Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
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Organizational Fields
Author(s): Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell
Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 48, No. 2 (Apr., 1983), pp. 147-160
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2095101
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THE IRON CAGE REVISITED: INSTITUTIONAL ISOMORPHISM
AND COLLECTIVE RATIONALITY IN ORGANIZATIONAL FIELDS*
In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of capitalist firms in the marketplace; competition
Capitalism, Max Weber warned that the ra- among states, increasing rulers' need to control
tionalist spirit ushered in by asceticism had their staff and citizenry; and bourgeois de-
achieved a momentum of its own and that, mands for equal protection under the law. Of
under capitalism, the rationalist order had be- these three, the most important was the com-
come an iron cage in which humanity was, save petitive marketplace. "Today," Weber
for the possibility of prophetic revival, impris- (1968:974) wrote:
oned "perhaps until the last ton of fossilized
coal is burnt" (Weber, 1952:181-82). In his it is primarily the capitalist market economy
which demands that the official business of
essay on bureaucracy, Weber returned to this
theme, contending that bureaucracy, the ra- administration be discharged precisely, un-
ambiguously, continuously, and with as
tional spirit's organizational manifestation, was
so efficient and powerful a means of controlling much speed as possible. Normally, the very
large, modem capitalist enterprises are
men and women that, once established, the
momentum of bureaucratization was irreversible themselves unequalled models of strict bu-
reaucratic organization.
(Weber, 1968).
The imagery of the iron cage has haunted We argue that the causes of bureaucratiza-
students of society as the tempo of bureau- tion and rationalization have changed. The bu-
cratization has quickened. But while bureau- reaucratization of the corporation and the state
cracy has spread continuously in the eighty have been achieved. Organizations are still be-
years since Weber wrote, we suggest that the coming more homogeneous, and bureaucracy
engine of organizational rationalization has remains the common organizational form.
shifted. For Weber, bureaucratization resulted Today, however, structural change in organi-
from three related causes: competition among zations seems less and less driven by competi-
tion or by the need for efficiency. Instead, we
will contend, bureaucratization and other
forms of organizational change occur as the
*Direct all correspondence to: Paul J. DiMaggio result of processes that make organizations
and Walter W. Powell, School of Organization and
Management, Yale University, Box 1A, New more similar without necessarily making them
Haven, CT 06520. more efficient. Bureaucratization and other
A preliminary version of this paper was presented forms of homogenization emerge, we argue,
by Powell at the American Sociological Association out of the structuration (Giddens, 1979) of or-
meetings in Toronto, August 1981. We have bene- ganizational fields. This process, in turn, is
fited considerably from careful readings of earlier effected largely by the state and the profes-
drafts by Dan Chambliss, Randall Colfins, Lewis sions, which have become the great ration-
Coser, Rebecca Friedkin, Connie Gersick, Albert alizers of the second half of the twentieth cen-
Hunter, Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Charles E. tury. For reasons that we will explain, highly
Lindblom, John Meyer, David Morgan, Susan
Olzak, Charles Perrow, Richard A. Peterson, Arthur structured organizational fields provide a con-
Stinchcombe, Blair Wheaton, and two anonymous text in which individual efforts to deal ration-
ASR reviewers. The authors' names are listed in ally with uncertainty and constraint often lead,
alphabetical order for convenience. This was a fully in the aggregate, to homogeneity in structure,
collaborative effort. culture, and output.
by output controls. Under such circumstances, advantages of mimetic behavior in the econ-
organizations employ ritualized controls of omy of human action are considerable; when
credentials and group solidarity. an organization faces a problem with ambigu-
Direct imposition of standard operating pro- ous causes or unclear solutions, problemistic
cedures and legitimated rules and structures search may yield a viable solution with little
also occurs outside the governmental arena. expense (Cyert and March, 1%3).
