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Profile: Gender stereotypes


in MTV commercials: The
beat goes on
a b
Nancy Signorielli , Douglas McLeod & Elaine
c
Healy
a
Professor in the Department of
Communication , University of Delaware
b
Assistant Professor in the Department of
Communication , University of Delaware
c
Consultant with Andersen Consulting ,
Washington, DC
Published online: 18 May 2009.

To cite this article: Nancy Signorielli , Douglas McLeod & Elaine Healy (1994)
Profile: Gender stereotypes in MTV commercials: The beat goes on, Journal of
Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 38:1, 91-101, DOI: 10.1080/08838159409364248

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838159409364248

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Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media PROFILE

Gender Stereotypes in MTV


Commercials: The Beat Goes On
Nancy Signorielli, Douglas McLeod, and Elaine Healy

This study examines gender portrayals and stereotyping in a sample of commercials on


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MTV. The findings revealed that characters in MTV commercials, like those in music
videos, are stereotyped. Female characters appeared less frequently, had more
beautiful bodies, were more physically attractive, wore more sexy and skimpy clothing,
and were more often the object of another's gaze than their male counterparts.

Over the past 20 years, content analyses of television and its advertising have
found that women are underrepresented and portrayed in stereotypical ways
(Signorielli, 1985a). This study examines gender stereotyping in a genre not
previously investigated: MTV commercials.
MTV commercials have been proclaimed as trendsetters in commercial
advertising (Dalton, 1985; Gershon & Gantz, 1992). Despite their innovative
contributions to advertising style, MTV commercials may have patterns of
gender-stereotyping found in other commercials. MTV has immense appeal for
adolescents and young adults and has joined the other mass media as an
influential agent of socialization. Advertisers have been drawn to MTV in order to
associate their products with a medium on the cutting edge of the youth culture.

Gender Roles and Television Content

Studies have consistently found that commercials are stereotyped by gender


(Courtney & Whipple, 1983; Signorielli, 1985a). Research conducted over the
past 25 years has revealed that commercials in prime-time and weekend daytime
children's programs rarely use a woman's voice as a voice-over. Moreover, men
are presented as authoritative, even for products used primarily by women (Bretl

Nancy Signorielli (Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania, 1975) is Professor in the Department of Communi-
cation at the University of Delaware. Her research interests include mass media images and effects.
Douglas McLeod (Ph.D., University of Minnesota, 1989) is Assistant Professor in the Department of
Communication at the University of Delaware. His research interests include political communication and
advertising research. Elaine Healy (M.A., University of Delaware, 1992) is a consultant with Andersen
Consulting, Washington, DC. Her research interests include mass media images and organizational
change. Data used in this study were originally collected for the third author's master's thesis. This
manuscript was accepted for publication in June 1993.
1994 Broadcast Education Association

91
92 JOBEM

& Cantor, 1988; Dominick & Rauch, 1972; Lovdal, 1989; O'Donnell & O'Donnell,
1978). While men and women are more equally represented (in terms of
numbers) in prime-time commercials, women are very underrepresented in
commercials aired during children's programs (Doolittle & Pepper, 1975; Riffe,
Goldson, Saxton, & Yu, 1989).
Some recent studies (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Ferrante, Haynes, & Kingsley,
1988; Lovdal, 1989) have examined voice-overs, occupation of major charac-
ters, product spokespersons, and general product categories, comparing find-
ings from recent samples of commercials with those of studies conducted in the
1970s. In short, these analyses found little overall change in the presentation of
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men and women in commercials aired during the prime-time hours.


Standards for attractiveness, particularly in commercials, also appear to be
sexually stereotyped. For example, a content analysis of 4,294 commercials
found some form of attractiveness message once every 3.8 commercials and that
"attractiveness is more associated with women than with men and that men (via
authoritative voice-overs) are forging this attractiveness-women link" (Downs &
Harrison, 1985, p. 17).

