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Kathryn Hall
November 1, 2016
CRITICAL REVIEW OF SIDEWALK 2
Summary: In 1992, Duneier delved into an ethnographic study of the streets of Greenwich
Village, centering on the men and women who live, and work there. Duneier yearned to
develop insight on how their world works and how they see it (p. 10) as well as how these
persons live in a moral order (p. 9). Thus, over seven years he dedicated his time and efforts
to directly participating alongside the men and women, all the while meticulously observing,
questioning and excavating information and narratives. He extended his focus outwards as
well, to larger social structures, tensions and constraints at play, giving a truly all-
encompassing view of Sixth Avenue. In his immersion with the vendors, and the sidewalk life,
Duneier was able to better understand that the seemingly mundane, often looked down upon
behaviors and interactions in which the vendors engage, serve an important purpose.
Duneier postulates this community has been mistakenly portrayed as units of dysfunction,
standing in the way of social order, when his research and findings point to the contrary.
nuanced understanding of how the vendors live their lives, think, behave, and interact in the
cultural, social milieu of the sidewalk. He presented a detailed view of the vendors behavior,
and meaning of these behaviors on the vendors own terms, instead of from a predominantly
outsiders perspective. Duneier succeeded in his endeavors to humanize the street vendors,
fascination with this cultural milieu culminated as an exceptional piece of social science,
which changed my own perspectives vastly. Duneiers findings and his assertions prompted
me to think more deeply about preconceived notions and social constructions I hold, as well
as question, with newfound ire, the injustices and dismissals so readily practiced against
marginalized groups such as the sidewalk vendors. The sociological insight he provides from
years of fieldwork, coupled with theoretical discernments, culminated in what is possibly the
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most profound piece of literature I have come across. Duneier constructed his claims with
immaculate method, and prodigious reflexivity, which I saw essentially no flaw in.
Personal Bias: Duneier realized from the onset of his study that objectivity and detachment
were neither possible, not desirable for him as an ethnographic researcher. Duneier
conceded to readers that being a social scientist does not preclude having strong opinions,
values, or feelings (Duneier, 1999, p. 78). To Duneier what is most important is that [he] try to
help the reader recognize the lens through which the reality is refracted (Duneier, 1999, p.
14) throughout his accounts of life on the sidewalk. He accomplished this by remaining
transparent in stating the multiplicity of ways his role, and his findings, were influenced by his
human being.
Duneier acknowledged he was documenting lives very different from [his] own,
prompting him to ask himself: how might my social position influence my work? (Duneier,
1999, p. 352). Duneiers self-reflexivity capabilities were exemplified through the transparent,
candid admissions of his personal limitations, made throughout the ethnography. He establishes
from the onset he is not exempt from having finite and fallible abilities. His willing admittance
that his influence, and judgments do impact the study abetted him to establish a heightened
level of consciousness and adaptability. Duneiers awareness of self, and criticism of his own
method ultimately proved beneficial and worthwhile to the entire research process, as well as
his end product and the overall effectiveness of his claims. His cognizance of the cluster of
value based subjective phenomena of which could skew his scholarship, led him to adapt his
approaches, resulting in better practice. Some of Duneiers adaptive, innovative tactics and
procedures included: his use of the tape recorder, his constant, incessant fact checking, his
return to various sites to seek corroboration of actualities, as well as having Hakim critique his
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work, and including an afterword written from the actual perspective of Hakim, a street vendor,
to culminate the ethnography. If Duneier had not acknowledged his value-based physiognomies,
or prospects of influence over his subjects, and data, I believe the level of depth, and accuracy
of his findings would be largely absent. It is his awareness of bias that led him to engage in
appeared to spare no detail, divulging his observations, and the data he collected, no matter
if it stood to support, or refute his claims. Duneier appeared to have a vast appreciation and
level of respect for the vendors, however I do not believe he enacted his study without
application of a critical eye. Thus, Duneier refrained from romanticizing the sidewalk, or
painting the vendors in an overly sympathetic light. Personally this made me view Duneier,
and his study with higher regard, because of the seeming unedited nature of the data he
included. Duneier indicated a desire to look carefully at-counter evidence in regard to [his]
theme (p. 342), that the informal system of social control the vendors provide, makes
sidewalk life viable. Duneier did just that, by devoting four chapters to highlight the limits of
informal social control, and examine some of the most contradictory evidence including
various instances of deviant, unattractive behavior. The counter evidence he included stands
to refute his claims, and instead support Wilson and Kellings (1982) broken windows theory,
of which his study essentially attempts to discredit. He very well could have omitted the
urination in public in greater detail, seeking to understand the behavior from the perspectives
people from the Business Improvement Districts, government officials, as well as owners of
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small businesses and pedestrians on the streets. These parties expressed views of the
vending community that were not only contradictory to those Duneier holds, but many in fact
voiced fierce contempt, and discomfort of the vendors presence. Duneiers inclusion of these
instances, even though they stood to rebut his claims, speaks volumes to his devotion to
readers to test [his] observations against their own (Duneier, 1999, p. 11), stating reverie that
his concepts and representations be regarded as veritable, and with any luck, offer
audiences to adopt the concerns voiced by the claims makers (Salmon, 2013, p. 245).
