Documenti di Didattica
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(1886-1899)
American Sentinel, Vol. 1 (1886)
January 1886
March 1886
"Relation of Civil Governments to the Moral Law" American Sentinel
1, 3.
E. J. Waggoner
Among right-minded persons there can be no question as to the right of
earthly governments to exist. There is a class of persons known as "Anarchists,"
who deny that there is any necessity for government or law, or that one person
has a right for exercise authority over another; but these persons, true to their
name, believe in nothing; had they the power, they would cast God down from
the throne of the universe as readily as they would the earth monarch from his
limited dominion. With such persons we have nothing to do. It is useless to argue
with those who will not admit self-evident propositions. The only argument that
that can effectually reach them is the strong arm of the law, which they hate. Our
argument shall be addressed to those who acknowledge God as the Creator and
the supreme Ruler of the universe, and the Bible as the complete and perfect
revelation of his will concerning his creatures on this earth. With such, the
declaration of the prophet, that "the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and
giveth it to whomsoever he will" (Dan. 4:25), and the statement of the apostle,
that "the powers that be are ordained of God" (Rom. 13:16), together with many
other Scripture references to earthly governments, are sufficient evidence that
nations have a right to exist.
Admitting that earthly governments are in the divine order of things, the next
question is, For what purpose? The word itself indicates the answer:
Governments exist for the purpose of governing, or, in other words, for the
purpose of enforcing laws by which justice and harmony may be maintained. The
apostle Peter says that governments are sent by the Lord "for the punishment of
evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well." 1 Peter 2:13, 14. Paul says
also that the ruler if God's minister to execute wrath upon them that do evil. Rom.
13:4.
The next step in the investigation would naturally be to find out what laws
earthly rulers
22
are to execute. This is plainly indicated in the text first referred to. If the ruler is a
minister of God, then the laws against which he is to execute wrath, need be
such laws as God can approve-they must be in perfect harmony with the laws of
God. Indeed, it could not be otherwise; for since God's law is perfect (Ps 19:7),
covering in its range every act and thought (see Eccl. 12:13, 14; Heb. 4:12; Matt.
5:20-22, 27, 28), even, human law must be embraced with its limits. No one can
dissent from this proposition. It is one of the fundamental principles of human
law, as will be seen by the following extract from Blackstone's commentaries:-
"Upon these two foundations, the law of nature and the law of revelation,
depend all human laws; that is to say, that no human laws should be suffered to
contradict these. There are, it is true, a great number of indifferent points in which
both the divine law and the natural leave a man at his own liberty, but which are
found necessary, for the benefit of society, to be restrained within certain limits.
And beside it is that human laws have their greatest force and efficacy, for with
regard for such points as are not indifferent, human laws are only declaratory of,
and act in subordination to the former. To instance in the case of murder: This is
expressly forbidden by the divine, and demonstrably by the natural law; and from
these prohibitions arises the true unlawfulness of this crime. These human laws
that assess a punishment to it, do not at all increase its guilt, or superadd any
fresh obligation, in fora conscientia [in the court of conscience], to abstain from
its perpetration. Nay, if any human law should allow or enjoin as to commit it, we
are bound to transgress that human law, or else we must offend both the natural
and the divine."-Blackstone, vol. 1, p. 36.
The State, then, according to both sacred and secular testimony, has no
power to contravene the law of God, it cannot declare an act to be right or wrong
unless God's law so declares it, and in that case the innocence or guilt arising
from the performance of the act is due solely to the enactments of God's moral
law, and not to the human enactment, the latter being subordinate to the former.
The indifferent points, in which, as Blackstone says, human laws have their only
inherent force, are such as regulate commerce, the tariff upon imported goods,
etc. These are simply matters of convenience or expediency.
These questions being settled, the last and most important one is this: How
far in morals have human laws jurisdiction? or, For how much of the violation of
the moral law has God ordained that earthly rulers shall be his ministers to
execute wrath? The Bible, which settles every important question concerning
man's duty, must also divide this. We shall find the answer in the thirteenth
chapter of Romans, a portion of which must be briefly examined:-
"Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but
of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth
the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to
themselves damnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil.
Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou shalt
have praise of the same: For he is the minister of God to thee for good." Rom.
13:1-4.
The "high powers" do not include the highest power. While every soul is to be
subject to earthly powers, some are absolved from allegiance to God. The
service of the two will not be incompatible, so long as the earthly powers fulfill the
object for which they are ordained, viz., to act as ministers for good. When they
forget this, their subjects are bound to follow the example of the apostles under
similar circumstances, and say, "We ought to obey God rather than men." Acts
2:28.
The verses above quoted from the thirteenth of Romans show plainly that
earthly governments alone are the subject of consideration in that chapter. The
following verses show, with equal clearness, the extent of their jurisdiction:-
"Owe no man any thing, but to love one another: for he that loveth another
hath fulfilled the law. For this, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not kill,
Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shalt not covet; and
if there be any other commandment, it is briefly comprehended in this saying,
namely, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. Love worketh no ill to his
neighbour; therefore love is the fulfilling of the law." Rom. 13:8-10.
"He that loveth another hath fulfilled the law," and "love is the fulfilling of the
law." What law?-Why, the law concerning which earthly rulers are the ministers.
The law of God is summed up in the two great commandments: "Thou shalt love
the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind,"
and, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." See Matt. 22:36-40. The second
great commandment, defining our duty to our fellow-men, is expanded into the
last six precepts of the decalogue, showing to what law he refers when he says,
"He that loveth another hath fulfilled the law." To make this still more emphatic, he
closes his enumeration of the commandments composing the last table of the
decalogue, with the statement that "love worketh no ill to his neighbor, therefore
love is the fulfilling of the law." Now since the apostle is speaking only of earthly
governments, and the duty of their subjects, we know that he who does no ill to
his neighbor-loves his neighbor as himself-has fulfilled all the law of which these
earthly governments are empowered to take notice.
Thus it is seen that Paul's argument concerning the office of civil government
is confined to the last six commandments of the decalogue. But let it not be
supposed that human governments can recognize all violations of even these
last six commandments. Earthly governments are solely for the purpose of
securing to their subjects mutual rights. So long as a man does no ill to his
neighbor, the law cannot molest him. But any violation of the law of God affects
the individual himself first of all. For example: Christ said that the seventh
commandment may be violated by a single lustful look and evil desire; but such
look and desire do not injure anyone except the individual indulging in them; it is
only when they result in the commission of the open act of adultery, thus injuring
others besides the adulterer himself, that human governments can interfere. To
God alone belongs the power to punish sins of the mind.
Of the sixth commandment we are told that whosoever hates another has
violated it; but the State cannot prevent a man from hating another, nor take any
notice of hatred until it culminates in open crime.
There are innumerable ways in which the fifth commandment may be
violated, for which the civil government has neither the right nor the power to
punish. Only in extreme cases can the State interfere. A man may be covetous,
and yet he is not liable to punishment until his covetousness results in open theft
or swindling. Yet before the act is accomplished, of which the State can take
notice, a man's covetousness or lying or hatred may work great annoyance to his
neighbors.
We see, then, how imperfect are human governments even within the sphere
allotted to them. God alone has the power to read the heart, and he alone has
the right to "bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be
good or whether it be evil." With matters of purely a religious nature-those which
rest solely upon our relation to God, and not to our neighbor-human governments
have no right to interfere. Concerning them, each individual is answerable to God
alone.
April 1886
"What Do They Want?" American Sentinel 1, 4.
E. J. Waggoner
The second article of the Constitution of the National Reform Association
reads, in part as follows: "The object of this society shall be to maintain existing
Christian features in the American Government; . . . And to secure such an
amendment to the Constitution of the United States as will declare the nation's
allegiance to Jesus Christ, and its acceptance of the moral laws of the Christian
religion, and indicate that this is a Christian nation, and place all the Christian
laws, institutions, and usages of our Government on an undeniable legal basis in
the fundamental law of the land."
We must suppose that those words are intended to conceal some ulterior
design; for we are morally certain that none of the National Reformers care to
see just the condition of things which the above article might, on a casual
reading, seem to demand. By a little examination of the subject we can see that
the expressed object of the National Reform Party could not be realized unless
the religious bodies this country should undergo a great transformation.
Our first question is, What is Christianity? Webster defines it as, "The religion
of Christians; the system of doctrines and precepts taught by Christ." Then right
in connection with this, we must answer the question, What are Christian
institutions? The obvious answer is, The ordinances of the Christian religion;
instituted by Christ. And as all the professed followers of Christ, professors of the
Christian religion, are termed as a body, the church we may say that Christian
institutions are ordinances of the Christian church.
When we come to an examination of the subject of Christian ordinances, we
shall find that there are very few of them. The apostle Paul describes one of them
in 1 Cor. 11:23-26: "For I have received of the Lord that which delivered unto you,
That the Lord Jesus, the same night in which he was betrayed, took bread; and
when he had given thanks, he brake it, and said, Take, eat; this is my body, which
is broken for you; this do in remembrance of me. After the same manner also he
took the cup, when he had supped, saying, This cup is the new testament in my
blood; this do ye, as oft as ye drink it, in remembrance of me. For as often as ye
eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord's death till he come."
One Christian ordinance, then, is the Lord's Supper. It was instituted by
Christ, is enjoined upon all his followers, and is peculiar to Christianity. One
more: Just as Christ was about to ascend to Heaven, he said to his disciples: "Go
ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature. He that believeth
and is baptized shall, be saved; but he that believeth not shall be damned." Mark
16:15, 16. To these two ordinances some Christians add the washing of feet as
found in John 13:1-15; but all are agreed on the first two. Here, then, we have
two, or at the most, three Christian ordinances. They are peculiar to Christianity,
and besides them there are no others.
Some one will exclaim, "What about the Golden Rule?" We reply, That is not
peculiar to Christianity. Do not misunderstand us. We do not say that the keeping
of it is not necessary to Christianity, but that it is not peculiar to Christianity. When
our Saviour said, "All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do
ye even so to them," he immediately added, "for this is the law and the prophets."
The golden rule is simply a summary of the last six precepts of the decalogue;
but the decalogue was in existence and of obligation before man fell, and
consequently before there was any need of Christianity. The ten commands,
which comprise all primary obligation, would have been just as much in force as
they are now, even if there had been no fall involving the necessity for a Christian
religion; and more than this, they are now, as they were in the beginning, of
universal obligation; so that they are equally binding on Jews, Mohammedans,
Christians, and pagans. But baptism and the Lord's Supper not only are not
obligatory upon Jews, Mohammedans, and pagans, but they are positively
denied to such until they profess allegiance to Christ.
We repeat, therefore, that the only possible Christian ordinances are baptism,
the Lord's Supper, and the ordinance of humility, or feet-washing. These are the
features which outwardly indicate the possession of Christianity. And therefore if
a nation is to be really a "Christian nation," these features must exist in it. If it
demands that all its subjects submit to these ordinances, then it will be, in name,
a Christian nation; but if none of these features exist in it, then it is in no sense a
Christian nation.
Has the United States any of these Christian features? Does it require any or
all of them as a condition of citizenship? Everybody answers, No. Then it has no
"existing Christian features" to be maintained. National Reform zeal, therefore, in
that particular, is entirely misapplied.
Now for a brief consideration of the difficulties in the way of making this a
"Christian nation," i.e., a nation having Christian features. At the outset we are
met with a controversy over baptism. A large and respectable body of Christian
professors hold that nothing but immersion is baptism. Many more hold that
sprinkling meets the requirement of the Saviour; while still others teach that
either immersion, sprinkling, or pouring is baptism. Most immersionists hold that
a single immersion is all that can be allowed, while some claim three immersions
are necessary to constitute baptism. Here is an irreconcilable controversy; for
though the matter has been under discussion for centuries, it is no nearer a
settlement than in the beginning. Concerning the Lord's Supper there is almost
equal division. A large part of the so-called Christian church withholds the cup
from the laity, while many are of late disposed to dispense with the entire
ordinance. As for the third ordinance, it is celebrated by but few, the greater part
of professed Christians being utterly opposed to it.
But it is useless to carry this point any further, for if you were to put the
question, the entire body of "National Reformers" would with one voice declare
that they desire no such thing as that the nation shall recognize baptism, the
Lord's Supper, etc. And in so saying they would speak the truth. Nevertheless
they do declare that this is, or ought to be, a Christian nation, and that "all
Christian laws, institutions, and usages," should be placed "on an undeniable
legal basis in the fundamental law of the land;" and we know that that can be
done only by making the Constitution require the celebration of baptism and the
Lord's Supper as a condition of citizenship. It must be that they have something
else in mind, which in their opinion is peculiar to Christianity, and upon which
there would not be among professed Christians so much difference of opinion.
What do they want, anyway? In a future article we shall let them tell for
themselves. E. J. W.
May 1886
June 1886
July 1886
August 1886
"Will 'National Reformers' Persecute?" American Sentinel 1, 8.
E. J. Waggoner
In the "National Reform" convention held in Pittsburgh, in February, 1874, Dr.
A. A. Hodge made a speech in favor of the proposed amendment, in the course
of which he uttered the following words:-
"If the Christian majority prevail and maintain Christian institutions, the infidel
minority will be just where they have always been, and the exact position in
which they voluntarily accepted citizenship; and while they may be restrained
from some self-indulgence, they can be constrained as to violation of their
convictions.
