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Alma Harris , Christopher Chapman , Daniel Muijs , Jennifer Russ & Louise
Stoll
To cite this article: Alma Harris , Christopher Chapman , Daniel Muijs , Jennifer Russ & Louise
Stoll (2006) Improving schools in challenging contexts: Exploring the possible, School Effectiveness
and School Improvement, 17:4, 409-424, DOI: 10.1080/09243450600743483
Download by: [Ulster University Library] Date: 07 December 2017, At: 01:55
School Effectiveness and School Improvement
Vol. 17, No. 4, December 2006, pp. 409 424
a
University of Warwick, UK, bUniversity of Nottingham, UK, cUniversity of Newcastle,
UK, dUniversity of Bath, UK, and eInstitute of Education, London, UK
This article outlines the findings from a small-scale research study that explored how a group of
secondary schools in challenging contexts had improved and raised attainment successively over a
5-year period. The study points to the importance of external factors and how they influence
a schools ability to improve and to sustain improvement. The study also identified certain strategies
for improvement that schools found to be successful in securing improved performance. The article
argues that more highly differentiated improvement approaches to school improvement are needed
for schools in such circumstances. It concludes by suggesting that while schools in challenging
contexts can raise attainment and performance through their own efforts, the external environment
remains an important influence upon a schools ability to improve.
Introduction
The educational reform agenda in many countries reflects a renewed interest in
improving schools in the most difficult or disadvantaged circumstances. The issue of
underachievement has a high political profile and considerable attention plus
resources have been directed towards addressing the problem (West & Pennell,
2003). However it remains the case that certain groups of pupils consistently fail to
reach their potential while other groups of pupils consistently succeed. Research has
shown that children from low-income families do not on average overcome the hurdle
of lower initial attainment (Piontek, Dwyer, Seager, & Orsburn, 1998). It also
highlights that class differences affect children long before they start school and have a
growing influence as they get older. The odds, it would seem, are still stacked
against schools in poorer areas and the social class differential remains a powerful
indicator of subsequent educational achievement (Gray, 2001, p. 23).
*Corresponding author. Institute of Education, University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, UK.
Email: Alma.Harris@warwick.ac.uk
ISSN 0924-3453 (print)/ISSN 1744-5124 (online)/06/04040916
2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09243450600743483
410 A. Harris et al.
Part of the reason for this persistently stubborn social class barrier resides in the
market-orientated reforms that have created a greater divergence between schools in
their socioeconomic mix of pupils (Bradley, Crouchely, Millington, & Taylor, 2000).
The net result of these reforms has been to exacerbate problems of selection and to
radically alter pupil composition to the detriment of schools in the most
disadvantaged areas (West & Ingram, 2001). In addition, schools in disadvantaged
areas face a myriad of problems in simply getting to the starting line for improvement
(e.g., Harris & Chapman, 2002; Stoll & Myers, 1998). High staff turnover, poor
facilities, lack of resources, falling pupil numbers, and a constant stream of supply
teachers are pressures that schools in more prosperous areas simply do not face
(Reynolds, Harris, & Clarke, 2004). Research has also shown that factors such as
geographical isolationparticularly of rural schools, selective local educational
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systems, weak support from some Local Education Authorities (LEAs), low levels
of formal qualifications in the local adult population, and poor employment
opportunitiesfurther compound the problem and make the extent of the educa-
tional challenge facing these schools significantly greater than schools in more
favourable settings (Reynolds, Hopkins, Potter, & Chapman, 2001).
The net result of this amalgam of social and economic problems means it is
inevitably more difficult to improve schools in challenging contexts because of the
complex set of variables affecting each one. Study after study has reinforced the fact
that social background factors (SES) explain more than half the variation in pupil
achievement (e.g., Rutter, Maughan, Mortimore, & Ouston, 1979) and illustrate how
SES is related to other important factors such as staying on rates, adult employment,
and crime. Yet improving schools and raising standards of achievement in
disadvantaged areas remains both an aspiration and expectation. It is clear that
improving against the odds is now the name of the game irrespective of
socioeconomic context or degrees of disadvantage (Gray, 2001, p. 24).
