Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Counterinsurgency
Policy in the Philippines
Author(s): Roxanne Lynn Doty
Source: International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 297-320
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The International Studies Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2600810 .
Accessed: 21/01/2015 05:06
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Wiley and The International Studies Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to International Studies Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
ArizonaStateUniversity
On July 4, 1946, for the first time in history, an imperial nation voluntarily
relinquished possession of its colonial conquest (Karnow, 1989:323). As the United
States granted independence to the Philippines the new relationship between the
two was widely heralded as one of partnership and equality. The Filipino people, it
was said, had demonstrated their capacity for democratic self-governmentand had
earned the right of independence (MacArthur, 1946). The emergence of the
Philippines as a sovereign nation was hailed as conclusive proof that the United
States stood for fair play, liberty and freedom, and progress and prosperity for
other peoples (McDonough, 1946).
Despite this optimistic beginning, the United States was soon to embark on an
interventionistcourse that displayed little respect for Philippine sovereignty.The
question arises as to how this interventionistpolicy came to be deemed necessary
and nonintervention unthinkable. How, amidst all the profession of sovereign
Author's
note: I would like to thankthe followingindividualsfor theircommentson variousdraftsof thispaper:
RichardAshley,FrancisBeer,Jack Crittenen,RaymondDuvall, David Sylvan,Stephen Walker,CynthiaWeber, and
AlexanderWendt. I would also like to thankthree anonymousreviewersand the editorsat ISQ especiallyRichard
Herrmann.
? 1993 InternationalStudiesAssociation.
PublishedbyBlackwellPublishers,238 Main Street,Cambridge,MA 02142, USA, and 108 CowleyRoad, OxfordOX4
1JF,UK.
lUsefuldiscussionsof why-and how-questionscan be found in Little (1991:chap. 1) and Cross (1991). Also see
Wendt (1987:362-363) for a discussion of the distinctionbetween why-and how-questions as theypertain to
structuralvs. historicalexplanations.Also relevantis Sylvanand Glassner's (1985:7-9) discussionof possibilism,an
explanation that should be familiarto studentsof internationalrelations. George (1979:103) suggeststhat an
individual'soperationalcode introducespropensities,not determinants,of decision making.This is consistentwithan
Similarly,Sprout and Sprout's (1965) "environmentaipossibilism"suggests
explanation thatfocuseson possibilities.
thatthe environmentdoes not deternine supports,
behavior,but ratherpermits, certainbehaviors.
or resists
The CognitiveDecision-making
Approach
Internationalrelations scholars who have been influenced by the "cognitive
revolution"in psychologyand other fields have long been sensitiveto the
3The concern with in-dividualcognition has been particularlyevident in the operational code and cognitive
mapping approaches to foreignpolicy decision making (George, 1979; Bonham and Shapiro, 1973; Holsti, 1976;
Walker,1977). These approaches illustratehow scholarsattemptto get at individualworldviewsand how individuals
define theirimmediatedecision-makingsituation(s). Approaches more directlyreflectingthe cognitiverevolution
include thoseofJervis(1976), Larson (1985), Rosati (1987), Herrmann(1985, 1988), and Cottam(1977).
4Anexceptionis Walker(1990), who drawsupon Harre in developinga theoryof self-and-other in foreignpolicy.
The DiscursivePracticesApproach
A DiscursivePracticesApproachemphasizesthe linguisticconstruction The
ofreality.6
productivenature of language does not depend on nor necessarilycoincide with
the motivations,perceptions, intentions,or understandingsof social actors.
Language is seen as a set of signswhichare partof a systemforgeneratingsubjects,
objects,and worlds (Shapiro, 1984:222). The DiscursivePracticesApproach thus
obviatesthe need for recourse to the interiority of a conscious,meaning-giving
subject,eitherin termsof psychologicaland cognitivecharacteristics of individuals
or shared mental templatesof social collectivities. Whetheror not these exist is
somewhatbeside the pointbecause the DiscursivePracticesApproachis not tied to
them.7
This kind of approach addressesthe how-questiondiscussedearlierbecause it
does not presuppose thatparticularsubjectsare alreadyin place. It thusdoes not
look to individualor collectivesubjectsas the loci of meaning.Regardinglanguage
practicesthemselvesas relativelyautonomous admits the question of a kind of
power thatconstitutessubjects,modes of subjectivity, and "reality."In contrastto
the Social PerformanceApproach in which signifiers(words,images) ultimately
referback to signifieds(shared templates),in the DiscursivePracticesApproach
signifiersreferonly to other signifiers, hence the notion of intertextuality, i.e., a
complex and infinitely expandingweb of possible meanings.That meaning does
oftenappear to be fixedand decideable ratherthan an infiniteplayof signifiers is
indicativeof the workingsof power. This presentsus with a radicallynew con-
ception of powerwhichis inherentin the linguisticpracticesbywhichagentsare
constructedand become articulatedwithinparticulardiscourses.