Michael Sedlak (1981) has documented the Modeling, as we ,use the term, is a response
ways that United Charities in the 1930s altered to uncertainty. The modeled organization may
and homogenized the structures, methods, and be unaware of the modeling or may have no
philosophies of the social service agencies that desire to be copied; it merely serves as a con-
depended upon them for support. As conglom- venient source of practices that the borrowing
erate corporations increase in size and scope, organization may use. Models may be diffused
standard performance criteria are not neces- unintentionally, indirectly through employee
sarily imposed on subsidiaries, but it is com- transfer or turnover, or explicitly by organi-
mon for subsidiaries to be subject to stan- zations such as consulting firms or industry
dardized reporting mechanisms (Coser et al., trade associations. Even innovation can be ac-
1982). Subsidiaries must adopt accounting counted for by organizational modeling. As
practices, performance evaluations, and bud- Alchian (1950) has observed:
getary plans that are compatible with the
While there certainly are those who con-
policies of the parent corporation. A variety of
sciously innovate, there are those who, in their
service infrastructures, often provided by
imperfect attempts to imitate others,
monopolistic firmsfor example, telecom-
unconsciously innovate by unwittingly ac-
munications and transportationexert com-
quiring some unexpected or unsought unique
mon pressures over the organizations that use
them. Thus, the expansion of the central state, attributes which under the prevailing cir-
the centralization of capital, and the coordina- cumstances prove partly responsible for the
tion of philanthropy all support the homogeni- success. Others, in turn, will attempt to copy
zation of organizational models through direct the uniqueness, and the innovation-imitation
authority relationships. process continues.
We have so far referred only to the direct and One of the most dramatic instances of mod-
explicit imposition of organizational mod-els on eling was the effort of Japan's modernizers in
dependent organizations. Coercive the late nineteenth century to model new gov-
isomorphism, however, may be more subtle and ernmental initiatives on apparently successful
less explicit than these examples suggest. western prototypes. Thus, the imperial gov-
Milofsky (1981) has described the ways in ernment sent its officers to study the courts,
which neighborhood organizatioins in urban Army, and police in France, the Navy and
communities, many of which are committed to postal system in Great Britain, and banking
participatory democracy, are driven to devel- and art education in the United States (see
oping organizational hierarchies in order to gain Westney, forthcoming). American corpo-
support from more hierarchically orga-nized rations are now returning the compliment by
donor organizations. Similarly, Swidler (1979) implementing (their perceptions of) Japanese
describes the tensions created in the free models to cope with thorny productivity and
schools she studied by the need to have a personnel problems in their own firms. The
"principal" to negotiate with the district sup- rapid proliferation of quality circles and
erintendent and to represent the school to out- quality-of-work-life issues in American firms
side agencies. In general, the need to lodge is, at least in part, an attempt to model
responsibility and managerial authority at least Japanese and European successes. These de-
ceremonially in a formally defined role in order velopments also have a ritual aspect; com-
to interact with hierarchical organizations is a panies adopt these "innovations" to enhance
constant obstacle to the maintenance of their legitimacy, to demonstrate they are at
egalitarian or collectivist organizational forms least trying to improve working conditions.
(Kanter, 1972; Rothschild-Whitt, 1979). More generally, the wider the population of
Mimetic processes. Not all institutional personnel employed by, or customers served
isomorphism, however, derives from coercive by, an organization, the stronger the pressure
authority. Uncertainty is also a powerful force felt by the organization to provide the pro-
that encourages imitation. When organi- grams and services offered by other organi-
zational technologies are poorly understood zations. Thus, either a skilled labor force or a
(March and Olsen, 1976), when goals are am- broad customer base may encourage mimetic
biguous, or when the environment creates isomorphism.
symbolic uncertainty, organizations may Much homogeneity in organizational
model themselves on other organizations. The structures stems from the fact that despite con-
152 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
siderable search for diversity there is relatively base and legitimation for their occupational
little variation to be selected from. New orga- autonomy. As Larson points out, the profes-
nizations are modeled upon old ones through- sional project is rarely achieved with complete
out the economy, and managers actively seek success. Professionals must compromise with
models upon which to build (Kimberly, 1980). nonprofessional clients, bosses, or regulators.