MTV, its Audience, and Content

Almost 6 out of 10 television households receive MTV as part of their basic


cable service (MTV Research, 1991). As MTV grew in popularity and its audience
increased in size, companies who wanted to reach young people found that MTV
was an important outlet for their commercial messages. In 1991, 80% of MTV's
audience was between the ages of 12 and 34. Moreover, one quarter of the
audience was between the ages of 12 and 17, an adolescent audience much
larger than that reported for other television networks (MTV Research, 1991). In
addition, adolescent viewers spend an average of over two hours a day watching
MTV (Sun & Lull, 1986).
Whereas research has not yet examined gender stereotyping in MTV commer-
cials, several studies have analyzed the characters in music videos. For example,
Brown and Campbell (1986), using a sample of music videos from MTV and BET
(Black Entertainment Television), found that women and blacks were in the
minority on MTV. White men were seen most often and usually were the center
of attention, while women and blacks remained in the background. Similarly,
Sherman and Dominick (1986) found that women and minorities were underrep-
resented in samples of music videos on MTV and on network television.
Vincent, Davis, and Boruszkowski (1987), using the consciousness scale
developed by Pingree, Hawkins, Butler, and Paisley (1976), found that 56.9% of
the portrayals of women in concept music videos (videos that told a story) were
condescending. Overall, the depiction of gender roles was traditional, and
sexism was high. In a follow-up study using samples of concept videos taken 18
months apart (Vincent, 1989), most of the videos had all male performers and
Winter 1994 93

portrayed women condescendingly. There was, however, a significant rise in the


number of videos that presented women as "fully equal" to men between the
videos taped during the summer of 1985 and those taped during the winter of
1986-1987, from 15.5% to 38.5%. Conversely, there were also small but
significant increases in the amount of sexy or alluring clothing (lingerie, bathing
suits) and nudity in the later sample as compared to the earlier one. Similarly,
Seidman (1992) found that females were more likely than males to wear sexually
revealing clothing. Finally, both males and females were portrayed in sex-typed
occupations.
These findings to date focus only on the content in music videos themselves,
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not in the ads inserted into the programs. This study will extend the literature by
examining gender portrayals in the ads on MTV. The focus of this study is on the
frequency and type of portrayals of females compared to males in the ads.
Two broad research questions guided the study. The first asks how men and
women are portrayed in MTV commercials and hypothesizes that both men and
women will be portrayed in stereotypical ways. Five specific hypotheses relating
to gender images in MTV commercials were tested:

H,: Female characters will appear less frequently than male characters in MTV
commercials.
H 2 : Female characters will be more likely than male characters to be portrayed as
having very fit bodies.
H 3 : Female characters will be rated as more attractive than male characters.
H 4 : Female characters will be more likely than male characters to wear skimpy or
sexy clothing.
H 5 : Female characters will be more likely than male characters to be the object of
another's gaze.

The second research question focuses on whether commercials for different


types of products have a male or female gender orientation. In short, are there
recognizable differences in terms of the types of products that are associated
with men and women?

Method

A sample of MTV commercials was recorded on videotape during five week-


days in mid-November 1991. 1 Six hours of MTV programming were recorded
each day, half between the hours of 3:00 and 6:00 p.m. and half between the
hours of 9:00 p.m. and midnight, the hours (after school and late evening) when
adolescents are most likely to watch MTV.
In total, 550 commercials were recorded. Eliminating repeat commercials, the
final sample consisted of 119 individual commercials. These commercials were
equally likely to be found in the after-school and late evening hours. The high
rate of repetition, both within and across the time parameters, implies that there
94 JOBEM

is a greater likelihood that the images in these commercials will be seen (and
perhaps remembered) by viewers. In order to reflect the actual content of the
time frame in which the commercials were sampled, the data for each commer-
cial were weighted by the number of times it appeared in the entire sample of
550 commercials.2
The recording instrument consisted of two separate units of analysis, the
commercial and the major characters. A commercial was operationalized as an
advertisement with the intent to sell or promote a product, service, event, etc.
This operationalization excluded promotions relating to MTV itself, such as
contests, surveys, and MTV programming. PSAs and other informational spots
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were also excluded.


The type of product (or service) advertised was coded using a 32-product
coding scheme that was collapsed into six categories:

Personal products: appearance, hygiene, and health-related products (n = 31


unweighted; 136 weighted).
Entertainment: games, toys, musical equipment and accessories, and video game
paraphernalia (n = 26 unweighted; 121 weighted).
Clothing and accessories: clothes, shoes, handbags, jewelry, and like products
(n = 16 unweighted; 97 weighted).
Media products: books, magazines, movies, television shows, and like products
(n = 16 unweighted; 84 weighted).
Food and drink: both nutritious and non-nutritious foods, all restaurants, and
alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages (n = 18 unweighted; 68 weighted).
Other: cars, services, household products, and like products (n = 12 un-
weighted; 35 weighted).