Although there are some studies of improving schools in disadvantaged areas (e.g.,
Louis & Miles, 1990; Mortimore et al., 2000; Rosenholtz, 1991; Teddlie &
Stringfield, 1993), the contemporary empirical base is limited. Gray (2001, p. 33)
argues:
We dont really know how much more difficult it is for schools serving disadvantaged
communities to improve because much of the improvement research has ignored this
dimensionthat it is more difficult, however, seems unquestionable.
The reason for this lack of attention, it is suggested, resides predominantly in the
inherent complexity and volatility of the terrain along with the difficulty of dis-
aggregating the causal effects upon school performance and improvement.
This article draws upon the broad theoretical tradition of school improvement to
explore the processes and practices by which schools in the most difficult contexts
improve performance (Hopkins, 2001; Reynolds et al., 2001). It outlines the findings
from a small-scale study of improving schools in challenging contexts, that is, they
were schools in disadvantaged areas that had successively improved their academic
performance over a 5-year period. This research study, undertaken for the
Improving Schools in Challenging Contexts 411
Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (Harris, Muijs, Chapman, Stoll, &
Russ, 2003), focused upon a group of improving schools in the former coalfield areas
in England. All the schools, with the exception of one school in one academic year,
had improved their external examination at 16 (GCSE A C) steadily over a
5-year period (see Appendix A). All had an upward trajectory of improvement
and could be considered to be in challenging contexts because of the extent of
socio-economic problems they faced.
Before outlining the design and findings from the study, there are three important
points to make. Firstly, while schools in the former coalfield areas suffer a wide range
of socioeconomic problems and share many of the characteristics of schools in other
disadvantaged areas, they differ insofar as they are more likely to be located in isolated
semi-rural communities, rather than inner-city areas, and tend to have a
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The research study1 consisted of three phases. Phase one involved the literature
review and generation of research questions and propositions. Phase two involved the
data collection, within-case analysis, and initial reporting. Phase three incorporated
412 A. Harris et al.
attainment. Third, every attempt was made to ensure that the final sample of
schools were located in a range of geographical areas. The final sample included six
secondary (high) schools and two primary (elementary) schools located in the former
coalfield areas.
A cross-case thematic analysis (Yin, 1993) of the qualitative data was undertaken.
An initial categorisation emerged that was tested and refined in the second-level
analysis. Common patterns across the data were found and these were further
interrogated and refined to provide the final thematic framework. A number of key
themes concerning school improvement and strategies for raising attainment emerged
across the eight case study schools.
With a small-scale study of six secondary and two primary schools, the possibilities
for generalisation are inevitably limited. However, the volume of data collected,
together with the perceptions of numerous stakeholders, that is headteachers,
members of the leadership teams, middle-level leaders, support staff, teachers, and
pupils at each of the eight schools, allows some insights into the internal strategies
schools were using to raise attainment. In all of the cases, the schools had employed
improvement strategies both deliberately and exclusively to raise pupil attainment.
The literature review highlighted that improving schools in challenging contexts is
often dependent on situational factors that can be both internal and external to the
organisation (Muijs et al., 2003). It revealed that these factors can be quite varied,
and can include: the complexity of the environment; the age of the organisation; and
external conditions (Creemers, Scheerens, & Reynolds, 2000). The review showed
that one of the factors that may be most crucial to a schools ability to improve is
the socio-economic context or the interplay of external factors. Drawing upon
contingency theory, it is suggested that improving schools need to find a best fit
between their internal conditions and the external contingency factors they are
confronted with. This led us to hypothesise that improving schools in socio-
economically disadvantaged areas would be characterised by a particular configura-
tion of external and internal factors. The analysis of the data largely confirmed this
hypothesis by showing that there were a set of prevailing external conditions and a set
of internal conditions across all the schools that were associated with raising
attainment. First, we consider the external conditions associated with improvement
Improving Schools in Challenging Contexts 413
and then we look at the internal improvement strategies identified by the schools for
raising achievement.