Thus, in the arts one can find textbooks on The major recent growth in the professions has
how to organize a community arts council or been among organizational professionals, par-
how to start a symphony women's guild. Large ticularly managers and specialized staff of
orga-nizations choose from a relatively small large organizations. The increased
set of major consulting firms, which, like professionaliza-tion of workers whose futures
Johnny Appleseeds, spread a few are inextricably bound up with the fortunes of
organizational mod-els throughout the land. the organizations that employ them has
Such models are pow-erful because structural rendered obsolescent (if not obsolete) the
changes are observable, whereas changes in dichotomy between organi-zational
policy and strategy are less easily noticed. commitment and professional alle-giance that
With the advice of a major consulting firm, a characterized traditional profes-sionals in
large metropolitan public television station earlier organizations (Hall, 1968). Professions
switched from a functional design to a are subject to the same coercive and mimetic
multidivisional structure. The sta-tions' pressures as are organizations. Moreover, while
executives were skeptical that the new various kinds of professionals within an
structure was more efficient; in fact, some ser - organization may differ from one an-other, they
vices were now duplicated across divisions. exhibit much similarity to their professional
But they were convinced that the new design counterparts in other organi-zations. In
would carry a powerful message to the for- addition, in many cases, profes-sional power is
profit firms with whom the station regularly as much assigned by the state as it is created by
dealt. These firms, whether in the role of cor- the activities of the profes-sions.
porate underwriters or as potential partners in Two aspects of professionalization are im-
joint ventures, would view the reorganization portant sources of isomorphism. One is the
as a sign that "the sleepy nonprofit station was resting of formal education and of legitimation
becoming more business-minded" (Powell, in a cognitive base produced by university spe-
forthcoming). The history of management re- cialists; the second is the growth and elabora-
form in American government agencies, which tion of professional networks that span organi-
are noted for their goal ambiguity, is almost a zations and across which new models diffuse
textbook case of isomorphic model-ing, from rapidly. Universities and professional training
the PPPB of the McNamara era to the zero - institutions are important centers for the de-
based budgeting of the Carter administra-tion. velopment of organizational norms among
Organizations tend to model themselves after professional managers and their staff. Profes-
similar organizations in their field that they sional and trace associations are another vehi-
perceive to be more legitimate or suc-cessful. cle for the definition and promulgation of nor-
The ubiquity of certain kinds of structural mative rules about organizational and profes-
arrangements can more likely be credited to the sional behavior. Such mechanisms create a pool
universality of mimetic pro-cesses than to any of almost interchangeable individuals who
concrete evidence that the adopted models occupy similar positions across a range of or-
enhance efficiency. John Meyer (1981) ganizations and possess a similarity of orienta-
contends that it is easy to predict the tion and disposition that may override varia-
organization of a newly emerging nation's tions in tradition and control that might other-
administration without knowing anything about wise shape organizational behavior (Perrow,
the nation itself, since "peripheral na-tions are 1974).
