Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
LYNDA DICKSON
University of Colorado, Colorado Springs
RICHARD L. Dm<Es
University of Colorado, Colorado Springs
HILARY SMITH
University of Colorado, Colorado Springs
NoELSTRAPKO
Colorado State University
106
To Ink Or Not To Ink: The Meaning Of Tattoos Among College Students / 107
Numerous studies have found an increase century consumers of tattoos who were pre-
in the percentage of persons who have a dominantly white working-class men who
tattoo. In 1990, a national survey found that often were seafarers, warriors, convicts or
3% of respondents had at least one tattoo motorcycle gang members (Dunlop, 2012).
(Armstrong & Fell, 2000). Since this time, Tattooed college students may also serve as
tattoos have become increasingly popular, es- a "bridge" between younger tattooed persons
pecially among young people. A 2012 Harris for whom tattoos are still correlated with a
poll reported that 38% of respondents aged plethora of negative behaviors and tattooed
30-39, 30% of those aged 25-29, and 22% of adults for whom tattoos can represent a pos-
those aged 18 to 24 have one or more tattoos itive vehicle for personal expression (Irwin,
(Braverman, 2012). Several smaller studies 2003). Finally, for many young adults, col-
indicate that about 20% of people, aged 18- lege is the first opportunity to express one-
25, have a tattoo (Armstrong, 2005). Recent self with a tattoo, since many of them are on
studies with college students show similar their own for the first time.
rates (Forbes, 2001; Home, Knox, Zusman,
& Zusman, 2007; Manuel & Sheehan, 2007; Why People Get Tattoos
Resenhoeft, Villa, & Wiseman, 2008). The reasons for obtaining a tattoo are
Currently, the demographic characteristics varied. Most people with tattoos do not think
of tattooed persons show wide variations in of them as accounts of cultural alienation
gender, age, social class, race, political party (Rooks, Roberts, & Scheltema, 2000), nor
and occupation (Armstrong, 1991; Armstrong, are tattoos a statement of rebellion, at least
Roberts, Owen, & Koch, 2004a; Braverman, among most adults. In fact, many tattooed
2012). However, despite the growing diversi- persons view tattoos, and other forms of body
ty of people with tattoos, tattooing is not em- art, as a way of expressing themselves and
braced by older individuals, especially those as an attractive method of body adornment
who have higher education and income lev- (Forbes, 2001). Additionally, the acquisition
els (Adams, 2009; Bowman, 2010). Women of tattoos, particularly among adults, is a
have shown the greatest increase in tattooing planned activity that is undertaken while so-
(Armstrong, 1991; Braverman, 2012; DeMel- ber. Finally, most people report getting their
lo, 1995; Inch & Huws, 1993; Sanders, 1991). tattoo done in a tattoo studio (Forbes, 2001),
Armstrong (1991) estimated that the number and most do not regret getting it (Armstrong,
of women getting tattooed has quadrupled 1991; Braverman, 2012; Greif, Hewitt, &
over the past 40 years, and now for the first Armstrong, 1999; Manuel & Sheehan, 2007;
time a greater percentage of women report Irwin, 2001).
having a tattoo than men (23% versus 19%; Additional research demonstrates that
Braverman, 2012). women more often seek tattoos for personal
Although the extant literature on tattooing decoration (Home et al., 2007) and to feel
is increasing, little is known about tattooed independent (Forbes, 2001), and men more
and non-tattooed college students' behav- often get tattoos as a symbol of group iden-
iors, motivations and perceptions related to tity (Home et al., 2007). Among a group of
tattooing. College students are an especially adult respondents, tattooed individuals say
interesting group because as graduates they that having their tattoo makes them feel more
will have greater socioeconomic standing sexy (30%), rebellious (25%), attractive
and more influential occupations (Roksa & (21%), strong (21%), and spiritual (16%)
Levey, 2010) than the traditional twentieth (Braverman, 2012). Furthermore, having
108 / College Student Journal
tattooed friends significantly influences the such as college students, for whom tattoos can
attitudes of college students toward body art represent significant interpersonal role tran-
and the likelihood of being tattooed (Arm- sitions, changes in life that have important
strong, Roberts, Owen, & Koch, 2004b). impacts on identity (Atkinson, 2003). These
Similarly, other studies find that tattooed symbols are not limited to college students, as
participants are more likely to have family, tattoos among older persons can also chroni-
significant others, or close friends who are cle key turning points such as getting married,
tattooed (Forbes, 2001). starting a new career, going back to school, or
Tattooed and Tattooed respondents say having their children leave home. Neverthe-
there is not a primary reason for getting a less, young adulthood is an especially fertile
tattoo. Classic motivations such as boredom, time of role transition, so it is not surprising
deviant affiliation or rebellion remain com- that many college students have tattoos.