This approach, like any approach, has its analyticform. The form of this
approach is a "discursivepractice."A discursivepracticeis not traceableto a fixed
and stable center,e.g., individualconsciousnessor a social collective.Discursive
practicesthatconstitutesubjectsand modes of subjectivity are dispersed,scattered
throughoutvariouslocales. This is whythe notion of intertextuality is important.
Texts alwaysreferback to other textswhich themselvesreferto stillother texts.
The power thatis inherentin language is thusnot somethingthatis centralized,
emanatingfroma pre-givensubject.Rather,like the discursivepracticesin whichit
inheres,poweris dispersedand, mostimportant,is productiveof subjectsand their
worlds.
A discourse,i.e., a systemof statementsin which each individualstatement
makessense,produces interpretive possibilitiesbymakingitvirtually impossibleto
thinkoutside of it. A discourseprovidesdiscursivespaces,i.e., concepts,categories,
metaphors,models,and analogiesbywhichmeaningsare created.The production
of discoursesand of subjectivity and socialityis indissoluble (Henriques et al.,
8In a sense thisis why"public opinion" becomes relevantto policymakers.When the public stronglyobjects to
U.S. policy,it is often,at least in part,because officialrepresentationsdo not fitwell withsociety'srepresentations.
The example thatmostreadilycomes to mind is Vietnam.As the war dragged on different representation(s)of the
situationbegan to compete withthe officialone, thusmakingit increasingly difficult
forU.S. officialsto portraythe
situationas a simpleone of communismversusdemocracyor good versusevil.
9An exception to the more well known conceptions of hierarchyin internationalrelationsis Onuf and Klink
(1989), who suggestthata paradigmbased on Weber's three ideal typesof rule can facilitatean understandingof
internationalhierarchicalrelations.
ResearchDesign
Discourseanalyticmethodsfacilitatethe examinationof thevariousmechanismsat
work in texts. This said, however, it would be misleading to suggest that
interpretation is not an importantpart of myanalysis.Interpretation,on the part
of the analyst,is an importantaspect of all three of the approaches discussedin
thisarticle.The differencewiththe DiscursivePracticesApproach is thatI am not
providingan interpretationof the consciouslymotivated,self-serving images
constructedby the participants.Rather,I am providingan interpretation of what
the discursivepractices do, which does not necessarilycoincide with individual
motivations, perceptions,and intentions.
Predication
In the above excerptthe "native"is endowed withthe followingqualities:ineffi-
ciency,contentand doglike follower,never looks ahead, does not reflectupon
consequences,has no idea of organizationon a large scale, naturallydelightsin
pillage, destruction,and bloodshed, naturallygreedy and cruel, and does
imprudentthingsifleftto himself.
Together these qualities, or clusterof predicates,constitutethe native as a
particularkind of subject.In contrast,the European, here the speakingsubject,is
inscribedwithquite different qualities.This is oftenimplicitratherthanexplicit.In
the firstsentence "you"refersto the European, thuscreatinga relationof identity
among the reader, the author, and the European and a relation of opposition
betweenthese subjectsand the Filipinonative,here the object of discussion.The
reader,author,and European as speaking,writing, and knowledgeablesubjectsare
"self"to the Filipino"other"who is the object of theirknowledge.The European is
establishedas a subjectwho can "know"the Filipino,is able to accuratelydescribe
the truenatureof the Filipino,and fromthatnaturederivevariouspracticesthat
are appropriate.
Presupposition
What backgroundknowledgeis created in the above excerpt?The superiority of
the European is takenforgranted,a "fact"not open to question.The construction
analysis.Nor do
"lThe particular"methods"I use here are byno means the onlywayto engage in a post-positivist
I mean to suggestthattheyare superiorto other possible "methods."I merelywishto suggestthatthisis one wayto
fora specificarea of investigation.
examine the implicationsof post-positivism
Subject
Positioning
In constituting particularkindsof subjects,the excerptalso positionsthesesubjects
vis-a-vis
one another by assigningthem varyingdegrees of agency.For example,
a subjectwho does not reflectupon consequences and is a contentand doglike
followerhas a much simplerdegree of agencythana subjectwho has the qualities
it takes to be an officer.The veryfactthatthe European is the speakingsubject
and the "native"the subject/objectof thisdiscoursepositionsthesesubjectsvis-a-vis
one another.Here, the qualitiesthatdefinethe twokindsof subjectsare opposi-
tionalones.