Duneier succeeded, doing just this, by backing his claims with a corpus of evocative narrative
and eventually adopt the concerns he voiced of the injustices and immoral actions against the
vending community. Duneier conducted strong logical reasoning as to why his claims have
merit, but also stimulated a strong sense of care and empathy in me towards the vendors.
Duneier constructed the identities of the vendors in personable, intimate manners, largely by
use of unfiltered narratives and detailed anecdotes from the vendors themselves. He used a
plethora of photos of various places and vendors he had spent seven years observing, as
another ingenious powerful claim-making strategy, to personalize the vendors and the
sidewalk milieu (Loseke, 2003). Duneier compelled me to accept his claims that the problems
he observed were not only highly prevalent, but extremely troublesome. Furthermore Duneier
induced me to care about the wellbeing of the vendors, and to stand behind his claims that
these problems and injustices can be changed, and that [they] should be changed (Loseke,
2003, p. 26).
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set up reputability in a study. This led me to credit Duneiers study as a reputable, sound
platform (Yin, 2001, p. 21; Hoepfl, 1997). Duneier allowed his data and discoveries to drive
his research development, meeting the criterion of being a fundamentally inductive approach.
Duneier did however also incorporate deductive reasoning and insights into his research
process. Duneier was unequivocally well informed and aware of notable theories of public
space and safety presented by Jacobs (1961) and Wilson and Kelling (1982). He built his
study from consideration of their hypotheses, but ultimately substantiated his claims by
means of his data assemblage. I venture that his study was enhanced due to his thoughtful
incorporation of both inductive and deductive practices. Duneiers approach adds a layer of
depth, and reputability to his study that a solely inductive approach would not have given.
research as a central indicator of paramount ethnography (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Yin, 2011).
Duneiers study exemplifies evidence of this, by his use of disclosure, and transparency of his
methods, which he argued held him to a higher standard of evidence. By providing an explicit
audit trail (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 321), Duneier enables parties to investigate and
analyze his research for themselves. Duneier was straightforward in explaining his thought
process, and procedures from beginning to end. He concluded his ethnography with a lengthy
The Call for My Ethnographic Project: The ethnographic project I would carry out is on the
experiences of families with children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorders (ASD). I have
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noticed an ostensible gap in social science studies and research, investigating and illustrating
these familial experiences. This discovery precipitated my proposition for more intimate, in-
depth research to address these gaps, which I suggest take the form of ethnographic
research studies. My proposed study topic, while significant for many reasons, is especially
so because with the last decade, ASD has become the fastest growing, and most commonly
diagnosed neurological disorder in Canada (Autism Speaks Canada, 2016, para. 1). The
number of families affected, in need of supports and services makes it especially imperative
for professionals, and the public alike, to have access to findings offering a greater scope and
profundity. Professionals need more information, specifically if the form of narratives from
families themselves, so they can gain more comprehensive understandings, and be better
approach my topic of interest. The subtleties of families lived experiences and perspectives
would be divulged through rigorous participant observation tactics as well as the other intensive
qualitative data collection methods an ethnographic approach entails. I would envision carrying
out such an ethnographic project by first gaining entry through a local support group, or service
provider specifically for families of children with ASD such as the Autism Calgary Association. I
would engage with, and participate directly alongside various families, aiming to build a rapport
over time. My objective would be to expand my fieldwork outwards, into the homes of some
familys perchance, to observe their daily experiences and activities. I believe this would enable
me to gain a more intimate, holistic view, through attainment of candid perspectives in a variety
of settings. My research would allow audiences to get beneath the surface of textbook
References
http://www.autismspeaks.ca/about-autism/facts-and-faqs/
Duneier, M. (1999). Sidewalk. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York, NY: Random House.
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic Inquiry. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Wilson, J. Q., Kelling, G. L. (1982). Broken windows: The police and neighbourhood safety.
broken_windows.pdf
Yin, R. K. (2011). Qualitative Research from Start to Finish. New York, NY: The Guilford Press.