far more isomorphicin administra-tive form One important mechanism for encouraging
and economic patternthan any theory of the normative isomorphism is the filtering of per-
world system of economic di-vision of labor sonnel. Within many organizational fields fil-
would lead one to expect." tering occurs through the hiring of individuals
Normative pressures. A third source of from firms within the same industry; through
isomorphic organizational change is normative the recruitment of fast-track staff from a nar-
and stems primarily from professionalization. row range of training institutions; through
Following Larson (1977) and Collins (1979), we common promotion practices, such as always
interpret professionalization as the collective hiring top executives from financial or legal
struggle of members of an occupation to define departments; and from skill-level requirements
the conditions and methods of their work, to for particular jobs. Many professional career
control "the production of producers" (Lar-son, tracks are so closely guarded, both at the entry
1977:49-52), and to establish a cognitive level and throughout the career progression,
INSTITUTIONAL ISOMORPHISM 153
that individuals who make it to the top are macy and visibility and lead competing firms to
virtually indistinguishable. March and March copy aspects of their structure or operating
(1977) found that individuals who attained the procedures in hope of obtaining similar re-
position of school superintendent in Wisconsin wards. Professional and trade associations
were so alike in background and orientation as provide other arenas in which center organiza-
to make further career advancement random tions are recognized and their personnel given
and unpredictable. Hirsch and Whisler (1982) positions of substantive or ceremonial influ-
find a similar absence of variation among For- ence. Managers in highly visible organizations
tune 500 board members. In addition, may in turn have their stature reinforced by
individu-als in an organizational field undergo representation on the boards of other organi-
antici-patory soCialization to common zations, participation in industry-wide or inter-
expectations about their personal behavior, industry councils, and consultation by agencies
appropriate style of dress, organizational of government (Useem, 1979). In the nonprofit
vocabularies (Cicourel, 1970; Williamson, sector, where legal barriers to collu-sion do not
1975) and standard methods of speaking, exist, structuration may proceed even more
joking, or address-ing others (Ouchi, 1980). rapidly. Thus executive producers or artistic
Particularly in industries with a service or directors of leading theatres head trade or
financial orientation (Collins, 1979, argues professional association committees, sit on
that the importance of credentials is strongest government and foundation grant-award
in these areas), the fil-tering of personnel panels, or consult as government- or
approaches what Kanter (1977) refers to as the foundation-financed management advisors to
"homosexual reproduc-tion of management." smaller theatres, or sit on smaller organi-
To the extent managers and key staff are zations' boards, even as their stature is rein-
drawn from the same univer-sities and filtered forced and enlarged by the grants their theatres
on a common set of attri-butes, they will tend receive from government, corporate, and
to view problems in a similar fashion, see the foundation funding sources (DiMaggio, 1982).
same policies, procedures and structures as Such central organizations serve as both
normatively sanctioned and legitimated, and active and passive models; their policies and
approach decisions in much the same way. structures will be copied throughout their
Entrants to professional career tracks who fields. Their centrality is reinforced as up-
somehow escape the filtering processfor wardly mobile managers and staff seek to se-
example, Jewish naval officers, woman cure positions in these central organizations in
stockbrokers, or Black insurance executives order to further their own careers. Aspiring
are likely to be subjected to per-vasive on-the- managers may undergo anticipatory socializa-
job socialization. To the extent that tion into the norms and mores of the organi-
organizations in a field differ and primary zations they hope to join. Career paths may
socialization occurs on the job, socialization also involve movement from entry positions in
could reinforce, not erode, differences among the center organizations to middle-
organizations. But when organizations in a management positions in peripheral organi-
field are similar and occupational socialization zations. Personnel flows within an orgar.i-
is carried out in trade association workshops, zational field are further encouraged by
in-service educational programs, consultant ar- structural homogenization, for example the
rangements, employer-professional school existence of common career titles and paths
networks, and in the pages of trade magazines, (such as assistant, associate, and full profes-
socialization acts as an isomorphic force. sor) with meanings that are commonly under-
The professionalization of management tends stood.
to proceed in tandem with the structura-tion of It is important to note that each of the in-
organizational fields. The exchange of stitutional isomorphic processes can be ex-
information among professionals helps con- pected to proceed in the absence of evidence
tribute to a commonly recognized hierarchy of that they increase internal organizational effi-
status, of center and periphery, that becomes a ciency. To the extent that organizational effec-
matrix for information flows and personnel tiveness is enhanced, the reason will often be
movement across organizations. This status that organizations are rewarded for being
ordering occurs through both formal and in- similar to other organizations in their fields.
formal means. The designation of a few large This similarity can make it easier for organi-
firms in an industry as key bargaining agents in zations to transact with other organizations, to
union-management negotiations may make these attract career-minded staff, to be acknowl-
central firms pivotal in other respects as well. edged as legitimate and reputable, and to fit
Government recognition of key firms or into administrative categories that define eligi-
organizations through the grant or contract bility for public and private grants and con-
process may give these organizations legiti- tracts. None of this, however, insures that
154 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
conformist organizations do what they do more variability in the extent to and rate at which
efficiently than do their more deviant peers. organizations in a field change to become more
Pressures for competitive efficiency are also like their peers. Some organizations respond to
mitigated in many fields because the number of external pressures quickly; others change only
organizations is limited and there are strong after a long period of resistance. The first two
fiscal and legal barriers to entry and exit. Lee hypotheses derive from our discussion of coer-
(1971:51) maintains this is why hospital ad- cive isomorphism and constraint.