We do findotherrelations,however,in thisexcerpt.The "native"is positioned
in a relationof similaritywitha dog. Like a dog, the "native"requiresfood and fair
treatment. If treatedproperly,he willbe faithful to his master."Proper"treatment,
however,must not be kindness,"accordingto European notions."The "native"
would be lost if thiswas done. The "fair"treatmentto be accorded to "natives"is
more akin to the treatmenta European would give to a dog than to another
European.
The above passage, as partof a largerdiscourse,createsa "world"in the sense
thata particular"reality"mustbe accepted in order for the statementsto make
sense. Certainpracticeswere made possible,because in the worldinstantiatedby
these textstheyseemed reasonable and probablyquite unremarkable.As noted
above, therewere to be different standardsof "fair"treatment forthe "native"and
for the European. Since the "native"was the kind of subject who was naturally
prone to pillage,destruction,and bloodshed, then disciplineand controlon the
part of the European would be justified.If the "natives"did not understand
kindness,then force and violence would be justified.Colonization thus became
thinkable.
This example,in large partdue to itstransparency, nicelyillustrateshow predi-
cation, presupposition,and subject positioningwork.From this illustrationone
might inferthat these methods would not take us veryfar analyticallysimply
because the "findings"are so obvious. There are three importantpoints to be
made in responseto thispossibleinference:(1) Granted,we oftendo not have to
look veryfarto findthese textualmechanismsat work.They are frequently right
there on the surface. (2) More importantthough,my approach permitsme to
trackthesemechanismsin less transparent cases. (3) Finally,thisapproach permits
one to explain how, despite such obviousness,these constructionscan become
widelycirculatedand constitutive of an attitudeof "self"toward"other,"thusmak-
ing particularpracticespossible.
This last point impliesthat individualtextsdo not exist in a vacuum. Rather,
theyare intertwinedwithother textsforminga complex web of intertextuality.
Differenttextswithinthe same arena (i.e., site) and textsfromdifferent arenas
may share the same logic according to which meaning is created and subjects
constructed.If the same kindsof subjects,objects,and relationsare foundto exist
in different texts,thisis indicativeof a particularlogic at work.We can thinkof
textsthatillustratethe same kindof logic as constituting a controllingor dominant
discourse.For example,a numberof different and distinctdiscoursesmayfunction
Language,Counterinsurgency,
Practice
Counterinsurgency policieshavebeen a majorelementofpostWorldWarII foreign
policy towardthe countriescollectivelyreferredto as the "Third World." Such
policieswere consideredessentialwithinthe contextof a worlddividedalong the
geopoliticallines of East versusWestwitheach side seekingto win the heartsand
mindsof thosenot yetfullycommittedto eithercamp. Many"conversations" have
taken place and documentshave been generatedwithinthe contextof specific
counterinsurgency operations.Adheringto theunderstanding of languageoutlined
in the DiscursivePracticesApproach,these textsprovidea usefulsource of "data"
fromwhichto examinethewaylinguisticpracticesactively constructworld(s).
Counterinsurgency generallyoccurswithinthe contextof profoundmilitary and
economic powerdifferentials. The hierarchyof militaryand economic power that
existsbetween the U.S. and the Third World is for the most part indisputable.
What has not been previouslyexamined, however,is the wayin whichlanguage
worksto constructa kind of hierarchythatmayor maynot coincide withmilitary
and/or economic hierarchies.When these hierarchiesdo coincide important
implicationsfollowforthe kindsof practicesmade possible.
One of the earliestand paradigmaticinstancesof U.S. counterinsurgency policy
occurredin the Philippinesduringthe Huk Rebellion of the early1950s.12After
independence, the Philippinesbecame an importantsymbolof United States'
benevolence regardingits position as a formercolonial power. They were an
importantsource of both prestigeand identityforthe U.S.13The Huk Rebellion,
therefore, presentedthe U.S. witha dilemma.On the one hand, overtintervention
would call into question the sovereignty and independence of the Philippines,
whichin turnwould call into question the successof the U.S. effortto "civilize"a
people and cultivatea democracy.On the otherhand, the "loss"of the Philippines
to communismwould also mean a failureon the part of the U.S. The discourse
instantiatedin response to this dilemma worked to simultaneouslyconstruct
identitiesand positionsubjectsvis-a-vis
one another.
