missing from Mazyads edition of the Tanbh (vol. 3, pp. 173-74). See
Reisulkuttab, top of fl. 344a: wa-bi-l-jumla fa-l-malb al-awwal alibra etc.

390
upon its verses (Q 4:82, etc).124 The qurnization of Ibn Barrajns terminology and

thought-patterns is remarkably consistent, reflecting a lifetime of total devotion to his

unitary idea.

It is important to emphasize that Ibn Barrajns ibra, which is commonly

expressed in his refrain the cross-over from the visible to the unseen (al-ibra min

ir il ghib), was not rigidly defined. Any given phenomenon had multiple points of

entry. Ibn Barrajn willingly allowed for the possibility of multiple inner interpretative

approaches to a given verse, natural symbol, or sign in man.125 The creativity and

originality of his thought lies to a great extent in the fact that he allowed for a

participation of his imagination in his own quest and spiritual growth. Each object of

contemplation can be crossed into from a number of viewpoints. The inner meaning of a

particular qurnic verse can be multifold, or crossed-into from several viewpoints

(wajh khar min al-ibra or min jiha ukhr).126

Moreover, ibra not one-way process of reflection. It can be either a frontward

leap into the unseen or a retrospective process of recollection (dhikr) of knowledge

imprinted within the human soul from preeternity. In fact, the penetrativeibra is only

possible by virtue of the fact that true knowledge is not acquired but recalled. That is

why spiritual knowledge is a process of remembrance (tadhakkur) not of learning

(taallum), for:

124
On occasion, Ibn Barrajn employs the ibra to specific qurnic verses. These types of ibra are
comparable to standard allusions or ishra interpretation one finds in Sufi commentaries. Examples can be
found in his commentary on sra 12 (Ysuf) in Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 77-169.
125
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 245.
126
E.g., , 638.

391
 We do not acquire today knowledge that we did not possess before our

souls were brought into existence. Rather, we are now recalling

knowledge that we already possessed prior to our [earthly] existence in the

[day of the] covenant and affirmation [of Gods lordship].127

The cross-over is not only a recollection of the preeternal Day of Alast. It can also

be either a movement from this world to the next, or vice-versa. One may cross from

outward phenomena of this world into their celestial realities in the next, or from

paradisal realities described in the Qurn and adth to those of the herebelow. For:

Every affair has a point of ascent and of descent, and just as the

contemplative cross-over can ascend upward, it can also descend

downward to the seven earths, to what is below them, to sijjn, to the

reality of hellfire.128

Take the bottom-up approach to ibra: for instance, the downpouring of rain which

revives the barren earth reminds him of higher realities such as the descent of revelation

and its ability to give life to dead revival of hearts. Or again, the four seasons of the year

are indicative of four sectors in heaven as confirmed by a dth.129 In these examples,

Ibn Barrajn uses data of this world to peer into the next. Conversely, data about the next

world finds echo in the herebelow. For instance, the divine name Merciful underpins a

mothers unconditional love for her child. Or, the Qurns description of the parallel

127
Ibid., 117.
128
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 313
129
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 5, p. 261.

392
seating arrangements of the denizens of heaven (Q 15:47) is reflected in this world by the

love-in-God that pious Muslims have for each other.130 The idea that the ibra is a two-

way channel is expressed by Ibn Barrajn in the following quote:

The ibra is the meditators witnessing with his knowledge and heart of

that which he grasps in his kernel (lubb). And since the object being

contemplated pertains to this world, let him leap (qafz) with sagacity to its

source as it exists in the next world, and let him cross (yabur) from the

things remembered here, and from the things witnessed here, to the

unseenLet us measure objects in relation to their counterparts [in the

other world], and the existent things of one abode in relation to their likes

[in the other].131

Ibra and Ibn Masarra

The doctrine of ibra was a longstanding hallmark of Andalus mysticism, harking back

to the writings of Ibn Masarra. The latter held that reading the book of nature and

contemplating Gods signs (ya) with the intellect (aql) enabled the mutabir to

gradually ascend the ladder of knowledge of divine unity (tawd). In one of his

surviving treatises, he provides a concrete example of his itibr,132 beginning with the

vegetal kingdom and ending in the divine throne. Plants, which depend on a higher

governing force (mudabbir) for their nourishment, are comprised of the four mutually-

130
, 243-44, 552, 734, 754-55.
131
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 137. (Reisulkuttab, fl. 334a).
132
Like Ibn Barrajn, he finds reference for itibr in the oft-repeated qurnic injunction to reflect (Q 3:13;
12:111; 16:66; 23:21)

393
opposed elements: hot, cold, dry, wet. This governing principle is the spiritual soul (al-

nafs al-rniyya) which corresponds to Gods Footstool (kurs). The spiritual soul is

deficient, however, and is ruled by the Intellect (aql) which is symbolized by the Throne

(arsh). The Intellect, for its part, is in a state of servitude and is presided over by God

who is non-delimited.133 Thus one gains a glimpse of the divine by reflecting on a plant.

While Ibn Masarras itibr clearly prefigures and inspires Ibn Barrajns thought, the

two differ in the emphasis upon aql.134 For Ibn Masarra:

The content of prophecy proceeds from the direction of the Throne down

to the earth, and coincides with reflection which ascends from the

direction of the earth up to the Throne. Both [prophecy and reflection] are

equal and without distinction.135

This is not to say that Ibn Masarra embraced falsafa. He nominally opposed falsafa, and

his itibr should not to be equated with philosophy sensu stricto. Whereas the term

itibr was used by Ab Nar al-Farb (d. 338/950), Ikhwn al-af, and Ibn Sn (d.

133
Tornero, A Report on the Publication of Previously Unedited Works by Ibn Masarra, in M. Fierro
(ed.) The Formation of al-Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, Aldershot ;
Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate, 1998, pp. 134-35.
134
Ibn Masarras ibra began with earthly phenomena and ascends intellectually to the divine throne. Ibn
Barrajns ibra did so as well, but also emphasized heaven as a starting point for downward reflection into
the earthly realm. Ibn Barrajns analogical correspondences between worldly and otherworldly
phenomenon was both ascendant and descending. By discovering the parallelism between the two world,
the contemplative can maneuver between the two by the cross-over from the visible to the unseen.
135
fa-ja khabar al-nubuwwat mubtadi min jihat al-arsh nazilan il al-ar fa-wfaq al-itibr al-id
min jihat al-ar il al-arsh saw bi-saw l farq. Min qay al-fikr al-Islm, p. 359. Fierro often
takes polemical accusations leveled against Masarrism at face value: their [Masarrian] belief in the
possibility of attaining prophecy, of having direct contact with God, could also lead them to dispense with
the Prophet. See Fierro, Maribel, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, in Frederick de Jong & Bernd
Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden:
Brill, 1999, p. 183.

394
428/1037) to mean the inductive method which equips the philosophers with tools to

demonstrate Gods existence, Ibn Masarra insists that his itibr is a method of

meditative ascension that is different from the speculative reasoning of the ill-intended

and mistaken falsifa. His itibr is not a cerebral process accessible to just anyone, for,

God said with reference to His awliy who are endowed with insight

(mustabirn): and they meditate on the creation of the heaven and the

earth [and proclaim] Lord, Thou hast not created all this in vain! (Q

2:191).136

While Ibn Barrajn held that the Qurn and cosmos are complementary and explain one

another, he would not go as far as to state that prophecy and itibr are equal and

without distinction. Standing at the end of a longstanding polemic over the acquisition

of prophecy, Ibn Barrajn was forced to temper and modify this tenet of Masarr thought.

Ibn Barrajn maintained, but stressed even more the need for both revelation and intellect

to climb the ladder of being. While upholding the centrality of the intellect as a reflective

faculty which attains to certainty of God through grasping MBK, Ibn Barrajn also

stressed that undertaking the ibra and discovery of the unseen is impossible without the

light of prophecy.

Revelation acts as a guide for the process of itibr.137 Trying to attain divine

knowledge through natural symbols independently of revelation is like attempting to

136
Min qay al-fikr al-islm, (K. al-Itibr), p. 346. Ibn Barrajn also emphasized the importance of the
friends of God as the spiritual elite (kha) in some of his writings. For him, any ordinary believer (mm)
could rise to the level of friendship with God through inner purification, study of religion, and
contemplation of the heavens and the earth.
137
, 512

395
comprehend the Qurn without having seen sun, moon, stars, plants, and trees. Both

books complement one another. True to his word, most of Ibn Barrajns discussions of

itibr are interwoven with scriptural references, just as his scriptural commentaries are

replete with allusions to the comos. He repeatedly cautions his reader to cling to the rope

of revelation with proclamations such as: Lo! Lo! The intellect is only illuminated by

prophecy!138 The philosophers, in his view, adulate the intellect, and were led astray on

account of over-dependence upon reason without the light of prophecy. While some

falsifa may have arrived at knowledge of divine unity, they still fell short of its

consequences by forsaking the revealed Law. They worshiped their intellectual constructs

(maqlt) and thus limited their knowledge to the world of causes and intermediaries.

Ibn Barrajn cautions his readers repeatedly to be among the followers of the

messengers (atb al-rusul) rather than the followers of the philosophers (atb al-

falsifa), and to use revelation as a complement and a guide for the contemplative cross-

over.139 His staunch criticism of the philosophers marks a distancing away from polemics

and accusations leveled against Masarrism in al-Andalus.

Methodical practice of itibr

In addition to inqib, Ibn Barrajns voluntary isolation suggests that he methodically

practiced esoteric Masarr teachings which stressed the severing of worldly ties and

leading a life of seclusion away from larger towns as a means of spiritual realization.140

As we saw above, Masarr doctrines were the central cornerstone of Ibn Barrajns

138
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 317.
139
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 307, 317.
140
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, in Frederick de Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic
Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 183.

396
writings. He taught that beholding Gods signs in nature with a contemplative eye is more

spiritually beneficial than perusing books, for direct experience of the natural world

where God discloses Himself leaves an imprint upon the soul and allows it to ascend in

contemplation all the way to the divine Throne. Indeed, it is the surest way of unveiling

the realities of the hereafter, since:

The heart is alive, and the pen is deadand the shortest path [to unveiling] that I

know of is to train the soul by cultivating stillness of its inner movements, then

stillness of the outward bodyand if possible to reside in a place where you can

behold natural phenomena from near and afar, for that is most helpful in your

quest. But if you cannot [live in solitude] then behold it by casting your sight

upon the sky, earth, winds, plants, animals and other existentsand on that basis

consider their [archetypal] analogues in the unseen.141

One of the most important practical teachings of Ibn Barrajns is to train the eye of

correspondence in perceiving the realities of the hereafter. Through repetitive practice,

this way of perceiving the world becomes second nature and transforms the novices

relation to the world. For Ibn Barrajn, pondering the signs of God and their correlations

to the hereafter was not a mere exercise in analogical reasoning. It was part and parcel of

his spiritual method.

Reflecting on the signs of God, and acquiring knowledge of them is the

most excellent act of worship, because it draws one into [a state of]

remembrance within the remembrance (al-dhikr f al-dhikr). Moreover,

141
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 101. A similar passage is found in ibid., vol. 2, p. 113.

397
 this knowledge (marifa) only comes from lengthy meditation and

repeated itibr of Gods creation and artisanry. Thus, reflective thought

(tafakkur) gives rise to itibr, and through itibr the invisible becomes

manifest.142

Ibn Barrajns writings are replete with examples of the ibra, which he justifies by

stating:

Our previous discussions by way of itibr should suffice the

contemplative and the one who remembers in his ascension [to the

paradise of certainty,] if only he is truthful to God in his meditation, and

possesses a heart that can witness the highest levels. However, we have

sought to [illustrate] multiple paths to itibr and to ascertain the

evidentiary signs in all forms of remembrance in order to facilitate it for

the [readers] understanding.143

Elsewhere, Ibn Barrajn insists that the key to gaining certainty, and to fully undertaking

the cross-over and ascending in degrees of the cross-over (irtiq f al-darajt) into the

unseen is constant seeking (mudwamat al-bath), methodical perseverance, and

persistent repetition of the ibra in the cosmos, scripture, and the human self.144

Observing the first configuration (al-nasha al-l) [of the world] gives

knowledge of the configuration of the hereafter; and pondering the

142
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, 433.
143
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 299.
144
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 120.

398
 existence of this world gives knowledge of the existence of the next; and

observing the things of this world gives knowledge of things of the next;

and pondering the rotation of night and day, and the succession of the

ages, and the revolving of the spheres, gives conviction in the finiteness

the world and recalls its smallness, through which one comes to know the

grandeur, scope, and excellence of the hereafter.145

Practice of Dhikr

Ibn Barrajn was laconic in his writings about the operational techniques of the spiritual

path. A hint of his method, however, can be gleaned from his Shar. His practical

spiritual guidance consisted of a combination of moderate asceticism, along with living

close to nature, perseverant and systematic contemplation, assiduous study, and long

periods of remembrance of God through various names. His emphasis on isolation comes

forth in passages such as:

and the shortest path [to unveiling] that I know of is to train the soul by

cultivating stillness of its inner movements, then stillness of the outward

bodyand if possible to reside in a place where you can behold natural

phenomena from near and afar, for that is most helpful in your quest. But if you

cannot [live in solitude] then behold it by casting your sight upon the sky, earth,

winds, plants, animals and other existentsand on that basis consider their

[archetypal] analogues in the unseen.146

145
Ibid., vol. 5, p. 120.
146
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 101. A similar passage is found in ibid., vol. 2, p. 113.

399
Ibn Barrajns specific spiritual instructions can be gleaned from his writings. He stressed

the centrality of invocation (dhikr)147 and of regular spiritual retreats (khalwa) where the

aspirant withdraws completely from the world for an unspecified period of time.148 He

maintained that aside from the obligatory ritual prescriptions (fari) of Islam, the most

sublime spiritual practice is to invoke the divine name Allh, combined with other divine

names or the first shahda (l ilha ill Allh) as aids in concentration. His spiritual

method, which prefigures practices of the North African Shdhiliyya, was not yet fixed as

a formal litany with set numbers of invocations. It was at once fervent, loose and

unregimented.149

The most sublime invocation is to say Allh, Allh with a conscious presence of

heart, then to repeat There is no god but Allh, and then return to Allh, Allh,

Allh, There is no god but Allh, and to do so over and over again. And if you

wish, one can invoke Allh, Allh, Allh, the Forbearing (al-alm), the Noble

(al-Karm). Allh, Allh, the Exalted, the Majestic thereby pairing up the name

[Allh] with all the names with a witnessing hear and a present remembrance.

That is his most beneficial remembrance and the noblest of moments. Repeating

the is no god but Allh purifies the heart, whereas repeating Allh Allh returns

147
See Ibn Barrajns section (fal) on dhikr in the Tanbh, where he explains that the end purpose of all
ritual obligations and prohibitions in Islam is the institution of remembrance of God (dhikr). He argues that
this is confirmed by the seminal adth actions are judged in accordance to intention (al-aml bi-l-niyt).
Intention, without which actions are invalid, is pure remembrance, for it is remembrance of the heart and
orientation of our actions toward God with sincerity. (Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 284 on pp. 410-13;
and vol. 4, pp. 313-14. (compare with MS Damad Ibrahim Paa 25, fll. 177b, 178a-179a).
148
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 62.
149
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 69.