mon (Atkinson, 2003; DeMello, 2000); how- Tattoos also can be an important feature of
ever, more people are becoming tattooed as a affect management through which individuals
meaningful way to represent personal growth attempt to overcome emotions of pain, stress,
and individualism, and as a normative way sorrow and loss--such as the death of a loved
of chronicling life events (Atkinson, 2003). one--in an active, normative and controlled
Tattoos serve as a form of self-expression way (Atkinson, 2003). Not only can the tat-
(Armstrong, Owen, Roberts, & Koch, 2002; too serve as a tangible memorial, but also the
Greif, Hewitt, & Armstrong, 1999) that can physical pain of getting the tattoo can help
honor special times, persons and achieve- symbolically to exorcise the emotional pain
ments (Armstrong et al., 2004b; Forbes, of the loss (Atkinson, 2003).
2001; Home et al., 2007). Furthermore, most Looking and feeling different is a cultural
individuals get tattooed for their own plea- venture that is encouraged in Western societ-
sure and not to impress others (Armstrong & ies. Tattoos can symbolize this personal quest
Pace Murphy, 1997), and many respondents for individuality, as they are a normative way
report they "just wanted one" or just "like of personalizing and customizing the self, giv-
the looks ofit." ing it a positive distinction (Atkinson, 2003).
These findings can be interpreted via The increase of custom tattoos has helped to
the bodily signs approach in which actors aver individuality, especially in the case of
voluntarily select signs, including tattoos, meaningful one-time life events.
from collections of cultural symbols that are These motivations can be collapsed into
meaningful in their social worlds (Atkinson, two main categories - internal and external -
2003; Bourdieu, 1984; Silver, Silver, Siennick that affect the acquisition of a tattoo (Firmin,
& Farkas, 2011; Swidler, 1986; Willis, 1993). Tse, Foster & Angelini, 2012). Internal in-
Tattoos become identity markers that allow fluencers, for instance, suggest that tattoos
individuals to present themselves to others have some form of intrinsic value and serve
according to their socially developed aesthet- as reminders, memorials or symbols. On the
ic tastes (Bell, 1999; Goffman, 1959), and other hand, tattoos can represent the dimin-
the process of symbolic creativity encourages ishing influence of parents and the growing
individuals to select markers from a palate of influence of peers. Other external influences
cultural signs and symbols which they use to such as health concerns and social stigma
establish and present their existence, identity, can also influence the decision to become
and meaning (Bell, 1999; Willis, 1993). This tattooed (Firmin et al, 2012).
mechanism applies especially to young adults,
To Ink Or Not To Ink: The Meaning Of Tattoos Among College Students / 109
the total) who get their first tattoo before the under the age of 18 take less time to think
age of 18, eleven (71.1%) have parental per- about getting it than those who acquire their
mission. Among the 14 respondents who get first tattoo when they are 18 or older (M =
their first tattoo while under age 18 and who 3.21, SD = 1.23 and M = 3.60, SD = 1.32
have one or no family members with a tattoo respectively); however, this difference is not
57.1 % have parental permission; among 22 statistically significant at the .05 level. Still,
respondents who have two or more family almost one-third (31.2%) of those 18 or old-
members with a tattoo, 81.8% have parental er spent "very much time" (a year or longer)
permission. While the percentage difference on their decision while only 13.2% of those
is large, it is not statistically significant due to under 18 spent this much time deciding to
the small number of cases. get their first tattoo (r = .21,p < .01).