Two separate measures of gender orientation were used. The first, visual
gender makeup, was operationalized as the physical presence of males and/or
females in the commercial. A commercial with a male gender makeup had only
males present. A commercial with a female gender makeup had only females
present. A neutral gender makeup commercial contained both males and
females. Categorizing a commercial as "cannot code" meant that there were no
characters. The second measure of gender orientation was the gender of the user
of the product. A product user was operationalized as someone who held,
demonstrated, touched, or was in any way physically associated with the
product. These two measures isolated only male and only female orientations to
focus on the most pure cases of gender orientation.3
The second unit of analysis was the major character (or characters) within a
commercial. Major characters were operationalized as humans who were cen-
tral to the action of the commercial; in short, a commercial's basic nature and
selling intent would be changed if this character did not appear. Announcers
were not considered characters unless they appeared visually in the commercial.
Basic demographic information about the major characters was coded, including
Winter 1994 95

gender, race or ethnicity, and social age (stages of the life cycle, ranging from
infancy to old age).
Physical attractiveness was assessed by four codings. The first item measured
the body type or level of fitness and muscularity of the character. It had three
values: (1) out of shape (poor posture, flabby, soft, weak), (2) average fitness
(little or no focus on muscularity or the body), or (3) very fit (muscular). Second,
the character was rated on a 5-point attractiveness scale, ranging from (1)
repulsive/ugly to (5) very attractive (stunning, above average appeal). Attractive-
ness was defined as the apparent physical attractiveness of the character (as
opposed to the actor/actress) as s/he was portrayed within the commercial.
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Coders relied on the commercial context in making attractiveness judgments


focusing on how the producers framed the character in order to eliminate their
own subjective assessments of physical attractiveness. Third, coders also judged
whether the character wore skimpy or sexy clothing, using a 4-point scale
ranging from (1) neutral (non-sexy) clothing to (4) outright nudity. The final
attractiveness item assessed whether the character was set up as the object of
other characters' attention or admiring gazes.
Fifty commercials (42% of the individual commercials) were selected and
independently coded by two separate coders4 in order to provide data for the
reliability analysis. Intercoder agreement was estimated using Krippendorff's
(1980) alpha. The following reliability coefficients were calculated: product type
(.98); visual gender orientation (.94); gender orientation of the user (.89);
gender (.96); race (.88); body type (.75); attractiveness (.91); sexy clothing
(.86); and object of gaze (.75). All of these variables were nominal in nature
except for two ordinal measures body type and attractiveness.

Findings

The demographic makeup of the characters in MTV commercials parallels the


distribution of characters in music videos (see, for example, Sherman & Domin-
ick, 1986). Almost half of the characters (48.5%) were young adults (about 18 to
25 years), and a little more than a quarter (27.4%) were adults (about 26 to 60
years). Relatively few characters were portrayed as adolescents (11.1%) or as
elderly (12.1%). Children (1.0%) were almost invisible in this sample. More than
9 out of 10 characters (95%) were white. The remaining 5% included all other
racial/ethnic groups (black, 2.3%; Asian, 2.1%; Hispanic, 0.6%).
There was support for hypothesis 1 (see Table 1). Males appeared slightly
more often (54.4%) than females (45.6%) in the sampled MTV commercials
("goodness of fit" X 2 based on a 50/50 distribution was 4 . 1 , df = 1, p < .05).
There was also support for hypothesis 2. Women were more likely than men to
be portrayed as having very fit or beautiful bodies, X 2 (2, N = 489) = 96.3, p <
.001. Almost three quarters of the men were rated as having average bodies,
while more than three quarters of female characters (77.4%) were rated as
having very fit or beautiful bodies.
96 JOBEM

Table 1
Distribution of Appearance-Related Variables
Males Females

N n C% R% n C% R%

Body Typea
Out of shape 55 33 12.6 60.0 22 9.6 40.0
Average 270 191 73.2 70.7 79 34.6 29.3
Very fit 164 37 14.2 22.6 127 55.7 77.4

Attractiveness1"
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Unattractive 32 13 4.7 40.6 19 8.0 59.4


Neither 200 164 58.8 82.0 36 15.1 18.0
Attractive 148 96 34.4 2.2 53 22.3 54.6
Very attractive 136 6 2.2 4.4 130 54.6 95.6

Skimpy/Sexy Clothing 0
Neutral 367 257 93.5 70.0 110 46.2 30.0
Somewhat sexy 76 18 6.5 23.7 58 24.4 76.3
Very sexy 70 70 29.4 100.0

Object of Gazed
Does not appear 324 230 81.0 71.0 94 39.5 29.0
Appears 198 54 19.0 27.3 144 60.5 72.7

Note. Ns vary in this table because some commercials could not be coded on one or more of
these variables.
a 2
X (2, N = 489) = 96.3, p <C .OO1;bX2(3, N = 517) = 206.3, p < .001; X 2 (2, N == 513) =
148.0,p < .001; d X 2 (1,/V" = 522) = 94.7, p < .001.