400
 the invocation to a cleansed heart and a purified inmost consciousness (sirr). And

the same goes for repeating all the names with the name Allh.150

Ibn Barrajn was heir to a longstanding ascetic tradition in al-Andalus, and his

biographer Ibn al-Abbr describes him as an ardent worshiper and ascetic (zhid). The

practice of fasting and asceticism (zuhd) figured into his piety as means for gaining

divine knowledge. His asceticism rested on three pillars, namely (1) forsaking all

[worldly] attachments (tark al-aliq) and sources of livelihood, (2) disciplining the

body by curbing its desires (shahwa), (3) and severing ties from people in order to foster

intimacy (uns) with God alone.151 Yet our author was against the excessively rigorous

renunciatory practices of the Sevillan ascetics, for he deemed that they detracted from the

essentials; namely contemplating Gods signs and thoroughly immersing oneself in

mystical teachings. He taught his followers to not overexert themselves in matters of

ritual purification, worship, and seeking exoteric knowledge (ilm al-hir) at the expense

of esoteric knowledge (ilm al-bn) reflective thought (fikr) and meditation (tadabbur)

of Gods signs, for otherwise,

You will not rise above the rank of ordinary believers to the rank of Scholars

Who Contemplate Gods Dominion (ulam nirn malakt Allh).152

He aimed at striking a balance between studiousness which broadened ones

understanding of God, and piety which did not overburden the soul. For just as God did

150
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 64.
151
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 4, p. 558.
152
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 212.

401
not reveal the Qurn to burden Muammad (20:2), so Ibn Barrajn emphasized

maintaining a balance between study and worship. In his words, he sought to stay on the

straight path which consists in seeking knowledge in such a way that it does not deter

from ones worship, and worshiping in a way that does not deter from ones studies.153

153
Tanbh, Mazyad ed., vol. 3, p. 512.

402
 Conclusion

Ibn Barrajns Life and Works

It hardly needs to be said that Ibn Barrajn was not a secondary figure in al-

Andalus. Quite the contrary, he marked the culmination of the formative period of the

6th/12th century mystical tradition, and stood at the intersection of a broad range of

intellectual undercurrents of his day. But as demonstrated in Chapters I and II, the

originality and significance of Ibn Barrajns scholarly contributions can only be fully

appreciated against the context of the late al-Murbin period in which he lived. This

key transitional phase of Andalus history molded many of the religious, social, and

political positions that Ibn Barrajn adopted in his writings. Religiously, for instance, his

teachings were developed and articulated in the shadow of the state-sponsored Mlik

jurists (fuqah) and judges (qut). They were penned very often in response to the

predominant religious discourse of these powerful scholars, a discourse which he

indirectly sought to challenge, mold, and broaden. At a social level, Ibn Barrajns

withdrawal into the backlands of Seville marked not only his intellectual, but also socio-

political and physical distancing from the mainstream religious structures of power.

Instead of subjecting himself to scrutiny of jurists, our author preferred to live in free

solitude as a munqabi or an ascetic retreater (munqabin, lit. those who withdraw),

avoiding both roles of social leadership and popular ascendancy, and shunning all forms

of political cooperation with the state. Finally, Ibn Barrajns cynical and sometimes

millenarian politics and expectations of endtimes surface in his later works in response to

the grave failures of the al-Murbin to secure peace and prosperity for Andaluss. His

poignant criticisms of the regime for failing to defend its northern borders from Christian

403
encroachment, levying non-cannonical taxes (maghrim) from Andaluss, and even

cooperating with non-Muslim politicians speaks of the political climate of his day.

Ibn Barrajn articulated his teachings in four main works, of which only three

have survived in full. The first, al-Irshd il subul al-rashd, survives only partially in

the Mamlk scholar Zarkashs Burhn, and appears to be somewhat different in tone

from his later works. The Irshd seeks to demonstrate the concordance between the

Qurn and the Sunna by showing how each of the adth narrated by Muslim in his

a align with the meaning of the Qurn. Ibn Barrajns second work, Shar asm

Allh al-usn, is a voluminous commentary of the divine names. Each of the names

receives a linguistic explanation, followed by a doctrinal analysis guided by the principle

of ibra, and finally a practical word of spiritual advice (taabbud, lit. practice of

servanthood) in light of the divine name. The Shar was enormously influential in al-

Andalus and set the trend for a number of subsequent commentaries by other authors.

The third work Tanbh al-afhm il tadabbur al-kitb al-akm wa-taarruf al-yt wa-l-

naba al-am is Ibn Barrajns major commentary, which was supplemented by his final

work, h al-ikma bi-akm al-ibra. These two commentaries consist of Ibn

Barrajns free flowing reflections on the divine Word. Remarkably, his entire body of

surviving writings features very little doctrinal evolution, and can (or should) be read

from beginning to end as a compositional whole.

Central Teachings

Ibn Barrajns main concern was to champion an epistemology of certainty in

order to undercut the religious polemics of his day. In sharp contrast to Ghazl who

404
mastered falsafa, kalm, fiqh and other Islamic sciences with an eye to buttressing his

spiritualizing vision of Islam, Ibn Barrajn had little interest in directly confronting or

even engaging in what he perceived as futile juridical, theological, or philosophical

arguments. Ibn Barrajn was driven by a desire to undercut the legalistic particularism of

Mlik jurists; the isnd-centered epistemology of adth scholars; the anti-

intellectualism of the Mlik theological literalists; the excessive trascendendalism of

Ashar theologians; the far-fetched abstractions of the Aristotelian philosophers; as well

as perceived bin deviations of esoterists who trumped the divine law. The following

quote from the sums up the tone of his intellectual mission:

The path is one, the way straight, the calling one. Those who are called

upon are many: some are called from nearby (Q. 50:41), others from afar.

And God prevails over His affair!1

With a singularity of purpose, Ibn Barrajn sought to realize the supreme goal and the

essence of all revealed religion, namely the crossover from the visible into the invisible

(al-ibra min al-shhid il al-ghib). He thus saw all branches of learning, including the

transmitted (naql) and intellectual (aql) sciences of Islam, as well as other bodies of

knowledge such as medicine and astrology, as points of ascension into the unseen. He

praised those who achieved this penetration into the realities of the unseen as Mutabirn,

literally, Undertakers of the Crossover, or simply Contemplators.

For Ibn Barrajn, the ibra surpasses conventional faith in the hereafter. Although

the Arabic word for faith (mn) itself entails a conviction and certainty (amn) that goes

1
al-ikma, 910.

405
beyond abstract belief, Ibn Barrajn pursued an even higher state of beingnamely the

concrete realization of the presence of higher realities in this world, through their signs.

He saw Gods signs in the universe, revelation, and man are open passageways into the

next world which are accessible to every believer, provided he is willing to contemplate

them methodically and wholeheartedly. Mastering the art of reading these signs gives rise

to wisdom (ikma), and an experience of the Paradise of Certainty (jannat al-yaqn). For

the true Mutabir, realities of the hereafter are concretely experienced in this life. For

instance, he insisted that the the Mutabir recognizes that he is traversing the thin bridge

crossing over hell (ir) not in the hereafter, but in this world through his actions and

spiritual states. The Mutabir recognizes that he is quenching his thirst at the Prophets

Pond (aw) in this world by clinging to the guidance of revelation. The Mutabir

experiences something of the sweetness of the beatific vision (al-ruya al-karma) by

pondering MBK, and anticipates the realities of paradise by observing Gods creation in

this world.

Ibn Barrajns epistemology of certainty translates directly into his cosmology as

well as his approach to the Qurn. His qurnic hermeneutics is governed by the

principle of nam, that is, the orderliness and harmony of the Qurns structural

organization and linguistic composition. The pervasive notion of nam in Ibn Barrajns

writings ties it to his cosmological understanding of revelation and the world as

complementary Two Beings (al-wujdn). In his vision of things, the Two Beings

derive their respective forms from the Guarded Tablet (al-law al-maf) and the

Universal Servant (al-abd al-kull). Thus Ibn Barrajn believed that every qurnic verse

(ya) is divinely placed in the revealed book for a specific purpose, just as every particle

406
of creation reflects God in a specific way. There is no arbitrariness in creation, nor is

there any in revelation. All things are interconnected.

The doctrine of nam also has further consequences for Ibn Barrajns qurnic

hermeneutics. For instance, he held each of the qurnic sras to be structured around a

specific theme. Moreover, on the basis of nm, Ibn Barrajn only accepts the doctrine

abrogation (naskh) when the abrogated (manskh) verse is directly followed by an

adjacent abrogating (nsikh) verse. In light of nam, Ibn Barrajn rejected any notion of

qurnic ambiguity (ishtibh) and proclaimed that ambiguity lies in the eye of the reader,

not in revelation per se. He thus defined the mukamt verses as undifferentiated verses

that are fixed (mukam) in the Guarded Tablet, like roots sunk in the soil of non-

manifestation. The mutashbiht verses, for their part, are mutually resembling, or

consimilar (rather than confused) verses. Closely related to the idea of mukamt and

mutashbiht is Ibn Barrajns conception of the two layers within the Qurn. The first,

which he called the Tremendous Qurn (al-qurn al-am), comprises the holistic, or

all-comprehensive (mujmal) verses that engulf the entire meaning of the revelation.

Below these undifferentiated verses are the differentiated verses (mufaal) which Ibn

Barrajn identified as the Exalted Qurn (al-qurn al-azz). Moreover, certain sras,

like 1 and 2, are also held by Ibn Barrajn to embrace the Qurns message as a whole.

Just as nam is central to Ibn Barrajns qurnic hermeneutics, the foundation of

his cosmology rests on the idea of the Universal Servant (al-abd al-kull), from which all

of his cosmological doctrines unfold. The Universal Servant which is an all-

comprehensive reality that is neither divine nor part of creation. The world and man

derive their existence from the reality of the Universal Servant. The Universal Servant is

407
sometimes equated with the symbolism of the Guarded Tablet, the source of divine

revelation upon which Gods infinite knowledge of creation is inscribed. Ibn Barrajns

principle of correspondence between the universe as a whole, man as an individual, and

the Qurn is an oft-discussed theme in his works which receives much of his attention.

Furthermore, Ibn Barrajn devotes countless discussions to The Real According to

Which Creation is Created (al-aqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq, MBK), which stands for

Gods presence in the world through His signs (yt) and traces (thr). MBK

anticipates Gods full self-disclosure on Judgment Day, which he refers to as The Most-

Evident Real (al-aqq al-mubn) and as The Real to Whom is the Return (al-aqq

alladh ilayhi al-mar), depending on whether he has, respectively, an ontological or

eschatological discussion in mind.

Finally, Ibn Barrajn stresses the hierarchical multilayered-ness and fundamental

oneness of existence (wujd). He buttresses his ontology in qurnic references to the

hidden object (khab) of existence which reveals itself in the hereafter, as well as in the

adth-inspired notion of the Two Breaths (al-fayn) of heaven and hell from which

cool spring breezes and summer heat waves arise. Occasionally, Ibn Barrajn resorts to

philosophical discussions Imaginal existence (al-wujd al-mithl) to explain the

continuous nature of existence in a world of becoming and decay. It should be stressed,

however, that Ibn Barrajn most often reminds his readers of the importance of pondering

the signs of God (yt Allh), and especially sun, moon, and water, since they present

open passageways into the unseen world for the believer to behold.

408
 Sources of Influence

While Ibn Barrajn is clear and consistent with regard to his overarching vision

and his emphasis upon the ibra, he is also very unsystematic in his presentation of ideas,

and almost entirely silent with regard to his sources of inspiration. Living under the al-

Murbin dynasty, his ideas were considered suspect if not heretical by many politically

powerful Mlik fuqah. Therefore, a full understanding of his cosmological notions

requires reading his writings from beginning to end, a task which this study has attempted

to accomplish in some measure.

One of the most remarkable features of Ibn Barrajns writings is his seamless

ability to assimilate and draw from these various substrates and fields of learning to

enrich his own teachings. He crafted his vision of the Qurn and adth to a broad array

of unnamed sources which formed part and parcel of his inherited worldview. In

venturing into other fields of learning, Ibn Barrajn displayed a high degree of

intellectual independence (that of a mujtahid, one might say) and was not merely

synthesizing other authors works. He made his own contributions and original insights

which were absorbed by the later Sufi tradition primarily via Ibn al-Arab. While his

ideas are not as theoretically elaborate as Ibn al-Arabs, nor do they incorporate as wide

a spectrum of terms from different fields of Islamic thought, the thrust of the latters

teachings are clearly detectable in his works. The four most important sources of

inspiration for Ibn Barrajn, listed in order of importance, are as follows: (1) the Qurn;

(2) adth and the Bible; (3) Isml Cosmology and the writings of the Ikhwn al-af;

(4) Ibn Masarras mystico-philosophical writings.

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 (1) First and foremost, Ibn Barrajns thought-patterns are thoroughly qurnized.

He found reference for his cosmological doctrines in literal readings of qurnic yas.

The Qurn consistently informs, sharpens, and buttresses his worldview and anchors his

thoughts. As an exegete and a specialist in qurnic readings (qirt), Ibn Barrajn was

intimately familiar with every consonant of the Qurn, and quotes qurnic verses (and

sometimes their variants) from memory at almost every page of his tafsrs. Moreover, his

familiarity with the broader tafsr works of the Sunn tradition, such as al-abar (d.

311/923) is evident in the Tanbh and the . However, Ibn Barrajn opposes

mainstreams exegetical interpretations of qurnic verses so often that his tafsrs can

hardly be classified as mainstream Sunn.

(2) The broader collections of Sunn adth and, secondly, the Bible, are an

equally important source of inspiration for Ibn Barrajn which supply him with

innumerable prooftexts for his cosmology and ontology. His doctrine of the Two

Breaths (al-fayn), for instance, vividly conveys his belief in the ontological continuity

of the two worlds and is directly lifted from adth literature. Ibn Barrajn gained a

foundation in a al-Bukhr at the feet of Ibn Manr. Later on, he freely employed

weak adth reports, alongside a considerable amount of biblical material as prooftexts

for his mystical teachings. He justified his reliance upon such sources by the Principle of

Qurnic Hegemony. This expansive hermeneutical principle, to which he adheres

throughout his works, asserts that the veracity of any scriptural text (or any source at all,

for that matter) is to be weighed in light of its accordance with the Qurn. Reports are to

be accepted, irrespective of their weakness or soundness, so long as they demonstrably

align to the teachings of the Qurn.

410
 (3) Ibn Barrajn undoubtedly made use of the Neoplatonizing works of Faim

Isml authors such as possibly the works of Nasaf, Sijistn, and Kirmn, as well as

the Brethren of Purity (Ikhwn al-af). It is tenable that he had secret teachers who may

have initiated him into various Isml doctrines. His anonymity with regard to sources

fits him into the pattern of dissimulation and secrecy (taqiyya and kitmn) among Isml

authors.2 Moreover, his training in astrology, his knowledge of medicine and philosophy,

as well as his binary mode of thinking betrays a familiarity with the Isml curriculum.