ministrators are less concerned with the effi- Hypothesis A-1: The greater the dependence
cient use of resources and more concerned with of an organization on another organization, the
status competition and parity in prestige. more similar it will become to that organi-
Fennell (1980) notes that hospitals are a poor zation in structure, climate, and behavioral
market system because patients lack the needed focus. Following Thompson (1957) and Pfeffer
knowledge of potential exchange partners and and Salancik (1978), this proposition recog-
prices. She argues that physicians and hospital nizes the greater ability of organizations to re-
administrators are the actual con-sumers. sist the demands of organizations on whom
Competition among hospitals is based on they are not dependent. A position of depen-
"attracting physicians, who, in turn, bring their dence leads to isomorphic change. Coercive
patients to the hospital." Fennell (p. 505) pressures are built into exchange relationships.
concludes that: As Williamson (1979) has shown, exchanges
are characterized by transaction-specific in-
Hospitals operate according to a norm of vestments in both knowledge and equipment.
social legitimation that frequently conflicts Once an organization chooses a specific
with market considerations of efficiency and supplier or distributor for particular parts or
system rationality. Apparently, hospitals can services, the supplier or distributor develops
increase their range of services not because expertise in the performance of the task as well
there is an actual need for a particular service as idiosyncratic knowledge about the exchange
or facility within the patient population, but relationship. The organization comes to rely on
because they will be defined as fit only if they the supplier or distributor and such transaction-
can offer everything other hospitals in the specific investments give the supplier or
area offer. distributor considerable advantages in any
subsequent competition with other suppliers or
These results suggest a more general pattern.
distributors.
Organizational fields that include a large pro-
fessionally trained labor force will be driven Hypothesis A-2: The greater the centraliza-
primarily by status competition. Organi-zational tion of organization A's resource supply, the
prestige and resources are key ele-ments in greater the extent to which organization A will
attracting professionals. This process change isomorphically to resemble the organi-
encourages homogenization as organizations zations on which it depends for resources. As
seek to ensure that they can provide the same Thompson (1967) notes, organizations that de-
benefits and services as their competitors. pend on the same sources for funding, person-
nel, and legitimacy will be more subject to the
whims of resource suppliers than will organi-
PREDICTORS OF ISOMORPHIC CHANGE zations that can play one source of support off
against another. In cases where alternative
It follows from our discussion of the mech- sources are either not readily available or re-
anism by which isomorphic change occurs that quire effort to locate, the stronger party to the
we should be able to predict empirically which transaction can coerce the weaker party to adopt
organizational fields will be most homogeneous its practices in order to accommodate the
in structure, process, and behavior. While an stronger party's needs (see Powell, 1983).
empirical test of such predictions is beyond the The third and fourth hypotheses derive from
scope of this paper, the ultimate value of our our discussion of mimetic isomorphism, mod-
perspective will lie in its predictive utility. The eling, and uncertainty.
hypotheses discussed below are not meant to Hypothesis A-3: The more uncertain the re-
exhaust the universe of predictors, but merely to lationship between means and ends the greater
suggest several hypotheses that may be pur- the extent to which an organization will model
sued using data on the characteristics of orga- itself after organizations it perceives to be suc-
nizations in a field, either cross-sectionally or, cessful. The mimetic thought process involved
preferably, over time. The hypotheses are im- in the search for models is characteristic of
plicitly governed by ceteris paribus assump- change in organizations in which key
tions, particularly with regard to size, technol- technologies are only poorly understood
ogy, and centralization of external resources. (March and Cohen, 1974). Here our prediction
A. Organizational-level predictors. There is diverges somewhat from Meyer and Rowan
INSTITUTIONAL ISOMORPHISM 155
(1977) who argue, as we do, that organizations the collective organization of the environment
which lack well-defined technologies will im- (Meyer and Rowan, 1977).