"On the other hand, if the unbelieving minority prevail, the Christian majority
will lose their precious heritage from their fathers, which they held in trust for their
children, and they will be outlawed. For, when the law of man contradicts the law
of God, the Christian has no alternative but to obey the law of God, disobey the
law of man, and take the consequences."
From this deliverance we draw the following necessary conclusions:-
The idea intended to be conveyed is that "we," the "National Reformers," are
all good; "we," would not persecute anybody; but if the unbelieving minority
should prevail, "we," the innocent and helpless majority, would be at their mercy.
As a piece of sentimental cant, the utterance was a success; to common sense
and truth, it was a failure, for minorities have never yet persecuted majorities,
and the very idea of such a thing is absurd. No matter how violent a man may be,
the man who has twice the power that he has is in no danger. What Dr. Hodge
calls the "unbelieving minority," now occupies, according to the "National
Reformers," the very ground for which they are striving. The "Reformers" claim
that they want to Christianize this Government, then it must be that this
"unbelieving minority" now holds the ground, and yet we have not heard of any
persecution being raised against the "Christian majority." As a matter of fact, no
people have ever suffered persecution for consciences' sake, except from the
hands of those who professed some form of religion.
These "National Reformers" do not agree among themselves. Dr. Hodge says
that: If their project carries, infidels will be just where they have always been. But
Mr. Coleman says that the essence of their movement will "disfranchise every
logical conscientious infidel." We believe Mr. Coleman's statement because (1)
from the very nature of the case the "Reformers," if successful, must disfranchise
those who dissent from their position, and because (2) Dr. Hodge's very
statement provides not only for the persecution of those Christians who may
disagree with the majority. Notice carefully the following:-
"On the other hand, if the unbelieving minority prevail, the Christian majority
will lose their precious heritage from their fathers, which they hold in trust for their
children, and they will be outlawed. For, when the law of man contradicts the law
of God, the Christian has no alternative but to obey the law of God, disobey the
law man, and take the consequences."
With the last clause we agree. Where there is a conflict between the law of
God and the law of man, the law of God must have a preference. "But," say the
"National Reformers," "we propose to make the law of God the law of the land,
and then there can be no persecution, because a law of men will coincide with
that of God. "The fallacy in this proposition lies in the assumption that they, if
successful, will make the perfect law of God the law of the land, or that, if they
should do so, all who revere God's law would agree with their understanding of it.
They count on there being no dissenters except infidels, forgetting or ignoring the
fact that there are conscientious differences of opinions even among Christians.
It is a fact that among professed Christians there is not perfect unanimity of
opinion concerning the law of God. On this point the Christian world may be
divided into the following classes:-
1. Those who hold that the law of God is binding upon all men.
2. Those who hold that the law was abolished at the cross, and that it now
has no claim upon anybody. The first class may be still further divided as follows:-
1. Those who hold that the fourth commandment requires the observance of
the seventh day of the week, commonly called Saturday.
2. Those who believe that the fourth commandment now enjoins the
observance of the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday.
As all of those who reject the authority of God's law are agreed that Sunday is
the proper rest day for mankind, it follows that the only practical controversy over
the law of God is concerning the application of the fourth commandment; the
great majority of professed Christians including the National Reformers, construe
it as enjoining the Sunday rest, while a small minority are positive in their
conscientious conviction that it requires them to keep Saturday. Now even
allowing that the majority are actually right, and that their interpretation of the law
of God is correct, the fact remains that a minority do not admit their interpretation.
Those in the minority are conscientious in their belief that the laws which the
majority sustain is opposed to the law of God, and when the law of man conflicts
with the law of God, Christians have no alternative but to obey the latter, and
disobey the former, they must follow their convictions, and, as Dr. Hodge says,
"take the consequences." That these "consequences" would be punishment for
violating the law of the land, is a necessary and obvious conclusion. Dr. Hodge
says in the same speech from which we have quoted:-
"The Christian minister receives the word of God as the law of the church,
and interprets it for himself! The Christian magistrate receives the same word as
his rule in the State, so far as it casts light upon human duties and relations
involved in the function of government; and the magistrate interprets it for
himself."
Those who violate the laws so interpreted by the magistrates, are always
punished by the magistrates. It may be that the accused one has obeyed the law,
according to his own view of it, but that does not shield him from punishment; in
the eyes of the magistrate, he is a criminal, but punishment for following one's
own conviction concerning the law of God, is persecution for consciences' sake.
Therefore we say that if the Amendmentists succeed in carrying out their plans,
there will be religious persecution just as surely as there will be conscientious
Christians who dissent from their views. He who cannot see this is blind indeed.
Indeed, the only ground on which they pretend that they will not persecute is that
infidels have no convictions; and that all but infidels will agree with them. We are
not prepared to admit that infidels have no convictions; but we are prepared to
say that there are Christians who do not accept "National Reform" doctrine, and
who have convictions. E. J. W.
November 1886
January 1887
"'Believing that Almighty God is the source of all power and authority in civil
government, that the Lord Jesus Christ is the Ruler of nations, and that the
revealed Will of Cod is of Supreme authority in civil affairs;
"'Remembering that this country was settled by Christian men, with Christian
ends in view, and that they gave a distinctly Christian character to the institutions
which they established;
"'Perceiving the subtle and persevering attempts which are made to prohibit
the reading of the Bible in our Public Schools, to overthrow our Sabbath Laws, to
corrupt the Family, to abolish the Oath, Prayer in our National and State
Legislatures, pays of Fasting and Thanksgiving and other Christian features of
our institutions, and so to divorce the American Government from all connection
with the Christian religion;
"'Viewing with grave apprehension the corruption of our politics, the legal
sanction of the Liquor Traffic, and the disregard of moral and religious character
in those who are exalted to high places in the nation;
"'Believing that a written Constitution ought to contain explicit evidence of the
Christian character and purpose of the nation which frames it, and perceiving that
the silence of the Constitution of the United States in this respect is used as an
argument against all that is Christian in the usage and administration of our
Government;
"'We, citizens of the United States, do associate ourselves under the
followings ARTICLES, and pledge ourselves to God, and to one another, to labor,
through wise and lawful means, for the ends herein set forth:-
ARTICLE I
ARTICLE II
February 1887
March 1887
May 1887
But the case is put as a matter of conscience. Thus, A. says, "My conscience
requires me to rest on Sunday, and it offends and grieves me sorely to see others
working on that day. To be sure, it doesn't hinder me from resting, but it disturbs
my peace of mind." Well, suppose we interview your neighbor who thus disturbs
your peace of mind. B. says, "My conscience and my understanding of the Bible
demand that I should rest on Saturday, and consequently labor on Sunday. It
grieves me sorely to see neighbor A. working as I am going to church, and my
worship is often disturbed by the rattling of his heavy wagon, or the sound of his
hammer." Now is there any principle which can be invoked to uphold the State in
compelling B. to rest on Sunday, so that A.'s feelings shall not be ruffled, while it
allows A. to go his way on Saturday, regardless of the feelings of B.? We have
never heard of any, except that ninety-nine one-hundredths of the people want to
rest on Sunday, while only about one one-hundredth of the people care to rest on
Saturday. But this is the principle that the wishes of the majority must be gratified
regardless of the wishes, or even the rights, of the minority. It is the principle of
tyrants, the principle that might makes right. It is the principle which protects the
lion from the lamb; which grants concessions to the rich, who can take care of
themselves, at the expense of the poor, who have not power to protest. It is the
principle which directly contravenes the divine command: "All things whatsoever
ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." "This wisdom
descendeth not from above, but is earthly, sensual, devilish."
But it is urged that Sunday is the day divinely appointed for rest, and that,
therefore, the State in enforcing its observance, is compelling men simply to do
what is right, and what they ought to do voluntarily. Well, suppose that men really
ought to keep Sunday; here are some honest, conscientious men who cannot
see it so; they read their Bibles carefully, and can see no command for Sunday
observance, but think that they are plainly commanded to observe the seventh
day. They cannot rest on Sunday without working on Saturday, and their
conscience will not allow them to do that. If now the State steps in and says that
they must, because it is right, the State becomes conscience for them, and Paul's
declaration, "To his own Master he standeth or falleth," is ignored. And if the man
submits in this, he becomes the worst kind of a slave. One may by force of
circumstances yield his bodily strength to another, and still be a free man, but he
who submits his conscience to another, parts with his manhood. We think no one
who has a mind capable of deciding a case upon its merits, can deny the simple
principles which are here laid down. They are in harmony with the law of God
and our own charter of liberty; and therefore they who seek to compel even a
single individual to violate is conscience, proclaim themselves the enemies both
of God and of man. E. J. W.
July 1887
"A Little Comparison" American Sentinel 2, 5.
E. J. Waggoner
The Christian Statesman of February 24 says:-
"The constant struggle for place and self and power in American politics,
closely resembles the struggles for the throne in the last days of the Roman
Empire, and every thoughtful student of history must be struck by the
correspondence."
Very true; and the thoughtful student of history will be struck by another
correspondence which the Statesman forgot to mention. In the last days of the
Roman Empire many professed Christians, whose zeal outran their piety, thought
that politics would be vastly improved if only the church were placed under State
patronage, and were allowed a controlling voice in public affairs. Accordingly
Constantine did for the church just what the National Reform Association is trying
to accomplish in these days. What he did, and its consequences, is thus told by
Eugene Lawrence:-
"In the last great persecution under Diocletian the bishops of Rome probably
fled once more to the catacombs. Their churches were torn down, their property
confiscated, their sacred writings destroyed, and a vigorous effort was made to
extirpate the powerful sect. But the effort was vain. Constantine soon afterward
became emperor, and the bishop of Rome emerged from the catacombs to
become one of the ruling powers of the world. This sudden change was followed
by an almost total loss of the simplicity and purity of the days of persecution.
Magnificent churches were erected by the emperor in Rome, adorned with
images and pictures; where the bishop sat on a lofty throne, encircled by inferior
priests, and performing rites borrowed from the splendid ceremonial of the pagan
temple. The bishop of Rome became a prince of the empire, and lived in a style
of luxury and pomp that awakened the envy or the just indignation of the heathen
writer Marcellinus. The church was now enriched by the gifts and bequests of the
pious and the timid; the bishop drew great revenues from his farms in the
Campagna, and his rich plantations in Sicily; he rode through the streets of Rome
in a stately chariot, and clothed in gorgeous attire; his table was supplied with a
profusion more than imperial; the proudest women of Rome loaded him with
lavish donations, and followed him with their flatteries and attentions; and his
haughty bearing and profuse luxury were remarked upon by both pagans and
Christians as strangely inconsistent with the humility and simplicity enjoined by
the religion which he professed.
"The bishopric of Rome now became a splendid prize, for which the ambitious
and unprincipled contended by force or fraud. The bishop was elected by the
clergy and populace of the city, and this was the only elective office at Rome.
Long deprived of all the rights of freemen, and obliged to accept the senators and
consuls nominated by the emperors, the Romans seemed once more to have
gained a new liberty in their privilege of choosing their bishop. They exercised
their right with a violence and a factious spirit that showed them to be unworthy
of possessing it. On the election day the streets of Rome were often filled with
bloodshed and riot. The rival factions assailed each other with blows and
weapons. Churches were garrisoned, stormed, sacked, and burned; and the
opposing candidates, at the head of their
53
respective parties, more than once asserted their spiritual claims by force of
arms."
Much more might be given to the same effect. The struggle for place and
power is not yet so openly shameless as it was in the days of Rome's decline;
but once let the church, as a church, enter into politics, and the climax will be
reached. The lesson which the thoughtful student of history will draw from this, is
that men cannot be converted by the forms of religion, and that if the State is
controlled by unprincipled men, a union of Church and State will simply result in
the church's being controlled by the same wicked men. The unregenerated
human nature that is in any man will make itself manifest whether he is in the
church or out of it.
E. J. W.
August 1887
September 1887
The above communication is from one for whom we entertain sincere respect,
and for this reason, as well as because the SENTINEL can afford to be more
than fair, we give it a place in our columns. We have no desire except for truth;
and if anything that anyone could write would overthrow any of the positions
which the SENTINEL has taken, we would publish it as willingly as we did those
positions. But although we have unbounded confidence in our correspondent's
honesty, we think he is not so well informed on the question of National Reform
as we are, and we shall therefore review his statements seriatim.
1. Positive argument would be much more conclusive than our friend's
modest disclaimer. He thinks that the object of National Reform is not the union
of Church and State; we know that its object is the union of Church and State, to
the fullest extent that such a union ever existed. We say we know this, and so we
do, if we may believe the statements of those who seem to be at the head of the
movement. It is true that no member of the association says that a union of
Church and State is the object of the movement; on the contrary, they
emphatically declare that it is not; but at the same time they most urgently
demand a condition of things which would be nothing else. It is possible that they
do not know what would constitute a union of Church and State, and imagine that
if they give some other name to that which
69
they are working for, no evil results will follow. But we care not for names; the
mere name of Church and State union can do no harm, but the thing itself can,
by whatever name it is called.
To show that we have reason for saying that we know that the National
Reform movement does design a practical union of Church and State, we re-
quote the following specimen statements made by prominent National
Reformers, and published in the official organs of that association:-
In the Christian Statesman, in March, 1884, Rev. J. W. Foster said, among
other things:-
"According to the Scriptures, the State and its sphere exist for and to serve
the purpose of the church;" and again he affirms that in the ideal National Reform
State, "The expenses of the church in carrying on her public, aggressive work, it
meets in whole or in part out of the public treasury." This means the taxation of
the people to support the church as a branch of the government. How a more
complete union of Church and State could be made, we cannot imagine. And
right in harmony with Mr. Foster's statements, but far more explicit, is the
following from the Christian Nation, July 14, 1886:-
"It is the duty of civil rulers, in subordination to Christ, to recognize the church,
its ordinances, and its laws. It is not merely that the existence of such an
organization is owned and tolerated, but a statutory arrangement, confessing the
divine origin of the church, and the divine obligation resting on the nation to
accept its doctrine and order, and engaging to regulate their administration in
conformity with its constitution and object."