It is quite likely, however, that he deliberately avoided terms such as The Universal

Intellect (al-aql al-kull) in favor of al-abd al-kull and other terms to avoid Isml

association. In an effort to avoid Isml or bin association and the scrutiny of his

contemporary jurists, Ibn Barrajn coined a unique set of doctrinal terminology couched

in Qurnic and adth sources.

Despite the secrecy and initiations that may have taken place, it must be stressed

that it would be an error to identify Ibn Barrajn as a committed member (intellectually

and especially politically) or follower of the Brethren of Purity or Ismlism. These

sources, like so many others, influenced his synthetic worldview but did not win his full

commitment. For instance, when Ibn Barrajn adamantly proclaims that mystical

knowledge (marifa) can in no way trump the legal injunctions of the divine law, he

clearly evinces his disapproval of bin tendencies toward the Shara. To his eyes,

mystical knowledge illuminates and complements juridical and exoteric knowledge

(ilm). Ibn Barrajn vociferously accused Ismls, philosophers, and radical Sufis of

2
See Ebstein, Secrecy in Isml Tradition and in the Mystical Thought of Ibn al-Arab, Journal
Asiatique, 298.2, 2010, pp. 303-43.

411
falling into heresy for rupturing the balance between these two complementary and

indispensable categories of religion:3

Know that whoever lays claim to mystical knowledge (marifa) but then

violates the Messengers revelation by refuting him, and [by claiming to

be] unneeding of him (istaghn an-hu) is an enemy of God and a heretic

(zindq)[for heresy] is to adamantly trump Gods rulings and of His

Messenger. He might say: I seek aid in God beyond the Book and the

Messenger. He might say: exoteric knowledge (ilm) is nullified by

mystical knowledge (marifa); and mystical knowledge invalidates legal

rulingsall of this is heresy.4 Elsewhere, he eloquently states, This is

like someone who says: I am independent by God from God (istaghnaytu

bi-llh an llh).5

(4) Another important source for Ibn Barrajns writings was Ibn Masarras

teachings. Ibn Barrajn inherited a rich Masarr (or itibr) tradition already honed and

elaborated in al-Andalus, and devoted his career, teachings, and writings to systematizing

and recording its teachings. Ibn Masarras works were at least as important, if not more

so, to Ibn Barrajns thought as the Ikhwn al-af. Unfortunately, most works of Ibn

Masarra and his followers have not survived.

3
The biniyya and especially falsifa are commonly mentioned by name as collective groups in such
discussions, whereas radical Sufis are implied in various passages.
4
Shar, Mazyad ed., vol. 1, p. 190.
5
Ibid., vol. 2, p. 126.

412
 What is significant to note, however, is that Ibn Barrajn must have had access to

a textual body of works which are either lost or unknown, as well as a living oral

tradition. That Masarrs succeeded in preserving a living and vibrant oral tradition is

evidenced by reports about them polemicizing over natural symbols (yt) in the

5th/11th century.6 Unfortunately, biographers saw these polemical figures as too minor

to be named. But as Asn Palacios, Corbin, and Arnaldez maintain without being able to

demonstrate, these silenced figures represented the continuation of Ibn Masarras

tradition and provided the main thrust for Ibn Barrajns teachings. 7 Ibn Barrajns

continuous preoccupation with the Masarr concept of itibr, as well as his endless

discussions of the signs of God (yt Allh), his retreat into the western backlands of

Seville, are all hallmarks of a living Masarr esoteric tradition. Moreover, the fact that Ibn

Barrajn employed technical doctrinal pronouncements and presumed his audiences

familiarity with these technicalities bespeaks a living mystical tradition in al-Andalus.

Another indication of the continuation of Masarr teachings in the writings of Ibn

Barrajn through the intermediacy of 5th/11th century followers of Ibn Masarra is, oddly,

our authors stance on the permissibility of temporary marriage (nik al-muta, lit.

marriage of pleasure). This doctrine was shared by earlier followers of Ibn Masarra such

as Isml al-Ruayn (d. ca. 432/1040).8 The reasoning behind the permissibility of muta

in Ibn Barrajns writings is not juridical but cosmological. In other words, instead of

arguing for or against the authenticity, or legal binding-ness of relevant qurnic verses

6
Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, p. 181.
7
Corbin, Histoire de la philosophie Islamique, Paris: Gallimard, 1964, p. 311; Palacios, Obras escogidas, I,
p. 144. They mistakenly emphasize Ibn al-Arf over Ibn Barrajn.
8
Ibn azm, al-Fial f al-milal, vol. 5, p. 67.

413
and adth, Ibn Barrajn made a case for muta in the context of an elaborate worldview

linked to the nam al-qurn, his rejection of naskh when two verses of the Qurn are

not adjacent to one another, and the Qurns complementarity with the universe, and the

Two Beings taking their form from al-Abd al-Kull. Thus, Ibn Barrajns affirmation

of muta, a doctrine rejected by virtually the entire later Sunn legal tradition, and even by

Fim Isml jurists,9 speaks unequivocally of Masarrism, since it is the consequence of

an inherited worldview that is anchored in an entire approach to scholarship. Although

Ruayns Masarr works are lost, I highly suspect that the same worldview underpinned

his pronouncements on muta.10 It is tenable that Ibn Barrajn studied under disciples of

Ruayn, or the popular Ab Umar al-alamank (d. 429/1037), but unfortunately these

contacts are not recorded in the sources. Nonetheless, Ibn Barrajns writings stand as

testimony to the survival and power of Ibn Masarras intellectual legacy in al-Andalus,

which became wed to the broader bodies of knowledge that were available to the 6 th/12th

century Andalus scholarly tradition.

Therefore, contrary to the claims made by many scholars, Masarrism was not

eclipsed by al-Ghazls writings.11 In fact, Ghazls works were unknown to Ibn

Barrajn when he authored his two first works, and they did not bear upon his later works

in any noticeable fashion. Both Ghazls and Ibn Masarras ideas simultaneously flowed
9
Al-Q al-Numn himself spoke against this doctrine. Daftary, The Ismls: Their History and
Doctrines, p. 171. Only Twelver Shs permit muta, and their juridical reasoning is completely different
form Ibn Barrajns doctrinal approach.
10
As mentioned in Chapter 1, Ibn azm maintains that Ruayn professed two epistemologically
problematic Masarr doctrines. The first is the acquisition of prophecy (iktisb al-nubuwwa), and the
second, is the belief that the Throne (arsh) governs the world since God in Himself is too sublimely
transcendent to have any contact with His creation. (Al-Fial f al-milal, IV, p. 199).
11
The opinion that Masarrism was overtaken by al-Ghazl is common in secondary literature. See Ibn al-
Arf, EI2 for example.

414
into the school of Ab Madyan at the end of the 6th/12th century, and were synthesized in

the 7th/13th century in the monumental corpus of Muy al-Dn b. al-Arab. The unique

writings of Muy al-Dn b. al-Arab, which stressed itibr so frequently, can be

explained in the context of this local distinctive Andalus mystical tradition.

Aside from these four principal sources, it is clear that Ibn Barrajn drew upon

many other sources in his writings. The most obvious of these are his frequent citations of

poetry, his occasional digressions into flowery rhyming prose, his employment of

technical terms of rhetoric, grammar, and lexicography in his Qurn commentaries as

well as his philological interpretation of the divine names in the Shar. These digressions

bespeak Ibn Barrajns solid Andalus educational training. Furthermore, the works of

early Sufism are detectable in his writings. Figures such as Marf al-Karkh (d.

200/815), rith al-Musib (d. 243/857), Ab Abd Allh al-Musib (d. 243/857),

Sar al-Saqa (d. 253/867), Sahl al-Tustar (d. 283/896, whom he quotes by name), Ab

al-Qsim al-Junayd (d. 298/910), and his important student Ab Sad b. al-Arb (d.

341/952) were undoubtedly available to him.12 As demonstrated in Chapter Three, Ibn

Barrajn also lifted passages on Gods oneness and omnipotence directly from Ab lib

al-Makks (d. 386/996) Qt al-qulb into his Shar asm Allh al-usn. It may be

from these early Sufi sources, including Tustars and Ibn Masarras treatises on the

letters that Ibn Barrajn derived his knowledge of the science of the letters (ilm al-

urf).

12
Ab Sad b. al-Arb had 67 students of Andalus origin, some of whom became prominent ascetics
who propagated his Sufi teachings in al-Andalus. See Marn, Zuhhd of al-Andalus (300/912-420/1029)
in The Formation of al-Andalus, Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences, M. Fierro ed.,
Aldershot ; Brookfield, Vt. : Ashgate, 1998, pp. 127-128, for a discussion of eastern ascetics who
influenced Andaluss.

415
 In addition to early Sufism, it is ironic that Asharism and Mlikism, the twin

most important schools in Andalus religious discourse, left the least impact upon Ibn

Barrajns writings. Only a thin layer of Ashar theology can be detected in his works, in

particular his stray references to the doctrine of acquisition (kasb). But his stance toward

Asharism was ambivalent, and he openly critical of the doctrine of bil kayf and

Ashars excessive stress on the ontological otherness of the realities of the hereafter.

Ibn Barrajn was equally lukewarm about Mlikism, which he did not commit to, and

which he criticized indirectly. Thus he was neither a committed Mlik nor an Ashar.

Ibn Barrajn also had knowledge of falsafa, which he vociferously condemned for

taking recourse to reason (aql) over scriptural proof (na). His knowledge of

philosophy may have derived indirectly from his study of theology, or from direct study

of philosophical texts. While it is doubtful whether Aristotelian cosmology influenced

Ibn Barrajns worldview, there is a heavy presence of Neoplatonism (perhaps via

Ikhwn and Isml writings) in his demiurgic concept of the Universal Servant as well

as the Real According to Which Creation is Created. Finally, Ibn Barrajn was also heir

to an astrological tradition in Muslim Spain, a dimension of his thought which clearly

dovetailed his cosmology but which requires further exploration. He may have gleaned

some of his astrological information and notion of the cycles of degree (dawir al-

taqdr) from al-Bri f akm al-nujm by Ibn Ab al-Rijl in Tunis.

The Mutabirn

One of the overarching conclusions of this study regarding 6th/12th century

Andalus mysticism derives from an analysis of Ibn Barrajns self-image and his own

416
view of Sufism. Andalus mysticism was not merely a backward version of eastern

Sufism, nor, as some have put it, was al-Andalus a passive fertile soil into which the

Iy and with it eastern Sufism implanted itself. It is significant that Ibn Barrajn hardly

employed the term taawwuf, and never self-identified as a Sufi. In fact, he kept

taawwuf at arms-length, describing it as an intensely pious, psychologically oriented

movement that developed its unique set of technical terms. Sufism, according to Ibn

Barrajn, was a movement that was primarily interested in psychology of the soul. He

saw Sufism as a subjective, individual pursuit of self-purification which conceptualized

the quest for God as a path consisting of numerous states and stations which the soul

must undergo in order to achieve full realization. The divisions and subdivisions of the

virtues of the soul, and the states and stations hardly attracted his interest. Sufis, in other

words, were in his view intellectual codifiers of the ascetic way of life and record keepers

of the various experiences of the renunciants (zuhhd).

Ibn Barrajn was on a different journey to God. He was a Mutabir. Obviously, he

insisted upon the need to purify oneself in order to undertake the ibra, but he self-

identified with a different epistemological category. He drew not so much on Eastern

Sufism but on other precedents, namely Ibn Masarra, and Isml - Ikhwn works. The

Mutabirn, due to Isml, Ikhwn, and Masarr orientations, were much more

interested in cosmology, the science of letters, the principle of correspondence, and

astrology than in Sufi psychology. For advice on states and stations of the soul, Ibn

Barrajn recommended that his readers consult books of Sufis. Ibn Barrajns Mutabirn

tradition were primarily concerned with associative correspondence, and this tradition

becomes absorbed and re-sythesized in the works of 7th/13th century philosophical

417
mysticism of Ibn al-Arab, arrl (d. 638/1241), Ibn Sabn (d. 668/1270), and

Shushtar (d. 667/1269).13

13
That said, it is important to point out that the demarcation between subjective, ethically oriented Eastern
Sufism and theoretical Andalus Mysticism should not be pushed too far. As an interpretive framework,
this division has severe limitations. First, Ibn Barrajn himself did not identify his cosmological approach
with the geographic parameters of al-Andalus. He had no hesitation in recognizing Eastern figures, such as
Byazd al-Bism, as highly accomplished Mutabirn. The universal Prophetic figure of Abraham
embodied the supreme prototype of the Mutabir, arriving at knowledge of divine unity by contemplating
the heavens. Second, this East-West demarcation is problematic because the 7 th/13th century Andalus
mystics incorporated teachings of the Mutabirn among other bodies of knowledge, including late
philosophical-theology, into their rubric. A cursory read through Ibn al-Arabs Futt plainly
demonstrates that he incorporated vast fields of learning into his worldview. In this regard, speaking of the
transfer of Andalus mystical doctrine to the East in the 7th/13th century onward is too simplistic. Third, the
works of a score of 6th/12th century Persian Sufis prior to Ibn al-Arab, including 6th/12th century Persian
authors like Ayn al-Qut amadn, Rashd al-Dn Maybd, and Isml al-Samn complicates this
claim. These authors articulated a language of theoretical mysticism in Persian and Arabic against the
backdrop of a well developed cosmology. Ibn Barrajn was unaware of these Persian developments, but
would have rejoiced to learn that a whole world of mystical thought was beginning to emerge both East and
West.

418
 Appendix I

Analysis of the Jerusalem Prediction

The most famous passage of Ibn Barrajns writings is his prediction of the

recapture of Jerusalem by Muslims in the year 583AH on the basis of an astrological

analysis of the opening verses of sura 30, Rm. What follows is an analysis of his

calculation and a full translation of his commentary from the Tanbh and . This

analysis is a preliminary corrective to what I consider to be flawed analysis in Bellvers

recently published article on the subject, Ibn Barran and Ibn Arab on the Prediction

of the Capture of Jerusalem in 583/1187 by Saladin, in Arabica, 61 (2014), pp. 252-86.

***

The Qurnic passage 30:2-4 has two readings, the first is the majority reading,

and the second the minority reading. Most scholars hold to the majority reading of the

passage as: The Byzantines were defeated (ghulibat) in the lands close-by; and they, after

their defeat shall win within a few years. They understand this verse to have been

revealed post-614 in Mecca after the defeat of the Byzantines to the Sassanians, and to

foretell of the forthcoming Byzantine victory over the Sasanians in a few (bi = 3-9)

years. At the time, the Persians under Chosroes had initiated a series of campaigns

against the Byzantines which culminated in their defeat at the battle of Antioch in 613,

followed by the fall of Damascus in 613, and Jerusalem in 614 where the Church of the

Holy Sepulchre was demolished and the Holy Cross seized. The Byzantines also lost

Egypt in 619. The Byzantine leader Heraclius was at a disadvantage in relation to

Sassanians because he was fighting a two-front war. So he signed a peace treaty with the

Avars in 619 and in the spring of 622 subjugated the Sassanians at the Battle of Issus in

419
622, then decisively at Nineveh in 627. The majority reading of 30:2-4 therefore predicts

the forthcoming victory of the Byzantines over the Sasanians in a few (bi = 3-9) years.