Consequently, it was clear that external factors were able to acutely affect a schools
ability to raise performance. While the schools in the study did not embrace the prevailing
socioeconomic conditions as an excuse, as with other schools facing challenging
circumstances (Harris, Gunraj, Janes, Clarke, & Harris, 2005), they acknowledged that
the extent and level of disadvantage faced by the pupils who attended their school
inevitably influenced and affected their subsequent aspirations and attainment:
You cant get away from the fact that, generally speaking, with one or two exceptions,
schools that come out towards the bottom of the Government league tables are in relatively
disadvantaged areas and the ones that come out at the top often get a more middle-class
intake. (School C Deputy Head)
In schools like this aspirations can be low as there are several generations of families who
simply have not benefited from education and therefore do not see the point. (School B
Support Assistant)
Staff within each of the eight schools shared a view that the external environment of
the school was both instrumental and powerful in influencing their ability to improve or
raise attainment. In a number of cases, changes in employment opportunities or the
provision of better housing had literally changed the social mix of parents in the locality
of the school. In short, it had brought more middle-class parents into the locality and
had effectively altered the social composition of the catchment area. As a result of this
change, a new influx of pupils with higher expectations and aspirations to achieve
entered the school. Essentially where the student composition of the school had altered
to include more children from advantaged backgrounds this was felt to contribute
positively to the schools potential to raise pupil performance and attainment:
Theres been a lot of private house building recently and it tends to provide for more
middle class type families. Consequently were getting an increasing number of those kind
of kids to school. So, as that happens, we have got, putting it bluntly, better material to
work with, therefore we should sustain better results. (School E Teacher)
The new science park has attracted more families into the area with good salaries and clear
expectations of schools. This shift has singularly changed the makeup of students and
414 A. Harris et al.
raised expectations of achievement. With a critical mass of students who want to achieve
we can do so much more. (School F Head)
The literature review highlighted the importance of pupil composition and its
relationship to improvement and achievement. This was clearly demonstrated in the
research study as there was evidence that the compositional mix of students had
changed for the better in the past 2 to 3 years in four out of the eight schools. In the
other two schools, such favourable changes had not taken place, yet they were
demonstrating equally high levels of improvement. This would suggest that changes
in composition are not the only factor that can influence improvement. Negative
shifts can occur through the selection or school admissions processes that allow
schools to cream skim in order to maximise their league table position (West &
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Pennell, 2003, p. 129). In three or four of the schools in the study, such a selection
process had, at some time, negatively affected their student population. These
schools had lost pupils to other schools considered to be better and this had
affected the schools compositional mix and had adversely impacted upon
subsequent performance levels. It was the case however that all schools in the
study were making every effort to regain their position and to retain pupils. As one
head put it:
We were losing 40% of our catchment to neighbouring schools because of the power of
parental choice and selection. Over the past few years weve not only been pulling some of
the pupils back but pulling pupils from neighbouring schools because the reputation is that
this is a school where people can learn. (School F Headteacher)
Schools felt that one way of redressing this trend and changing any negative
perceptions was to secure external endorsement or funding, for example gaining
specialist school status or becoming a faith school. This was viewed as being a very
positive way of re-establishing the school within the community and providing the
school with a new identity. Three schools in the study had achieved specialist status
and agreed that it provided a good platform for school improvement because of the
kudos and additional resource:
The fact were going to be teaching as a Sports College next year I think that will definitely
help. I mean Ive heard that if we did become a Specialist School we might get a good
amount of money to be able to improve the structure of the school. So, I think there will be
money coming into the school next year and thats exciting Im looking forward to see how
we can use that funding to improve the school a bit more. (School D Teacher)
Four of the schools were in receipt of additional funding through the Educational
Action Zones (EAZs) and felt that the EAZ initiative had contributed positively in
their drive to raise attainment. While the additional resource was uniformly
welcomed, the provision of particular expertise and external support (joint meetings,
collaborative planning, etc.) was identified as being most helpful in their school
improvement work. All four schools agreed that the EAZ offered them a very
Improving Schools in Challenging Contexts 415
important source of assistance, very practical forms of help and support, as well as
important increases in resources:
The school was positive about EAZ because that was the mechanism which moved us from
a position of substantial under-resourcing to being adequately resourced. It also provided
the external expertise and support to help us move our improvement plans forward.
