Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286) Histria Antiqua, 13/2005.

Branka MIGOTTI

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE DIOSCURI

ON A SARCOPHAGUS FROM SISCIA
UDK 7.04:726.829](497.5 Sisak) Dr. sc. Branka Migotti
Original scientic paper Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti
Received: 20. 03. 2005. Odsjek za arheologiju
Approved: 21. 09. 2005. A. Kovaia 5
10000 Zagreb Hrvatska

T he subject matter of this paper is an analysis of a peculiar and unparalleled iconography of the depiction of
the Dioscuri on the short sides of a sarcophagus from Sisak, dated tentatively to the 1st half of the 3rd cen-
tury. The peculiarity transpires from the fact that instead of the common weapons the youths each carry
a standard of the vexillum type. A scrupulous iconological analysis of all the components of the picture has esta-
blished their respective association with the imperial cult, revealing thereby the ultimate role of the iconography
as described above, i. e., to point out the religious role and the social status of the sarcophagus owner. The fact
that he was a Siscian augustalis corresponds well with the attitude read into the picture of the Dioscuri holding
vexilla, that, namely, not the idea of the profession or the wealth of an augustalis was shown in the depiction, but
of his religious role and social status acquired through this wealth.
Key words: augustalis Pontius Lupus, vexilla, Tyche Salonitana, social status

Introduction whole Empire the heritage of the Dioscuri, that

Before embarking on the subject-matter it-
self, I would like to explain my choice of the more
traditional term Dioscuri in the title, on account
of the word Castores. The latter has been preferred
by quite a few modern authors to denote Castor
and Pollux in the Roman, as opposed to the Greek
period. Although the written sources claim othe-
rwise, Castor and Pollux were depicted in iden-
tical guise during the whole of Classical antiqu-
ity. On the other hand, in early republican Rome
Castor was favoured to the measure of being not
only separated from Pollux, but also onomastical-
ly doubled: his temple in the Forum was recorded
in the sources as aedes Castorum. Although this
tradition faded somewhat during the imperial
period, Castor retained his favoured position due
to the fact that he, and not Pollux, was perceived
as the symbol of the cavalryman. The singling out
of Castor was also witnessed in imperial numi-
smatics from the 2nd century, as he began to be
depicted alone on coin reverses. On account of all
the above said, some of the secondary literature
accepted the term Castores. Nevertheless, both
the archaeological record and the written sour-
ces prove that during all of antiquity and in the
is, the two separated but equal brothers, prevails
above the idea of the Castores.1 Since Pollux did
not evaporate, and remained to appear on the
monuments both in conjunction with Castor and
alone2, the term Castores for both of the heavenly
twins does not seem to do justice to the religious
idea behind them.
The explanation of the choice
of the subject-matter
The instigation for choosing to discuss the gi-
ven subject matter was twofold. Firstly, it was the
rarity of either epigraphical or artistic heritage of
the Dioscuri in the archaeology of Roman Panno-
nia. Secondly, it was the peculiar iconography ap-
plied to the sarcophagus under discussion here.
The Dioscuri are quite underrepresented
in the archaeology of all Danubian provinces,
Pannonia included.3 This is contrary to the rest
of the Roman empire. The ourish of the cult of
the Dioscuri in the republican numismatics was
followed by its decline, although with some oscil-
lation, during the Imperial period. The Dioscuri
1
BETHE 1903; 1095-1105; SCHRTTER 1930,
144; MATTINGLY 1940, 875; STEVENSON
1964, 190; GURY 1986, 608; BEARD, NORTH,
PRICE 1998, I, 66; KASTELIC 1998, 374;
LORENZ 2001, 163, note 2; PETROVI 2002,
19; BUGARSKI-MESDJIAN 2003, 637-639.
A votive inscription to Pollux stems from
2
Varadinske Toplicae (Aquae Iasae), and
was put up by a Greek Menander. It ts in
well with the surroundings of the thermal
baths, as the Dioscuri were also endowed
with the healing capacity. Morover, Pollux
was particularly cherished during the Greek
period, and generally among the Greeks. See
RENDI-MIOEVI 1991-1992, 73. On Pollux
as favourite of the Greek-Hellenistic milieu
see HERMORY 1986, 567.
3
PREMK, OCHSENSCHLAGER 1991, 93; KA-
STELIC 1998, 375. An exception can perhaps
be perceived in lead votive tablets featuring
an intricate cult picture with a central pair
of riders next to a goddess. However, neither
the complicated theological background of
this scene nor the role of the riders have been
suciently researched, so it will better be left
aside for the moment. See THOMAS 1980,
190; PREMK, OCHSENSCHLAGER 1991, 93.