The alternative vocalization of 30:2-4 reads as follows: The Byzantines have won

(ghalabat) in the lands close-by; and they, after their victory shall lose within a few years.

Those who ascribe to this variant reading hold that the verse was revealed at the battle of

Badr in year 624 after the Muslims were heartened by the news that their fellow People

of the Book, the Byzantines, defeated the Sasanians at Battle of Issus in 624, which was

followed by their decisive victory at Nineveh in 627. According to this reading of the

verse, the Qurn foreshadows Umar b. al-Khabs (r. 13-23/634-44) conquest of the

Byzantine-controlled towns in Syro-Palestine at the Battle of Yarmk in 636, that is, 9-

12 years after the revelation.

Ibn Barrajn is unique in giving equal weight to both variants. But he only bases

his astrological calculations on the Meccan dating of the revelation around 614. He never

entertains the idea that the alternative reading of 30:2-4 must have been revealed circa

624. It is neither historically nor mathematically tenable that both the majority (614) and

the alternative reading (624) could have been revealed at the same time. Nevertheless, if

we follow Ibn Barrajns back-to-the-future vein of thought, he subtracts the majority

reading date (614) from the date of Umars conquest (636) which gives 22. The result 22

falls outside of 3-9 (bi), but according to his astrological scheme, a Qurnic year can

mean either 1 standard lunar year, or a multiple of 7 lunar years, or even a multiple of

1000 lunar months (more on this later). So Umars victory, 22 years after the revelation,

fell within a few years/units timeframe i.e., between a few (3-9) multiples of seven: 21

and 28.

420
 Up to this point Ibn Barrajn has made only retrospective calculations of past

events. He maintains that 30:2-4 promises two victories for the Byzantines (their first

being the victory of 624 over the Sassanians, and the second the Crusader victory of

489/1095). As for the Muslims two victories, their first was Umars in 15/636 future,

and the second was yet to come. His prediction of the second Muslim victory hinges on

equating each of the annual units mentioned in the verse within a few years with 1000

lunar months. That is to say, Muslims shall win within a few thousand lunar months.

With this new unit in mind, Ibn Barrajn reasons that the Crusaders were granted their

second victory over the Muslims in 489/1095, which approximates the end of the 6000th

lunar month after the hijra, i.e., year 500/1107. Ibn Barrajn prophesizes that the tables

would turn in favor of the Muslims when the grand cycle of 7000 lunar months comes to

a close. So at the 7000th lunar month, i.e., year 583 and a third, or 1st of Jumd I, 583/

July 1187 the Muslim victory would take place. Remarkably, the battle of Han in which

the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem fell to Saladin happened almost exactly 1000 lunar

months (or 83.33 lunar years) after the year 500/1107. To be exact, it took place 6 days

prior to Ibn Barrajns estimation, on Saturday 25th Rab II, 583 / July 4th, 1187. The

simplicity of Ibn Barrajns mathematical calculation, together with the fact that it

dovetails with his cosmological scheme as we shall see, defies the possibility of scribal

forgery even though pre-583/1187 manuscripts of the Irshd have not survived.

It is clear that Ibn Barrajn held his calculation to be a rough approximation, as

evidenced by the fact that he identified the second Byzantine victory (of the Crusaders)

with the rounded-up year of 500 A.H., knowing that it took place in 489 A.H. The first

Crusader victory was long a process which unfolded over the course of several years,

421
beginning with first clash of the Crusaders with the Muslims in the mid-490/1096 in Asia

Minor, which delayed the Crusaders for almost a year at the siege of Antioch, ending in

their first great triumph over the Muslims in Jumd I 491/April-May 1098. Jerusalem

itself was only captured by the Crusaders in mid-492/1099.1

The question which remains is why Ibn Barrajn used 1000 lunar months as

measurement for his grand cycle, and why number 6 figures so prominently in his

calculation. The rationale for this lies in his understanding of the astrological cycles of

decree (dawir al-taqdr) as laid out in his commentary on the Night of Power (laylat al-

qadr). This night in which the Qurn was revealed wholly is described as being greater

than the grand cycle of a thousand months (97:3); hence 1000 lunar months must be the

measurement for the longest cycle of decree. He also accounts for the importance of

number 6 as being the concluding unit of the standard seven-fold cycle. In the following

commentary on the Night of Power, Ibn Barrajn claims boldly that it would have been

possible to extrapolate knowledge of the Hour (ilm al-sa) had God disclosed precisely

how much greater than 1000 months this Night is (that is to say if God had divulged the

exact extent of the Night of Powers cycle) as well as the precise date in which the

descent of the Qurn into this world took place. In other words, if we were to know

exactly how long the 1000+ month span of the cycle is, and when exactly that cycle

started, then it would be possible to approximate when that cycle and with it the world

would run its term:

Qadr (power) is an alleviated form of qadar (decree), so [the Night of

Power] is the Night of [Divine] Decree during which divine rulings for the

1
Personal correspondence with Prof. Frank Griffel, 4/14/12.

422
 future descend [and are further differentiated] from the Archetypal

BookSome of these divine rulings are [to manifest] in the near [future],

that is, within the year of that nightOthers in the distant future [according

to longer cycles]and God said that [the Night of Decree] is better than a

thousand months (97:3) and a thousand months are equivalent to 83.33

years, that is 83 years and 4 months. We also know that days are divided

into sets of 7, and that when the cycle of [7] days comes to an end, it starts

again on day 1and the last unit in a [seven-fold] cycle is 6, with 7 being

the beginning of the subsequent cycle.

Since God revealed the Qurn on the Night of Power, and since He

reported to His Messenger that a night will come when the [Qurns]

writing will be erased from scrolls and its memory erased from hearts, we

construe without a doubt that 7 days of 1000 months adds up to 7000

months, which equals 583.33 years. It remains to be known which exact

year was the Night of Power in which the Qurn was first revealed back to

the Prophet, and how much time elapsed between that year and the Hijra

which was fixed as the first year of the calendar. God said that [the Night

of Power] is greater than a thousand months, and it may be that the

specific difference in question is to be extracted from this angle. But the

extent contained in that greatness (al-khayr) is unknowableand thus it is

that God concealed the knowledge of the Hour.2 And in the Ibn

Barrajn states allusively that God divides the affair of the Qurn into

2
al-Tafsr al-f li-l-qurn, ed. al-Adln, vol. 2, p. 996.

423
 equal parts in 7 days, each of which is greater than a thousand nights...but

what [amount of time] exactly greater refers to remains unknown.3

Thus the entire cosmic order is governed by cycles of decree which span across 7 days, or

multiples of 7 days, or multiples of 1000 months.

Commentary on 30:2-4 in the Tanbh4

The Byzantines were defeated (ghulibat) in the lands close-by;

and they, after their defeat (ghalabi-him) shall win (sa-yaghlibna) within

a few years (Q 30:2-4). The majority hold that the first verb is passive (i.e.

ghulibat they were defeated), whereas Al and Ibn Umar read it in the

active as they have won (ghalabat). Ibn Umar reads ghalabi-him (their

defeat) as ghulbi-him, although the common reading has been ascribed to

him as well. The majority who read ghulibat in the passive read [the rest

of the verse] in the active as and they, after their defeat shall win. Whereas

those who read [the first] in the active as they have won (ghalabat) read

[the second verb] in the passive as they shall lose (sa-yughlabna).

Gods wisdom in the cycles of decree (dawir al-taqdr) involves

the return of things to their initial state. These cycles include both those

whose timeframe is circumscribed (muqaddara) and those whose

timeframe is much larger (muwassaa), according to what God wills for

3
, ed. Bowering & Casewit, paragraph 1123.
4
In translating this passage from the Irshd I collated from the following sources: (1) al-Adlns
incomplete edition which is based on Mnchen 83 (cf. al-Tafsr al-f li-l-qurn, vol. 1, pp. 394-97); (2)
MS Yusuf Aa 4746, 108b-10a; (3) A reproduction of the passage in marginalia around MS. Murat
Molla 35 fl. 186a-88a.

424
 them and through them. Nowaccording to the reading by the majority

of the first verb in the passive ghulibat they were defeatedwhen God

reported that the Byzantines were defeated in the lands close-by, i.e.,

Syro-Palestine (al-Shm), He was reporting about what would transpire in

the future, and announcing good tidings to the Messenger of God and the

believers [that the Byzantines would eventually win the Persians].

Thus the Prophet said upon waking one night, The is no god but

God! Woe to the Arabs from an evil that has drawn nigh! Today the

rampart [which impedes] Gog and Magog has been opened like this, and

[the Prophet gestured by] making a circle with his thumb and forefinger.5

Thus God was informing his Prophet what would transpire, and

this [looming evil predicted by the Prophet] took place less than two

hundred years later with the emergence of the [Arab] Abbs dynasty [in

139/750] who employed Khursns, Turks, Daylams and other foreigners

of those areas. [But let me clarify in passing that] the actual barrier (sudd)

[which impedes the devastating forces of Gog and Magog] will not be

breached until the coming of Gods promise [as stated in verses Q 18:97-

99.] Thus the Prophet did not downplay the importance of the opening

because the employment of [Byzantine foreigners] by the [Arab Abbss]

was so to speak an opening [for those Byzantine foreigners in that they

displaced Arab Abbas forces]. For when the Arabs turned away [from

God], He replaced them with the [Byzantine] foreigners: If you turn away,

5
Found in e.g. Bukhr, a, K. al-fitan, bb 28, no. 7135.

425
He will substitute another people instead of you, and they will not be like

you (Q 47:38).

When the Prophet said Woe to the Arabs from an evil that has

drawn nigh, he was a warning them that their political and military

authority would be seized by [Byzantine] foreigners. He was also

reporting about when Gods decree would come into effect, for [Gods

decree] preceded engendered existence. And the decreeing of such [an

eventuality took effect] that night, as may be gathered from the Prophets

statement tonight a breach was opened [in the barrier]. And God knows

best.

Likewise, the verse the Byzantines were defeated is a good tiding

announcing the forthcoming unfolding of the predetermined decree. This

[good tiding] came to pass at the time of Umar b. al-Khab (r. 13-

23/634-44) who conquered the towns of Syro-Palestine and captured

Jerusalem from the Byzantines [ca. 636]. God said within a few years

(bi sinn), that is between three and nine. Now this sra (Rm 30) was

revealed in Mecca [ca. 614], and Umars conquests took place within a

few multiples of 7 years, that is 20 to 28 years later [that is between 636-

642, the Battle of Yarmk being in 636]. Thereafter the conquest

continued to expand and assumed the dimensions that had been willed by

divine decree.

He next says, And they the Byzantines after their defeat shall win;

that is to say they lost [Umar in 636], then they shall win [in 1096 with

426
 the First Crusade], and after winning shall lose again [in 1187 at the hands

of Saladin]. By this God announces the property (ukm) of [His]

decreeings cycles: that the Byzantines will have two victories and the

Muslims will have two victories equally, not counting the first victory for

the Muslims at the hands of the blessed Companions.

The first victory of the [Byzantines] over us in those lands

corresponds to the Companions victory within the timeframe of 49 or 50

multiples of 7, i.e., 7 weeks multiplied by 7 weeks, and contained within

the timeframe [defined by the verse, namely] 7 x 9. And this first

[Byzantine] victory only encompassed the fortified outposts of Syro-

Palestine, and afterwards Muslims had the upper hand and wrested from

them what they had captured, also taking control of Armenia.

Then Byzantines were granted a second victory in the year

489/1096 [of the First Crusade] taking Syro-Palestine in its entirety,

including Jerusalem [in 492/1099]. This [Byzantine victory] took place at

the end of the sixth yearwith year here being defined as one thousand

lunar months, thereby confirming [Gods prediction of Byzantines second

victory] within a few years [since otherwise the phrase could only refer

to events within ten normal years of its revelation at most]. [In this

scenario, then], the 6th unit6 of [within a few years] constitutes the

beginning of the year 500/1106-7, with 7 of such years equaling the year

6
Lit. day (ayymi-h)

427
 583 and 4 months [Rab II, 583/ July 1187], and we are now in year

522/1128.7

The second reading [of this passage] furnishes a different proof,

since in the view of all the scholars this [second reading] represents an

authoritative variant reading that is equal to the first with respect to its

function as a binding source of proof, a basis for recitation, and an object

of belief. [Thus] the verse The Byzantines have won (ghalabat) in the land

close-by; and after their victory they shall lose within in a few years, [with

the first verb] in the active, announces the defeat of the Muslims within

the timeframe of 49 weeks. God then proceeds to speak of our subsequent

victory over them, and I have already mentioned our victory over the

Byzantines as per the property of the cycles of decree.

He then says, And after their victory i.e. over the Muslims, they

shall lose. That is, the cycle will turn against the Byzantines just as it had

before turned in their favor. The Byzantines won over us a second time in

[the Crusade of] 489/1096, and still the holy promise that they shall lose

remains [to be fulfilled]. This will be the third of three [take-overs to

date]: the first being the Companions victory over them, the second being

their present victory over us [which began 489/1096], although the scope

of the first of these was not so extensive. The condition of their

7
The incomplete manuscript in Munich (Cod. Ar. 83) which Adln used for his edition adds and we are
522. This may be a scribal edition, but it matters little since MS Fayzullah Efendi 35 f. 388 confirms that
the Irshd was completed in 522/1128.

428
 [dominion] during the period in which the Qurn was revealed and the

Prophet was active in Mecca was a sixth condition.

Whoso contemplates (tadabbur) the cycles of decree as reflected in

the difference between night and day, and in the transformations of the

ages and the vicissitudes of temporal beings in the changing of their states

in respect of conquests [in which territory is both] gained and lost, may

well obtain some knowledge thereof. From this [contemplative exercise]

one gains some of the most beneficial lessons in certitude of the

termination of time, the expiration of fixed terms, the ineluctable advent of

the Last Day, the realization of the knowledge of resurrection, of the

promise and the threat, and beyond.

However, on the basis of the reading they shall win in the active

(sa-yaghlibn), i.e., that the Byzantines will have victory over the

Muslims within a few years, it is possible to take the verse as meaning in

a few multiples of seven years, as was discussed above. Whereas the

reading of the verb in the passive (sa-yughlabn) would denote that they

shall be defeated within a few years.

The Prophet said concerning the Mahd: He will fill the earth with

justice and equity, even as it was filled with injustice and oppression; he

will live among you seven years (or as another version has it, nine years).8

This adth announces our future victory over them, since we will have the

upper hand and they will be on the retreat without chance of a retaliation

8
Ab Dd, Sunan, K. al-Mahd, bb 1, no. 4287: Yamlau al-ara adlan wa-qisan kam muliat jawran
wa-ulman, yashu f-kum saba sinna.