(School E Headteacher)
50% 75% of the intake may be behind the chronological age (Harris et al., 2005).
Schools in the study revealed a similar pattern insofar that literacy levels were
persistently low. As a result, in both the primary and secondary schools a significant
amount of time was allocated to both literacy and numeracy development. In both the
primary and secondary schools, attention was given to raising levels of numeracy and
literacy through additional time and extra support, particularly from learning
mentors. Close links with the primary schools were viewed as instrumental in
assisting secondary schools to develop their literacy programmes, particularly in the
first 2 years of secondary schooling.
Teachers are keen to focus on raising attainment. They recognise the importance of
developing literacy and numeracy levels of their pupils, often from a very low level. Targets
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are set and reviewed regularly in order to support and monitor the improvement process.
(Teacher School B)
If pupils cant read how do we expect them to access the curriculum? Literacy is key.
(School B Teacher)
There was general support among teachers at all schools for the emphasis on
literacy and numeracy. They felt it had contributed to improved attainment and
higher expectations among their pupils. It was also felt that closer links between the
primary and secondary schools had been secured by having a common focus for
development.
Focusing on teaching and learning. The literature review highlighted that improving
schools pay relentless attention to teaching and learning. A clear focus on teaching
has been identified as a key characteristic of effective and improving schools
(Hopkins, 2001; Reynolds et al., 2001), and an academic orientation has long been
identified as a vital component of effective schools. Across all the schools in the study,
there was consistent and relentless attention to improving the quality of teaching and
learning. This was identified as the singularly most important factor in raising
achievement. In all of the schools teachers felt that the focus or refocusing on teaching
and learning had been the turning point for the school as it provided the impetus for
classroom-related change and development:
I think the most important thing that the school has done has focused every, all the staff,
focused everybody on this issue of teaching and learning. (School C Teacher)
It seems an obvious thing to say focus on teaching but we simply didnt pay enough
attention to teaching before. We were more concerned with behaviour. (School C
Learning mentor)
Training days had been used in two or three schools to explore different teaching
and learning issues and to engage teachers in dialogue about teaching. For example,
as a result of specific training events on accelerated learning, three of the schools had
incorporated associated learning strategies into their teaching. In these schools there
Improving Schools in Challenging Contexts 417
was general support for accelerated learning techniques as a lever for classroom-level
change and possible means to improve pupil learning outcomes:
I think the introduction of accelerated learning has significantly altered teaching practices.
I think that giving staff a structure to use in their classroom, and giving them time to think
about how that structure can be placed over your subject content has helped us to be able
to kind of give us that consistency. And I also think the lesson observation has enabled the
Heads of Departments to be able to see that within their own departments things are being
done consistently, and properly. (School B Teacher)
The data would suggest that accelerated learning influenced teaching practices in
several of the schools because it became the focus for departmental and whole-
school planning and generated new resources and ways of working within the
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classroom.
Using data, tracking, and target setting. The literature review showed that data richness
has long been an important component of effective and improving schools in studies
in the UK, the US, and Canada. Being data rich means that data can be turned into
information used as a basis for school and classroom decision-making (Henchey,
2001; Hopkins, 2001; Joyce, Calhoun, & Hopkins, 1999; Reynolds et al., 2001).
Data-rich schools collect and centralise a wide variety of data, including exam results,
standardised and teacher-made test results, questionnaires, and qualitative data. All
of the schools in the study were involved in comprehensive data collection and
analysis about pupil performance, progress and potential. Four of the schools used
the Advanced Level Information System (ALIS) and the Year 11 Information System
(YELIS) as the cornerstone of their data collection processes. The prime purpose of
this activity was to highlight potential and to diagnose pupil learning needs so that
specific and targeted help to individuals could be offered.