277
 Histria Antiqua, 13/2005. Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286)

Fig. 1 The sarcophagus from Siscia

immured in a wall of a private house
appear on imperial coins only with Trajan and
in Sisak. Hadrian, which comes as a surprise in view of the
fact that already Augustus was very much attac-
hed to the heavenly twins. On the coin obverses
of the emperors from the 2nd to the 4th centuries
they appear variously depicted: single or paired
(the former case is more frequent), with or wit-
hout the horses. Nevertheless, this motif cannot
be considered as a particularly widespread in the
numismatic iconography of the period.4 On the
other hand, the discrepancy in the spread of the
motif of the Dioscuri between Pannonia and the
the Dioscuri on a limestone sarcophagus from Si-
scia is particularly intriguing. The monument has
been immured, together with some others, in the
foot of a private house from the beginning of the
19th century, and approximately more than a half
of its front (by height) is covered by the pavement
(g. 1).9 The front contains a moulded inscripti-
on table and two lateral niches featuring each a
mourning eros. More of the inscription had been
open to sight initially, but today only the rst two
(three with the invocation formula) lines are di-
scernible:

4
SCHRTTER 1930, 144-145; STEVENSON
1964; STEVENSON 1964 a. This assertion is
readily established through a check of any of
the Roman numismatic handbooks. For the
opposite opinion see PREMK, OCHSENSCHLA-
GER 1991, 94. rest of the Empire is best reected in the wealth D(is) M(anibus).
5
KRGER 1940; KRGER 1941-1942; KOCH,
SICHTERMANN 1982, 144, 377, 506; GURY
of the Dioscuri depicted on sarcophagi in the 2nd Pontio Lupo aug(stali) col(oniae)
1986, 634-635; KRANZ 1986; KASTELIC and 3rd centuries in all three main production cir- Sisciae scribae municipii Faus(tiniani)
1998, 374-375 cles: of the city of Rome, of Athens, and of Asia .
REBECCHI 1978, 207, note 11; GABELMANN Minor.5 They are not so frequent on north-Italian (To the Spirits of the Departed. To Pontius Lu-
6

1973, 67, Taf. 18, 88-89, Taf. 24.