In the same article we read:-
"Civil rulers owe it to their supreme Lord and to society to encourage and to
stimulate the church in its work of faith and labor of love, and, when it may be
necessary, to give pecuniary aid to its ministers, that the gospel may be
preached in every part of their dominions, and to all classes without respect of
persons."
And then the writer proceeds to say that there would be no injustice, but that it
would be perfectly right, "to take public money to teach principles, enforce laws,
and introduce customs to which many members of the community are
conscientiously opposed." That is, it is right according to the National Reform
idea of right, which idea seems to be that everything that the majority may do is
right, if the majority chance to be National Reformers, and that the minority have
no rights of any kind.
These statements were not made in the heat of debate, but are part of a
sermon written by Wm. Sommerville, of Nova Scotia, and after his death edited
from the original manuscript by Rev. R. M. Sommerville, of New York, and then
published in one of the organs of the National Reform Association. So we must
take them as the sentiments of that association.
We might multiply quotations to the same effect, from leading National
Reformers, but it is not necessary in this connection. If National Reformers do not
believe in nor desire a union of Church and State, and if they wish to set
themselves right in this matter, they may publish in the columns of the
SENTINEL a repudiation of these and other quotations which we have made
from their leading men. So long as such sentiments are expressed, however, it is
useless for them to say that they do not want a union of Church and State.
2. It does not necessarily follow that because there are good and able men in
the National Reform Association, and because the movement is indorsed by the
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, it cannot be dangerous. Our
correspondent would evidently have us believe that a good or an honest man, or
even a wise man, cannot be mistaken or blinded by feeling or prejudice. We are
perfectly willing to admit that very many (we cannot include all) National
Reformers are sincere in their motives, and desire only good for the people of
this country; but that by no means proves that they have chosen the true way to
accomplish the good that they desire. Whether or not Miss Willard is a dangerous
woman, depends upon how she uses her vast influence. If she uses it to help the
majority to put a yoke upon the consciences of the minority, then she is
dangerous, no matter how upright her intentions may be. A little child is not a very
dangerous creature, nevertheless a match which it may ignite in its innocent play,
may cause as great a conflagration as a match in the hands of a hardened
incendiary. Honesty of purpose may secure to a person immunity from
punishment for an imprudent act, but it cannot ward off the evil consequences of
such an act.
3. When our friend says, "It is true that the National Reformers are opposed to
the secular theory of government," he viritually admits that they do desire a union
of Church and State. The opposite of the secular theory of government is the
ecclesiastical theory, which National Reformers favor. So then his disclaimer
amounts to this: National Reformers do not desire a union of Church and State;
they simply want an ecclesiastical government.
It is mere nonsense to say or to imply that what the National Reformers want
is that "the civil law should protect the people in their right to rest on the 'Christian
Sabbath,' and to worship God without molestation of others," for the civil law
does that already. There is no law in the United States that would compel a man
to work on Sunday, or that would for a moment uphold any man or any set of
men in attempting to force anyone to do so. More than this, the laws do protect
all religious bodies in their right to worship God without molestation by others. If
any religious congregation in any city in the United States should be molested in
their worship, whether on Sunday or any other day of the week, the intruder
would be landed in jail as soon as a policeman could be summoned, and he
would be very fortunate if he did not receive the severest penalty. Our laws do at
the present time protect all people in their worship; but they do not compel those
who have no religious convictions to conform to the practice of those who do,
and they will not do so until National Reform principles shall prevail.
Again our friend says: "They all believe that the State should be the
conservator of morals." "They" may believe it, but we do not. The person who
thinks that the State can act as the conservator of morals has either a supremely
exalted idea of the power of the State, or an extremely low standard of morality,
or else he has not really given the subject any careful thought. It will not be
questioned but that the ten commandments contain the sum of all moral duties.
Then if the State is the conservator of morals, it must see that every one of the
ten commandments is obeyed by its citizens. As a matter of fact, however, the
State can do nothing of the kind, no matter how virtuous its law-makers are, nor
how just its judges. Let us consider an instance or two.
The tenth commandment says, "Thou shalt not covet." Will any National
Reformer claim that it is the duty of the State to keep a man from being
covetous? or that it is within the province of the State to punish a man for
covetousness? The thing is an impossibility. The State has no power, in the first
place, even to determine whether or not a man is covetous. But covetousness is
immoral; therefore in this respect the State cannot be a conservator of morals.
Again, the Bible tells us that "covetousness is idolatry." Now while the State
has the power, although not the right, to restrain men from falling down before
images, it cannot prevent their being at heart the grossest kind of idolaters. And
who shall say that in the eyes of the only Judge of morals, the ignorant image
worshiper is more immoral than the scheming, covetous Pharisee?
Take for instance those commandments in regard to which the State has a
certain duty. The sixth commandment says, "Thou shalt not kill." It is the duty of
the State to prevent murder as far as possible, by executing severe penalties
upon those who take human life. But we are told in the Scriptures that he who
gives way to unreasoning anger, or who secretly cherishes hatred and envy in his
heart, is a murderer. With this, the State can do nothing. Is the man who takes
the life of' another in the heat of passion, and possibly after great provocation,
any more immoral than the one who for days and perhaps years cherishes
murder in his heart, perhaps longing for a chance to commit it, and only deterred
by lack of opportunity? Everybody will answer in the negative. Yet the State
executes the first and pays no attention to the second. Why? Because the first
has interfered with the rights of society, while the second, although probably
more depraved, has injured no one but himself The first has committed an uncivil
act, which is also immoral, and comes in collision with the civil law, which
punishes him, not for his immoral, and comes in collision with the civil law, which
punishes him, not for his immorality, but for his uncivility; while the second,
although basely immoral, and violated
70
no civil law, and is therefore not answerable to the State.
The seventh commandment says, "Thou shalt not commit adultery." It is
within the province of the State to punish the man who openly commits adultery
with his neighbor's wife; yet that man may not be half so corrupt as another one
whose every thought is impure, and whose soul is rotten with meditated vice
which he has not the power or the courage to openly practice, yet upon whom
the State can lay no hand, because he has invaded no household. Then let no
one say that the State is or ever can be the conservator of morals. All it can do,
and all it is appointed to do, is to punish those whose unrestrained vices interfere
with the rights of society.
The very expressions "civil laws" and "civil government" define the extent of
the State's jurisdiction. As to the morals of the people, it is impossible for it to
take cognizance of them, even if the right to do so were given it. The State may
overstep her prerogatives, and enforce the customs and ceremonies of religion,
but in so doing it will be making hypocrites, and will seriously interfere with the
work of the gospel, by making men believe themselves to be moral, and in no
need of conversion, although they may be, in reality, as corrupt as the inhabitants
of Sodom.
4. As to Dr. Gibson, it is a matter of very small moment whether he is
personally connected with the National Reform Association or not. If the
Chronicle reporter was misinformed, that ends that matter, but does not affect the
main question in the least.
5. The SENTINEL has never sought to make capital against the W. C. T. U. or
the Prohibition party by arraying them with the National Reform movement,
although we are sure, as our correspondent tacitly admits, that it is to their
discredit that they are so arrayed. It should be understood that the SENTINEL
deals first, last, and all the time with the National Reform Association, and has no
crusade to make against any other association. As a matter of fact, the
SENTINEL is heartily in favor of the W. C. T. U. as far as it adheres to its
legitimate temperance work, and we have mentioned that organization only to
show how rapidly the current is setting toward National Reform principles. We
regard it as a great calamity that an organization with such power for good as the
Woman's Christian Temperance Union should lend itself, however innocently, to
the furtherance of National Reform designs. When the W. C. T. U. does this, then
to that extent it necessarily brings itself into the same condemnation as the
National Reform Association.
6. We have not the data at hand to verify or disprove the statement made
concerning the attitude of Grant, Sumner, and Andrews toward National Reform,
and it is of little consequence anyway. It matters not how certain men, no matter
how great, have regarded this question. We are discussing the case on its own
merits, and if the National Reform movement is intrinsically wrong, as we believe
it is, it cannot be bettered by the adherence of any number of eminent men. We
do not borrow trouble from the Chronicle nor from any other source. There will be
no necessity for any lover of justice to borrow trouble so long as the National
Reform Association exists. We speak the things which we know, and do not take
our information at second hand. We consider it our duty, however, to let our
readers know how other journals regard the movement which the SENTINEL is
combating; but in giving their opinions we do not necessarily become responsible
for all their statements. That the SENTINEL'S charges against the movement are
incontrovertible is evidenced, we think, to some extent by the fact that not a
single National Reformer has ever attempted to demonstrate the fallacy of one of
them. E. J. W.
October 1887
November 1887
December 1887
January 1888
February 1888
March 1888
May 1888
June 1888
July 1888
ARTICLE
Section 1. No State shall ever make or maintain any law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.
Sec. 2. Each State in this Union shall establish and maintain a system of free
public schools adequate for the education of all the children living therein,
between the ages of six and sixteen years, inclusive, in the common branches of
knowledge, and in virtue, morality, and the principles of the Christian religion. But
no money raised by taxation imposed by law, or any money or other property or
credit belonging to any municipal organization, or to any State, or to the United
States, shall ever be appropriated, applied, or given to the use or purposes of
any school, institution, corporation, or person, whereby instruction or training
shall be given in the doctrines, tenets, belief, ceremonials, or observances
peculiar to any sect, denomination, organization, or society, being, or claiming to
be, religious in its character; nor shall such peculiar doctrines, tenets, belief,
ceremonials, or observances, be taught or inculcated in the free public schools.
Sec. 3. To the end that each State, the United States, and all the people
thereof, may have and preserve governments republican in form and in
substance, the United States shall guaranty to every State, and to the people of
every State and of the United States, the support and maintenance of such a
system of free public schools as is herein provided.
Sec. 4. That Congress shall enforce this article by legislation when necessary.
We find no fault with this Resolution save in one particular, and that is the
provision that free public schools, established and maintained by the State, shall
be established and maintained "for the education of all the children living
therein. . . in the principles of the Christian religion." We have no idea that the
amendment proposed will ever be adopted, for it too strongly maintains the
necessity of the public schools being free from denominational control, and of the
denominational school being deprived of State patronage, to suit the Catholics,
and no political measure which the Catholics oppose can carry in this country.
But while this is so, there is great danger that by means of the introduction of
such resolutions, our legislators will become so familiarized with the idea of
religious legislation that it will not appear to be the unrighteous thing that it is.
It is as Christians as well as American citizens, that we stand opposed to any
proposition for the State to maintain public schools wherein children shall be
taught "the principles of the Christian religion." We think that it calls for opposition
from Christians more strongly than from any other people. We have so often set
forth the principles which condemn such legislation, and those principles are so
simple, that it should be unnecessary to repeat them; but often things that are
simple are overlooked because of their very simplicity, so we note the following
points which should be applied by every citizen, not only to this resolution, but to
every one of a similar nature.
The resolution is directly opposed to the first amendment to the Constitution,
which says that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, nor prohibiting the free exercise thereof." If it be said that the resolution
does not mention an establishment of religion, we reply that for the State to teach
Christianity would be most emphatically to effect an establishment of religion; for
Christianity is nothing if it is not religion. If it is not religion, what is it? The plain
intent of that amendment is that Congress shall do nothing whatever that will
tend to influence any man's religious belief or practice, whether he be Christian,
Jew, Pagan, or infidel. In short, it was designed to set forth the truth that with
religion the State has nothing whatever to do.
What are the principles of the Christian religion? Some will reply that they are
the principles of common morality; that the design in requiring the principles of
the Christian religion to be taught in the public schools, is to have the
50
rising generation imbued with the principles of honesty, kindness, and courtesy.
But this is not the case; the very language of the resolution shows this. It requires
that the children shall be instructed "in virtue, morality, and the principles of the
Christian religion." It will be seen that the fact is recognized that the principles of
the Christian religion are something distinct from the principles of common virtue
and morality.
The Christian religion is the gospel of Jesus Christ. The gospel of Jesus
Christ is, as the apostle Paul says, "the power of God unto salvation, to every
one that believeth." In other words, it is the remedy which God has devised to
save men from the guilt, the love, and the con-sequences of sin, and it
accomplishes this salvation only for those who exercise personal faith in Christ.
Now the very statement that the gospel is a remedy, is an acknowledgement that
something existed before it did, which called for a remedy. That something was
sin. But sin is immorality, the violation of God's moral law. Therefore it is as clear
as noonday, that the principles of virtue and morality are older than the Christian
religion. If those principles had from the beginning been strictly followed, the
Christian religion would never have been introduced, because there would have
been no sin from which to save men. Those principles are to a greater or less
extent known and inculcated in all nations, and by all systems of religion. They
are a part of the legacy which all men have inherited from their common parent,
Adam.