429
on that day, God willing. What has just been discussed is beyond doubt, so

praise be to God, Lord of the worlds. Thus the verse The Byzantines have

won in the lands close-by, and after their victory, i.e., their second victory,

they shall be defeated within a few years announces the Muslims victory

over them under the command of the just leader [the Mahdi], may God be

pleased with us and them. Prophetic reports have confirmed this, and God

is the One besought.

The verse continues, Gods is the command, before and after; and

on that day shall the believers rejoice in Gods help (Q 30:4-5). God

announces eventualities for and against this community by way of

entanglements with the Byzantines. He alludes to the approach of the

Byzantines demise as the final outcome of these entanglementsthis

being the victory of the Muslims over them through the leadership of the

foretold imm, also known as the [great] slaughterby saying Gods is

the command, before and after; and on that day shall the believers rejoice

in Gods helpthis day refers to the appearance of none other than the

damned Antichrist followed by the appearance of His Word, His servant,

His messenger Jesus, son of Mary, [who will join battle against him], then

the disappearance of the righteous [from the face of the earth], then the

Last Hour. Gods is the command before the descent of the Qurn and

after these times are fulfilled. Indeed, Gods was the command before

existence was bestowed upon creation and will continue to be so after

[creations] demise; as He says, On that day shall the command belongs to

430
God (Q 82:19), and On that day shall the kingdom, the true [kingdom]

belong to the Merciful (Q 25:26).

The verse continues, And on that day shall the believers rejoice in

Gods help. Here lies the evident proof that what I have here discussed is

in fact what is intended by this verse, contrary to those commentators who

assert that it refers to the Persians victory over the Byzantines and the

Byzantines victory over the Persians. If this were the case, then the

purpose of this verse would not be to announce the outcome of the

Byzantine-Persian struggle, nor the victory of the Persians over the

Byzantines, nor of the Byzantines over the Persians. God would not

announce such tidings to the believers, nor reveal this in His holy book,

nor communicate this in His mighty word; since such information would

not be occasion for taking heed, nor for an admonition, nor would it be a

good tiding to the believers.

This is despite the fact that in their attempt to prove their purported

interpretation, these commentators assert that the believers inclined toward

the Byzantines because they too possess a revealed scripture. But this does

not fit with Gods promise to His faithful servants [in the next verse]: The

promise of God! God fails not His promise, but most men do not know it

(Q 30:6). For after rejecting Muammads calling to Islam, the Byzantines

were no longer the object of divine mercy referred to in the previous verse

[and on that day the believers shall rejoice in Gods help; God helps

whomsoever He will] and He is the Mighty, the Merciful. (Q 30:4-5). It is

431
 on account of Gods surpassing wisdom that the Byzantines are made to

prevail over others and vice versa: and thus do We give some oppressors

dominance over others according to what they have earned. (Q 6:129).

God always expresses His vengeance through His name the Mighty, and

His prevailing mercy toward the believers through His name the Merciful.

All this negates what these commentators have mentioned; for the good

tidings and mercy are for the Muslim believers only, and the threats,

censure and reproach are for the restso understand.

Commentary on 30:2-4 from K. al-ikma9

His saying ALM (Q 30:1) is an unequivocal text drawn from the

preserved Tablet, then differentiated into the contents of this surah. The

verse The Byzantines have won (Q 30:2) was discussed previously [in the

Tanbh]and God it is Who increases us in knowledge and understanding

of His word. And they, after their victory, shall be defeated within a few

years (Q 30:3-4)this is in the future. The Prophet said, Even if this

world had but one day left, God would protract that one day until there

accedes to authority a man from my stock whose name shall be the same

as mine; he will fill the earth with justice and equity, even as it was filled

with injustice and oppression, mentioning further that this blessed rulers

reign would last seven years or in another version, nine years.10 The

9
MS Mahmut Paa 4, 52a-53b; MS. Murat Molla 35 fl. 186a-88a.
10
A similar report is found in Ab Dd, Sunan, K. al-Mahd, bb 1, no. 4287.

432
Qurnic attestation of this report has already been discussed in the Irshd

[il subul al-rashd]. One version of the report has it, the Byzantine kings

will be led to him in chains.

All this is joined to the verse Gods is the command, before our

current state [of defeat] in the wake of the earlier conquests and victories

of the Companions, then after the days of the Messiah Jesus son of Mary,

and his righteous supporters, upon them all be the peace of God and His

blessings (Our Lord, we believe; record us among the witnesses (Q

5:83)50) then what comes to pass after that until the worlds demise and

beyond. He adjoined the description of that day with the conjunction and

by saying and on that day the believers will rejoice in Gods help. God

helps whom He will, and He is the Mighty, the Merciful (Q 30:4-5),

Mighty in wreaking vengeance on His enemies, Merciful toward His

friends.

The promise of God; God fails not His promise (Q 30:6). Whoso

fails to recognize that Gods promise is as ineluctable as the cycle of day

and night, and as ineluctable as the return of cycles ends to their

beginnings and their beginnings advancing toward their ends, fails to give

the ineluctability of His promise its due. In effect, Gods promise is more

ineluctable than the fact that the day follows the night, and the night

follows the day. This then is Gods mandate and His act. He enacts it if He

so wills, He promises if He so wills, and He fails not the tryst (Q 13:31).

433
This [absolute assurance] being one of His qualities: He is the Real and

His promise is real.

Then God says: But most people know not; they know [only] an

outward aspect of this present life (Q 30:6-7). The objects of knowledge

of this present life are many. Says God: You have been taught what neither

you nor your fathers knew (Q 6:91). But the supreme object of outward

knowledge expressed in this verse is the aforementioned knowledge of the

revolution of cycles of day, night, sun, moon, starsthese revolutions

being according to a definite reckoning (Q 55:5). Any [object of]

knowledge that is cut off from its ibra is incomplete, for it is merely an

outward [reality] of the object [that is beheld]. Knowledge is only

complete when a connection is drawn to its ibra; and [in this case] the

ibra is to draw a connection between knowledge of cycles revolutions, of

the orbiting in accordance with a definite reckoning, and their affair in the

hereafter. Just as night comes when day ends and vice versa, so will the

day of this world end and the Last Day come. In fact, the Last Day and its

affairs are signaled by the cycles from week to week, month to month,

year to year, and on up to years in multiples of seven, and in tens of

sevens, and how much more vast is the hereafter! (Q 17:21). I have

discussed previously that it is via knowledge of this world that one may

cross over to (yubaru) knowledge of the encounter with God [on the day

of resurrection] and of the manifestation of the Sublime Self-Disclosure

(al-tajall al-al), and [more generally] of knowledge of that Manifest

434
Reality (al-aqq al-mubn) at those vast [levels of] existence. That which

leads to such knowledge is ibra from existents of the herebelow to

existents in the here-to-come. And the most easy, accessible, and

comprehensive [method of extrapolating this knowledge] is [through

astrological] knowledge of the cycles revolutions, with the understanding

of Gods wisdom therein.

I have previously said that motion consists of translocation and

fluctuation, and that creation (khalq) derives thereof, whereas the

[presence of the divine] command (amr) within creation consists of that

commands seeking out the sublime and exalted primordial love (al-ubb

al-awwal). So the coming together of the cycles is none other than an

outward projection from Himechoing the primordial origination (al-far

al-awwal) which is the root and starting point of existencefollowed by a

fleeing back to Him which echoes the return to God and the love for Him.

That is, [the coming together of the cycles] is a flight from Him and back

to Him. Moreover, all of the parts of the cycle are divided in accordance

with this binary. This is confirmed by the verse: And He has subjected to

you all that is in the heavens and in the earth, all is from Him. Surely in

that are signs for a people who reflect (Q 45:13). Since the departure from

God fluctuates between existentiation (which is out of His munificence)

and returning to Him (which is out of obedience and servanthood) and

fleeing from Him (which is out of disobedience), the trace [of these

435
cosmic tendencies] leaves its mark in creatures in that there are those who

obey Him and those who disobey Him; save those preserved by God.

God says in connection with the previous verse: What, have they

not reflected within themselves? then He says, God created not the

heavens and the earth, and what between them, save through the real. (Q

30:8) Reflecting upon man generates knowledge of God and knowledge of

the divine encounter. For when man reflection upon himself, and his

fluctuation in the levels of existence, and the return of the end of his affair

to its beginning; similarly knowledge of the divine encounter is a return to

Him. As for considering ones inner state and attaining self-realization,

this generates knowledge of God; as the Prophet said whoso knows not

himself knows not his Lord. Now the knowledge referred to here is not by

way of similitude as some have fallaciously claimed, but rather by way of

a certain recognition (tarf) and a correlation (ifa). So like existence

itself, seek [this] in all your quests. God says in connection with the word

real [in verse 30:8] God created not the heavens and the earth, and what

between them, save through the real and for an appointed term. Do you

not see that He created [man] from earth, then He returns [him] to the

earth, and likewise every degree of his creation has a first and a last: He

moves man through all degrees of creation by first blowing the spirit into

him, then by configuring him into another configuration and on through all

the degrees, beginning with the degree of humanness, to that of believer,

to that of saint, to that of prophet, to that of messengerhood, to that of

436
angels, then He bestows closeness upon him and grants him salvation, at

which point God becomes his hearing, eyesight, hands, and legs which he

devotes to His obedience and His ruling desire. So blessed be God, the

best of creators! (Q 23: 14).

437
 Appendix II

Compilation of Biblical Material in Ibn Barrajns Works

The following appendix contains the biblical quotations used by Ibn Barrajn in

his works, together with parallel English translations. The verses are laid out according to

the chapter and verse sequence of the Latin Vulgate, which Ibn Barrajn does not refer to.

The passages cited below are from Genesis and Matthew. The paraphrased citations from

Exodus and Ezekiel which were cited above, are not included in the appendix. Ezekiel

37:1-10 are included below.1 Although this appendix does not provide an exhaustive

collection of Ibn Barrajns commentary on the Bible, his voice is often present and

actively engaged with the Hebrew Bible and New Testament as an exegete, offering his

opinions and supporting them scripturally and rationally. Ibn Barrajn quotes the Torah

alongside the Bible; each revelation substantiating the other and intertwining gracefully

in his commentary. His interpretations of Genesis are very possibly informed by Jewish

exegetical literature on the Torah. Even the most cursory comparison of Ibn Barrajns

biblical passages reveal striking similarities with Jeromes Vulgate translation. Important

differences and omissions are underlined in the main text and specified in the endnotes.

The minor points of divergence between the two texts suggests that the translation used

by Ibn Barrajn was probably collated against pre-Jerome Latin translations.

1
(I) Genesis 1:1-31, 2:1-14; 2:16-19; 3:1-7; 3:24; 15:4-7; 15:13-18; 18:20, 22-23; 19:20-21, 24-25, 27-28,
30; (II) Exodus 9:13-35. (III) Ezekiel 1:10; 23:33; 37:1-10. (IV) Matthew 4:34-35; 11:2-8, 11, 13-15;
13:31-33, 44-46; 19:30; 20:1-16; 24:22, 24, 29-30.

438
 Hebrew Bible

Genesis 1:1-31, 2:1-7 Seven Days of Creation

The opening of Genesis is one of Ibn Barrajns favorite biblical passages, because it
supplements and complements the qurnic narrative of creation.

In the first book of the alleged Torah,

[God] says:

:

1
Truly, God created the heaven and the
2 1
earth.

2
And it was barren and empty, and
2
darkness [was] upon the abyss, and the
spirit of God moved upon the waters.

3
And God Mighty and Majestic
3
said: let there be light, and light came to


be.
4
4
And God was pleased with the light, and

He divided it from the darkness.
5
5
And He called the light day, and the


darkness night, and the day and the night


were a first day.
6
6
Then God Mighty and Majestic


said: let there be a partition in the midst
of the waters, that parts of the waters may
be divided from others.
7
7
Then God created the partition, and He
divided the waters that were under the

partition from those that were above it.
8
8
And God called the heaven a firmament,

and the night and the day were a second .

day.
9
Then God glorious is His speech 9

said: let the waters that are under the
heaven gather together unto one place so
that the land may appear; and it was so.

2
In , 508, Ibn Barrajn has a slightly different version:

439

10
And He called the land Earth; and the
gathering together of the waters Sea: and
God saw that His affair was good. 10


11
And He said: let the earth bring forth
the green herb that produces its own
seed, each according to its measure; and
the fruit tree yielding fruit after its kind, 11
whose offshoots come from it within the
earth; and it was so.
And God produced the green herb, each
12

according to its kind, and the earth

produced trees yielding their fruit, each
according to the measure of their kind. 3
And God was pleased with that.
12
13
And the day and the night completed a

third day.

14
And God Mighty and Majestic
said: let there be lights in the heaven so . 13
that the day will become distinct from the
14
night; and let them be as signs marking

the seasons, days, and years,
15

And to illuminate the firmament and
give light upon the earth. And it was so.

16
And God made two great lights; the 15
greater one He made as light of day, and
the lesser one as light of the night

alongside the stars,
17
And He fixed them in the firmament to 16
give light upon the earth,
18

And to preside over the day, and to
divide the light and the darkness on its
17
account; and God saw that it was good.
19
And the night and day completed the 18
fourth day.

20
Then God Mighty and Majestic

3
Vulgate: et protulit terra herbam virentem (And the earth brought forth the green herb).

440
said: let the fish that hath life be created . 19
in the waters, and fowl that fly in the
open. 20


21
Then God created great beasts, and 4
every living creature that came into
existence from the waters, after their
21
kind, and God was pleased with it.



22
And He blessed them, saying: grow and 5
multiply, and fill the waters of the sea;
and He said to the fowl: multiply in the
earth.
23 22
And the day and night completed a fifth
day.
24
Then God glorious is His speech
said: let there be created from the earth . 6 23
living creatures in their kind, and cattle,
and creeping creature, and predatory 24



beasts of the earth after their types; and it
was done.

25
And God created the predatory beasts

of the earth according to multiple kinds,
and every creature that creeps upon the 25
earth after their types: and God saw that
His affair was beautiful.
26
And He said: let us create man in Our .
image and likeness, that he may rule over
the fish of the sea, the fowl of the air, and 26

all the cattle of the earth and every
creeping creature.
7
27
Then God created man in His own

4
Mazds edition (vol. 3, p. 13) reads bi-anfusih, which would translate as by themselves. However, the
subsequent verses repeatedly refer to beasts that possess nafas, or breath of life. The plural of nafas is
anfs, and therefore I assume here that there is a missing alif and that bi-anfsih should be translated as
[fish] that hath life.
5
Vulgate: et omne volatile secundum genus suum (and every winged fowl according to its kind).
6
The order is inverted in the Vulgate: et factum est vespere et mane dies quintus (And the evening and
morning were the fifth day).

441
image and likeness, male and female.