Subjectsof a discourseshould not be confusedwithindividuals.An individual
mayhave multiplesubjectivities. there maybe multiplephysicalindivid-
Similarly,
'20ne of the best studieson the Huk Rebellion is Kerkvliet(1977). Also see Schirmerand Shalom (1987), Welch
(1984), Karnow(1989), Shalom (1976, 1977), and Bonner (1987). It is noteworthy thatEdwardLansdale, the "hero"
of the U.S. counterinsurgencyin the Philippines, was a major figurein U.S. Vietnam policy. Lansdale was also
broughtin byRonald Reagan to offeradvice on how to get rid of the Sandinistas.
'3The Philippineswerealso importantforgeopoliticaland economic reasons.The reconstruction ofJapanand its
reintegrationinto the regional economy meant that Southeast Asia would become an importantsource of raw
materialsand marketsbecause Japan would be free of dependence on U.S. aid. It was deemed essential to U.S.
securitythatJapanbecome an alternativeanchor forU.S. powerin Asia as China had ceased to playthatrole.
Analysis
I begin this analysisin a purelyempiricistmanner. My data is the ensemble of
statementsfoundin the documentssurroundingthisparticularsiteof U.S. foreign
policy.14All of these documents were read with an eye toward the textual
mechanismsdiscussedabove: predication,presupposition,
and subjectpositioning.
Predication
Table 1 showsthepredicatesand practicesthatwerelinkedto the different subjects.
These predicatesand practiceswere compiled by extractingfromthe documents
adjectives,adverbs,and capabilitiesattributedto the
the descriptivecharacteristics,
varioussubjects.The numbersin bracketsreferto the textualsource of the state-
ments.These sourcesare listedin the Appendix.Consistentwiththe epistemology
of theDiscursivePracticesApproach,I do notwantto claimthatthe data in Table 1
representsthe social cognitionsof the participantsto thisdiscourse.Recall thatit is
languageitselfthatis productiveratherthantheindividualswho use language.
While the predicates and practicesfor each subject are not identical from
document to document, there is evidence of a coherence among them. The
predicatesand practiceslistedunder Philippinesand Filipinos"hangtogether"in a
certainway.None seem radicallyout of place. For example, "ineptand wasteful,"
"precocious children,"and "a veryhard people to deal with"are certainlynot
identicaltermsand indeed could implyverydifferent kindsof subjects.Yet,in this
discourse there is a familyresemblance among them that is indicativeof a
particularkind of subject,i.e., a subject that can simultaneouslybe a source of
pride over progressthus far made, concern withshortcomings, fear of eventual
failure,and desire to protect and guide. The identityof the Philippineswas
constructedby the tension that existed among these terms.The kind of subject
that embodies these termsis the "child." The "child" by virtueof the kind of
subject it inherentlyis resistsclosure. The "child" identityis incomplete,often
ambiguousand contradictory. To borrowfromAlthusser,one mightsay thatthe
"child"as a kindof subjectresistscompleteinterpellation.
The predicatesand practicesattachedto the U.S. also exhibita coherence. "Has
moral obligations,""a world citizen," "has credit and influence,""has benign
intentions"share a certain familyresemblance. They are indicativeof a very
differentkind of subject from the Philippines.The United States has a firmly
established,relativelyfixed,and stable identity.This identitypermitsthe U.S. to
'4Empirical data for this studywas collected fromsearches for relevantmaterialfromthe followingsources:
ForeignRelationsoftheUnitedStates1946-1954, U.S. Officeof StrategicServices(OSS)/State Departmentintelligence
researchreports1941-1961, National SecurityCouncil reportsand correspondence1946-1953, reportsand records
of thejoint Chiefsof Staff1946-1953,CentralIntelligenceAgency/Department of Defense reports1946-1953. Other
sourcesinclude the Department Record1948-1954. The major arena of
ofStateBulletin1948-1954 and the Congressional
discourseforthisstudywere officialgovernmenttexts.This was not determineda priori,but ratheraftera thorough
searchforrelevanttexts.