That children should always and everywhere be impressed with the
importance of honesty, truthfulness, courtesy, and kindness to one another, there
is no one who will deny. No one will question the right and the duty of the public
schools to teach these principles. This it may do and not teach religion, although
these are necessary to religion. But to teach "the principles of the Christian
religion," in the public schools, means that just such instruction should be given
in those schools as is given in the Sabbath-schools of the land. It means that the
children should be instructed in the nature of the sacrifice of Christ, which is so
simple that any child may understand it, and should be taught the necessity of
personal faith in him, and should also be instructed in regard to those ordinances
which Christ instituted as media for the manifestation of faith, namely, Christian
baptism and the Lord's Supper. This, and this alone, is instruction in the
principles of the Christian religion.
Well, isn't it right that children should be so instructed? We say, Yes; it is right,
and most necessary; but not in the public schools. Personally we earnestly wish
that every child in the land could be brought directly under the influence of
Christian teaching, but we would have it done in a way befitting Christianity. The
gospel knows nothing of force. Christ never forced him-self upon anybody. When
the Gadarenes besought him to depart out of their coasts, he went immediately.
Why? Was it because he was not as intensely interested in them as in the
inhabitants of Galilee? Not at all; but because he recognized their right to reject
him and his teachings if they chose. When he sent out his disciples, he gave
them instruction to the same effect. If any should refuse to receive them, they
were to leave them, and allow the day of Judgment to settle with them for their
willful rejection of the gospel. We repeat, The gospel knows nothing of force; its
cry is, "Whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely." The privilege of every
man to freely accept the provisions of God's grace, implies the equal privilege of
every man to reject them. Religion that is not voluntary is of no value.
But when religion is taught in the public schools, it ceases to be a voluntary
thing. The State then uses its power to force the gospel upon people. It gathers
all the children into the schools, and then preaches the gospel to them. But under
such circumstances it is not the gospel that is received; it is only a semblance of
the gospel. Nothing is pure gospel except that which is truly Christ-like, and
Christ never forced people to listen to him. The same power which drove the
money-changers in abject terror from the temple, could as well have gathered all
people regularly into the temple, or the synagogues, and compelled them to
listen to his teaching. The fact that the great Author of Christianity employed
nothing like force in the introduction of Christianity, shows that none of his
professed followers have any right to use force in maintaining it. The disciple is
not greater than his Lord. It is right to have zeal for God, and to be anxious that
all men should hear the gospel; but that zeal should be according to knowledge.
It should not lead to the adoption of methods which Christ condemned. To say
that if the State does not use its power to cause people to be instructed in the
principles of the Christian religion, it is evidence of indifference as to their eternal
welfare, is equivalent to saying that Christ was indifferent, because he did not
use his greater power for the same purpose.
We trust that every reader can see that our opposition to the teaching of the
Christian religion in the public schools, is not simply on the ground that it is
unconstitutional,-that it discriminates between the believer and the unbeliever,
not allowing the unbeliever equal rights with the believer. We do oppose it on that
ground. To compel the infidel against his will to have his children instructed in the
principles of the Christian religion, just because his Christian neighbor wants his
children to be so instructed, is to say that the infidel has not as much right in this
country as the Christian has, and that is to make the rights of citizenship
dependent upon one's belief. Surely this is reason enough for opposing it; but we
have a higher reason still, and that is that such a course is antichristian as well
as un-American.
We use the term "antichristian" advisedly. We have already shown that all
enforced teaching of the gospel is contrary to the example and precept of Christ.
History is full of illustrations of the antichristian effect of enforced religious
teaching. When Charlemagne conquered the Saxons, their lives were spared on
condition that they would receive baptism. Says Guizot, "For three years
Charlemagne had to redouble his efforts to accomplish in Saxony, at the cost of
Frankish as well as Saxon blood, his work of conquest and conversion. 'Saxony,'
he often repeated, 'must be Christianized or wiped out.'" Now does anybody
suppose that there was any Christianity involved in the enforced baptism of the
Saxons? Does not everybody know that it was by just such processes that the
Papacy, the human embodiment of antichrist, was established? The illustration
on page 215 of the first volume of Guizot's "History of France" (Estes and
Lauriat's edition), is well named "Charlemagne inflicting baptism upon the
Saxons."
The difference between this enforced acceptance of Christianity, and the
teaching of "the principles of the Christian religion" in the public schools of the
United States, is one of degree only, and not one of kind. The principle is the
same. When instruction in the principles of religion becomes a matter of
compulsion, then Christianity itself will take its leave. We submit that Christ knew
how to propagate Christianity better than any man can. His gentle methods were
the best and the only right way. And so it is because of our love for pure
Christianity, as well as our love for equal rights to all men, that we oppose the
propagation of religion by the State. E.J.W.
August 1888
September 1888
October 1888
Senator Blair's National Sunday Bill declares that no person shall "engage in
any play, game, or amusement, or recreation, to the disturbance of others on the
first day of the week, commonly called the Lord's day, or during any part thereof."
Some of the States already have the same sort of Sunday laws as this. California
has no Sunday law, much less one of this kind. But not long ago the city of San
Francisco had, on another subject, an ordinance of the same nature as this
passage in the National Sunday Bill. San Francisco has no such ordinance now,
however; the merit of the ordinance came up before the Supreme Court, and the
whole thing was treated with the contempt which all such statutes only deserve.
The ordinance read as follows:-
"No person shall in any place indulge in conduct having a tendency to annoy
persons passing or being upon the public highway or upon adjacent premises."
A man by the name of Ferdinand Pape was distributing some circulars on the
street, which had "a tendency to annoy" somebody; he was arrested. He applied
to the Superior Court for a writ of habeas corpus, claiming that the offense
charged against him did not constitute a crime, and that the ordinance making
such action an offense was invalid and void, because it was unreasonable and
uncertain. The report of the case says:-
"The writ was made returnable before Judge Sullivan, and argued by Henry
Hutton in behalf of the imprisoned offender. Disposing of the question, the Judge
gave quite a lengthy written opinion, in which he passed a somewhat severe
criticism upon the absurdity of the contested ordinance, and discharged Pape
from custody. Said the Judge:-
"'If the order be law, enforceable by fine and imprisonment, it is a crime to
indulge in any conduct, however innocent and harmless in it-self, and however
unconsciously done, which has a tendency to annoy other persons. The rival
tradesman who passes one's store with an observant eye as to the volume of
business is guilty of a crime, because the very thought of rivalry and reduction of
business has a tendency to annoy. The passing of the most lenient creditor has a
tendency to annoy, because it is a reminder of obligations unfulfilled. The passing
of a well-clad, industrious citizen, bearing about him the evidence of thrift, has a
tendency to annoy the vagabond, whose laziness reduces him to a condition of
poverty and discontent. The importunities of the newsboy who endeavors with
such persistent energy to dispose of his stock, has a tendency to annoy the
prominent citizen who has already read the papers, or who expects to find them
at his door as he reaches home. He who has been foiled in an attempted wrong
upon the person or property of another, finds a tendency to annoy in the very
passing presence of the person whose honesty or ingenuity has circumvented
him. And so instances might be multiplied indefintely in which the most harmless
and inoffensive conduct has a tendency to annoy others. If the language of the
ordinance defines a criminal offense, it sets a very severe penalty of liberty and
property upon conduct lacking in the essential element of criminality.
"'But it may be said that courts and juries will not use the instrumentality of
this language to set the seal of condemnation on unoffending citizens, and to
unjustly deprive them of their liberty and brand them as criminals. The law
countenances no such dangerous doctrine, countenances no
76
principle so subversive of liberty as that the life or liberty of a subject should be
made to depend upon the whim or caprice of judge or jury, by exercising a
discretion in determining that certain conduct does or does not come within the
inhibition of a criminal action. The law should be engraved so plainly and
distinctly on the legislative tables that it can be discerned alike by all subjects of
the commonwealth, whether judge upon the bench, juror in the box, or prisoner
at the bar. Any condition of the law which allows the test of criminality to depend
on the whim or caprice of judge or juror savors of tyranny. The language
employed is broad enough to cover conduct which is clearly within the
constitutional rights of the citizen. It designates no border-line which divides the
criminal from the non-criminal conduct. Its terms are too vague and uncertain to
lay down a rule of conduct. In my judgment the portion of the ordinance here
involved is uncertain and unreasonable.'"
This decision applies with full force to Senator-Blair's proposed National
Sunday law. Under that law all that would be necessary to subject any person to
a criminal prosecution, would be for him to engage in any sort of play, or game,
or amusement, or recreation, on Sunday, because there are many of those rigid
National Reformers who would be very much "disturbed" by any such
amusement or recreation, however innocent it might be in itself. And it is left
entirely to the whim or the caprice of the "disturbed" one, or of the judge or jury,
to say whether the action has really disturbed him or not.
The California decision is, that such a statute "sets a very severe penalty of
liberty and property upon conduct lacking in the essential element of criminality."
California courts "countenance no such dangerous doctrine, countenance no
principle so subversive of liberty," or which so "savors of tyranny." It is very likely
that should Senator Blair's bill be enacted into a law, the United States courts
would decide in the same way as did the Superior Court of California. But it is an
exceedingly ominous sign, and one most startling in the danger which it displays,
when a bill which so "savors of tyranny," and which embodies a "principle so
subversive of liberty," can be introduced into the National Legislature, can be
received and reported favorably, can pass two readings, can be spread
broadcast throughout the land, and only one single voice-that of the American
Sentinel-be raised against it.
The American people have so long enjoyed the liberty which has been justly
their boast, that they seem, from appearances, to think that now they can lie
down safely and hibernate undisturbed for all time to come. We wonder what can
ever awaken them. "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty;" but "corrupted
freemen are the worst of slaves."
November 1888
December 1888
"The Church and State, alias the Prohibition Party" American Sentinel
3, 12.
E. J. Waggoner
The election is over, but since the third party Prohibition managers say that
the Prohibition campaign has but just begun, the following incident showing the
character of the so-called Prohibition movement, is as timely now as ever.
The evening before election one of the editors of the Sentinel was with
several others in a business office in Minneapolis, when a well-dressed and
intelligent looking gentleman came in, and, after noting how many voters were
present, laid upon the desk as many sealed envelopes, addressed, "To the
voters." As the gentleman turned to go out, someone handed him a printed notice
of a lecture that was to be delivered that evening on "Church and State." He took
in the contents of the handbill at a glance, and, hastily assuming from the most
prominent words upon it, that the lecture was to favor the union of Church and
State, said: "Church and State; that means Prohibition; we're with you on that."
The Prohibition politician was gone before anybody could disabuse his mind
as to the nature of the proposed lecture on Church and State; but those who
remained received a better idea of the real object of the so-called Prohibition
party, than could have been gained by a week's talk. The remark that Church and
State is synonymous with Prohibition was so spontaneous and so hearty that it
could not fail to convince all who heard it. We wished that thousands of Sentinel
readers could have heard it for themselves, but this is an exact statement of the
matter.
Let everybody be assured that work done for party Prohibition is work done to
promote the union of Church and State, and to bind the citizens of the United
States in a worse slavery than was ever suffered by the negroes. We cannot any
longer in good conscience call the third party the Prohibition party, for
temperance is by no means its main issue. Chairman Dickie himself declared
that all the saloons and intemperance in the land are not so great a curse as the
disfranchisement of women. So we are justified in saying that no one who has
the cause of temperance and real liberty at heart, can train with the third party. It
is not a Prohibition party, but a Church and State party, and strong opposition to it
is perfectly consistent with the greatest devotion to true temperance and
prohibition.
There is a good suggestion in the following: "When a man sets about an
undertaking, he should first have settled these four things-what he wants to do,
why he wants to do it, whether he has the right to do it, and how it can best be
done."
January 1889
THE BILL AS IT IS
In the Senate of the United States, May 21, 1888, Mr. Blair introduced the
following bill, which was read twice and referred to the Committee on Education
and Labor:-
50th Congress, 1st Session, S. 2983.
A Bill to Secure to the People the Enjoyment of the First Day of the Week
Commonly known as the Lord's Day, as a Day of Rest, and to Promote its
Observance as a Day of Religious Worship.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, That no person or corporation, or the
agent, servant, or employe of any person or corporation, shall perform or
authorize to be performed any secular work, labor, or business to the disturbance
of others, works of necessity, mercy, and humanity excepted; nor shall any
person engage in any play, game, or amusement, or recreation to the
disturbance of others on the first day of the wee]' commonly known as the Lord's
day, or during any part thereof, in any Territory, district, vessel, or place subject to
the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States; nor shall it be lawful for any person
or corporation to receive pay for labor or service performed or rendered in
violation of this section.
SECTION 2. That no mails or mail matter shall hereafter be transported in
time of peace over any land postal route, nor shall any mail matter be collected,
assorted, handled, or delivered during any part of the first day of the week:
Provided, That whenever any letter shall relate to work of necessity or mercy, or
shall concern the health, life, or decease of any person, and the fact shall be
plainly stated upon the face of the envelope containing the same, the
Postmaster-General shall provide for the transportation of such letter or letters in
packages separate from other mail matter, and shall make regulations for the
delivery thereof, the same having been received at its place of destination before
the said first day of the week, during such limited portion of the day as shall best
suit the public convenience and least interfere with the due observance of the
day as one of worship and rest: And provided further, That when there shall have
been an interruption in the due and regular transmission of the mails it shall be
lawful to so far examine the same when delivered as to ascertain if there be such
matter therein for lawful delivery on the first day of the week.
