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Although many may argue with my stress on the continuity of the essential traits of American
character and religion, few would question the thesis that our business institutions have reflected
the constant emphasis in the American value system on individual achievement. From the earliest
comments of foreign travelers down to the present, individuals have identified a strong
materialistic bent as a characteristic American trait. The worship of the dollar, the desire to make
a profit, the effort to get ahead through the accumulation of possessions, all have been credited
to the egalitarian character of the society.
Although the American labour movement is similar to others in many respects, it differs from
those of other stable democracies in ideology, class solidarity, tactics, organizational structure,
and patterns of leadership behaviour. American unions are more conservative; they are more
narrowly self-interested; their tactics are more militant; they are more decentralized in their
collective bargaining; and they have more full-time salaried officials, who are on the whole much
more highly paid. American unions have also organized a smaller proportion of the labour force
than have unions in these other nations.
The growth of a large trade-union movement during the 1930s, together with the greater political
involvement of labour organizations in the Democratic party, suggested to some that the day
long predicted by Marxistswas arriving in which the American working class would finally follow
in the footsteps of its European brethren. Such changes in the structure of class relations seemed
to these observers to reflect the decline of opportunity and the hardening of class lines. To them,
such changes could not occur without modification in the traditional value system.
A close examination of the character of the American labour movement suggests that it, like
American religious institutions, may be perceived as reflecting the basic values of the larger
society. Although unions, like all other American institutions, have changed in various ways
consistent with the growth of an urban industrial civilization, the essential traits of American trade
unions, as of business corporations, may still be derived from key elements in the American value
system.
1. If the claims made in the passage about American and foreign labour unions are
correct, how would the unions be expected to react during a strike against a
corporation?
A. American labour unions would be less likely than foreign unions to use violence against a
corporation.
B. American labour unions would be more likely than foreign unions to use violence against a
corporation.
C. American labour unions would be less likely than foreign unions to bargain with a
corporation.
D. American labour unions would be more likely than foreign unions to bargain with a
corporation.
E. American labour unions would be more likely than foreign unions to agree to the proposals of
a corporation.
A. American union leaders who are highly paid to negotiate on behalf of workers
B. American labour organizations that avoid involvement in non-labour issues
C. American workers with a weak sense of group solidarity
D. American corporations that are more interested in helping people than in making a profit
E. The primary motive of American companies is to make profits
3. Based on the information given in the passage, which of the following is/are NOT
true?
I. American society emphasizes class solidarity over individual achievement.
II. American unions are less interested in non-labour issues than unions in other democracies.
III. American labour organizations and American religious institutions share some of the same
values.
A. I only
B. II only
C. II and III
D. I, II and III
E. None