By using data in this way, schools suggested that they were able to identify potential
underachievement and to address issues of inadequate progression on an individual
pupil basis. This form of formative monitoring ensured that pupil learning was
continually scrutinised and that any problems could be addressed immediately. It was
advocated that this monitoring ensured pupils were assisted to meet their potential to
achieve.
In English we have these booklets which we fill in every term and you write down what
work youve done that term and which bits you enjoyed, which bits you didnt, what you
think youve done well and then you say what targets youve got for the next term and
thats helpful. Then you reflect back on it the term after and see if youve achieved your
target, which is very helpful because then you realise what youre doing. (School E
Pupil)
different sets in every subject. The prime purpose of the express group was to
encourage pupils to work hard to achieve.
Its not just the brightest in the year, its the hardest working so they have a choice to make.
(School E Head)
Its now cool to be intelligent. Pupils want to get into express groups. (School E Teacher)
Professional development. An increasing body of research has pointed to the need for
schools to become learning communities, engaged in continuous improvement efforts
and enquiring into both within-school conditions and out-of-school developments,
rather than being merely reactive to inspection or government initiatives. Such schools
are open to change and experiment, and engaged in continuous improvement through
enquiry into existing practices and evidence-based adoption and adaption of
innovation (Joyce et al., 1999). The literature review highlighted that improving
schools are characterised by the presence of reflective dialogue, in which staff conduct
conversations about students and teaching and learning, identifying related issues and
problems (Louis & Kruse, 1995; Louis & Miles, 1990).
In all of the schools in the study, the absolute focus on teaching and learning
translated itself into ongoing review of teaching approaches and teachers classroom
practice. This review process was generally viewed to be a helpful tool in assisting
teachers to evaluate and to improve their own teaching performance. In addition,
professional development was considered to be a particularly influential lever in securing
change in classroom teaching. Schools in the study had moved away from traditional in-
service training (INSET) as the dominant form of professional development towards
alternative approaches to professional development such as mentoring, coaching, and
peer review. In over half of the schools, peer observation systems had been set up to
allow teachers to share good practice and to systematically reflect upon their teaching.
However, while there was no systematic evidence to confirm that this system had
improved teaching practices, it was viewed very positively by teachers:
Weve introduced a fairly comprehensive system of senior staff observations of lessons and
self-evaluation for the school. We want to share good practice and move teaching forward.
I think the biggest thing weve done is to try and make sure staff are involved in improving
each others teaching. (School D Teacher)
Unilaterally, all the heads set high standards for teaching and teacher perform-
ance. Time was provided for teachers to meet and to observe each other teaching.
Improving Schools in Challenging Contexts 419
Teaching performance was monitored and individual assessments made through the
performance management system. Teachers were encouraged to see professional
development as an entitlement and a means of ensuring that their teaching was of the
highest quality. In summary, high-quality teaching was reported to be a consistent
focus and hallmark of each school.
Commentary
It remains the case that schools located in contexts of multiple disadvantage have
levels of performance that, in most cases, fall short of national averages. This not only
presents them with a range of practical difficulties, but asks a great deal of those
working within these schools to reverse this particular trend. While there are no
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quick fixes for improving schools facing challenging circumstances (Stoll & Myers,
1998), this study suggests that there are certain strategies that can contribute to
raising pupil attainment within schools in these difficult contexts.
As the literature review showed, the strategies adopted by the schools in this study are
not a great departure from those adopted more widely in disadvantaged areas and are
not restricted to schools in challenging circumstances. However this recent research
suggests that it is the combination of strategies selected that is important. Each school
selected a range of strategies to suit its particular developmental need, context, and pupil
configuration (Appendix B). This differentiated or context-specific approach to school
improvement is, it has been recently argued, more likely to result in improvement that is
sustainable, particularly in schools in challenging contexts (Harris & Chapman, 2005).
All the schools in the study had carefully selected the combination of strategies that
matched their particular developmental needs. In this respect, there was a highly
differentiated approach to school improvement in evidence in each school.