port institutionalized rules and practices. Meyer B. Field-level predictors. The following six
and Rowan posit a loose coupling be-tween hypotheses describe the expected effects of
legitimated external practices and inter-nal several characteristics of organizational fields
organizational behavior. From an ecologist's on the extent of isomorphism in a particular
point of view, loosely coupled or-ganizations field. Since the effect of institutional
are more likely to vary internally. In contrast, isomorphism is homogenization, the best indi-
we expect substantive internal changes in cator of isomorphic change is a decrease in
tandem with more ceremonial prac-tices, thus variation and diversity, which could be mea-
greater homogeneity and less varia-tion and sured by lower standard deviations of the
change. Internal consistency of this sort is an values of selected indicators in a set of organi-
important means of interorgani-zational zations. The key indicators would vary with
coordination. It also increases organi-zational the nature of the field and the interests of the
stability. investigator. In all cases, however, field-level
Hypothesis A-4: The more ambiguous the measures are expected to affect organizations
goals of an organization, the greater the extent in a field regardless of each organization's
to which the organization will model itself after scores on related organizational-level mea-
organizations that it perceives to be suc- sures.
cessful. There are two reasons for this. First, Hypothesis B-1: The greater the extent to
organizations with ambiguous or disputed goals which an organizational field is dependent upon
are likely to be highly dependent upon a single (or several similar) source of support
appearances for legitimacy. Such organizations for vital resources, the higher the level of
may find it to their advantage to meet the ex- isomorphism. The centralization of re-sources
pectations of important constituencies about within a field both directly causes
how they should be designed and run. In con- homogenization by placing organizations under
trast to our view, ecologists would argue that similar pressures from resource suppliers, and
organizations that copy other organizations interacts with uncertainty and goal ambiguity to
usually have no competitive advantage. We increase their impact. This hypothesis is
contend that, in most situations, reliance on congruent with the ecologists' argument that the
established, legitimated procedures enhances number of organizational forms is deter-mined
organizational legitimacy and survival charac- by the distribution of resources in the
teristics. A second reason for modeling be- environment and the terms on which resources
havior is found in situations where conflict are available.
over organizational goals is repressed in the Hypothesis B-2: The greater the extent to
interest of harmony; thus participants find it which the organizations in a field transact with
easier to mimic other organizations than to agencies of the state, the greater the extent of
make decisions on the basis of systematic isomorphism in the field as a whole. This fol-
analyses of goals since such analyses would lows not just from the previous hypothesis, but
prove painful or disruptive. from two elements of state/private-sector
The fifth and sixth hypotheses are based on transactions: their rule-boundedness and formal
our discussion of normative processes found in rationality, and the emphasis of govern-ment
professional organizations. actors on institutional rules. Moreover, the
Hypothesis A-5: The greater the reliance on federal government routinely designates industry
academic credentials in choosing managerial standards for an entire field which require
and staff personnel, the greater the extent to adoption by all competing firms. John Meyer
which an organization will become like other (1979) argues convincingly that the as-pects of
organizations in its field. Applicants with aca- an organization which are affected by state
demic credentials have already undergone a transactions differ to the extent that state
socialization process in university programs, and participation is unitary or fragmented among
are thus more likely than others to have several public agencies.
internalized reigning norms and dominant or- The third and fourth hypotheses follow from
ganizational models. our discussion of isomorphic change resulting
Hypothesis A-5: The greater the participa-tion from uncertainty and modeling.
of organizational managers in trade and Hypothesis B-3: The fewer the number of
professional associations, the more likely the visible alternative organizational models in a
organization will be, or will become, like other field, the faster the rate of isomorphism in that
organizations in its field. This hypothesis is field. The predictions of this hypothesis are less
parallel to the institutional view that the more specific than those of others and require further
elaborate the relational networks among refinement; but our argument is that for any
organizations and their members, the greater relevant dimension of organizational strat-
156 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
proportioned social edifice that macrotheorists nization seek to use it for ends that restrict the return
describe? to masters."