7
The most outstanding example is the motif
sarcophagi6, while even less on grave monuments pus, augustalis of the colony of Siscia and scribe
of the Dioscuri on the grave aedicule of the in Noricum and Pannonia.7 of the municipium Faustinianum)
Prisciani in empeter by Celje (Roman Celeia) The iconography of the Dioscuri is otherwise Poncius Lupus was most probably a libertus,
in Noricum. KASTELIC 1998, 372-375, Fig.
138-139. quite straightforward and readily recognizable, and also a westerner, that is, not a native Pannoni-
8
GURY 1986, 628-630. and is very seldom slightly transformed under an, as transpires from his name; his patron must
9
These sarcophagi had been mentioned and the inuence of a provincial inspiration. In the- have been of Italic stock.10
even illustrated on many occasions, but have ir western guise Castor and Pollux are depicted To the left and right of the lateral niches the
never been the subject matter of an in-depth
analysis. HOFFILLER, SARIA 1938, 238; as standing beside each other, wearing only chla- short sides of the sarcophagus are immured, fea-
VUKOVI 1994, 80-81; BURKOWSKY 1999, mys over their shoulders and pileus on their he- turing each a relief of a Dioscurus leading a horse
78-80; BUZOV 2002, 176.
ads. They are always armed with a spear and/or by the reins (g. 2). Both gures are composed
10
MCSY 1959, 158, 179; BARKCZI 1964,
302, 316; ALFLDY 1965, 112, 234; MCSY a sward, and most usually lead the horses by the in such a manner as if anking the central scene,
et alii 1983, 170, 229. reins.8 With this in mind the peculiar picture of that is, the left one leads the horse with his left
278
Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286)
hand, and the right one with his right hand. The
iconographic peculiarity of this picture lies in the
fact that instead of the arms the youths each carry
a standard of the vexillum type. The piece should,
on account of the onomastic analysis, the shape
of the receptacle and the stylistic-iconographical
features of its reliefs, be most probably dated to
the rst half of the 3rd century. The onomastic for-
mula lacking the forename (praenomen) points to
the 3rd century.11 As far as the subject-matter of
the reliefs is concerned, the sarcophagus under
examination here is somewhere between the so-
called impersonal and personal specimens; the
Histria Antiqua, 13/2005.
former do not at all bear on the personal life of the
deceased, while the latter show features associa-
tive of the deceaseds profession or social status.
The personal attitude is later in terms of the re-
lative chronology.12 Stylistically, the frontal stance
of the Dioscuri, while at the same time both the
human and animal gures are executed skilfully
and with good proportion, could be the result of
the general emphasis on frontal view in artistic
renderings, which comes to the fore particularly
with the Severans.13 The gures of the mourning
erotes, shown as small boys (babies) rather than
older ones, do not contest such dating.14
279
Fig. 2 a, b The short sides of the
sarcophagus featuring the Dioscuri.
11
See GREGL, MIGOTTI 1999-2000, 147-148.
GABELMANN 1973, 52-56, 121-130.
12
The applicability of this knowledge to the
Norico-Pannonian material is, however,
questionable, or at least not yet satisfactorily
established.
13
KASTELIC 1998, 28-29; KLEINER 1992,
353; POCHMARSKI 1983-1984, 255, 272;
POCHMARSKI 1985-1986, 255-257. On the
other hand, the frontal stance as seen here
can be explained in terms of the so called
Asia Minor type of the Dioscuri, featuring
both the men and the horses as fairly
appeased. This type is generally encountered
on north-Italian sarcophagi. Contrarily, the
Roman type of the Dioscuri implies a much
more vivid picture with the horses particular-
ly agitated. See KOCH, SICHTERMANN 1982,
144, passim; GABELMANN 1973, 67; KRANZ
1986, 207-208.
14
According to E. POCHMARSKI the boyish
type is in terms of the relative chronology
later than the baby type, but they appear
asimultaneously during the 1st half of
the 3rd c. POCHMARSKI 1983-1984, 26;
POCHMARSKI 2001, 201. See also CAMBI
1960, 67-68. It should, however, be noted
that the dierentiation between the two
types is not always straightforward, and not
only due to the misleading and provisional
nature of the artistic record, but owing to
the fact that there is an intermediary age
category between those of the babies and
grown-up boys.