In spite of the internal strategies employed to combat underachievement, this study
also highlights the powerful influence of external factors in determining performance
and attainment levels. In particular it points towards the potency of school composition
to influence school outcomes and how particular selection processes can further
disadvantage an already disadvantaged school. It also points towards the need for those
working within the school effectiveness and improvement fields to take greater account
of the ways in which external factors render a school less or more able to improve. While
relatively little research has focused directly on compositional or peer effects, what
does exist points towards a negative correlation between high proportions of pupils from
socially disadvantaged families and pupil progress or attainment. Studies of school
effectiveness (e.g., Mortimore, Sammons, Stoll, Lewis, & Ecob, 1988/1996; Sammons,
1999) confirm that the school composition influences subsequent attainment and that
pupils attending schools with more disadvantaged intakes are likely to achieve poorer
results because they are being educated with more disadvantaged students (West &
Pennell, 2003, p. 139). As Thrupp (1999, p. 183) concludes: The issue of school mix
highlights the powerful social inequalities in the provision of schooling.
While the compositional effect and the social class differential cannot be ignored or
eradicated, evidence would suggest that it can certainly be weakened (Mortimore
420 A. Harris et al.
et al., 2000; Whitty & Mortimore, 1997). Researchers in both the school effectiveness
and school improvement fields have argued that a highly effective school can reduce
the effects of disadvantage and can jack up the performance of all pupils, irrespective
of social class (Mortimore et al., 1988/1996, pp. 208 209). However the evidence
from this study and others shows that such schools have to exceed normal efforts to
secure this improvement. In short, they have to work much harder at maintaining and
sustaining performance levels than schools in more privileged areas and they have to
maintain that effort in order to sustain improvement, as success can be short-lived
and fragile in difficult or challenging circumstances (Whitty, 2001, p. 9).
As the long-term pattern of inequality looks set to remain, it is suggested that
reversing the long-established patterns of disadvantage will require policies to be
more effectively targeted towards disadvantaged groups and will necessitate
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measures to ensure the rate of improvement at the bottom is greater than the rate of
improvement at the top (Whitty, 2002, p. 112). The powerful grip that the
prevailing socio-economic conditions have on schools in challenging contexts means
that substantial resources will be required to gradually erode the social and economic
barriers to underachievement. While it is nave to believe that individual schools can
reverse the deep-rooted inequalities in our society singularly by their own efforts, it is
equally nave to ignore the fact that some schools, like the schools in this study, do
buck the trend and add significant value to the learning and lives of young people.
If, as West and Pennel (2003, p. 197) suggest, we should not be overly optimistic
about solutions being readily found to underachievement and social inequality, this
is far from good news for schools in disadvantaged communities. Consequently,
while schools in challenging circumstances wait for effective solutions to be found
and social policies to be formulated, they may be forgiven for developing their
own internal strategies for improvement. This study suggests that while such
strategies are unlikely to offset the macro effects of disadvantage, there is some
evidence of positive influences upon individual pupil learning. For this alone, these
strategies are worth considering.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the DfES for funding this project and for granting permission for
the work to be reproduced as an article. We would also like to extend our thanks to
the schools who participated in this project and to acknowledge all teachers who work
in schools in challenging circumstances.
Note
1. For a full account of the methodology see section 3 in Harris et al. (2003).
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A 42 39 38 37 30 12 15.2 24.8
B 45 62 45 48 47 72 13.5 29.9
C 36 37 32 34 25 11 26.4 21.0
D 34 32 23 24 18 16 30.2 24.5
E 46 44 39 34 26 20 14.5 21.1
F 34 34 23 23 13 21 34.5 16.8
Note: FSM was used as a proxy indicator for assessing levels of socioeconomic disadvantage. In the majority of cases the school figures are well above
the national average of 15%.
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Change in
external factors In an Improving Focusing on Data Observation
resulting in changed Education literacy teaching Accelerated trackingALIS coaching Learning
School composition Action Zone and numeracy and learning learning and YELIS peer review mentors
A X X X X X X
B X X X X X X
C X X X X X X
D X X X X
E X X X X X
F X X X X X X