SEC. 3. That the prosecution of commerce between the States and with the
Indian tribes, the same not being work of necessity, mercy, nor humanity, by the
transportation of persons or property by land or water in such way as to interfere
with or disturb the people in the enjoyment of the first day of the week, or any
portion thereof, as a day of rest from labor, the same not being labor of necessity,
mercy, or humanity, or its observance as a day of religious worship, is, hereby
prohibited, and any person or corporation, or the agent or employe of any person
or corporation, who shall willfully violate this section shall be punished by a fine
of not less than ten nor more than one thousand dollars, and no service
performed in the prosecution of such prohibited commerce shall be lawful, nor
shall any compensation be recoverable or be paid for the same.
SEC. 4. That all military and naval drills, musters, and parades, not in time of
active service or immediate preparation therefor, of soldiers, sailors, marines, or
cadets of the United States, on the first day of the week, except assemblies for
the due and orderly observance of religious worship, are hereby prohibited, nor
shall any unnecessary labor be performed or permitted in the military or naval
service of the United States on the Lord's day.
SEC. 5. That it shall be unlawful to pay or to receive payment or wages in any
manner for service rendered, or for labor performed, or for the transportation of
persons or of property in violation of the provisions of this act, nor shall any
action lie for the recovery thereof, and when so paid, whether in advance or
otherwise, the same may be recovered back by whoever shall first sue for the
same.
SEC. 6. That labor or service performed and rendered on the first day of the
week in consequence of accident, disaster, or unavoidable delays in making the
regular connections upon postal-routes and routes of travel and transportation,
the preservation of perishable and exposed property, and the regular and
necessary transportation and delivery of articles of food in condition for healthy
use, and such transportation for short distances from one State, district, or
Territory into another State, district, or Territory as by local laws shall be declared
to be necessary for the public good, shall not be deemed violations of this act,
but the same shall be construed, so far as possible, to secure to the whole
people rest from toil during the first day of the week, their mental and moral
culture, and the religious observance of the Sabbath day.
February 6, 1889
March 6, 1889
ARTICLE
(To be continued.)
April 3, 1889
CONTENTS
May 1, 1889
June 5, 1889
July 3, 1889
August 7, 1889
November 6, 1889
December 4, 1889
January 2, 1890
January 9, 1890
February 7, 1890
March 6, 1890
April 3, 1890
May 8, 1890
In this connection it may be well to note the fact that the Bishop of Sodor and
Man said that during his twelve months' residence on the island, he has been
favorably impressed with respect to the temperance question. "So far as he could
recollect, he had observed only one case of drunkenness in a Manxman." So it
will be seen that it cannot be claimed that Sunday legislation is necessary on the
ground of temperance.
We have already repeatedly shown that the Sunday observance question
cannot in any sense be considered a temperance question. The same number of
the Christian Commonwealth which contained the item in regard to the Isle of
Man, had an editorial on the drink question. From that editorial we quote the
following:-
Most temperance advocates believe that Sunday closing ought to be national,
and not local. But why do they think so? Simply for the reason that the country is
ripe for a national Sunday Closing Bill, and that such a Bill is right in itself.
Undoubtedly these are weighty considerations. But we fail to see why Sunday
Closing should be made national, and total closing local. The evil influence of the
drink traffic for six days in the week must be more than for one day; and yet some
who are comparatively indifferent to the former, are sticklers for the latter.
This should be sufficient to settle the question as to the connection of Sunday
closing with temperance. There is none whatever. "The whole country is ripe for a
national Sunday Closing Bill," but not by any means for national prohibition seven
days in the week. Sunday closing would make but little appreciable difference in
the amount of liquor consumed, for the workingmen are as idle on Saturday
nights as they are on Sundays, and there is ample time then for them to get rid of
their wages, even if they did not lay in a supply of drink for the next day.
We may therefore leave the question of temperance entirely out of our study
of the basis of Sunday laws. There are only two other possible grounds on which
compulsory Sunday observance may be based, and they are (1) the physical
benefit to be derived, and (2) the religious character of the day. We will consider
them. But first, again, let us see how much importance is attached to this matter
of Sunday observance. The Christian Commonwealth of March 20 said:-
If shopkeepers persist in needless Sunday trading, they must be stopped by
the strong arm of the law. In Birmingham the nuisance has become so intolerable
that a Watch Committee has been formed, and is making a crusade against
Sunday trading. . . . We should prefer Sunday closing to be voluntary, but if this
cannot be realized, the only alternative is to make it compulsory.
Take now the idea that Sunday observance is necessary for the physical well-
being of people, especially of the workingmen. At the most that can be claimed
for a weekly physical rest it is of far less importance than many other things. For
instance, it is far more necessary that a man should have a regular amount of
sleep in every twenty-four hours. A man may work every day in the week for an
indefinite time, if he has sufficient regular daily rest; whereas if he is broken of his
rest at night for a few nights, he will be totally unfitted for work. But we never hear
of a proposition that laboring men should be compelled by law to sleep seven
hours every night, and nobody will ever be foolish enough to advocate such a
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thing. Laws are not needed to compel people to rest when they are tired; nature
will attend to that.
Again, if enforced Sunday rest is only for the physical well-being, then it is
most absurd, not to say tyrannical, because all persons do not become weary
and in need of rest at the same time. Different kinds of labor induce different
degrees of weariness; and to say that all men shall take exactly the same
amount of rest, and at the same time, is as absurd as to say that they shall all eat
the same amount of the same kind of food, and at precisely the same time. One
man's work does not make another man tired, neither does the fact that a
hundred men are working hinder one from resting, and therefore there is no
reason why every man shall rest at a given time, simply because a few wish to
do so.
But it is often urged that the Government has the right to set apart certain
days as holidays. Very true, but that is not what Sunday is desired to be. A
holiday is a day on which people are permitted to cease labor if they wish; on
Sunday it is desired to force people to cease work whether they want to or not. If
a man wishes to dig in his garden on a Bank Holiday, instead of going to the
parks, he is at liberty to do so. If there were an attempt to force everybody to stop
all kinds of work on a Bank Holiday, there would be such a protest as would put
an end to the attempt. Pleasure cannot be forced, and neither can rest.
E. J. WAGGONER.
London, England.
November 2, 1893
Within a thousand years after the creation, God saw that "the people" had
corrupted their way on the earth, and so nearly universal was the downward
tendency, that only one man was found who followed the expressed
commandment of the Lord. Yet, although the people were so nearly unanimous in
their choice of evil, it did not cease to be evil, neither did they change the mind of
God. Every man who followed the way that was "right in his own eyes" was
destroyed by the flood.
It was "the people" who, shortly after the flood, thought to make a name for
themselves by building a city and a tower whose top should reach to heaven; but
God frustrated their plan to exalt themselves above Him, and their city was
destroyed and they were scattered.
In the days when Christ was on earth, it was His own people to whom He
came, who rejected Him. When He was accused before the Roman governor, it
was "the people" of Israel-God's own chosen people-who cried, "Crucify Him!"
Still later, when the disciples of Christ were many thousands in number in
Jerusalem, they were still a poor, despised sect, and so few in number in
comparison with "the people" who constituted the Church, that they were
compelled to flee for their lives. Then Herod the king stretched forth his hand to
vex certain of the church. And he killed James with the sword; and when he saw
that "the people" were pleased, he proceeded to take Peter also. This same
Herod it was who a short time afterwards made an oration to a vast concourse
who had assembled to do him honor, "And 'the people' gave a shout, saying, It is
the voice of a god, and not of a man." In this case "the voice of the people" was
immediately shown to be not the voice of God for God rebuked their impiety, and
caused the vile creature, whom they called a god, to die a loathsome death.
Still later we find that "the people" whom God had taken out from among the
Gentiles, became so great that they were deemed worthy of State recognition.
which filled the world, the "Christians" were so numerous that the crafty and
worldly-wise Constantine saw that it would be greatly to his advantage to favor
them rather than his pagan subjects. So "the church" was "recognized" by the
civil power. Thus the sect, which in the days of Paul was "everywhere spoken
against," now sat in the high places of the earth, and all nations were flowing
unto it. See Isa. 2:3, 3. Surely now the voice of the people must have been the
voice of God, because Rome, which was then only a synonym for "the world,"
was a "Christian nation." This had not been brought about by a mere legal
enactment without the concurrence of "the people," but Christianity was exalted
to the throne of the world because the majority so willed it. Constantine was too
wise a ruler to make laws that would not receive the commendation of the
majority of his subjects. The voice of the people was to him the voice of God, and
when Christianity became the religion of the empire, it was simply the recognition
of the prevailing sentiment.
But was the voice of the people in that case really the voice of God? Far from
it. This expression of the will of "the people"-the church-was only the last step but
one in that great apostasy of which Paul had written (2 Thess. 2:1-8), and which
culminated in the
establishment of the Papacy, that "man of sin," "the son of perdition," who
opposed and exalted himself above all that is called God or that is worshipped;
so that he as God sat in the temple of God, showing himself to be God. This was
the practical working of the adage, "The voice of the people is the voice of God."
The falsity of that claim is shown by the fact that "the people" who have impiously
exalted themselves above God by claiming that their voice is His, are to be
consumed with the spirit of the Lord's mouth, and destroyed with the brightness
of His coming.
In the brief description of the rise of the Papacy, the reader cannot fail to
recognize the words which the "National Reformers" use to describe their
movement. It is a significant fact that the same language which they use to
describe what they are working for, most accurately describes the establishment
of the Papacy, that professedly Christian power that persecuted Christians to the
death. There is not a plea which the National Reformers use in behalf of their
proposed Amendment to the Constitution, which will not apply exactly to the
setting up of the Papacy. They say, This movement is wholly in the hands of the
Christian Church; so was the great apostasy of the first three centuries. National
Reformers say, We do not want an Amendment to the Constitution until it will be
the natural outgrowth of the sentiment of the Christian people of the country; all
Constantine and his successors did was to make laws voicing the sentiments of
"the Christian people" of the empire. Say the "Reformers," "The success of this
movement will make the United States a Christian nation; that is what Rome
became. Say they, We will never persecute; so said "Christian" Rome under
similar circumstances, but time will in this case demonstrate the fact that like
causes always produce like effects.
"Woe unto you, . . . because ye build the tombs of the prophets, and garnish
the
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sepulchers of the righteous, and say, If we had been in the days of our fathers,
we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets.
Wherefore ye be witnesses unto yourselves, that ye are the children of them
which killed the prophets. Fill ye up then the measure of your fathers." Matt.
23:29-32.
And like effects bring like punishments. Let those who are inclined toward so-
called "National Reform" take heed and beware.
May 7, 1896
"For we know that the law is spiritual." Then there can be no fulfilling of the
law save in the Spirit. "God is a Spirit: and they that worship Him must worship
Him in Spirit and in truth."
God is Spirit; therefore they that worship Him must do so in the Spirit which
He supply. He provides the means, and does not ask us to worship Him in our
spirit, or in our conception of His law.
We are not to worship God as we think Him to be, but as He is. And no one,
as stated in the text just quoted, can comprehend God, or define the bounds and
limits of His will. Then no man can lay down a rule for another, or even for
himself. Here is the unlimited word. No man can put a limit on the word of God,
or say of any text that he has fathomed its depth, and that he has all the truth
there is in it. No; the word is spiritual, and no man can fathom the depth of the
mind of the Holy Spirit. For this reason no man, and nobody of men, is at liberty
to put any construction on the word of God, or to change it, or to hold or teach
that it means anything different from exactly what it says.
The knowledge of this shuts out everything like religious coercion,
persecution, or the laying down of rules for people to follow; for true worship must
be rendered in the Spirit which God alone gives. The word must be taken, not in
our own spirit, but in the Spirit of God, and that must lead us into larger and
larger ideas, and worked in us that which we do not know ourselves.
Men have secret faults of which they are utterly unconscious. Not only so, but
no man knows the depth of any sin which is brought to his attention, or the
fullness of any command which is in joined upon him. It is plain, therefore, that no
man can measure his own righteousness, nor his own sin. He can simply know
that he is a sinner, and that the righteousness of God is given to him. The more
of the Lord he knows, the greater sinner he will realize himself to be.
Therefore no man or body of men, whether in church or state, can lay down
rules by which a man must live; because the field of God's requirements is as
unbounded as His own life, and must therefore ever keep increasing to our
vision; and though men filled the world with books in the attempt to define
everything, there still would be something omitted.
The Spirit of God must work its own life in every man. This takes the matter
out of the realm of civil government entirely. No human authority whatever can
impose the Spirit upon any man, or define the mind of the Spirit.
The law of God, which is His righteousness, is the one thing which men are to
seek. Christ said, "I know that His commandment is life everlasting." John 12:50.
We also are to know the same thing. The law itself is spiritual; it is life everlasting.
But life is not a figment, a fancy; it is real, and wherever there is life there must
be something living.
When we read the commandment is life everlasting, it does not mean that the
written characters are life. They simply declare the fact. Everlasting life is in
Jesus Christ. "As the Father hath life in Himself, so hath He given to the Son to
have life in Himself." John 5:26. He is the fountain of life. Ps. 36:9; Jer. 2:13.
The commandment or law of God is everlasting life because it is His own life.
Then is the life of the Spirit of God; and putting the Spirit of God into the hearts of
men puts the life of God there. It is the law of the Spirit of life in Christ, it gives
freedom and peace with God. "The Spirit is life, because of righteousness;" and
"if any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of His." Rom. 8:1, 2, 9, 10.
Nothing less than the life of Christ is the law of God; and anything contrary to
the life of Christ is condemned. Then we can leave the right of any body of men
to enforce the law of God entirely outside of the question. It is merely a question
of power. Has it the power to enforce the law of God? Has any government on
earth power to take the life of God and put it into the hearts of its subjects?