15
The nearest analogy is found on a Dolic-
henian votive plaque featuring the armed
Dioscuri with their horses standing next to a
military standard. GURY 1986, 617, no. 52.
16
ALBERT 1892, 263; BETHE 1903, 1087-
1095; SCHRTTER 1930; STEVENSON 1964
a; GURY 1986, 608-610; HERMORY 1986,
567-568; KASTELIC 1998, 374, 377.
17
BETHE 1903, 1090; GURY 1986, 629, 631;
PREMK, OCHSENSCHLAGER 1991, 94-95;
TURCAN 1996, 161- 162; KASTELIC 1998, 371.
18
Paradoxically, the Dioscuri fail to appear on
Augustus coins, but his cult was cherished
in their temple in Tusculum, and he used to
identify himself with the heavenly twins.
NEUMANN 1896, 2350, 2355.
19
MATTINGLY 1936, 138, Pl. 22: 2, 3;
MATTINGLY 1940, CLXXX; GURY 1986, 632;
KLEINER 1992, 409-422.
20
LUSNIA 2004, 525.
KASTELIC 1998, 374. See also note 4.
21
22
ALBERT 1892, 264; GURY 1986, 619-620;
KASTELIC 1998, 374-375; PREMK, OCH-
SENSCHLAGER 1991, 94, note 32.
23
REINACH, n. d. (1); REINACH, n. d. (2);
LE BOHEC 1994, 30-31; ELTON 1997, 89;
PETROVI 2002, 113-114.
24
GURY 1986, 619-620, no. 82.
25
REINACH, n. d. (1), 1314, g. 6423; GABEL-
MANN 1973, Taf. 10:2, 23:1.
Histria Antiqua, 13/2005. Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286)
I was not able to trace the origin of such a pi-
cture of the Dioscuri in either the handbooks of
lexicon type or in the archaeological material.15
The basics of the cult of the Dioscuri
To be able to tackle the peculiar picture of the
Dioscuri from Siscia it is necessary to single out
the main traits of the cult of the heavenly twins,
particularly those bearing on the subject in que-
stion: military, eschatological-funerary and poli-
tical (related to the cult of the emperor).
Equestrian-military component of this cult
readily transpires from the basic iconography, i.
e., the motif of the Dioscuri as armed horsemen.
According to the literary sources, the bearer of
such conception was Castor, while Pollux was ac-
corded a variety of traits, sometimes even contra-
dictory, such as intellectual virtues or gymnastics.
The most important joint traits of the two were
the protection of soldiers, sailors and tradesmen,
as well as those sick or endangered in any other
way. Finally, they were the psychopompoi.16
The eschatological component of the cult of
the Dioskuri is very accentuated, and not only in
the funerary sphere, but also in the imperial cult;
it transpires from both the cults theology and ico-
nography. With their high oval caps (pileus) asso-
ciative of the two halves of the cosmic egg or the
Earth, as well as with the immortality of one of
them, or, in another version, the temporary stay
under the Earth or above it of both of them, the
Dioscuri are strongly suggestive of the cyclical
movement and the regeneration. Therefore they
feature as the metaphors of immortality and eter-
nity, and as convenient escorts of the deceased
to the afterlife. This basically cosmic symbolism
contains also a solar component, suggestive of the
emperor cult, particularly from the 3rd century.
Besides, the Dioscuri were in a way predestined
to play the role in the cult of the emperor, as they
were Jupiters sons.17 This bond started with Au-
gustus18 and lived on through the whole of anti-
quity. It shows in all kinds of art, but particularly
in numography, where it materializes through
various motifs: head of Roma on the averse and
the Dioscuri on the reverse of Trajans coins, or
the enthroned Jupiter anked by the twins on the
medallion of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus,
to mention but a couple.19 Also, on some coins of
the Severan dynasty the twins have been inter-
preted as associative of Caracalla and Geta.20 Ar-
chaeological record, however, establishes the fact
that already with Augustus the political role of the
Dioscuri began to decline on behalf of their fune-
280
rary connotations, which started to ourish in the
2nd century.21 This is witnessed by a great number
of sarcophagi on which the heavenly twins appear
in various roles, but never as the sole motif; rather
they gure as a metaphorical frame for the cen-
tral scene. At times they are shown with realistic
coiures, suggesting the deied deceased. When
anking military motifs they can be perceived as
the illustration of the idea behind such scenes, or
as the protectors of the occasions and virtues de-
picted. However, their most common role is that
of the distanced observers and, nally, the psiho-
pompoi.22
The explanation of
the picture of the Dioscuri
on the sarcophagus from Siscia
The fact that the Dioscuri feature on a 3rd cen-
tury sarcophagus is quite in line with the above
considerations. On the other hand, the backgro-
und of an exceptional iconography remains ob-
scured. First of all, it should be remembered that
on grave monuments the Dioscuri always appear
in their classical western iconography, which abo-
ve all means armed and with pilei on their heads,
irrespective of the nature of the scene they ank:
mythological, military or genre (hunt, wedding,
profession). The fact that the Dioscuri are shown
in the same guise on all funerary monuments but
one, corroborates the hypothesis (although not
shared unanimously) that funerary iconography