(.0
clr clr C-4
C'J
CJ
bJD
ct ct S Z
C) bC
cn cn Z 6,
ct ct Ct (:) Ct
ct
biD
m
CJ .4 biD
ct
c) It m
C'l 45 z 2 ct ct
ct rc >
biD
ct Ct E z r. Q 4. 1
cli
ct u ct
ct ct ct
t-,ct ct
ct
>, Ct u UO
ct
biO
-C
biO
ct ct
C-4 ho
- z
ct E _'C5
E zct . ct M C) ho
C/)
ct
U U u biD
42 -
biD (C C/) C) ct
ct bio
4-J 14.
u
ct u Q Q) QC
14.
ct
ct biD ct 0
ct ct ct biD Q u q,- ct
14. Q Q biD
>1 ct bo
ct ct
C 3
u
14. 'r,
U Z
4-J r-, m
41.1 Z --,
u Ln
Cl
C'4
cq
ct 21-
4-, biD U >,
Q .7-'
7
Z bD
bO M m
C)
C) Ch
Q) U
C/)Z z ct Q ct biO7Z 0
4-4
Cj)
C)
ct 4-,
Ce) bo
fj
ct 4..j ul
U u
bo 4 C'I
--, z
bJO
Cl u C).
cn
C).--- C)
C)
cn cn cn b.0 4", z z 0 -
0
ct ct m CZ z M C'4 - -
4M. M u Q
m
Q
CZ ct
Q
ct
Iz
-, a. 4
Presupposition
In analyzingthesedocuments,one findsthatmeaningsare dependentupon binary
oppositions.The specificcontentof these oppositionsindicates the dimensions
along whichthe constructionof subjectstakesplace. Underlyingthe attributesand
practicesshown in Table 1, one can locate metaphysicalpresuppositionsbased
upon such binaryoppositions.These binarieswere the operativeprinciples,the
the "deep structure"of the discourse.By operativeprinciple,I
logic, constituting
mean the principle according to which things are given meaning and simul-
taneouslypositionedvis-a-visotherthings.The conceptualsystemupon whichU.S.
foreignpolicywas based was organized around two guiding or core oppositions,
whichstructured the discourseand servedas a frameof thinking,
a disciplinedand
economicalwayin whichto divideselffromother(s). Severalotheroppositionscan
be subsumedunderthecore oppositions.These are discussedbelow.
Good/Evil. Good vs. evil was the second core opposition that structuredthis
discourse.This core opposition formedan importantelement in the Cold War
discourseofwhichthisparticularcase was inextricably linked.This battleforhearts
and minds involved"the most basic conceptionsof good and evil" (Secretaryof
State Acheson, 3/16/1950). This Manichean opposition which served to orient
U.S. foreign policy discourse worked at two levels. At one level it served to
constructthe U.S. and the U.S.S.R. as two distinctkinds of subjects; free
world/Communist world, moral/totalitarian, good/evil. Filipinos could then be
dividedaccordingto where theyfellalong thisdivision.When it came to Filipino
subjects,evil mixed with irrationality. This particularlydangerous combination
could notjust be "contained,"it had to be eliminated.The Huk leaderswere thus
regardedas an evilthathad to be eliminated.
At a second level,thisoppositionworkedto objectifythe Philippinesas objectsat
stake in the worldwidestrugglebetween good and evil. They were an essential
"part"of theAsian off-shore island chain of bases, a possible "key"to Sovietcontrol
of the Far East,a "showwindow"of democracy,and "testingground"forAmerican
leadership.
Subject
Positioning
The constructionof subjectsalong the oppositionaldimensionsdiscussed above
simultaneouslypositioned these subjects in a hierarchical arrangement.This
hierarchicalpositioningis evidentin the kindand degree of agencyassignedto the
and knowledgeable
subjectsof these texts.The United States,as speaking,writing,
subject,impliedan extensiveand complex kind of subjectivity thatencompasseda
whole arrayof interconnectedideas,values,and goals whichamountedto a "world
view."The U.S. was an initiatorof action, a formulatorof policy,an assessorof
situations,and a definerof problems.The U.S. and the U.S.S.R. were endowed
witha significant degree of agency.Both were complicatedkindsof subjectswho
had worldviews,and accompanyingrationaland coherentideologies. Along the
dimensionof good vs. evil the U.S. occupied a higherpositionthan the U.S.S.R.
However, when juxtaposed with the Philippines,both the U.S. and U.S.S.R.
became similarkindsof subjects.
In contrast,the subject position(s) available for Filipinosand the Philippines
were much less complex. Filipinosubjectivity did not include a rational,coherent
world view. Support for, as well as nonsupportof, communismwas based on
passion and emotionratherthanon a reasonableassessmentand understandingof
its tenets. This was due to the basic intellectualsimplicityof the Filipino, as
illustratedin Table 1.