Certainly not.
Then when men do make religious laws, and in force religion upon people, it
is certain that they are not enforcing the religion of Christ. Therefore when they
do that, those who are loyal to Christ can have no complicity with it whatever. It is
paganism, no matter what form of truth there may be. It is but the former without
the power or life. If such enforcement is put in the very terms of the Bible, it is
only the more thoroughly pagan; for it is paganism trying to palm itself off as
Christianity.
The attempt to enforce the ten commandments, even just as they read, would
be the greatest dishonor men could offer to the Lord. It would be saying that the
law of God is no better than any man may be of himself. It is the same as saying
that a man is all right if he keeps the law so that no man can find fault with him.
But the man he merely refrains from the outward violations of the law may be
worse than the man who utterly disregard it, and knows he is guilty. In the latter
case the man has nothing more in to trust, while in the other, the man is building
himself up in his own righteousness, and things that he is all right as long as he
keeps a letter so far as men can discern.
But the law is spiritual, and only the power of the Spirit can work
righteousness in an individual. The recognition of civil government as having
anything to do with the law of God, is directly opposed to the idea of justification
by faith.
To lay down a rule or law requiring obedience to the law of God, with a
penalty for disobedience, is to say to a man, "You could keep it if you would try;
but you will not try, and so we will compel you to do it." This is putting man on
and equality with God.
Anything less than the life of God is sin, and therefore for any power to
attempt to enforce any of the precepts of Christ is simply an attempt to compel
people to sin, and to hold them in sin.
It is said that the witch doctors, or Fetish priest, rule over the King of Benin,
and that their influence is responsible for most of the human sacrificing and
slaughtering in that country. Go where one will in the world, or look through
secular history, and it will be found that wherever a priestly caste has most
influence in government there has been the greatest wickedness. Many think that
this is solely because it is bad religion that gets into power, and that if only good
religion could be lifted to the authority in the councils of State it would be a
desirable thing. But good religion asks for no authority or power from man; it
rests upon the power of God and preaches a gospel of divine power. Whenever
religion forsakes this in order to secure power in the State it becomes bad
religion, and its whole influence is evil, whether among whites or blacks, civilized
or uncivilized.
March 4, 1897
Why is it that those who have passed under the name of Christian, and whom
the world at large accounts as representative of Christianity, have, so universally,
sought temporal power?
He who is really Christian follows in the footsteps of Christ, does he not? But
Christ avoided even the slightest assumption of temporal authority. He even
refuse to be an arbitrator in a simple dispute as to the division of property, saying
to the one who sought his intervention, "Man, who made Me a judge or a divider
over you?"
The persistent and fatal error with which so many of His personal followers
were possessed was that He was about to set up an earthly kingdom. But Christ
combated this error continually, taking every occasion of reproving them for their
worldly ambitions, and of setting before them the contrast between the futility of
all earthly things and the eternal stability of the mansions of that kingdom eternal
in the heavens, which He went to prepare.
The follower of Christ must follow Him in truth, or else he is not a disciple and
a follower, but a pretender and a traitor. Christ sought no temporal authority over
men. He strenuously referred even the smallest opportunity for the exercise of
such power. Is it then consistent with the life and example of the Master, for those
who claim to be His disciples, to seek to dominate over their fellow-men?
If the example of Christ is followed, those who carry His Gospel will use no
authority in religious things, other than the persuasion of the Word. Christ judges
no man. He Himself said so. He permits all men to judge themselves, to choose
that which they will, whether it be life or death. This being so, it is impossible for
men who claim to speak for Christ, and exercise authority from Him, to coerce
men into accepting and receiving eternal life. Spiritual coercion is futile. It even
goes beyond futility, it defeats itself, and becomes an active agent in the opposite
direction to that in which it purports to work.
The fact that this is so marks the origin of this great deception, and its
masterly development to the present hour, as coming from the arch-enemy of
God and mankind. When the teachings of the Word of God, and the example of
Christ, are so plain, and the evidences of the destructive working of Satan's
deceptions so evidently seen, it is indeed a "mystery of iniquity" that man should
choose the antichristian way and call it Christian.
Why is it that this society which considers itself cultivated two tabooed
subjects are "religion" and "politics?" No doubt because so many people, who are
admitted even to the best society, are unable to control their tempers, or speak
with calmness and moderation respecting subjects in which their personal
interests are involved, or concerning which their personal prejudices are crossed.
In discussing politics it certainly is quite natural that there should be heat and
rancour. Here individual prejudices are likely to hold sway and to govern more or
less the language and demeanour of those who indulge in political conversation.
But in the realm of true religion, the religion of Jesus Christ, prejudice has no
place.
There must be, it is true, assured and fixed conviction. But that is quite a
different thing from prejudice. Conviction is indeed the natural foe and conqueror
of prejudice. Two persons whose hearts are filled with the conviction of the
eternal truths of true religion pure and undefiled, may talk together of the hope
that is in them with joy and delight. Nothing in word, or act, or look, would pass
between them which could mar the amenities of any social gathering. In their
hearts prejudices do not exist,-they have been driven out by the conviction and
acceptance of religious truth.
Politics cannot exist without prejudice. Indeed it is nothing else than the
personal and individual interests, desires, and feelings, of different men and
bodies of men, countries and sections of countries, brought into activity and
antagonism. It is unavoidable that the partisanship here should be intense. But in
the realm of true religion there is no room for partisanship, there can be no
selfish interests or desires. Politics, it is evident, cannot be
173
otherwise than disturbing in its tendency, it is inevitable from its very nature. But
the very contrary is the fact in the case of true religion from its very nature.
What then is the trouble? Why should these two things, direct opposites-the
one which makes the most for war, and the one which makes the most for peace-
be classed together as the two greatest elements of disturbance, and equally
denied admittance to the drawing room? The one, it is true, contains every
uncomfortable and disagreeable possibility, but the other contains none. The
reason of this strange and ill-assorted companionship in exile is that true religion
is utterly misapprehended. That which is thought to be religion, and discussed as
religion, is not the Word of God and the Gospel of Jesus Christ, but the visionary
politics of an unknown future.
June 3, 1897
The Pope's kingdom, unlike Christ's, is altogether of this world, and hence do
his servants fight. An Italian paper says that he has just reorganized his personal
forces. The worst of it is that his influence is able sometimes to set greater
armies in motion than this little one which guards the Vatican and keeps up the
semblance of his temporal sovereignty. This alone, however, ought to teach his
followers that the Papacy is an anti-Christian power. An evening paper, quoting
from the Italian Catholic journal, thus describes the army:-
"It is divided into five separate bodies, which are known as the Noble Guard,
the Swiss Guard, the Palatine Guard, the Gendarmes, and the Fire Brigade. The
first
341
of these, that is, the Noble Guard, is commanded by Prince Altieri, and is
composed of fifty young members of the Roman nobility. Each member of the
corps receives from three to four hundred lire a month, and a special club is
maintained for their use and amusement. The Swiss Guard numbers one
hundred strong, and the men are specifically selected for their youth and
strength. Their duty is to guard the doors and entrances to the Vatican, and they
are armed with the Remington rifle. As under the old regulations they will still
carry the halberd while on parade. The Palatine Guard is divided into two
companies, commanded by General Erostarosa, who has under him a staff of
two majors and four captains. This corps raised from among the citizens of
Rome, is called out only on special occasions. The gendarmes number one
hundred, under the command of Colonel Taglifletri, and are recruited from ex-
soldiers of the Italian army, specially recommended by Italian Bishops for their
religious fidelity and fervour. The firemen, or pompiers, number thirty, and are
always in the Vatican."
July 1, 1897
In the beginning "God blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it," and thus
made it a blessing and a channel of sanctification or holiness to man. He then
taught man to "remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy," or to sanctify it. God
made the day holy and He instructed man to treat it as holy that he might thus
receive the blessing of holiness through it; but when man treats the day as
common time he fails to receive the Sabbath blessing through God's appointed
channel.
It is not in the power of man to make a day holy, neither can we receive the
blessing of holiness through a day which the Lord has not made holy. So when
we turn away from the day which the Lord has made holy and accept any other
day in its stead, we are thus turning away from the Lord's own channel of
holiness for us. This is the great loss with which we meet in following the
traditions of men instead of obeying the Word of God.
So intimately related is the "holy Sabbath" to "the holy Scriptures" and to the
"holy child Jesus," that it cannot be consistently disregarded by those who
profess to receive the other two for what they really are, and it is worth noting
that professes to have changed the Sabbath has practically put itself above the
Bible and Christ. So long as the Bible is received as the Word of God, and the
example and instruction of Jesus is followed, so long the seventh-day Sabbath
will be observed, and when the seventh-day Sabbath is knowingly disregarded,
the logic of this act really demands that the Bible and the work of Jesus should
be set aside.
The Roman Catholic church in its teaching openly states that the Bible
commands the observance of the seventh day and no other, and that there is not
a word in the Bible authorizing a change of the day, and it just as openly teaches
that the church changed the Sabbath from the seventh to the first day of the
week, and that there is no other authority for the change. It is only consistent
therefore for it to treat the Bible as of secondary importance as compared with its
own traditions, and to make the intercession of the Virgin Mary of more value
than the intercession of Christ.
In all this the Roman Catholic church puts itself above God, but it is consistent
in the way in which it does it. so long as one receives the Bible as the Word of
God, and acknowledges its authority as supreme, so long will he see that the
seventh day is the Sabbath, and that the intercession of Jesus is all that is
needed for man or that can avail anything for man, and when one rejects the
Lord's Sabbath, the logical result will be to reject the authority of the Word of
God, and to receive the word of man instead, and to accept a supposed human
helper as of more value than is the help of Him who alone is able to save.
But this is not a question simply of cold logic. And thus turning from God's
appointed blessings and channels of blessing man meets with an irreparable
loss. If we receive the salvation of God at all, we must receive it through the
channels which He Himself has established, and the blessing of holiness should
be so highly prized that we should be glad to receive it in any way which the Lord
may appoint.
The original Sabbath still remains as a sign and a pledge of God's power to
make holy, and the true keeping of the Sabbath, the entering into His rest, is the
experience of His presence who only can make and keep its holy. God's purpose
in the gospel has always been the same, that we should be "created in
righteousness and holiness of truth," and His means of accomplishing this result
have always been the same in making us "partakers of the divine nature," and so
the Sabbath remains unchanged and unchangeable, a channel for this blessing
of holiness to man.
July 7, 1897
September 2, 1897
It is well known that the larger part of the population of Europe that turned
from their native paganism to the papal church in early times were converted in
the mass; that is, the chief of the tribe, for political or other reasons, cast in his lot
with the imperial religion, and his people followed him in religion as they followed
him in war. This notion of religion, which left no place for a change of heart and
life, was thoroughly papal and has always been the religion of the natural man. It
was against this religion of lifeless form that the Protestant Reformation lifted the
standard, calling men to personal faith and to the new birth by the incorruptible
word. To the survival of that old idea of religion is due the crusade in all
Christendom for religion and morality by politics and religious legislation. Men
whose religion is but a cloak easily conceive the idea of forcing others to wear
the same cut of garment.
Apropos of this subject of official religion, the Echo has recently reminded us
that a Tartar tribe in Russia was last century "converted" to Mohammedanism by
an official's blunder:-
"They were converted by mistake-by a slip of the pen-in a fit of absence of
mind. Up till then the Kirghiz Tartars were Shamanites-worshippers of nature,
spirits, and ancestral ghosts, as all the Central Asiatic tribes
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were before the advent of Mohammedanism, as some of them in obscure regions
still are. In communication with the Kirghiz chief, he was addressed as
Mohammedan by the Russian Minister. His tribe was supposed to be Islamic,
and was officially described as such. After a time the St. Petersburg officials
discovered that they had made a mistake. 'You might have made Christians of
them, once you were about it,' exclaimed the Head of the Orthodox faith. They
might. But there the Mohammedan designation was in the official records of the
Empire, and Mohammedans the Kirghiz had to be, willy nilly.
"The spectacle presented by a Christian State persuading a nation to
embrace Islamism was curious. Of course, there was no compulsion. The Kirghiz
Khan, being a polite man, made no bother about the affair. He became a
passable Mohammedan. And of course, his tribe gradually followed his example.
They are not very strict Mohammedans. Much of their old Shamanic faith still
survives.
"A still more curious example of chance in religious acceptance is that of
Russia herself. When Vladimir sent envoys abroad-to Byzantium, among other
places-in search of a new religion for his subjects, he was induced to become a
Christian because of the splendor and the riches of the Christian capital. God
must have specially favored a State so opulent, he argued. So his heathen
Muscovites were officially informed that Christians they must become. But there
was another Mohammedanism which was then competing with Christianity. But
abstention from strong drink was one of its commands. It is historically known
that this was the Russian peasants' objection to embracing the prophet's faith,
then triumphant in Central Asia and Asia Minor."
September 30, 1897
No one can rightly question the sincerity of those seeking social reform who
do not acknowledge God's authority as the first step toward true reform. They
merely do not know. But not to know is sinful, for men might know. When Jesus
was condemned it was from this "general humanitarian" point of view. "It is
expedient for us," said Caiaphas, "that one man should die for the people, and
that the whole nation perish not." But their rejection of Jesus and, in that, of
God's law and rulership brought swift ruin upon people and nation. Paul was
denounced as a "pestilent fellow" and Christians were a sect "everywhere
spoken against" because they were preaching the Gospel in a society that men
were trying to bind together by universal ties of trade and common religion,
enforced by civil law. But the Gospel of liberty which they preached was the only
hope of society. Just so Papal Rome for many centuries tried to compel
uniformity in error for the general good and peace of society. But Rome corrupted
and ruined the world.