is not random, but is as a rule functional-symbo-
lical. Therefore, a peculiar picture on the Siscian
sarcophagus should be interpreted in the light
of the urge of the owner to use it for conveying a
particular message. What, then, was the message
behind the picture in which the weapon was re-
placed by a standard?
The standard of the vexillum type, particular-
ly when in the hand of a horse-rider, is above all
associative of the military sign typical of cavalry
and auxiliary units.23 For instance, on a sarco-
phagus featuring the deceased in the guise of a
soldier, the Dioscuri are perceived as symbolical
of his military profession, and possibly even of an
equestrian order.24 The lack of weapons could the-
oretically be associative of a deied vexillifer (vex-
illarius), as also recorded on grave monuments.25
However, it transpires from Lupus epitaph that
he had no connections with the army, which, in-
deed, he could not have had in the rst place, as
he was most probably a freedman (libertus). The
freedmen were namely denied access to the army,
Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286)
except in extraordinary circumstances.26 The vex-
ilum, however, was not limited to the army. It was
also used by various corporations, among others
certainly also the corporations of augustales.27
This is the most logical explanation for its appe-
arance in the present context, where it should be
seen in relation to Lupus function as an ocial of
the emperor cult.
The most powerful association that imposed it-
self on my rst seeing the sarcophagus in question
was that of a stone block from the city gates, the so
called Porta Caesarea of Salona, featuring a Saloni-
tan Tyche with a crown of towers on her head and
a vexillum in her right hand (g. 3).28 The vexillum
is otherwise a standard feature in personied god-
desses of provinces or towns, among other of the
province of Pannonia, denoting their military com-
petence. Interestingly, the spear is even more fre-
quent attribute in Tyche than the vexillum, which
is otherwise associative of the Dioscuri.29 It is also
important to note in the present context that Tyc-
he had even more prominent role in the imperial
cult than the heavenly twins. This aliation started
with Augustus and Claudius, to last till the House
of Constantine, and reveals itself by means of joint
depictions of emperors and Tyche on various arti-
stic monuments, as well as on coins.30
So far both the Dioscuri and Tyche have been
associated to the cult of the emperor individually.
It is possible, however, to connect them mutually
on the same level. The central scene of a goddess
anked by two horsemen saluting her with the ra-
ised hands on lead votive plaques is still enigmatic
in terms of a precise meaning. Although the Dio-
Histria Antiqua, 13/2005.
scuri cannot be established beyond doubt in this
picture, the horsemen most certainly represent
the general Indo-European conception of the he-
avenly twins.31 On the other hand, in their orien-
talizing guise Castor and Pollux appear next to a
goddess, who is variously identied as their sister
Helena, or a cosmic/lunar deity.32 A connection
can be established between this deity and Tyche
through the written record from the 4th century,
claiming that Tyche ruled the moon.33 There is a
very curious stone altar from the province of Dal-
matia, in which, within a Dolichenian iconogra-
phy, the Dioscuri apper with a corona muralis on
their heads.34 Can it be, then, just a coincidence
that the emperor Constantine had many churches
built in Constantinopol, and among them only
two temples, dedicated to the Dioscuri and Tyche
respectively? The emperors eagerness to cherish
the imperial cult in spite of his Christianity sho-
uld most probably be read into this operation.35
Finally, it transpires that both the Dioscuri
and the vexillum from the Siscian sarcophagus can
be connected with the imperial cult both directly
and indirectly, through their cultic associations.
Moreover, the Dioscuri and the standard can be
mutually connected on the same level. True, there
is a slight possibility that the owners most proba-
ble trading profession lies behind the picture in
question; both the Dioscuri and Tyche are patrons
of seafaring.36 However, the connotations on the
owners honoric duty in the imperial cult seem
to t in much better, as seen in the perspective of
the social background of the burial in question.
281
Fig. 3 The stone from Salonas city
gates featuring Tyche Salonitana.
26
STARAC 2000, 128.
27
REINACH , n. d. (2), 777.
28
ABRAMI 1935-1949; CAMBI 2002,
140-141.
29
REINACH n. d. (2), 777; MATTINGLY 1936,
508-509, 544, Pl. 100: 7; ABRAMI 1935-
1941, 285-286; MATTINGLY 1940, 188,
passim; STEVENSON 1964 b, 747; PETROVI
2002, 245.
30
MAURICE 1911, XLVII; MATTINGLY 1936,
328, 508-509, passim; TURCAN 1996, 43;
BIERNACKI 1999, 86.
31
PREMK, OCHSENSSCHLAGER 1991, 93;
TURCAN 1996, 252; PETROVI 2002: 29-33.
32
ALBERT 1892, 258; SCHRTTER 1930, 144;
KRGER 1940, 12; AUG 1986, 593; GURY
1986, 631-632. See also note 31.
33
TURCAN 1996, 252-253.
BUGARSKI-MESDJIAN 2003, 637-638.
34
35
BURCKHARDT 1989, 352; LEE 2000, 92-93.
36
On the Dioscuri see BETHE 1903, 1095;
GURY 1986, 610; on Tyche see TURCAN
1996, 85.