There was also support for hypothesis 3. Females were rated as more
attractive than males, X2(3, N = 517) = 206.6, p < .001. More than half of male
characters were placed in the middle category of the attractiveness scale, with
slightly more than one third rated as attractive. Hardly any male characters
(2.2%) were rated as extremely attractive or beautiful. Conversely, more than
half of female characters were rated as extremely attractive or beautiful, and
almost one quarter were rated as attractive. Few female characters were rated as
neutral in attractiveness (15.1%) or unattractive (8.0%).
Hypothesis 4 was also supported. Female characters were more likely than
male characters to be portrayed wearing skimpy or sexy clothing, X2(2, N =
513) = 148.0, p < .001. The clothing worn by almost all (93.5%) male
characters was rated as neutral. A small percentage of male characters (6.5%)
were coded as wearing clothing that was somewhat sexy. While slightly less than
half the women in the sample (46.2%) were coded as wearing neutral clothing,
comparatively large percentages of women were coded as wearing somewhat
sexy (24.4%) or very sexy (29.4%) clothing.
Winter 1994 97

Finally, there was support for hypothesis 5. Female characters were more
likely than male characters to be the object of another character's gaze, X 2 (1,
N = 522) = 94.7, p < .001. One out of five male characters (19.0%) was the
object of another character's admiring gaze. In contrast 6 out of 10 female
characters were the object of another's gaze. When one character directed his or
her gaze upon another character the object of the gaze was a female in almost
three quarters of the time.
The second focus of the study examined the gender orientation of the
commercials. The analysis revealed that a majority of the commercials were
oriented toward both men and women in regard to the visual presentation of the
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sexes and the user of the product. When focusing, however, on those commer-
cials that included only men or only women more commercials were oriented
towards men than women. The measure of visual gender makeup indicated that
23.7% of the commercials had only males while 9.6% had only females. The
measure of the gender of the user of the product revealed that in 4 out of 10
commercials only men touched, demonstrated, or were physically associated
with the product. Women, on the other hand, were primary product users in 2
out of 10 commercials. For both measures purely male orientations were found
over twice as many times as purely female orientations.
The relationship between gender roles and the type of product advertised in
MTV commercials was examined by looking at the crosstabulations of the type
of product advertised with two measures of gender orientation (1) the visual
gender orientation of the commercial and (2) the gender orientation of the user
of the product.
The relationship between the type of product advertised and the visual gender
orientation of the commercial is given in Table 2. Most of the commercials had
visual representations of both men and women (85.7% of media products;

Table 2
Crosstabulation of Product Type by the Visual Gender Orientation of the Commercial
Cannot
Only Males Only Females Both Code

Product
Category N n R% C% n R% C% n R% C% n R% C%

Personal 136 22 16.2 17.2 29 21.3 55.8 85 62.5 28.1


Clothing 97 37 38.1 28.9 15 15.5 28.8 41 42.3 13.5 4 4.1 6.9
Media 84 9 10.7 7.0 2 2.4 3.8 72 85.7 23.8 1 1.2 1.7
Entertainment 121 39 32.3 30.5 5 4.1 9.6 38 31.4 12.5 39 32.2 67.2
Food 68 15 22.1 11.7 1 1.5 1.9 39 57.4 12.9 13 19.1 22.4
Misc/Other 35 6 17.1 4.7 28 80.0 9.2 1 2.9 1.7
Total 541 128 23.7 52 9.6 303 56.0 58 10.7

2
X (15,/V= 541) = 180.1, p < .001.
98 JOBEM

62.5% of personal products; 57.4% of food products; 42.3% of clothing; and


31.4% of entertainment products).
When only one gender was represented, the gender was more likely to be a
male than a female, except for commercials for personal products. For example,
38.1% of the commercials for clothing featured only men while only 15.5% of
these commercials featured only women. Only males were seen in 32.3% of the
commercials for entertainment products while 4 . 1 % of these only featured
women.
More than one tenth of the commercials showing only males were for food
and drink, 7.0% were for media products, 28.9% for clothing, 30.5% for
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entertainment, and 17.2% for personal products. On the other hand, there was a
somewhat different product distribution for commercials with only females.
More than three quarters of these commercials were for personal products
(55.8%) and clothing (28.8%) and one tenth were for entertainment products.
Only 5% of the commercials showing only women advertised media or food-
related products.
Commercials with only male product users were somewhat equally divided
among the four categories, but with females almost three quarters of the
commercials with only female product users were for personal products (see
Table 3).
Personal products were the only type of commercials more likely to have
female rather than male users (55.1% vs. 41.2%). More than half of entertain-
ment commercials had male users and one third (33.1%) had no specific user.
Clothing commercials usually had male (39.2%) or both male and female users
(30.9%). Similarly almost half of the commercials for food or drinks were
classified as having both male and female users. Finally, more than 6 out of 10