27
8

28
And God blessed both of them, and He
said: multiply and fill the earth, and
replenish it, and have dominion over the 28
fish of the sea, and the fowl of the air, and
over all living creatures that moveth upon 9
the earth.



29
And God Mighty and Majestic
said: Behold, I have made permissible for .
you every plant that is produced by the
earth, namely its vegetables, herbs, and


29
seed-produce, and every kind of fruit-
bearing tree; that you may eat from them
and be nourished thereof.

30
And that all living creatures may take
nourishment from them, namely beasts of
the earth, and fowl of the air, and every
creature that creeps upon the earth, 30

wherein there is life, that there may be
food for them; and it was so.

31
And God completed all His creation,

and all of it very good. And the day and
.
the night completed a sixth day.
Thus God Mighty and Majestic 31
Gn.2:1

completed the creation of the heavens and

the earth in all their beauty.
.
2
1
And on the seventh day God completed

what He had created; and He ceased on
that [day] from [creating] what He had

7
Vulgate adds: et bestiis universaeque terrae omnique reptili quod movetur in terra (and the beasts, and
the whole earth, and every creeping creature that moveth upon the earth)
8
Vulgate adds: et creavit Deus hominem ad imaginem suam ad imaginem Dei creavit illum masculum et
feminam creavit eos (And God created man to his own image: to the image of God he created him: male
and female he created them).
9
Vulgate adds: et subicite eam (and subdue it).

442
 2
created.

10
.
3
And God blessed the seventh day and
sanctified it, because on that [day] He
ceased from [creating] what He had 3
created


11
4
On the day that the Lord God created the

heaven and earth,
5
4
And every tree of the earth before the
12
earth brought it forth, and before it
brought forth its herb; for the Lord God
had not sent rain upon the earth, nor was
5
there a man to inhabit it.
6

But it was watered by a spring which
rose out of it.

7
Then the Lord God formed man of the 6
slime of the earth, and He breathed into

his face the breath of life; and he became
7
a human with a living breath.


13
.

Genesis 2:8-9, 16-19; 3:1-7 Tree of Life, & Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil
It is related in the book that is said to be
the Torah [Genesis 2]:
8
And the Lord God had planted a garden 14
8

10
Vulgate: et requievit die septimo ab universo opere quod patrarat (and he rested on the seventh day from
all his work which he had done).
11
Vulgate: et benedixit diei septimo et sanctificavit illum quia in ipso cessaverat ab omni opere suo quod
creavit Deus ut faceret (And he blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it: because in it he had rested from
all his work which God created and made).
12
Vulgate adds: istae generationes caeli et terrae quando creatae sunt in die quo fecit Dominus Deus
caelum et terram (These are the generations of the heaven and the earth, when they were created, in the day
that the Lord God made the heaven and the earth).
13
Tanbh, vol. 3, pp. 13-16. See also 509 where Ibn Barrajn points out parallels between qurnic
verses and Genesis 1:21-23, 26-31; 2:1-2. In 505, he sets out to determine the exact time and cosmic
day of Adams creation. To this end, he evaluates adth reports alongside descriptions from Genesis 2:1-5,
and concludes that Adam was created on the seventh day.

443
 15
of pleasure in the beginning, and He

placed therein man whom he had created.
9
9
And the Lord God had planted in the


earth all trees that are fair to behold and
pleasant of fruit, and He planted in the

midst of the garden the tree of life and the
tree of knowledge of good and evil.
16
And He said: eat of every tree of this .

garden,
17
But do not eat of the tree of knowledge 16
17
of good and evil; for when you eat


thereof, you shall die.
This [death] means and God knows .

best that you shall assume the state of
mortality. Perhaps this [death]
symbolically denotes the death of his

exalted status of being in dialogue with
his Lord, as well as his life of abundance
and his blessings, and his place of ease
and distance from wretchedness, and that
his [true] place of rest is in paradise. It is



also related that He said to Adam [in
Genesis 3]: :
17
Because you have hearkened to the
voice of your wife, and have eaten of the

17
tree whereof I commanded you not to eat,

cursed is the earth for your inhabitance;
for you shall gain thereof only with labor.
18
Thorns and thistles shall it bring forth to
you; and you shall eat the herbs of the 18

earth
19
in the sweat of your hands, and you
16
shall eat the bread until you return unto 19
the ground; for out of it you were taken;

14
Note that al-Sayyd Allh is referred to inversely as Allh al-Sayyid throughout Genesis 1.
15
See 90-91 for a discussion of the etymological significance of the first name Adam, in which
Genesis 2:8 and 2:18 are quoted not only with equal, but more interpretive authority than similar dth
reports.

444
for you are dust, and unto dust shall you


return.
Moreover, God says: O Adam, inhabit, .
you and your wife, the Garden, and eat of
where you will, but come not nigh to this




tree, lest you be of the evildoers (Q. 7:19).
Also in the book that is said to be the
.) :(
Torah [Genesis 3]:
1

Now the serpent was more cunning than
any earthly beasts which the Lord God :
1
had created. And he said unto the woman:



why has God forbidden you from eating
every fruit of the garden?

2
And the woman said unto the serpent: we
eat of all the fruit of the garden,
2
3
but not of the fruit of the tree which is in
the midst of the garden, for God has
3
commanded us that we should not eat

therefore nor touch it, lest we die.
4
And the serpent said to her: you shall .

4


never die,
5
For God knows that the moment you eat
thereof, your eyes will open, and you 5
shall be like God in knowing good and
evil.
6
And when the woman beheld the beauty
.

of the tree, and she liked its fairness, she
6
took of its fruit and ate from it, then she

gave some of it to her husband; and he
ate therefore.

7
17

And their eyes opened, and when they
realised that they were naked, they sewed
together fig leaves together, and made 7
16
Vulgate: in sudore vultus tui (In the sweat of thy face).
17
Vulgate adds: vidit igitur mulier quod bonum esset lignum ad vescendum et pulchrum oculis aspectuque
delectabile et tulit de fructu illius et comedit deditque viro suo qui comedit (And the woman saw that the
tree was good to eat, and fair to the eyes, and delightful to behold: and she took of the fruit thereof, and did
eat, and gave to her husband who did eat).

445
 18
themselves aprons. (Gn. 3:1-7) .

Genesis 2:10-14 Descriptions of Paradise

10
And a river flowed from the place of 10
pleasure, irrigating the garden. It is
divided into four rivers:
:
11
The name of one of them is Phison, and
it is the one that encompasses the land of
Hevilath where gold grows, 11

12
and where one finds the jewel called
bdellium and the onyx stone.
13
And the name of the second river is 12
19
Gehon, and it is the one that encompasses .
the land of Ethiopia the Nile.
14 13
And the name of the third river is Tigris,
20
and it is the one that flows in the direction .
of the land of Persia. The name of the
14
fourth river is the Euphrates.
21
. .
Genesis 3:24 Tree of Life
It is also related in the book that is said to

be the Torah, that when Adam committed
the sin and was driven out of the garden
to this abode, God place in the hands of

Israfel, or some other cherubim, [Genesis
3]
24
a flaming spear to guard the tree of life
(Gn. 3:24), So that none would have any
22
24

18
, 378-380.
19
Vulgate adds: et aurum terrae illius optimum est ibique invenitur bdellium et lapis onychinus (
And the gold of that land is very good: there is found bdellium, and the onyx stone).
20
This is how the text appears in both MSS A & B of ( 476). There is no mention of Nile in Vulgate.
21
, 476.

446
 23
access to it and thus become immortal. .

Genesis 15:4-7, 13-18; 22:16-18 Story of Abraham

In the following passage, Ibn Barrajn draws from passages from Genesis 15 and 22
concerning the covenant of Abraham as background to the story of Joseph, which fulfills
the foretelling of Abrahams covenant with God. This passage, in which God promises to
make of Abraham a great nation, is a classic polemic verse used by Muslims to prove that
Ishmael is a forerunner of Muammads prophecy. Surprisingly, this polemic is not
evoked by Ibn Barrajn. Instead, these verses demonstrate that the Torah is a
differentiation of everything, which also means that it predicts the future.

It is related in the book that is said to be

the Torah (Genesis 15), that God
Might and Majestic

4
Revealed to Abraham peace and 24
blessings upon him 4


5
5
And He brought him outside then said:
look up to heaven and count the stars if
you are able to; so shall your seed be. .
7
And He said unto him: I am God, I saved 25
you from the fire of the Yemenites, so as
7
to give you this land to inherit and
.
possess.
13
13
And He said unto Abraham: verily your


seed shall be a stranger in a foreign land,
and they shall be enslaved and abased for

14
four hundred years,
14


But I will judge the nation that enslaves
them, and after this they shall come out .

22
Vulgate: eiecitque Adam et conlocavit ante paradisum voluptatis cherubin et flammeum gladium atque
versatilem ad custodiendam viam ligni vitae (And he cast out Adam; and placed before the paradise of
pleasure Cherubims, and a flaming sword, turning every way, to keep the way of the tree of life).
23
, 387.
24
Vulgate: statimque sermo Domini factus est ad eum dicens non erit hic heres tuus sed qui egredietur de
utero tuo ipsum habebis heredem (And immediately the word of the Lord came to him, saying: He shall not
be thy heir: but he that shall come out of thy bowels, him shalt thou have for thy heir).
25
Vulgate: dixitque ad eum ego Dominus qui eduxi te de Ur Chaldeorum (I am the Lord who brought thee
out from Ur of the Chaldees).

447
with plentiful abundance.
15
15
And you shall join to your ancestors in
wellbeing and in good old age.
16
But their offspring shall return hither in 16
the fourth generation.


God also told Abraham on the day he laid

his son [upon the altar] to slay him, and
God compensated him with a ram:
Gn. 22:16
Since you have done this, and have
not spared your only begotten son:

16
17
I will bless you and multiply your seed


until they become as the stars of the
heaven, and as the sand of the seashore, 17
and you seed shall have dominion over
the gates of their enemies;
18
And your seeds will bless all nations of

the earth, because you have obeyed my
command. 18
26
.

Genesis 19:20-21, 24-25, 27-28, 30; 18:20, 22-33 People of Lot

Ibn Barrajn paraphrases and copies passages from Genesis here as complement to the story of
Lot.

Said Lot to them: Surely you are a people
unknown to me! They said, Nay, but we
have brought thee that concerning which )- :(

they were doubting (Q. 15:62-63) i.e.,
with that concerning which you truthfully


warned of what would befall them if they

did not believe him. And we have come to
thee with the truth, i.e., the necessary

truth from God, and assuredly we speak
truly, So set forth, thou with thy family, in .)- :(



a watch of the night, and follow after the

backs of them, and let not any one of you
26
Tanbh, vol. 3, pp. 141-42.

448
turn round; and depart unto the place you 20
are commanded (Q. 15:64-65).
It is said [in Genesis 19] that there were
three cities, Sodom, Gomorrah, and
Segor, and that 20Lot asked for Zoar to be 21
spared on account of its smallness,
21

then he entered [Segor] before the dawn,
and the punishment befell them by 25-24
sunrise,
24-25
and that brimstone and fire were





27
rained upon them before overturning
.) :(

them, and We rained on them a rain; and
evil is the rain of them that are warned 25
(Q. 26:173). 28
25
And He overturned those cities, and all

the environs, and all the inhabitants of the
28-27
cities, and the passersby on that night.
27-28
And Abraham peace be upon him
looked toward the two cities Sodom
and Gomorrah early in the morning, and
29
toward all the land of the plain, and he

27
Vulgate: 20est civitas haec iuxta ad quam possum fugere parva et salvabor in ea numquid non modica est
et vivet anima mea 21dixitque ad eum ecce etiam in hoc suscepi preces tuas ut non subvertam urbem pro
qua locutus es 22festina et salvare ibi quia non potero facere quicquam donec ingrediaris illuc idcirco
vocatum est nomen urbis illius Segor 23sol egressus est super terram et Loth ingressus est in Segor 24igitur
Dominus pluit super Sodomam et Gomorram sulphur et ignem a Domino de caelo 25et subvertit civitates
has et omnem circa regionem universos habitatores urbium et cuncta terrae virentia ( 20There is this city here
at hand, to which I may flee, it is a little one, and I shall be saved in it: is it not a little one, and my soul
shall live? 21And he said to him: Behold also in this, I have heard thy prayers, not to destroy the city for
which thou hast spoken. 22Make haste and be saved there, because I cannot do any thing till thou go in
thither. Therefore the name of that city was called Segor. 23The sun was risen upon the earth, and Lot
entered into Segor. 24And the Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrha brimstone and fire from the Lord out
of heaven. 25And he destroyed these cities, and all the country about, all the inhabitants of the cities, and all
things that spring from the earth.)
28
Vulgate: et subvertit civitates has et omnem circa regionem universos habitatores urbium et cuncta
terrae virentia (And he destroyed these cities, and all the country about, all the inhabitants of the cities, and
all things that spring from the earth.)
29
Vulgate: 27Abraham autem consurgens mane ubi steterat prius cum Domino 28intuitus est Sodomam et
Gomorram et universam terram regionis illius viditque ascendentem favillam de terra quasi fornacis
fumum (27And Abraham got up early in the morning, and in the place where he had stood before with the
Lord: 28 He looked towards Sodom and Gomorrha, and the whole land of that country: and he saw the ashes
rise up from the earth as the smoke of a furnace).

449
 30
saw the ashes rise up from the earth as

the smoke of a furnace.
30
And Lot peace be upon him left .

Segor with his two daughters and he did
not dwell in it.
This is copied from the book that is said .


to be the Torah, and it is affirmed by the
Qurn which confirms [the latter], and ...
praise belongs to God, Lord of the worlds.
And it is also related in the book that is :
22
said to be the Torah [Genesis 18]:



22
And when the men that is the angels
peace be upon them departed from his

place, they turned their gaze toward
Sodom and Ghomarrah, and Abraham
peace be upon him went with them 30

accompanying them:
20
20
they said: the immodesty of the people
:
of Sodom and Gomorrah has reached its
full, their sins have multiplied and
31

.
become exceedingly grievous.

He said, and Abraham followed them
constantly. This, and God knows best, is .
the meaning of Gods praise for
[Abrahams] penitence [in the Qurn by
:23
referring to him as munb in Q. 11:75].
Gn. 18:23
24
He said, And Abraham drew near,
and said: will the righteous be destroy

with the wicked?
24
Should there be fifty righteous within the
25
city, they will be destroyed as well, and
no mercy shall come to that place on

30
Vulgate: converteruntque se inde et abierunt Sodomam Abraham vero adhuc stabat coram Domino (And
they turned themselves from thence, and went their way to Sodom: but Abraham as yet stood before the
Lord).
31
Vulgate: dixit itaque Dominus clamor Sodomorum et Gomorrae multiplicatus est et peccatum earum
adgravatum est nimis (And the Lord said: The cry of Sodom and Gomorrha is multiplied, and their sin is
become exceedingly grievous).

450
account of fifty righteous ones there.
25

Then [Abraham] restated the act that the
righteous should be as the wicked, that be .
far from Your: You who judges all the 26
earth, would not make this judgment.
:


26
Then the Lord said: If I find in Sodom
fifty righteous within the city, then I will
overlook all of their transgressions. .