37
GABELMANN 1973, 68-69, 121-123.
38
See notes 17-19.
39
WILKES 1969, 234-235; AEL KOS 1999;
STARAC 2000, 127-124; HOPE 2001, 29-31.
40
The supposed Lupus profession can be
perceived as a further motif for choosing the
Dioscuri not as symbolic of the social status,
but of the profession. The symbiosis of the
religious duty and the commercial activity
of augustales is readily perceived in their
title magistri Mercuriales et Augustales. For
similar reason the Dioscuri were worshipped
by the class of equestrians on account of a
double association: rst with the horses,
and then with commerce, which equestrians
pursued in the time of peace. See Albert
1892, 263; NEUMANN 1896, 2352; GIUNIO
2004, 144.
41
KLEINER 1992, 40, 349; HOPE 2001, 33;
MIGOTTI 2003, 64-65.
42
See note 15.
43
TURCAN 1996159-169; BUGARSKI-ME-
SDJIAN 2003, 632-638.
44
See n. 20.
Histria Antiqua, 13/2005. Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286)
Concluding remarks
The short sides of Pontius Lupus sarcophagus
contain depictions featuring elements of the im-
perial cult, yet used in a funerary context in the
places customarily reserved on north-Italian and
Norico-Pannonian sarcophagi for single mytholo-
gical gures or mythological scenes, or depictions
associative of the daily life or the profession of the
deceased.37 In other words, the Dioscuri here are
not shown in their usual role, which is taken over
by the mourning erotes next to the inscription eld.
Moreover, the twins in this case do not illustrate the
deceaseds profession, as is usual, but feature as the
symbol of his social status. What, then, was the idea
that prompted a Pannonian augustalis to choose
for his grave monument a depiction of the Dioscuri
imbued with the imperial cult associations in a pe-
riod when such associations were in decline, giving
way to the funerary role? The explanation should be
sought in the sphere of social ranking.38 The role in
the imperial cult was namely the highest possible
social accomplishment of a libertus of the augustalis
rank.39 It should also be kept in mind that only the
richest (mostly merchants) among the augustales
were allowed this honour.40 Yet, their newly-acqu-
ired civic rights were diminished in various ways,
but most frustratingly by the denial of access to mu-
nicipal duties. The stigma of homines novi, hovering
always over their social status, prompted augusta-
les not only to invest money for the benet of the
society, buying thereby social respect, but also to
accent their social rank on grave monuments. Some
observations in the realm of the social and psycho-
logical background of the Roman funerary proce-
dures are brought to mind in this context. First, it
has been noticed that some social classes tended
to depict themselves on grave monuments as more
successful than actually during lifetime. Secondly,
some were particularly eager to point out their real
achievements, either social or professional. Both
attitudes are the most widespread in the social di-
vision of liberti, that is, freedmen, and particularly
among augustales.41 As for Pontius Lupus, his atti-
282
tude was a mixture of the two attitudes mentioned;
he did not overstate his social position, but chose to
convey it by not only words, but also a picture, and
an uncustomary one at that, favouring his social
status over his profession.
This, then, is my perception of the religious-
social background of the depiction of the Dioscuri
on a sarcophagus from Sisak. It does not necessa-
rily mean that it is the only possible explanation.
The background for the given picture of the Dio-
scuri could have stemmed from the iconography
of Jupiter Dolichenus, as indeed in that context
they appear both in their eastern and western gu-
ise.42 Moreover, Jupiter Dolichenus is very much
cherished in the Severan dynasty, and exactly in
the context of the imperial cult.43 A Dolichenian
motif should therefore gure appropriately on a
grave monument of an augustalis of the period.
On the other hand, a particular reason should
have been required to convey the idea of Jupiter
Dolichenus only through the Dioscuri, without
any suggestion of the superior good himself. Even
if this were true, if, namely, the Dioscuri on the
Siscian sarcophagus were indeed connected to
Jupiter Dolichenus, their ultimate role there still
remains in the sphere of the imperial cult, as is
the case with coinage.44 Since this was the basic
premise of my discussion in the rst place, such
slightly modied interpretation would not change
the essence of my argumentation.
Finally, it should be noted that two issues have
still been left unanswered. The rst is the origin
of the depiction of the Dioscuri with a vexillum
in their hands. Is the example from Siscia really
the only of the kind, or did it have a model in fu-
nerary or any other iconography? Another issue
concerns the choice of deities. Why the Dioscuri,
when their cult was not (allegedly) very widespre-
ad in Pannonia, and also not connected to augu-
stales, as appears from both the literary sources
and archaeological record? Can we think of the
possibility that Castor and Pollux were perhaps
more popular in the region than the current state
of the archaeological record allows us to assume?
Branka Migotti, The Iconography... (277-286) Histria Antiqua, 13/2005.