"Signs of the Times in the Business World" American Sentinel 12, 41.
E. J. Waggoner
It is an age of confederacies and "trust." The rich form them to add to their
riches, and the poorer are joining together for common action against those
holding the means of production. In it all, the rights of the individual are not
considered, and the tendency is toward the tyranny of the combination over the
individual. The Scripture foretells the troubles that will come in the last days
because of the rich heaping together their riches. In the end they will be for
"booties" unto the oppressed, Habakkuk warns them, and the prophet James
pronounces the woe upon them for their covetousness, at the same time showing
that all the Lord's people will keep clear of both sides in the controversy, and wait
patiently for the coming of the Lord.
The signs of the coming struggle are apparent everywhere, but in America
they are most plainly to be seen. An American correspondent of the National
Review says that the commercial world is-
"full of rumors of the creation of new trust so gigantic and so far-reaching in
their cope that those trusts already in existence are mere pigmies compared to
them."
One trust now controlling the oil, iron ore, and sugar industries of America,
purposes adding several other businesses, having so great an income that it can
easily buy the industry. Thus business and wealth in the United States are
coming more and more into the hands of a few. The National Review says of
this:-
"It is difficult to see what the end will be an when this process of absorption
will end. There are perhaps two solutions which may be looked forward to during
the next quarter of a century. One is a universal trust with a few men controlling
all the industrial activities of the United States, and with the bulk of the American
people its employees. The other is a repetition of the French Revolution, but the
revolution of 1825, if it comes, will be more terrible in its consequences and more
destructive in its results than that of 1793, because to-day the people are more
numerous, more determined and more intelligent, and their power to work good
or evil has increased tenfold since the days of Robespierre and Danton."
The one thing that would hold in check these elements of violence, both as to
the lawless greed of the capitalists and the lawless covetousness of the poor, is
the Gospel. But the world does not want this generally. And too often the
churches-and this is the general tendency in America-distrusting the power of the
Gospel, are going in for political reform. But the more the churches enter the
arena of political strife the less power of God for righteousness will they have to
wield for peace. One of the signs of the Lord's coming was to be the "distress of
nations, with perplexity." We see it in more directions than one, and men's hearts
are alarmed as they look into the future. It is a good time to persuade men to put
their trust in God. He has a care for the individual.
"One of the most notable signs of the times," says the current Review of
Reviews, was the action at the Zurich Socialist Labor Congress in favor of
making Sunday the universal compulsory day of rest.
"There were two propositions before the Congress, both insisting on one
day's rest in seven, but the English Socialists objected to stipulating that this day
must be Sunday. Their Continental brethren-owing largely to the influence and
numbers of the Catholic Socialists-would have no other day but Sunday, and
after an animated debate voted down the English opposition by a large majority."
The Catholics were only standing by the papal principle of enforced religious
observances, by the institution which Rome in all her teaching claims as the mark
of her authority. She boasts of having substituted Sunday for the Sabbath without
Bible authority, and whatever builds up her substitute adds to her prestige.
Mr. Stead thus commends these Catholics for outvoting the English
delegates, who seem to have stood for that freedom of choice which even God
will not take from them:-
"This was well don't! If the rest day is to be generally observed, there must be
a general agreement as to what day it shall be. That is why, from the general
humanitarian point of view, the Seventh-day Adventists, etc., have always
seemed to me to be among the most pernicious of Protestant sects."
If so, it is because they are the most Protestant, and the more scripturally
Protestant and Christian a movement is the more pernicious will it be considered
by any who stand for the papal principle of state-enforced religion of human
invention. This issue is of tremendous importance to humanity.
What is humanity's need?-It is salvation from sin. God only has power to save
men from the greed and selfishness and oppression eating into the vitals of
society. He only can save men from lawlessness by writing his law in their hearts.
But when would-be social reformers shut away his power from men, and teach
the world to reject his word and commands, they are shutting away the only hope
and Saviour of humanity. And God declares that his Sabbath is the sign of his
power to save and sanctify. It is a question of loyalty to God, in which way alone
is there hope for men.
December 2, 1897
"The Sabbath the Sign of the Cross" American Sentinel 12, 47.
E. J. Waggoner
Jesus says, "Come unto Me, all ye that labor, and are heavy laden, and I will
give you rest." Matt. 11:35. He gives rest because in Him the works of God are
perfect. "We are His workmanship, created in Christ Jesus unto good works." If
any man be in Christ, he is a new creature." In Him "we have our redemption, the
forgiveness of sins, . . . for in him were all things created." Redemption through
Christ is nothing else than creation-a new creation. Just before His crucifixion,
Christ said to the Father, "I have finished the work which Thou gavest Me to do."
John 17:4. And when He hung on the cross He cried, "It is finished; and He
bowed his head, and gave up the ghost." John 19:30. Thus He indicated that in
the cross are to be found all the perfect, finished works of the new creation.
Now the Sabbath was given as the sign of a perfect creation completed;
therefore it is the sign of those perfect works restored by the cross of Christ. That
is to say: Since the Sabbath is the sign of a perfect creation completed, and by
the cross of Christ a new creation is accomplished, the Sabbath must be the sign
of the cross. Try it and see if it is not.
Here is where so many people mistake: they think that the Sabbath is a hard
requirement that God lays on men, and then they soon get in the way of thinking
that God cannot require it of us, since He does not desire his people to be
burdened, But salvation is not a thing required of us, but a gift to us; and the
Sabbath is the sign of Christ's saving power: He saves by the power by which He
creates. Rest is not a burden, it is a pleasure. Nothing more absolutely delightful
can be imagined than rest in the consciousness of work all done and well done,
and this is the privilege of the people of God: "All Thy works shall praise Thee, O
Lord, and Thy saints shall bless Thee. They shall speak of the glory of Thy
kingdom, and talk of Thy power; to make known to the sons of men Thy mighty
acts, and the glorious majesty of Thy kingdom." Ps. 145:10-12. "One generation
shall praise Thy works to another, and shall declare Thy mighty acts." Verse 4.
The Sabbath is the pledge and assurance to us, that the power by which the
worlds were made has wrought good works for us in Christ, and that these works
are all ours if we believe. This is the rest prepared for us from the foundation of
the world.
Here are two bits from the Methodist Times which suggest a lesson that may
be read over and over again in the story of the struggle of religious factious for
worldly power. The Mayor of Lancaster was recently threatened with the
penalties of an ancient religious law. Mr. Hugh Price Hughes thus commented on
the affair:-
"Some Anglican bigot unearthed an ancient Act of Parliament by which any
municipal officer was liable to a fine of 100 if he appeared in the robes and
regalia of his choice in any place of worship except the Established Church. . . .
Mr. Kelly and Mr. Bunting, have shown that the intolerant Act has been repealed
during the Queen's reign. Thus one more rusty weapon is taken out of the hands
of intolerant schismatics."
Surely the writer of this vigorous comment is ready to cry "hands off!"
whenever anyone resorts to old religious laws as a means of promoting religious
observances. But no; there are other old religious statutes still unrepealed, and
Mr. Hughes sees in them a weapon which he thinks should not be allowed to get
rusty. Of course people who want to keep Sunday keep it; but those who do not,
Mr. Hughes would force to act as though they did. He says:-
We do not suggest anything unreasonable. All we suggest is that the law
should sternly prohibit anything and everything of the nature of trade or money-
making on Sunday.
That is all. To such rusty old weapons men resort when they forsake the
"Sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God."
The word Sabbath means http://nc.st rest. It is a Hebrew word transferred into
the English language. When the Hebrews used the word "Sabbath," it conveyed
the same idea to them that the word "rest" does to us. The fourth commandment
therefore really says to us: "Remember the rest day, to keep it holy. Six days
shalt thou labor, and do all thy work; but the seventh day is the rest of the Lord
thy God; in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy
manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy
gates; for in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in
them is, and rested the seventh day; wherefore the Lord blessed the rest day,
and hallowed it."
We must not make the mistake of judging of the Lord's rest from what men
are accustomed to call rest. God is not a man. We should rather learn from God's
rest what rest really is. God's rest is not mere physical rest from weariness. This
we know from two facts. First, "God is Spirit." John 4:24. Not "a spirit," as though
He were one of many; but He is Spirit, as it is rendered in the margin of the
Revision. Second, "The everlasting God, the Lord, the Creator of the ends of the
earth, fainteth not, neither is weary." Isa. 40:33. The Lord therefore did not rest
because He was tired, and His rest is not physical, but spiritual, since He is
Spirit. "They that worship Him must worship Him in Spirit and in truth."
God rested, not because He was weary, but because His work was finished.
When work is finished, and is well done, nothing but rest remains. In six days
God finished His work, and as He surveyed it, He pronounced it "very good."
There was no flaw in it. It was without fault before Him. Therefore since God's
work was done and well done at the close of the sixth day, "He rested on the
seventh day from all His work which He had made." He had no sad reflections,
no regrets. His rest was not marred, as what man calls rest so often is, by any
such thought as, "To-morrow I must go at that work again;" nor, "I wish that I had
done this portion a little differently;" nor, "If I could do that over again, I could
make an improvement;" nor, "That last day's work is so bad that I cannot bear to
look at it; I was so tired when I got to it that I couldn't half do it." Nothing of the
kind. Every portion of the work, even man, was as perfect as it was possible for it
to be, and God took pure delight in contemplating the work from which He was
resting because it was complete and perfect.
This is the rest which He offers to us. It is not something that He imposes on
us, but which He in everlasting love and kindness gives to us. Rest is not a task
that is laid on one. It is not a burden. They who look upon the Sabbath as a
burden, have no idea of what the Sabbath of the Lord is. It is rest, perfect,
unalloyed rest.
Jesus Christ is the One by whom the worlds were made, "for in Him were all
things created, in the heavens, and upon the earth," therefore He is the one who
offers us this rest. To every soul He cries, "Come unto Me all ye that labor and
are heavy laden, and I will give you rest." Matt. 11:38. The rest is found in Him,
because in Him the works of God are completed. In Him is the new creation, and
if any man be in Him, he is a new creature. On the cross Jesus cried, "It is
finished," thus showing that in His cross we find that perfect rest that comes
alone from the finished work of the Lord.
This rest is gained by faith. "We which believe do enter into rest." How so?-
Because by faith we have the finished, perfect work of the Lord as our own. "This
is the work of God, that ye believe on Him whom He hath sent." John 6:29.
Believing Him means receiving Him; and since in Him the works of God are
complete, it follows that by believing on Him we find the rest.
The rest that Jesus gives is rest from sin. The heavy laden whom He calls to
Him are those who are burdened with the weight of their sins. All men are thus
burdened, "for all have sinned." Our best works are utterly worthless. Christ will
have a people who are "zealous of good works" (Titus 2:14, 15), but the good
works must be those which God Himself has wrought for us in Christ. Only His
work is enduring. "His work is honorable and glorious; and His righteousness
endureth for ever." Ps. 111:3. Therefore, "by grace are ye saved, through faith;
and that not of yourselves; it is the gift of God; not of works, lest any man should
boast; for we are His workmanship, created in Christ Jesus unto good works,
which God hath before prepared, that we should walk in them." Eph. 2:8-10. It is
"not by works done in righteousness, which we did ourselves, but according to
His mercy He saved us, through the washing of regeneration and renewing of the
Holy Ghost, which He poured out upon us richly, through Jesus Christ our
Saviour." Titus 3:5, 6.
It is by the works of God, therefore, that we are saved, and not by our own.
Good works there are in abundance, and they are for us too, but through no work
of our own; solely through the perfect work of God in Jesus Christ. If the works
were our own, then the rest would be our own; but God gives us His rest, not
ours, because only His works can yield perfect rest. "He hath made His
wonderful works to be remembered" (Ps. 111:4), or, literally,
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"He hath made a memorial for His wondrous works." That memorial is the
seventh day, the day on which He rested from all His works. That day He has
blessed and sanctified, made holy. Its holiness has never departed from it, for
"whatsoever God doeth, it shall be for ever." No matter what man does, nor how
man regards the day, its holiness remains.
"There remaineth therefore a rest to the people of God;" and the seventh day,
which God for ever declares to be His rest, is that by which He makes known to
us the perfection of His rest, because it calls us to contemplate a finished and
perfect new creation. It reveals to us the everlasting God, the unwearied,
almighty Creator, who has wrought and laid up great goodness for them that trust
in Him before the sons of men. Ps. 31:19. It reminds us that we are "complete in
Him, which is the head of all principality and power." It tells us that, although we
have sinned, and brought the curse upon God's perfect creation, the cross of
Christ, which bears the curse, restores and perpetuates the perfect work of God,
so that through it we may stand without fault before the throne of God, just as
when man was first made. "Thanks be unto God for His unspeakable gift."
There is such a thing as "the Jewish Sabbath," or the Sabbath of the Jews,
but it is a far different thing from the Sabbath of the Lord. Many people imagine
that if one observes the seventh day he is keeping the Jewish Sabbath; but that
does not at all follow. No one keeps the Jewish Sabbath if he keeps the Sabbath
"according to the commandment." There is the same difference between the
Jewish Sabbath and the Sabbath of the Lord, that there is between a man and
God. Let us explain.