27
Then Abraham answered and said:
behold, since I have taken upon me to

27
speak once I shall do so again even




though I am but dust and ashes:
28
What would You do if You found that

28
five were lacking of the fifty righteous?
Would You destroy all the city for [lack
of] five? And He said, If I find there forty
.

and five, I will not destroy.
29
29
Then he said to Him: if You find forty


therein, what would You do? He
responded: I will not destroy them for

fortys sake. 30
30



Then he said unto Him: Oh let not the
Lord be angry, and I will speak:


Peradventure there shall thirty be found
there. And He said, I will not do it if I find .
thirty there.

31
31
Then Abraham peace be upon him
said: Behold, I have taken upon me to


speak oh Lord: what would happen if You
found twenty therein? He said: I will not .

destroy them for twentys sake. 32
32

Then he said: I beseech You my Lord, be
not angry if I were to ask You again, what


would happen if ten were found there?
And He said, I will not destroy them for .

tens sake. 33
33

He said: then the Lord ascended after
communing with Abraham, and Abraham .
returned to his place.

451
Now God says [in the Qurn]: And We




have sent down to thee the book with the
truth, confirming the book that was before

it, and assuring it (Q. 5:48).
This passage [from Genesis 18] elucidates .) :(
Gods qurnic statement: So, when the
awe departed from Abraham and the
good tidings came to him, he was



disputing with Us concerning the people

of Lot; Abraham was clement,



compassionate, penitent. (Q. 11:74-75)
... )- :(
Adding to the aforementioned bargaining
[between God and Abraham in Genesis],
God also added O Abraham, turn away
from this; thy Lords command has surely




come, and there is coming upon them a
chastisement not to be turned back (Q.
11:76) 32

.) :(
It is related in the book that is said to be
the Torah [Genesis 19] that [Lots wife]: ...
26
26
looked back from behind him, and she



became a pillar of salt after she had left
33
the city. .

Books of Prophecy

Ezekiel 37:1-10 Resuscitating the Children of Israel

As demonstrated above, Ibn Barrajn evinces general knowledge of the Books of
Prophecy (kutub al-nubuwwt) in his works. In the following passage, Ibn Barrajn cites
verses from Ezekiel 37:1-10 in order to propose his own interpretation of the identity of
those who fled their homes mentioned in Q 2:243.

God says in the Qurn, Art thou not

aware of those who left their homes in
thousands for fear of death? God said to

32
Tanbh, vol. 3, pp. 268-271; see also Reisulkuttab 30, fl. 369a-b.
33
Tanbh, vol. 5, p. 194.

452
them, Die! Then He gave them life (Q. ) :(


2:243). The majority of exegetes hold that
the people in question left their homes for


fear of the plague, so God caused them to
die, then He gave them bodily life.

But it is related in certain passages from .

the Books of Prophets, that one of the
prophets peace be upon them all

said:
1
As I was sitting among a group of the :
Children of Israelites, the hand of the God
1
took me, and carried me out to the desert,
and behold, there were many bones in a

wide plain,
4
And He said to me, Prophesy upon these
bones, and say [unto them], O ye dry
4
bones and bodies, or He said withered
flesh, arise by the permission of God. Or
He said something to that effect. 34
7
And the bones came together,
8
35
the flesh came upon the bones until the
7
bodies were perfected.
36
9
Then He said unto me, Prophecy unto . 8
the spirits. Then comes a passage which I 9
do not recall. He said, [the spirit] came



37
from the four winds,
.

34
Vulgate: et dixit ad me vaticinare de ossibus istis et dices eis ossa arida audite verbum Domini (And he
said to me: Prophesy concerning these bones; and say to them: Ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord).
35
Vulgate: et prophetavi sicut praeceperat mihi factus est autem sonitus prophetante me et ecce commotio
et accesserunt ossa ad ossa unumquodque ad iuncturam suam (And I prophesied as he had commanded
me: and as I prophesied there was a noise, and behold a commotion: and the bones came together, each
one, its joint).
36
Vulgate: et vidi et ecce super ea nervi et carnes ascenderunt et extenta est in eis cutis desuper et spiritum
non habebant (And I saw, and behold the sinews, and the flesh came up upon them: and the skin was
stretched out over them, but there was no spirit in them).
37
Vulgate: et dixit ad me vaticinare ad spiritum vaticinare fili hominis et dices ad spiritum haec dicit
Dominus Deus a quattuor ventis veni spiritus et insufla super interfectos istos et revivescant (And he said
to me: Prophesy to the spirit, prophesy, O son of man, and say to the spirit: Thus saith the Lord God: Come,
spirit, from the four winds, and blow upon these slain, and let them live again).

453
 7


7
and I heard a great commotion,
10
and they stood up upon their feet, and

10
they were like a great army,

11
then He said unto me, such is the revival 11
of the children of Israel after they die. .

Gods speech includes more [concerning
this topic] and He knows best whether
those [who left their homes in Q 2:243]

are these [Israelites mentioned in the
Book of Prophets] or those [fleeing the


plague of Egypt] mentioned by the
.


exegetes, or both at once, or each in a
distinct fashion. All things for God are


easy.

Most likely, qurnic verse 2:243 is



38
.) :(

[placed] in orderly accordance with the
verse And say not of those slain in Gods
way, They are dead; rather they are
living, but you are not aware (Q. 2:154).

New Testament

Matthew 4:34-35 Do not swear

In the following passage (Matthew 4:35), Ibn Barrajn quotes a saying of Jesus in which
the earth is described as Gods footstool, and heaven as His throne, in order to stress
Gods omnipresence in the world. He follows up these passages by qurnic verses (2:55,
20:5-6, 7:58) which describe Gods presence in the cosmos.

It is related in the book that is said to be

the Gospels that the ancients were told
not to swear, but if they did swear to

fulfill their oaths. He said, Jesus Son of : .
Mary says: 34
34

But I say to you do not swear by heaven
35
for it is the throne of God, .


35
Nor by the earth, for it is His footstool.

38
Tanbh, vol. 1, p. 427.

454
 Mathew 11:2-8, 11, 13-15 Messengers from John the Baptist
In the following passage, Ibn Barrajn inserts verses 2-8 and 13-15 from Matthew 11 to explain
how Jesus is qurnically made to be an example to the Children of Israel.39 En route, he
comments on Matthew 11, and gives his interpretation of the meaning of wilderness and the reed
shaken in the win, in verse 7. Interestingly, this is one of the few instances where Ibn Barrajn
omits the cautionary stock-phrase in the book that is said to be the Torah/Gospel

2
And when John son of Zachariah
2

peace be upon him caught news in

prison of the works of the Messiah, he
sent him two men from his disciples to :
say to him:
3
Are you the one to come, or do we await 3
someone else? 4
4
Then Jesus peace be upon him
responded to them: relate to John what

5
you have heard and seen.


5
For the blind see, the deaf hear, the lame

walk, the lepers are cleansed, the dead
rise again, the poor are receive glad
40 6
tidings,
6 .


So blessed is he whose soul is not
doubtful of me in this matter. ...
It is related in the book that is said to be '
the Gospels, following the previous verse,
So blessed is he whose soul is not :'

7
doubtful of me:
7


Then he, peace and blessings upon him,
began to address the multitudes
concerning John son of Zachariah

39
The qurnic passage in question is: And when the son of Mary is cited as an example, behold, thy people
turn away from it and say, What, are our gods better, or he? They cite not him to thee, save to dispute;
nay, but they are a people contentious. He is only a servant We blessed, and We made him to be an
example to the Children of Israel. Had We willed, We would have appointed angels among you to be
successors in the earth. It is knowledge of the Hour; doubt not concerning it, and follow me. This is a
straight path. Let not Satan bar you; he is for you a manifest foe. (Q 43:57-62).
40
Vulgate: et beatus est qui non fuerit scandalizatus in me (And blessed is he that shall not be scandalized
in me).

455
peace be upon him saying: what did
you desire from your journey into the
wilderness? By wilderness he means

God knows best the worship of deities
other than God Mighty and Majestic
and disobeying His command. Did you :

8
think you would find scattered pebbles

shaken with the winds?
This is a metaphor for Johns
11
steadfastness in God. Then he said:
8
Perhaps you went you out to see a man

clothed in a soft garment?
41
11
Amen I say to you, there hath not risen 13
among the descendants of Adam anyone
14
nobler than John: yet he who is the
smallest in the kingdom of heaven is . 15


nobler than he,
13
For the highest end of each [revealed]
book has been brought to John ) :(

14
And should you will receive it, he is like
Elias that is to come. 42
15
So He that has ears to hear, let him .
hear.
God says [in the Qurn]: It is knowledge
of the Hour; so doubt not concerning it
(Q. 43:61) that is, he is its sign, so when
he descends it will be a sign of the
closeness of the Hour and an indication of
[our imminent] extinction.

Matthew 13:31-33, 44-46 Parables of Kingdom of Heaven

In the following passage (Matthew 13), Ibn Barrajn quotes a saying of Jesus from the
Gospel of Matthew in order to highlight the ontological connection between the
herebelow and the hereafter. He then interjects his own commentary, Qurn and adth

41
Vulgate: omnes enim prophetae et lex usque ad Iohannem prophetaverunt (For all the prophets and the
law prophesied until John).
42
Tanbh, vol. 5, pp. 94-96. For a similar passage, see also , 589.

456
citation, which are quoted with equal authority as sayings of Jesus, to point out that they
are descriptions of the same teaching.

It is mentioned in the book that is said to :

be the Gospel:
31
31
Jesus peace be upon him one day


struck a parable for his companions,



comparing the kingdom of heaven to a
grain of mustard seed which someone
sowed his field, 32
32
It is the least of seeds and the finest of

grains. Yet when grew it became taller

than all herbs and wheats, and it grew
until the birds of the sky [began to] lodge
on its branches, and dwell therein, and 44
the beasts of the earth take cover under

its shade.
His allusion peace be upon him was
precidely to Gods glorified and
praised [qurnic] statement: The day
) :(

the earth shall be changed to other than
the earth and the heavens (14:48). The '
Messenger of God [Muammad]
explained this verse (14:48) by saying:

In the hereafter, this world shall be .'
merely as a finger that you dip into a
33
river; behold how much [water the finger]

withdraws.
33
He then struck another parable, saying:
45
the kingdom of heaven is like yeast, which .



a woman buried in her dough, until it
gained heat and was well leavened.43

43
See also Luke, 13:20-21.
44
Vulgate: quod minimum quidem est omnibus seminibus cum autem creverit maius est omnibus holeribus
et fit arbor ita ut volucres caeli veniant et habitent in ramis eius (Which is the least indeed of all seeds; but
when it is grown up, it is greater than all herbs, and becometh a tree, so that the birds of the air come, and
dwell in the branches thereof).
45
Vulgate: aliam parabolam locutus est eis simile est regnum caelorum fermento quod acceptum mulier
abscondit in farinae satis tribus donec fermentatum est totum (Another parable he spoke to them: The

457
 44

44
He then said: the kingdom of the
heavens is like unto a treasure hidden in a
field. Then someone, having discovered it,
hid it in order to sell his belongings then 46
.

to buy that field.
45

45
He also compares the kingdom of the
heavens to someone who is a merchant
seeking good pearls.
46
He had found one of the greatest pearls, 46
sold all his belongings and bought it.
He exchanges the precious for the

precious, and that is what is required on

account of a valuable knowledge that is
inexhaustible. Do you not hear God when
He says, And those are the parables
We strike them for men; haply they will

reflect (Q. 59:21)? 47
.) :(

Mathew 19:30; 20:1-16 The Eleventh Hour

In the passage below, Ibn Barrajn comments upon the qurnic verse, O believers, fear
God, and believe in His Messenger, and He will give you a twofold portion of His mercy
(57:28). He interprets the twofold portion of His mercy to mean that followers of
Muammad shall receive twice the reward of Jews and Christians on the Day of
Judgment, even though the latter worked harder and longer than the former. His
engagement with Matthew 20 can arguably be categorised as polemical in that he is
showing that Islam was foretold by the Bible. But more importantly this passage is
invoked to explain the meaning of a adth from Bukhr.48 Remarkably, he does not

kingdom of heaven is like to leaven, which a woman took and hid in three measures of meal, until the
whole was leavened).
46
Vulgate: simile est regnum caelorum thesauro abscondito in agro quem qui invenit homo abscondit et
prae gaudio illius vadit et vendit universa quae habet et emit agrum illum (The kingdom of heaven is like
unto a treasure hidden in a field. Which a man having found, hid it, and for joy thereof goeth, and selleth all
that he hath, and buyeth that field)
47
, 589.
48
The dth in question is in kitb al-ijra is narrated by the father of Slim b. Abd Allh, who said: I
heard the Messenger of God say, The period of your stay in relation to the previous nations is like the
period between the late afternoon (ar) prayer and sunset. The people of the Torah were given the Torah
and they acted upon it till mid-day then they were exhausted and were each given one qr [of gold]. And

458
speak about the Gospels as the word of God, but as a collection of statements by Jesus.
What is also interesting to note is that like his citations form the Qurn and adth, Ibn
Barrajn cuts his citations short by stating to the end of the meaning. He seems to
suppose, in other words, that his readers are well versed in biblical literature.

In the book that is said to be the :

Gospels:
Mt.19:30
And many that are first, shall be

30

last; and the first shall be at the rear of
.
the last.
1
Mt.20:1
That is why the kingdom of heaven

is like unto a wealthy man who went out
.
to hire labourers to work his vineyard in
2
the early morning.

2
And having agreed with the labourers
.
for a penny a day, he brought them into
3
his vineyard.

3
During the third hour, he saw others
standing in the marketplace idle. .
4

:
4
And he said: go you also into the
vineyard, and I will give you your
rightful dues. .
5
5
And so they did, and again he repeated

in like manner on the sixth hour, this
corresponds to the first phase with Jesus
and his followers, and the ninth hour,


this refers to Muammad peace and
blessings be upon him . .
6
And when the eleventh hour came, this 6


refers to the end of the interim period
between both [Muammad and the
second return of Jesus], God willing, he

then the people of the Gospel were given the Gospel, and they acted upon it till the late afternoon (ar)
then they were exhausted and were each given one qr [of gold]. And then we were given the Quran and
we acted upon it till sunset and we were each given two qrs. On that the people of both the scriptures
said, O our Lord! Thou hast given them two qrs and hast given us one qr, though we have worked
more than they. God responded, Have I compensated you unfairly in any way? They said, No. God
said: That is my blessing I bestow upon whomsoever I wish.

459
found others standing, and he said to :
them: Why do you stand here all the day
without work?
7
7
They responded: because no one has


hired us. He said to them: go you as
well and I will give you your rightful .
dues. 8
8 :

And when the day ended, the owner of
the vineyard said to his steward: call
the labourers and pay them their hire,
.

and begin with the last and end with the
first. 9
9
So he began with those that were
brought in on the eleventh hour, and he .