Respondents who have one or more We ask respondents why they get their
tattoos report how long they thought about first tattoo. Drawing from Atkinson (2003),
getting their first tattoo. Response categories we open-code responses into eight catego-
are None (Spur of the moment decision, 1), A ries reflecting role transitions, individual
little (a few days, 2), A moderate amount of difference/self-distinction and affect man-
time (a few weeks, 3), Much time (months, agement, and then we further classify them
4) and Very much time (a year or longer, 5). using the Internal and External distinction
The mean response is 3.53, and the median is and descriptors from Firmin, Tse, Foster
4. Both measures correspond to "Much time & Angelini (2012). Inter-rater reliability
(months)." Similar to previous studies ex- is 72%. The reasons participants give for
ploring tattoo decision-making(Armstrong getting their tattoos are shown in Table 1.
& Pace Murphy, 1997), we find that indi- Findings reveal that the majority of respon-
viduals who acquire their first tattoo while dents obtain a tattoo for intrinsic reasons,
Table 1. Frequency and Percent of Responses to Item, "Why did you get your first
tattoo?"
Category and Description Frequency Percent
Spontaneous self-distinction: means of spontaneous self-expression; Internal factor 34 17.9
Connective role transition: represents bonds, connections, or reminders of family or
28 14.7
friends; Internal factor
Inspirational self-distinction : serves as a personal statement, statement of religion or
27 14.2
spirituality, or is inspirational; Internal factor
Aesthetic self-distinction: form of aesthetic symbolism or positive self-distinction; Inter-
25 13.2
nal factor
Peer-oriented role transition: represents bonding experience or marks group affiliation;
23 12.1
External factor
Commemorative role transition: reflects life event, turning point; Internal factor 14 7.4
Independence role transition: serves as a statement of independence or rebellion; Exter-
13 6.8
nal factor
Affect management: reminder/memorial ofloved one; Internal factor 11 5.8
Other 15 7.9
Total 190 100.0
114 / College Student Journal
rather than extrinsic ones. Most participants respectively). These results are statistically
report getting their first tattoo because they significant at the .05 level.
just "want one" or want "something new" We do not find that many participants get
("spontaneous self-distinction," 17.9%). their first tattoo as a statement of rebellion
Furthermore, for many respondents, a tattoo or independence ("independence role transi-
serves to celebrate their relationships with tion," 6.8%).
others or as a reminder of a living loved one Respondents who have at least one tattoo
("connective role transition," 14.7%), or use the following response categories to tell
serve as a statement of inspiration, religiosi- us how much significance or deep meaning
ty or spirituality ("inspirational self-distinc- the tattoo has for them: None (1), Little (2),
tion," 14.2%). Getting a tattoo for aesthetic A moderate amount (3), Much (4) and Very
reasons ("aesthetic self-distinction," 13.2%) much (5). The mean response is 3.95 (SD =
also is common. 1.26), and the median is 4. Both measures of
While not as common, respondents also central tendency correspond to "Much sig-
obtain tattoos based on external influencers. nificance." Respondents who say their first
For instance, participants note getting a tat- tattoo has no significance or deep meaning
too as a bonding experience with someone (N=11) acquire their first tattoo either because
else ("peer- oriented role transition," 12.1%). they "like the looks of it" or "just want one"
Not surprisingly then, our tattooed respon- ("spontaneous self-distinction"), become 18
dents are more likely to have at least one ("independence role transition"), think it was
family member with a tattoo (71%) or five or "cool" at the time ("aesthetic self-distinc-
more close friends with tattoos (60%) than tion"), or receive it as a present. On the other
respondents without tattoos (42% and 38%, hand, the majority of those whose tattoos hold
respectively), suggesting they have greater great significance ("very much") primarily
exposure to, and possibly encouragement get their tattoo to reflect connections or bonds
from, those who are tattooed. These results with others ("connective role transition") or
are statistically significant (V = .32, p = .001 as a form of inspirational self-distinction.