Ifwe accept the premisethatthe attributes linkedto human beingscan become
attached to geographical space, then these texts illustrate the discursive
constructionof a particularkind of nation-state, i.e., the "ThirdWorldstate."This
kind of state is characterized by disorder, chaos, corruption,and general
ineptitude.15 At the same time,foreconomic and/or geopoliticalreasons,thisstate
is needed bythe U.S. or theWestmore generally.The "good guys,"the precocious
children, must thereforebe found, constructedas "the people," guided, and
cultivatedto become mature"worldcitizens. "16
The intertextual nature of these textsbecomes importanthere. To borrow a
phrasefromBarthes(1987:135), thesetextswere "pluggedin" to each otheras well
as to othertexts;otherforeignpolicytexts,social science texts,and nonacademic
texts.Though not included in this study,even a cursoryexaminationof social
science literaturedealingwiththe ThirdWorldrevealsthatit containsmanyof the
oppositionsshownhere. This is mostevidentin the area of developmentstudies,
and particularly in the body of literatureknownas "modernizationtheory."17 At
the same time,we see the reproductionof a particularU.S. identity,i.e., moral,
rational,efficient,honest.
Finally,at a more general level,these textsconstructeda hierarchicalstructure
which consistedof varioussubjectpositions.I do not claim to have uncovereda
"deep structure"existingpriorto practice,thatthen made possibleor constrained
the practices of preexistingsubjects.What I do claim to have shown is how
discursivepracticesthemselvesconstructedboth the subjects(withvaryingdegrees
of agency) and the relationsamong them.The "deep structure," then,is no more
or less than these practices.Their significanceand power is to be found in their
abilityto frameinterpretive createmeanings,and therebynaturalizea
possibilities,
particularstateof affairs.
The state of affairsthat was naturalizedin this discourse consisted of three
subject-positions,or kinds of identities;the imminentlyrational, moral, and
powerfulU.S., the equallyrationaland powerfulbut morallylackingU.S.S.R., and
the thirdkind of subjectguided byemotionand passion,yetfullof potentialwith
the proper guidance. The Huks were an example of what could happen without
the properinfluenceand control.
'5The theme of corruption,inefficiency, and ineptitude in Third World governmentsis prevalent in North
Americansocial science literature. Jacksonand Rosberghave describedthe "fundamentalpredicamentof statehood
in Africa"as "its existence almost exclusivelyas an exploitable treasuretrovedevoid of moral value" (1987:527).
GunnarMyrdalused the term"softstate"to describe all underdevelopedcountries."The underdevelopedcountries
are all, thoughin varyingdegrees, 'softstates"' (1970:208). "The term'softstate' is understoodto compriseall the
varioustypesof social indiscipline. . . (1970:208). The point here is not to saywhethercorruptionand inefficiency
are or are not "factsof life"in "underdeveloped"countries.The point is to highlighta particularrepresentationof
"underdeveloped"countries. Corruptionand inefficiencyare attributesthat become elements in the identityof
"underdeveloped"countries'governments,but not "developed" countries'governments.It is significantto note, in
contrast,that corruptionin American politics,e.g., Tammany Hall and big-citypolitics,as well as more current
incidents,e.g., Watergateand Iran--Contra, are contained withinthe domesticboundaries of the U.S. They are not
constitutiveof the identityof the United Statesin internationalrelations.
60n constructing"thepeople" see Weber (1992).
'7For otherstudiesthatmake similarsuggestionssee Escobar (1984),Johnston(1991), Shafer(1988:chap. 6), and
Doty (1991).
'8See Shafer (1988:chap. 5) for a discussionof the linksbetween developmentpolicies, academic theoriesand
prescriptions,
and U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine.
Conclusion
I have attemptedto showhow a foreignpolicydiscoursecreatedspaces forcertain
kindsof subjects.Through representational practicesthatrelied upon a seriesof
oppositionsand otherrelationsa hierarchyof subjectswas createdwhich,in turn,
made certainpracticespossible and precluded others.I have tried to show that
given the world constructedin these policydiscoursessomekind of intervention
wouldbe imperative.
I have also attemptedto broaden our conceptionof whatforeignpolicymaking
is. The "foreign,"the "exotic,"the "other,"withwhomforeignpolicymakersdeal,
are alwaysbeing createdat varioussites.To the extentthatsimilarkindsof subjects
are reproduced in various sites and over periods of time, this result tells us
somethingabout the prevalence of particularrepresentationsthat constructa
hierarchicalworld.Since thisstudyhas onlydealtwithone particularsiteofforeign
policyin a relativelynarrowtimeframe,I can onlyclaim to have shownthatin this
particularcase, a hierarchicalworldwas constructed.19Whatneeds to be done is to
analyzeotherdiscoursesin othersettingsand duringdifferent timeperiods.