10
gave every man a penny.
10


Then the first came forth, hoping for
an increase, but they too received every

man a penny.
11
11
So they reproached the owner of the
12
vineyard,
:
12
Saying: have you made us equal to

those who only worked but one hour of
the day, [we who] have toiled all day
long and borne the burden of its heat?
13
13
Then he answered one of them,
saying: friend, I do you no wrong, did
we not agree on a penny? 14
14
So take what is yours and go your

way, for I wish to give to the latecomer
just as I have given you.
15
15
Is it unlawful for me to do so? Just as



you are envious, so am I merciful. .

460
16
It is on this account that the last shall 16

be first, and the first shall be at the rear
of the last. For many are called, but few
49
chosen. .

Matthew 24:22, 24, 29-30 The Antichrist

In the following commentary, the Gospel is quoted to complement the qurnic and
dth accounts of endtimes.50

It is related in the book that is said to be

the Gospels, that the affair [of the end of
time] with which [the antichrist] comes
restrains the ability which means that
he comes forth with [an ability] to
perform miracles [lit. break the habits]



and display tremendous [signs], this he
expressed by saying he overwhelms the

ability, while those who are described as
mountains deem that they were counted
liars, and in the end there shall be respite,

and with hardship comes ease, and
22
whosoever endures to the end is saved by


Gods will.
22
And were it not that those days are .
short, no one would be saved.

It is related in the book that is said to be
51 22
the Gospels (Matthew 24),
22


But those days will be shortened on 24
account of the righteous.


24
There will arise during those days those


who claim to be the Messiah son of Mary,
52
and [who claim to be] prophets, and they .

49
Tanbh, vol. 5, p. 308. See also Tanbh, vol. 2, pp. 93-94; and Shar, vol. 2, p. 346-49.
50
Ibn Barrajn notes a parallel passage in the Books of Prophecies. I have been unable to locate this
passage.
51
Vulgate: et nisi breviati fuissent dies illi non fieret salva omnis caro sed propter electos breviabuntur
dies illi (And unless those days had been shortened, no flesh should be saved: but for the sake of the elect
those days shall be shortened).

461
shall bring forth great signs, until even .

those who are supposedly righteous will
have doubt.

This is related in the Books of
Prophecies. 21
It is also related in the book that is said to .
be the Gospel:
Mt.24:21
For then shall be great tribulation, '
such as hath not been from the beginning
of the world until now, neither shall be.
The Messenger of God [Muammad] '.
peace be upon him said: there is no
affair, and in another report calamity,

from the day God created Adam to the
coming of the hour, is more tremendous 29
than the antichrist.


[Jesus] later said:
:
29
Immediately after the tribulation of
those days, the sun shall be darkened, and
the moon shall not give her light, and the 30
stars shall fall from heaven, and the
53
powers of the heavens shall be shaken:



30
and then shall all the tribes of the earth
mourn, and they shall see the King
coming in the clouds of heaven this ) :(
resembles the qurnic verse: What do 54
.
they look for, but that God shall come to
them in the cloud (Q. 2: 210) with a
great and mighty power.

52
Vulgate: surgent enim pseudochristi et pseudoprophetae et dabunt signa magna et prodigia ita ut in
errorem inducantur si fieri potest etiam electi (For there shall arise false Christs and false prophets and
shall shew great signs and wonders, insomuch as to deceive (if possible) even the elect).
53
Vulgate: et tunc parebit signum Filii hominis in caelo et tunc plangent omnes tribus terrae et videbunt
Filium hominis venientem in nubibus caeli cum virtute multa et maiestate (And then shall appear the sign of
the Son of man in heaven. And then shall all tribes of the earth mourn: and they shall see the Son of man
coming in the clouds of heaven with much power and majesty).
54
Tanbh, vol. 3, pp. 248-49. Segments of the following passage are missing from the manuscripts that
were at Mazds disposal. I therefore rely primarily on Reisulkuttab 30, fl. 362b-363a.

462
 Appendix III

Collation and Analysis of De La Torres Edition of Shar Asm Allh al-usn

Description of Texts: The following consists of a collation of two passages of Ibn Barrajns

Shar against two Turkish manuscripts pertaining to separate families: A (Istanbul, Atif Efendi,

ms. 1525, dated 709/1309 i.e. 173 lunar years following the authors date) and B (Topkapi Sarayi,

Ahmet III, ms. A1591, dated 728/1327 i.e. 192 lunar years following the authors date). Passage 1

can be located in A and B starting on folios 2 of 17 (recto), and cover pp. 230-243 of De la

Torres edition. Passage 2 starts in A on folio 9 of 20 (recto) and on B on folio 10 of 17 (recto),

and cover pp. 240-245 of the edition. With the exception of a few minor erasures, A and B are

clearly written and for the most part can be read without much difficulty. Marginal writing,

inscribed with the same hand, is infrequent in passage 1 and 2. Manuscript A has 26 lines per

page, difficult or possibly misleading words are vowelled by the scribe. B has 23 lines per page,

and the vowel-markings are often incorrect. It is ironically the painfully small font of De la Torre

which can be taxing on the reader. De La Torre bases her edition primarily on B, indicating page

breaks in her edition.

Conclusion: I found manuscript Awhich De la Torre was unable to obtain1to be far more

reliable than her primary manuscript B. Although it is not the oldest, B emerges as the least

dependable. A few of Bs major errors and over thirty minor ones especially mispointed or

unpointed skeletons, the most significant of which are noted for the reader in the apparatus

criticusmade their way into D. Based on careful analysis, I have come to the conclusion that

errors in De la Torres edition are the result of 1) use of a faulty manuscript as the basis for the

critical edition, and 2) grammatical and editorial mistakes by De la Torre. Moreover, careless

mistakes such as inconsistently citing Qurnic verses render D even less reliable than B. While

1
See De la Torres introduction, Shar, p. 70.
463
purporting to be a scholarly edition, D is largely a reproduction of B with compounded mistakes.

Minor editorial errors are not noted in the apparatus unless they alter significantly the meaning of

the text. In all, De la Torres critical edition is not altogether without value, but any serious study

of Ibn Barrajns Shar can hardly dispense with the manuscript tradition. The stemma codicum

is as follows:

Editorial Principles: I have tried to make the text as easy to read as possible while interfering

editorially only when absolutely necessary. Vowel-markings have been added only to words that

are easily misread, and the punctuation in B is not noted in the critical apparatus. The only

punctuation added are periods indicating the end of a sentence. Indented paragraphs are inserted,

such that each encompasses a central idea. Qurnic quotations are written in bold. Obvious typo-

errors by the scribe, such as the crossing out of a word and replacing it with another (for example

mistaking for )are not cited so as not to clutter the apparatus. Moreover, orthographical

conventions of various scribes ( D vs. A) have been ignored. I have used both positive

and negative apparatuses. Discrepancies in standard abbreviations (such as )are overlooked

since they do not affect the meaning of the text nor are they necessarily indicative of manuscript

relationships. However, differences in eulogies in the text (ex. vs. ) are noted

because they may give a clue as to the relationship between the MSS.

464
Abbreviations:

add. addidit added by

read. reading indicates cases of unpointed or mispointed skeleton (tarf)

om. omisit indicates text omitted by/in a manuscript

conj. conjecture offered by editor

indeterm. Indeterminable

12345 Superscript numerals in the apparatus indicate words of the main text which are
repeated more than once in the same line. Example: 3 indicates the third ww of
the line.

Sigla:

A Istanbul, Atif Efendi, ms. 1525, dated 709/1309

B Topkapi Sarayi, Ahmet III, ms. A1591, dated 728/1327

D Ibn Barrajn, Ab al-akam, Shar asm Allh al-usn, Commentario Sobre Los
Nombres Ms Bellos De Dios, ed. Purificacin De La Torre, Madrid: Consejo Superior
de Investigaciones Cientficas (CSIC), Agencia Espaola de Cooperacin Internacional
(AECI), 2000

A, B, and D.

465
 Passage 1: pp. 230-232 of De La Torres edition

1
.
.
.
. 5
.

.
.
. 10


. .

. . 15
.
.

. .
. 20

. .


25
.

.
. .

AD : | om. BD| A BD : BD 5 A : A 3 BD : 2
conj. | BD A : B 10 D : | A BD :| BD A : B 7
D 13 B : | add. BD BD 12 A : | Casewit :
A BD : D 16 1 AB : | B AD : BD 15 A : om. BD 14
om. D 19 B : | B DA : | D B : A : 17
A : BD 23 A : | BD A : om. B 20 ... | D A : | BD
BD 26 A : | BD A : om. A 25 A 24 BD : | D B :
om. A 29 2 om. A 28 om. B 27... D 26-27 B : | BD A :
BD A : | D B : | BD A :
466
 30

.
.
.
35
.


.
. 40

.

.
. 45

.
.

| om. A BD 33 A : D 32 B : A : | A BD : 31
A 37 BD : A 36 BD : 3 om. B 36 A 35 BD : BD 34 A :
| om. A A 40 BD : BD 39 A : indeterm. B 38
BD 44 1 A : | BD A : om. A 43 B : 41 AD : 40
BD A : 2 om. BD 47 A 46 BD : | BD A : | BD A :
| om. B 48

467
 Passage 2: pp. 240-245 of De La Torres edition

1
.

.
5

.
.
.
. 10

.

.
. 15
.



. 20

.


25
.
.

. .
. . 30


.
.
35

.

A : B 4 AD : | D 2 AB : D 3 AB : | om. B 2
BD 6 B : | A BD : BD 5
A 10 1 BD : B 9 AD : D 8 AB : om. AB | 7
BD A : | D B : A : B 12 AD : B 11 AD :
D AB : | D AB : | A BD : D 14 AB : 13
| D AB : D 16 AB : | B AD : | 1 om. D 15
D AB : | D AB : BD 19 A : A 18 BD :
A BD : | om. B B : om. A 22 A : | B AD : 21
AB : | BD A : D 28 AB : | D AB : BD 27 A : 25
AD : D 31 AB : om. B 30 | D 2 AB : D 29
BD : | om. BD A 34 BD : A 33 BD : B 33
om. BD A 37
468
 .

40
.
.
. .

. 45
.

.

. 50

.


55




60


.
.
. 65


.
.
70

.
.

. . . 75
.

D 41 AB : A 40 BD : | om. A BD 39 A : 38
D 45 AB : BD 43 A : | BD A : om. D 42
om. A 53 A 52 BD : | om. A | om. D D 46 BD :
| BD A : om. A 56 | B AB : A 54 BD :
A 59 BD : D 58 AB :
om. BD 65 A 64 BD : om. D 62 | om. B B 60 AD :
AD : om. A 69 | B AD : B 67 AD : | B AD :
| A BD : A 76 BD : A 76 BD : B 74
469

. 80

.
.

. 85

.


. 90


.

. 95
.
.
.

100


.
.
105

.

om.... A 85-86 BD : A 82 BD : BD 81 A : 79
D : A : BD 94 A : | D AB : add. B 93 B 88
D 99 2 AB : | om. D A 97 BD : BD 96 A : B 95
| A BD : | om. BD B 100 AD : | B AD :
A : BD 103-104 A :
D : A : | 1 om. BD BD 106 A : BD 105

470
 Bibliography

Ibn Barrajns Extant Works in Order of Composition

Shar asm Allh al-usn

Printed Editions:

- - , ed.
, Madrid: Consejo Superior de
, 2000

Shar - , 2 vols., ed. Am F -M zy , B D -Kutub

al-Ilmiyya, 2010.

Manuscripts:

MS k hm 1495 (257 .; 595 h); MS h li 426 (221 ff.; 598 h); MS

y y 1869 (242 .; 608 h); MS Y 5084 (383 .; 667 h); MS
1525 (230 .; 709 h); MS B . M m 1612 (157; 709 h); MS H km 35 (270 .;
716 h); MS k hm 1591 (349 .; 728 h); MS N uosmaniye 2876 (238ff;
726 h); MS Nuruosmaniye 2877 (237 ff.; 733 h); MS arullah 1023 (235 ff.; 795 h); MS
1502 (237 .; 8th c. h?); MS Fatih 766 (283 ff.; 879 h); MS Laleli 1551 (198 ff.;
933 h); MS . U . 2484 (311 .; 949 h); MS m 2484 (310 ff.; 958 h); MS Paris
2642 (276 ff; 984 h).

Variant Titles:

Shar - ;T j - aqq al- f -amr wa l-

khalq (MS. Paris 2642).

S mm y by b -Qh b. b hm b. M h mm b. B -M q ( . 934/1527)
entitled al-Mulakhkha, MS Berlin 2221 (82 ff.; 934 h).

Tanbh al-afhm il tadabbur al-kitb al-akm

wa-taarruf al-yt wa l-naba al-am
Printed Editions:

al-T f l-f -l-q - - k . B j : w T - f

tadabbur al-k - k w - f - y w -l- -a , 2 vols., ed.

471
Muammad al- , b D - h q , 2011 ( m , 2, 17-
114).

T f I B j :T - f -k - k w - f - y
wa-l- -a , 5 vols., Am F -M zy ., B D -Kutub al-
Ilmiyya, 2013.

Manuscripts:

MS Y 4744 (247 .; . 600 h; b sura 6); MS Yusuf 4745 (182

ff; ca. 600 h; sura 7 18); MS Y 4746 (365 ; . 600 h; 19 sura
111); MS Huseyin elebi 38 (170 ff.; 652 h; beginning - sura 2:160); MS Reislkttap 30
(422 ff.; 667 h; beginning - sura 18); MS Feyzullah 35 (535 ff.; 7th c. h; beginning sura
110); MS Darlmesnevi 42 (242 ff.; 7thc. h; sura 38 sura 114); MS Reisulkttap 31 (316
ff.; 1168 h; sura 19 sura 114); MS Damad Ibrahim 25 (204 ff.; 677 h; beginning sura
2); MS arullah 53m (263 ff.; 738 h; beginning sura 5); MS Esmahan Sultan 38 (265
ff.; 839 h; beginning - 15); MS h 73 (441 .; 1127 h; m ); MS D m
Ibrahim 27 (621 ff.; 1128 h; complete); MS Damad Ibrahim 26 (478 ff.; 1129 h;
complete); MS Nuruosmaniye 148 (490 ff.; 12th c. h; complete); MS Munich Aumer 83
(sura 17 sura 114); MS Rabat 242 (sura 7 sura 24); MS Tehran 350 (beginning sura
18).

Variant Titles:

Al-I f f -q ; T f -Q -I B j ;K al-I f T f
al-Q ;T f -S al- -I .

al-ikma bi-akm al-ibra

Printed Edition:

T E c fW :I B j S f Q y; G. Bwering & Y.
Casewit eds., Brill.

Manuscripts:

MS M hm 3-4 (596/1199); MS Murad Molla 35 (612/1215).

Variant Titles:

al- ikma bi-a k - f -q - zz, K. al- f - f.

472
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GAL= Brocklemann, Carl, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, Leiden: Brill, 1996.

GAS= Sezgin, Fuat, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Leiden: Brill, 1967-2000.

495