The conventional answer to this paradox has We reject neither the natural-selection nor
been that some version of natural selection oc- the elite-control arguments out of hand. Elites
curs in which selection mechanisms operate to do exercise considerable influence over mod em
weed out those organizational forms that are life and aberrant or inefficient organi-zations
less fit. Such arguments, as we have contended, sometimes do expire. But we contend that
are difficult to mesh with organi-zational neither of these processes is sufficient to
realities. Less efficient organizational forms do explain the extent to which organizations have
persist. In some contexts efficiency or become structurally more similar. We argue
productivity cannot even be measured. In that a theory of institutional isomorphism may
government agencies or in faltering corpo- help explain the observations that organi-
rations selection may occur on political rather zations are becoming more homogeneous, and
than economic grounds. In other contexts, for that elites often get their way, while at the
example the Metropolitan Opera or the Bohe- same time enabling us to understand the irra-
mian Grove, supporters are far more con- tionality, the frustration of power, and the lack
cerned with noneconomic values like aesthetic of innovation that are so commonplace in or-
quality or social status than with efficiency per ganizational life. What is more, our approach
se. Even in the for-profit sector, where com- is more consonant with the ethnographic and
petitive arguments would promise to bear the theoretical literature on how organizations
greatest fruit, Nelson and Winter's work work than are either functionalist or elite
(Winter, 1964, 1975; Nelson and Winter, 1982) theories of organizational change.
demonstrates that the invisible hand operates A focus on institutional isomorphism can
with, at best, a light touch. also add a much needed perspective on the
A second approach to the paradox that we political struggle for organizational power and
have identified comes from Marxists and survival that is missing from much of popula-
theorists who assert that key elites guide and tion ecology. The institutionalization approach
control the social system through their com- associated with John Meyer and his students
mand of crucial positions in major organi- posits the importance of myths and ceremony
zations (e.g., the financial institutions that but does not ask how these models arise and
dominate monopoly capitalism). In this view, whose interests they initially serve. Explicit
while organizational actors ordinarily proceed attention to the genesis of legitimated models
undisturbed through mazes of standard and to the definition and elaboration of organi-
operating procedures, at key turning points zational fields should answer this question.
capitalist elites get their way by intervening in Examination of the diffusion of similar organi-
decisions that set the course of an institution zational strategies and structures should be a
for years to come (Katz, 1975). productive means for assessing the influence of
While evidence suggests that this is, in fact, elite interests. A consideration of isomorphic
sometimes the caseBarnouw's account of the processes also leads us to a bifocal view of
early days of broadcasting or Weinstein's power and its application in modern politics. To
(1968) work on the Progressives are good the extent that organizational change is
examplesother historians have been less unplanned and goes on largely behind the backs
successful in their search for class-conscious of groups that wish to influence it, our attention
elites. In such cases as the development of the should be directed to two forms of power. The
New Deal programs (Hawley, 1966) or the ex- first, as March and Simon (1958) and Simon
pansion of the Vietnamese conflcit (Halperin, (1957) pointed out years ago, is the power to
1974), the capitalist class appears to have been set premises, to define the norms and standards
muddled and disunited. which shape and channel behavior. The second
Moreover, without constant monitoring, in- is the point of critical intervention (Domhoff,
dividuals pursuing parochial organizational or 1979) at which elites can define ap-propriate
subunit interests can quickly undo the work models of organizational structure and policy
that even the most prescient elites have ac- which then go unquestioned for years to come
complished. Perrow (1976:21) has noted that (see Katz, 1975). Such a view is consonant with
despite superior resources and sanctioning some of the best recent work on power (see
power, organizational elites are often unable to Lukes, 1974); research on the structuration of
maximize their preferences because "the com- organizational fields and on isomorphic
plexity of modern organizations makes control processes may help give it more empirical
difficult." Moreover, organizations have in- flesh.
creasingly become the vehicle for numerous Finally, a more developed theory of organi-
"gratifications, necessities, and preferences so zational isomorphism may have important im-
that many groups within and without the orga- plications for social policy in those fields in
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