19Inthisregardsee Doty (1991) and Millikenand Sylvan(1991). Here I would also call attentionto Herrmann
(1988), who examined the cognitiverepresentations of the Third WorldemployedbySovietelites.He came up with
thatare consistentwithwhatI found in thisstudy.Herrmann'sstudyis significantfortwo
constructionsof "reality"
reasons. First,he examines a differentcase involvingdifferentdocuments,differentsubject matter,and different
actors. Second, the frameworkhe used is quite differentfrom mine. Although he makes use of documents,
Herrmann's focus is on the perceptionsof elites. His study,although it did not address internationalhierarchy,
nonethelesssupportsmyfindingsand adds credence to the notion that internationalhierarchyis based on more
than differentialsin militaryand economic power. His studyalso presupposes a particulardiscourse,i.e., a social
contextwithinwhichelitestereotypes are meaningful.
Appendix
[1] National SecurityCouncil. A Reportto theNational SecurityCouncilby the
ExecutiveSecretary on "The Positionof the UnitedStateswithRespectto the
Philippines,"November6, 1950. (84/1)
[2] National SecurityCouncil. A Reportto theNational SecurityCouncilby the
ExecutiveSecretary on "The Positionof the UnitedStateswithRespectto the
Philippines,"November6, 1950. (84/2)
[3] Reviewof theWorldSituation1949-1950.
[4] Memo fromSecretaryof Stateto President,April20, 1950. Regarding:Recent
Developmentsin the PhilippineSituation.
[5] Memo fromSecretaryof State to President,February2, 1950. Regarding:
RecentDevelopmentsin the PhilippineSituation.
[6] Office of Intelligence Research Report, Survey of the Philippines,
Departmentof State,April15, 1952.
[7] Glenn Craig, MilitaryGroup,JointMDAP SurveyMissionto SoutheastAsia,
September25, 1950.
[8] Semi-annual Appraisal of the Joint U.S. MilitaryAdvisoryGroup to the
Republic of the Philippines.WrittenbyJ.W. Anderson,Major General,U.S.
Army,ChiefAdvisortoJointChiefsof Staff,March25, 1950.
[9] CharlesOgburn,PolicyInformationOfficer,Bureau of Far EasternAffairs, to
AssistantSecretaryof State for Far Eastern Affairs,Rusk, 1951. Foreign
Relations6 (1) :7.
[10] Appraisalof the PhilippineSituationby the AmericanEmbassy,August1951.
ForeignRelations 6 (2):1561.
[11] Memo fromAssistantSecretaryof State for Far Eastern Affairs(Rusk) to
Deputy Under Secretaryof State (Matthews),January31, 1951. Foreign
Relations6 (1) :24.
[12] MacArthurAddressto Congress,April14, 1951,page 1114.
[13] ForeignPolicyBulletin, August25, 1950.
[14] Far Eastern Survey,American Instituteof Pacific Relations,by Russell H.
Fifield,Professorof Political Science, Universityof Michigan,January30,
1951.
[15] U.S. Newsand World Report, "Philippines:Wastevs.U.S. Aid,"January27, 1950.
[16] Memo fromJoint Chiefs of Staff,Omar Bradley,to Secretaryof Defense,
Johnson,September6, 1950.Foreign 1:1485-1489.
Relations
[17] Memo fromOfficerin charge of Economic Affairs, Officeof Philippineand
SoutheastAsianAffairs, Shohan, 1951.Foreign Relations1:1494.
[18] Memo from Charles Ogburn, Policy InformationOfficer,Bureau of Far
EasternAffairs, to AssistantSecretaryof State forFar EasternAffairs, Rusk.
1951.Foreign Relations 6 (1) :7.
[19] Harold C. Hagan, U.S. House of Representatives,June 15, 1953.
[20] William0. Douglas. 1953. North fromMalaya-Adventureon FiveFronts.New
York:Doubleday.
References
ACHESON,D. (1950) Address at the Universityof Californiaat Berkeley.Department of StateBulletin,
March 27.
ASHLEY, R. K. (1984) The Povertyof Neorealism.International Organization 38(2):225-286.
ASHLEY, R. K., ANDR. B. J. WALKER (1990) Reading Dissidence/Writing the Discipline: Crisisand the
Question of Sovereignty in InternationalStudies.InternationalStudiesQuarterly 34(3):367-416.
AXELROD, R., AND R. KEOHANE (1985) Achieving Cooperation under Anarchy: Strategies and
Institutions.World Politics38:226-254.
BARTHES, R. (1974) S/Z. New York:Hill and Wang/NoondayPress.