and V=.22,p < .001, respectively). This relation is statistically significant (Eta
There are some subtle differences in the (TJ) = .49,p < .001).
reasons respondents acquire a first tattoo by Respondents use the following response
race/ethnicity. Due to the very small number categories to tell us how much they like their
of cases, we collapse the variable of race/ first tattoo: Not at all (1), A little (2), Some (3),
ethnicity into white and non-white. Respon- A great deal (4) or A very great deal (5). The
dents who are Latino/Hispanic are classified mean response is 4.26 and the median is 5.00.
as non-white. Non-white respondents report Both measures correspond to "A great deal."
higher rates of obtaining a first tattoo as a Participants reveal how big their first tat-
form of spontaneous self-distinction (27.9%), too is by using one of the five response cat-
connective role transition (20.9%) and affect egories of 1) Quarter size or smaller, 2) Fist
management (9.3%) than white respondents size, 3) Half-sleeve size, 4) Sleeve size, and
(12.9%, 13.6%, and 4.3% respectively). On 5) Bigger than sleeve size. The mean response
the other hand, white respondents are more is 1.98 (SD = .81), and the median is 2.00.
likely to say they obtain their first tattoo for Both of these measures of central tendency
inspirational self-distinction (15.7%) or as correspond to "Fist size." Men report larger
a form of aesthetic self-distinction (15.7%) tattoos (M = 2.46, SD = .96) than women (M =
than non-white respondents (11.6% and 4.7% 1.81, SD= .66). This difference is statistically
To Ink Or Not To Ink: The Meaning Of Tattoos Among College Students / 113
Studio
Tattoo (0,1)
Non-white
R = .47"** R = .53"*
Size
MALE (0,1)
Decision
Time
R= .38,.."'"
*= p < .05
** =p < .01
***=p< .001
Variables I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
I. Male (0,I)
2. Non-white (0,1) .01
3. Studio Tattoo (0, I) -.14' .10
4. Decision Tune -.04 -.06
5. Time Since First Tattoo -.03 -.02 -.20" -.37'"
significant (Eta= .37, p < .001). Non-white (x2) is not statistically significant. Our x2 =
respondents get larger tattoos (M = 2.41, SD 26.07, with 15 degrees of freedom is statisti-
= 1.10) than white respondents (M = 1.87, cally significant at the .05 level. Even though
SD = .65), and this difference is statistically the x2 is statistically significant, the difference
significant (Eta= .31, p < .001). Gender and between the model to be tested and the satu-
non-white do not interact statistically. rated model could be trivial, so a rule of thumb
Respondents rate the overall quality of is that the x2/df ratio can be as high as 2 or 3,
their first tattoo using one of the following and the model still could be considered to have
five response categories: Poor (1), Fair (2), a good fit with the data. Our x2/dfratio is 1.74
Good (3), Very good (4) and Excellent (5). (26.07/15 = 1.74), a value that is within the
The mean response is 3.91 (SD= 1.09), and accepted range. The Comparative Fit Index is a
the median is 4.00. Both of these measures measure of the overall fit of the model. Values
correspond to "Very good." The perceived above .95 are considered to represent a good
quality of the tattoo is correlated with size fit between the model and the data. The CFI
(r = .29, p < .001), cost (r = .24, p < .001), for our model of .97 represents a very good
and having it done in a tattoo studio (r = .24, fit. The RMSEA is a measure of error in the
p < .001). model. Values below .06 represent a good fit.
The RMSEA of our model is .04.