"The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord;" but we have seen that the
Lord's rest is spiritual rest, which the seventh day commemorates. A man may
cease from physical toil on the seventh day of the week, and not keep the
Sabbath of the Lord. If a man stops work on Friday evening at sunset, and
abstains from all labor until the next day at sunset, merely as a form of worship,
and in order that he may be physically better able to go at his work again, or with
the thought that he is thereby discharging a duty, and gaining the favor of God,
that is not keeping the Sabbath of the Lord. To keep the Sabbath of the Lord is to
delight in the Lord. Those who do not delight themselves in the Lord, do not keep
His Sabbath, no matter when they abstain from labor.
It is absolutely impossible for one who is not a Christian to keep the Lord's
Sabbath; for, as we have seen, God's rest comes only from His perfect work,
which is found only in Christ. "We which believe do enter into rest." Therefore no
Jew, so-called, as distinguished from a believer in Christ, keeps the Sabbath of
the Lord, even though he apparently rests on the seventh day of the week. His
rest is his own rest, and not the rest of the Lord.
Do you see the difference? The Jewish Sabbath falls on the same day of the
week as the Sabbath of the Lord, but it is not by any means the same thing. It
represents only the man himself, and his own work. Instead of being the sign of
justification by faith in the work of the Lord, it is the sign of self-righteousness, as
indicated by the question which the Jews asked of Jesus: "What shall we do, that
we might work the works of God?" They counted their own works equal to God's
works. Their obedience was not the obedience of faith, but only of form. From
such a Sabbath may the Lord deliver us. It is from it that we are delivered in the
Sabbath of the Lord, for we are saved from our own works, and given the perfect
works of the Lord. "The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord," but let us
beware of making it a mere caricature of rest. Let us take it for what it is: the rest
of the Lord.
This is something entirely different from the Sabbath of the Jews, and
infinitely different from the Sabbath of the Lord. The Sabbath of the Lord is the
acceptance of God's own works, and rest in them alone, allowing Him to work
both to will and to do of His good pleasure; the Jewish Sabbath represents the
vain attempt of zealous and self-confident men to do the works which God
Himself does, and which God alone can do; but the Pope's sabbath signifies the
substitution of man's work for God's work, as being not only as good, but even
better. It dispenses with even the form of the commandment of the Lord. Let us
see how this is.
The Lord's Sabbath has been sufficiently dwelt on for the present. We know
what it is. We have seen that the Jews' sabbath is the observing of the form of
the Lord's Sabbath, without the substance which can come only by faith. It falls
on the same day, but is man's Sabbath, not the Lord's. The Pope's Sabbath has
nothing in common with the Sabbath of the Lord, not even in form, but utterly
repudiates it. Thus, a papist book, entitled, "A Sure Way to Find Out the True
Religion," says:-
"The keeping holy the Sunday is a thing absolutely necessary to salvation;
and yet this is nowhere put down in the Bible; on the contrary, the Bible, says,
Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy (Ex. 20:8), which is Saturday, and not
Sunday; therefore the Bible does not contain all things necessary to salvation."
This is only one out of many similar citations that might be given, but is
sufficient to show that in the observance of Sunday the Catholic Church
deliberately repudiates the Word of the Lord, and sets itself above it. It has
placed its sabbath on an entirely different day from the Sabbath of the Lord,-a
day which even God Himself could not possibly have made His Sabbath, since
on it He began His work, in order to emphasize its claim to be above God. It
would teach men that they are to obey the church rather than God.
Notice that the citation speaks about the necessity of "keeping holy the
Sunday." But God has not made the
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Sunday holy. In fact, the Bible knows nothing about such a day. It does know the
first day of the week, which it calls a working day, but the Sunday, a day
composed of parts of two days, was made in Rome. The only day that God has
ever spoken of as holy is the seventh day of the week. That day He Himself has
made holy, and all He asks of us is to keep it holy. But since God has not made
the Sunday holy, it follows that if man is to keep it holy, man himself must make it
holy. All the sacredness in the world that Sunday has is that which man gives to
it. The Sunday-sabbath, therefore, stands as the sign of man's pretended power
to make things holy. For if man can make one thing holy, it is evident that he can
make anything holy. If man can make and keep a day holy, then he can make
and keep himself holy. The Pope's Sabbath is thus the sign of his claim to take
the place of the Lord as the sanctifier of sinners.
While the seventh day is the sign of God's power to save by His own works,
the Sunday is the sign of man's assumed power to save himself by his own
works, entirely apart from, and in spite of the Lord. It repudiates the Lord, in
repudiating His Word. Take notice that this is said of the Pope's Sunday, and not
of all those who regard it as a holy day. There are thousands who are keeping
the Pope's day, honestly supposing it to be the Sabbath of the Lord. Such of
course believe in justification by faith, although they unwittingly observe the sign
of justification by works. It is for the benefit of such that this article is written, that
they may be wholly consistent in their profession of faith. We are dealing with
facts, regardless of how men may stand related to them; and the facts are that
the Lord's Sabbath is justification by faith; the Pope's Sabbath means justification
by works, and that man's own works. On which side will you stand?
March 2, 1899
April 6, 1899
A motion was lately made in the House of Lords that a report be provided
showing the number of cases in which confessional boxes have been introduced
into the Church of England. Lord Salisbury, while agreeing to the request, pointed
out that whatever steps were taken by the government, they were powerless to
deal with any spiritual evil. He said:-
"If there are any means of repressing or discouraging the practice of habitual
confession, they would deserve all our consideration. I fear, however, that you
are undertaking an effort to coerce consciences, which greater powers have
failed to effect, and that you are more likely to increase the disease than to stop
it. but allow me to point out that this return will not tell you one hundredth part of
the evil.
"If there is to be confession, which I most earnestly deprecate, I would rather
have the open box in the church than the secret interview in the vestry. It is
between
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these two that you have to choose, and my fear is, in the first place, that you will
not get an accurate return of the boxes there are, because everybody who
returns the existence of a box returns a confession that he has broken the law.
You will not get people to do that; they will simply put your circular in the fire. And
beyond that you will be giving a vicious stimulus to a certain mistaken spirit of
religious courage which will most undoubtedly, and I think unfortunately, induce a
more extended practice of the evil which you so justly deprecate.
"I greatly fear that if men wish to confess to men or-perhaps I should put it
more accurately-if women wish to confess to men, all the power this Parliament
possesses will not avail seriously to arrest the process. The power of arresting it
lies with the organization over which the right reverend prelates preside. It is for
them to teach their flocks-they cannot do it too earnestly and too often-the evils
which may attend habitual and systematic secret confession. But let us be careful
lest we hinder their work, and prevent them from doing that which it is their
proper charge to carry out, by bringing in the arm of the flesh which never yet
beat down a religious error, and has often made the evil worse than before."
Lord Salisbury recognizes that it is the work of the church to attend to matters
of religion, and that the "arm of flesh" never yet mended matters. If the church is
corrupt and powerless for good, it is only by reason of its unlawful connection
with the world, and the first step in reform must be a separation from this
entangling and corrupting alliance. If the church neglects its work, the State
cannot take it up. It should not be necessary for a statesman to remind the
church of this truth.
A merely political disestablishment will not suffice to correct the evil. The
forbidden connection with the State arises out of a lack of faith in the power of
the Word, and a sinful yielding to worldly influences. The friendship of the world is
enmity with God (James 4:4), and the duty of every believer in the church is to
repent and do the first works, not trusting in the arm of flesh, but returning to his
first love. Rev. 2:4, 5. Christ loved the church and gave himself for it, and the
church which loyally recognizes its obligation to its Lord will, forsaking all other,
cleave only to him, content with the riches and the power which he bestows.
A gentleman who has recently visited Rome writes ad follows in the Christian
World:-
Rome would, if she had the power, still force her creeds by fire and faggot. I
was talking ore, day while in Rome with a prelate of the Church on the question
of heresy. "As a matter of fact," I said to him, "I could not believe many of your
doctrines. They are to me simply unbelievable." "Ah, well," he replied, "we
distinguish in cases of heresy." "In what way?" I asked. "Well," he said, "there are
two kinds of heresy-there is passive heresy and active heresy. Passive heresy is
simply to doubt, but active heresy is to propagate the doubt. In the former case
the Church is very merciful." "But," I asked, "suppose you as a Church had
supreme power to-day as you once had, and suppose I felt it my duty to openly
oppose certain articles of your faith. What would the Church do?" "It would stop
at nothing to stamp out the heresy," was his reply.
There is nothing to be surprised at in this, but there is danger that men will
regard Rome as having a monopoly of the persecuting spirit. Persecution began
with Cain. It was seen in Ishmael, and it will appear in everyone who is not born
of the Spirit. As then, "he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was
born after the Spirit, even suit is now." People may think that they will never
persecute, but they certainly will unless they be born of the Spirit. Those who do
not gather with Christ scatter abroad, and this is persecution. There is no such
thing as "passive heresy" against the false doctrines of Rome.
"Then Simon Peter having a sword, drew it, and smote the high priest's
servant, and cut off his right ear. The servant's name was Malchus. Then said
Jesus unto Peter, Put up thy sword into the sheath; the cup which my Father hath
given me, shall I not drink it?"
Jesus had said to his disciples, and to us as well, "I say unto you, That ye
resist not evil," and here he showed that his words are to be taken in their
plainest signification. If there was ever a place in the world when right was
oppressed by might, here it was. If ever in this world the sword was drawn in a
just cause, this was the time; yet Jesus rebuked it. Nothing else can be learned
from this occurrence than that there are no possible circumstances under which it
is justifiable to use weapons of warfare. Such sentiments as the following we find
given very frequent and prominent place in religious journals:-
In the last resort,-when insult has been wantonly inflicted, when the
obligations of honor have been wilfully repudiated, and when every resource of
peaceful diplomacy has been exhausted,-no self-respecting nation will be found
unprepared to maintain its dignity and enforce its rights by appeal to arms.
Let that serve for those nations and peoples who have no other method of
maintaining their honor and dignity than that which is common to the brutes.
Jesus showed that there is a better way to maintain one's dignity. He was
insulted and abused, yet never did the native dignity of His character assert itself
and shine forth more conspicuously, and so victoriously, too, than when He
reproved Peter for using the sword. Unarmed, He stood before that crowd of
armed men, and demonstrated Himself to be their Master. Every Christian who is
such indeed, has the same armor that He had. Read Eph. 6:13. For professed
Christians, therefore, to take the sword in self-defense, or for any other purpose,
is to
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admit that they know nothing of "the power of Jesus' name."
The Church Family Newspaper of the 16 June contains the following bit of
information appropriate to the season:-
"The near approach of Midsummer Day calls to mind the fact that that day
and the preceding eve, now dedicated to St. John the Baptist, have been
regarded as a holy season even from remote pagan times. There seems to be
little doubt that one custom which was observed in our own time, and may he still
In remote parts of Ireland and Scotland-that of lighting, fires on the hills on
Midsummer Eve-had come down to us from the time when the sun-god Bel, or
Baal, was worshipped in these islands. Such fires were common over the greater
part of Europe-from the cold borders of Lapland to the Levant."
The same custom is continued till the present time in Norway and Sweden,
where Midsummer Day is quite a holiday. In connection with the foregoing, the
following from the same paper, with regard to Stonehenge in Salisbury Plain, fits
very well:-
There is now no doubt of the character of this mighty ruin. Baal worship was
at one time almost the universal religion, and this was one of the great temples. It
was oriented so that the rays of the rising sun at midsummer should fall upon its
sacred altar. It would be rash to guess its age for it may be older than the time of
Elijah. Very little is known of the religious teaching of the Druids, but they were
believed to have been Baal, that is, suit worshippers. . . . Sixty years ago I heard
boys sing in the streets a song which is a portion of a Druidical hymn to the rising
sun. In English it sounds like nonsense, and they had no idea what they were
saying; it was a wonderful survival of pagan Britain, and Elijah may have heard
this chorus, sung by the priests of Baal, three thousand years ago. In one or two
remote parts of Britain, the custom of commemorating the triumph of the sun on
June 21 still continues, with dancing and bonfires. The peasants are probably
innocent of the origin of this custom.
Many people are observing pagan customs, wholly ignorant of their origin,
thinking indeed that they are Christian because "the Church" has adopted them
and sanctions them. How many realise the connection between Christmas and
Midsummer Day? The observance of the latter is admitted to be solely of pagan
origin Sun worshippers celebrated it as the day of the greatest triumph of their
god, the day on which the sun was longest and highest above the horizon. Just
six months later, after a period of progressive daily decrease of sunshine, when
the sun seemed to be going away, they celebrated the time of the beginning of its
return, its birth, as they called it.
Now when the bishops of the early church, more anxious to secure a large
following than to win men from the superstitions of paganism, saw how firmly the
heathen were wedded to these sun-festivals, they resolved
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to adopt them, so that the heathen could profess Christianity without making any
violent change in their habits and customs. But of course it would not do to
continua them as emblems of the worship of the ruler of the day. So,
remembering that Jesus was just six months younger than John the Baptist, they
hit on the plan of calling Midsummer Day the birthday of John the Baptist, and
the winter celebration the birthday of Jesus, quieting their consciences, if they
had any conscience in the matter, by the fact that Jesus is "the Sun of
righteousness." So we have Christmas, a purely heathen festival, firmly fixed in
the Church. When so much of sun worship had been adopted, it was but a short
step to the adoption of Sunday, "the venerable day of the sun."