Table 3
Crosstabulation of Product Type by the Visual Gender Orientation of the
User of the Product

Cannot
Only Males Only Females Both Code

Product
Category N n R% C% n R% C% n R% C% n R% C%

Personal 136 56 41.2 26.3 75 55.1 72.8 5 3.7 5.0


Clothing 97 38 39.2 17.8 15 15.5 14.6 30 30.9 30.0 14 14.4 11.2
Media 84 23 27.4 10.8 9 10.7 9.0 52 61.9 41.6
Entertainment 121 68 56.2 31.9 5 4.1 4.9 8 6.6 8.0 40 33.1 32.0
Food 68 15 22.1 7.8 8 11.8 7.8 32 47.1 32.0 13 19.1 10.4
Misc/Other 35 13 37.1 6.1 16 45.7 16.0 6 17.1 4.8
Total 541 213 39.4 103 19.0 100 18.5 125 23.1

X2(15,/V=541) = 32 < .001.


Winter 1994 99

commercials for media products could not be classified by the specific gender of
the user.

Discussion

Commercials on MTV are gender-stereotyped. Even though a large percentage


of commercials were geared toward both men and women, the data consistently
revealed that when one gender was the target of a commercial, the target was
typically male. The visual gender makeup of the commercial and the gender of
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the user had more than twice as many only male commercials as only female
commercials. It is particularly interesting to note that males were far more likely
than females to handle or control the object being advertised. This may reveal a
bias on the part of advertisers that males are more effectively associated with the
strengths of a particular product than females.
The types of products classified as male and female also revealed a gender
bias. The product type most often oriented toward males was entertainment-
related. In contrast, the product type most often oriented toward females was
personal products products with the primary purpose of improving or enhanc-
ing the physical attractiveness of the buyer. While commercials with only male
characters included products reflecting fun and action, commercials with only
female characters focused on products related to looking good. These gender
associations with particular product types reveal that in regard to the specific
users of the products and the visual nature of the commercials there were
stereotypical designations of women's and men's roles.
The analyses of character attributes also revealed that commercials on MTV
were filled with stereotypical information about gender roles. Female characters
in these commercials appeared less frequently, had more beautiful bodies, were
more physically attractive, wore more sexy and skimpy clothing, and were more
often the object of another's gaze than male characters. All of these findings
supported the idea that visual attention was highly emphasized for female
characters. The portrayals in these commercials reveal a disturbing message:
The primary purpose of women's effort is to "look good" and to be the object of
the visual attention of others.
This study revealed that despite MTV's status as a "cutting edge" genre of
television, MTV's advertisers continue to utilize stereotyped images and appeals
in their commercials. Consequently, the messages about gender roles that
adolescents might learn from MTV commercials uphold traditional restrictive
views of men and women. On the whole the findings of this study, while
examining somewhat different variables, corroborate findings from recent con-
tent analyses of commercials in prime-time programs illustrating the persistence
of sex-role stereotypes (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Ferrante et al., 1988; Lovdal,
1989).
This study indicated that MTV commercials preserve and perpetuate stereo-
100 JOBEM

types about women. If adolescents, as is likely, utilize MTV as a source of social


learning about gender roles, then they receive warped views of the roles and
responsibilities of women in society. While we cannot say there is a causal
relationship between commercial content and social problems like rape, eating
disorders, and discrimination in the workplace, MTV commercials in no way
contribute to a reduction of misconceptions about women and women's roles in
society. As a popular maxim states, "If you're not part of the solution, you're
part of the problem."

Notes
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1
The choice of a week-long sample may be a limitation of the study. This decision, however, was
based upon the methodology of previous content analyses of television content, many of which have
used week-long samples (see, for example, Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Downs & Harrison, 1985;
O'Donnell & O'Donnell, 1978; Signorielli, 1985b).
2
Analyses conducted on the weighted and unweighted data sets yielded similar findings. The
weighted data are reported because they represent a more realistic approximation of the imagery seen
during a week of viewing.
3
Commercials with mixed genders and those without characters were not included in the product
user coding schemes.
4
All of the commercials were coded by the third author; the second coding for the reliability analysis
was completed by two other (one male and one female) master's students at the University of
Delaware.

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