Model of Affect toward First Tattoo The multiple correlation coefficient, R, is
In an effort to bring together several of .47 (p < .001) for the effects of non-white ra-
the findings above, we construct a path model cial status and male on size of the tattoo. The
regarding how much the respondent currently R is .38 (p < .001) for the effects of male and
likes their first tattoo. A structural equations decision time on significance of the tattoo.
model of affect toward one's first tattoo is The R is.53 (p < .001) for the effects of the
shown in Figure 1 (see also Tables 1 and 2). four independent variables upon perceived
The chi-square for the model represents the de- overall quality of the tattoo (p < .001). The R
gree to which the model captures the relations = .75 (p < .001) for the effects of three inde-
in a saturated model that contains all relations pendent variables upon the degree ofliking of
among the variables. Ideally, the chi-square the tattoo by the respondent.
To Ink Or Not To Ink: The Meaning Of Tattoos Among College Students / 115
Studio
Tattoo (0,1)
R = _3 7 R = -60 ""
Deoision Perceived
Time Quality
MA LE (0,1)
*= p < .05
** = p < .01
*** = p < .001
getting tattooed reflect subscription to cul- for deviant or rebellious purposes, their tat-
tural norms, rather than an expression of re- toos can be understood as a normative meth-
bellion or deviance, a common finding in re- od of individualizing the self. These findings
search conducted with tattooed adolescents. suggest that respondents are involved in
Among college students, tattoos are a part of "meaning making" (Baxter Magolda, 2009),
symbolic creativity (Willis, 1993), a process and this theme of seriousness is echoed in
by which individuals whose lives are rich in the reasons that respondents give for getting
symbols and expressions attempt creatively a tattoo. Even more, our respondents do not
to establish their existence, identity, and regret getting their tattoo(s), are pleased with
meaning. Many tattooed participants choose them, and would get them again.
to honor their family members and signifi- Our findings reveal that women are more
cant others by name, display their religious likely to place tattoos on areas of the body
beliefs, or their association with the military, that can be easily covered such as the hip,
and these motivations are consistent with At- lower back, or ankle while men acquire tat-
kinson's (2003) concept of embracing differ- toos in more public places such as the arm
ence. In our research, the dominant themes or chest. Designs chosen by men are usually
of this concept are role transitions, affect larger than those selected by women. Design
management, and the concept of individual choices for women tend to be organized
difference/self-distinction. around "traditional" constructions of fem-
Role transition tattoos, such as getting ininity (Atkinson, 2002) and include such
tattooed to commemorate a life event or as a "softer" and "personal" objects as hearts,
connective tie to family, are particularly pop- butterflies, birds and celestial motifs (Bell,
ular among the respondents. The respondents 1999: 55). These findings support previous
choose to get these tattoos to symbolize life studies which have found that women get
events and/or people that have an important tattooed to represent independence and in-
impact on their lives and their emerging iden- dividuality and to challenge the typical as-
tities. Additionally, the theme of affect man- sociation between tattooing and masculinity
agement is reflected in these findings, as some (Atkinson, 2002; Bell, 1999; Forbes, 2001;
participants reveal getting a memorial tattoo. Home et al., 2007).
Tattoos depicting the themes of affect Findings from the structural equations
management and role transitions represent model show that the degree of liking a first
individual and deeply personal quests to sym- tattoo are directly affected by the perceived
bolize the self as it develops, and these tat- quality of the tattoo, its assigned level of sig-
toos not only symbolize, but also emphasize, nificance and the time since the first tattoo.
individual experiences (Atkinson, 2003). While the majority of respondents like their
Our findings reveal that college students first tattoo a great deal, 60.6% of our tattooed
pursue methods of distinguishing themselves respondents have at least one more tattoo.
from others, and they acquire tattoos that are Among these respondents, their favorite
aesthetically unique, inspirational, or allow tattoo has more significant meaning than the
for spontaneous self-expression. By depict- first one, and it is larger and more expensive
ing memorable and meaningful life events than the first tattoo. These findings point to
on their bodies, the tattooed participants a process in which meaning making contrib-
make their bodies unique and different from utes to the self-concept, and in this process
the bodies of others. And, because the par- subsequent tattoos are expressions of one's
ticipants overwhelmingly do not get tattooed emerging identity.
120 / College Student Journal
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