BARTHES, R. (1987) Textual Analysisof Poe's "Valdemar."In Untying theText,edited by R. Young.
London and New York:Routledgeand Kegan Paul.
BONHAM, M. G., AND M. J. SHAPIRO (1973) CognitiveProcess and Foreign Policy Decision-Making.
International StudiesQuarterly 17(2):147-173.
BONNER, R. (1987) Waltzing witha Dictator.New York:VintageBooks/RandomHouse.
CAMPBELL, D. (1990) Global Inscription:How ForeignPolicyConstitutesthe United States.Alternatives
15(3) :263-286.
CAMPBELL, D. (1992) Writing Security:U.S.ForeignPolicyand thePoliticsofIdentity.
Minneapolis:University
of MinnesotaPress.
CHALOUPKA, W. (1992) Knowing Nukes:ThePoliticsand CultureoftheAtom.Minneapolis: University of
MinnesotaPress.
CLEGG, S. R. (1989) Frameworks ofPower.NewburyPark,CA and London: Sage.
COTTAM, R. (1977) Foreign PolicyMotivation: A GeneralTheory and a Case Study.Pittsburgh: Universityof
Pittsburgh Press.
CRAIG, G. (1950) Attachmentto the MilitaryGroupJointMDAP SurveyMissionto SoutheastAsia,Army
Interim Reporton Philippine Islands.September25, RG330, Box 74,' Folder 000.5-333 Philippines.
In NationalArchives.
CROSS,C. B. (1991) Explanationand the Theoryof Questions.Erkenntnis 34:237-260.
CULLER, J. (1982) OnDeconstruction. Ithaca: CornellUniversity Press.
DERDERIAN, J. (1987) On Diplomacy: A GenealogyofWesternEstrangement. New York:Basil Blackwell.
DERRIDA,J. (1978) Writing and Difference.TranslatedbyAlan Bass. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
DERRIDA,J. (1981) Positions.TranslatedbyAlan Bass. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
DERRIDA, J. (1982) Difference.In MarginsofPhilosophy, translatedbyAlan Bass. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
DESSLER,D. (1989) What's at Stake in the Agent-StructureDebate? InternationalOrganization
43:441-473.
DoTy,R. L. (1991) TheSocialConstruction ofInternational
Hierarchy.UnpublishedPhD thesis,University
of Minnesota,Minneapolis.
DREYFus,H., AND P. RABINOW (1983) MichelFoucault-BeyondStructuralism and Hermeneutics. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
ESCOBAR, A. (1984) Discourse and Power in Development:Michel Foucault and the Relevance of His
Workto theThirdWorld.Alternatives 10:377-400.
FOUCAULT, M. (1972) TheArcheology ofKnowledge.Translatedby A. M. Sheridan. New York:Pantheon
Books.
FOUCAULT, M. (1977) Power/Knowledge. Edited byColin Gordon. New York:PantheonBooks.
Other
References
CongressionalRecord.79th Congress,2d session (July2, 5, 1946) Speeches byRep. JohnW. McCormick
of Massachusettsand Rep. Gordon L. McDonough of Californiain the House.
Current Intelligence (November20, 1953) CIA, Officeof CurrentIntelligence.OCI no. 1026.
Weekly.
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL. (November6, 1950) A Report totheNationalSecurityCouncilbytheExecutive
Secretaryon "ThePositionoftheUnitedStateszvith
RespecttothePhilippines." (NSC84/1) Washington,
D.C.
NewYorkTimes.(June5, 1950) "PhilippineLeague AsksFighton Reds."
NewYorkTimes.(June11, 1950) "U.S. EnvoyEases FilipinoConcern.
Reviewof theWorldSituation1949-1950. U.S. Senate, 81st Congress, 1st and 2d sessions. Historical
Series.Washington,DC: GovernmentPrintingOffice.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. (1950) ForeignRelationsof the UnitedStates,vol. 6. Washington,DC:
GovernmentPrintingOffice.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. (1951) ForeignRelationsoftheUnitedStates,vol. 6, parts 1, 2. Washington,
DC: GovernmentPrintingOffice.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. (1952-1954) Foreign RelationsoftheUnitedStates,
vol. 12, part 1. Washington,
DC: GovernmentPrintingOffice.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. OFFICE OF INTELLIGENCE RESEARCH. (1950) TheHukbalahap.Report#5209.
Washington,DC: GovernmentPrintingOffice.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. OFFICE OF INTELLIGENCE RESEARCH. (1952) A Surveyof thePhilippines.
Background forthe"USIE Country
Information Plan forthePhilippines.
Washington,DC: Government
PrintingOffice.