ABBREVIATIONS
AJA American Journal of Archaeology, Boston
BJb Bonner Jahrbcher, Kln
CRE Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, London
DAGR Daremberg Ch., Saglio E., Dictionnaire des antiquits grecques et Romaines,
Paris
DRC A Dictionary of Roman Coins, London 1964
HAnq Histria Antiqua, Pula
RE Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopdie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,
Berlin
R Rmisches sterreich, Wien
LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classiacae, Zrich
TZ Trierer Zeitschrift, Trier
VAHD Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, Split
VAMZ Vjesnik Arheolokoga muzeja u Zagrebu, Zagreb
n. d. no date

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SAETAK
IKONOGRAFIJA DIOSKURA NA SARKOFAGU IZ SISKA
Branka MIGOTTI

Poticaj za pisanje ovoga priloga bio je prije
svega u neuobiajenoj ikonograji Dioskura na je-
dnome sarkofagu iz Siska, a potom i u injenici da
su i likovna i epigraka svjedoanstva o tovanju
boanskih blizanaca u sjevernim provincijama,
ukljuujui i Panoniju, prilino oskudna, za razli-
ku od drugih dijelova Carstva.
Ikonograja Dioskura izrazito je jednolina i
posvuda ustaljena; rjee je neznatno promijenjena
prihvaanjem provincijalnih pojedinosti ili nekim
drugim razlozima, kao primjerice na sarkofagu iz
Siska. Taj je spomenik naen sluajno poetkom
19. stoljea zajedno s jo tri slina sarkofaga, te su
svi uzidani u kuu u kojoj se nalaze i danas, tako
da im je vie od polovice visine prednje plohe pod
plonikom. Moe se datirati u 1. polovicu 3. sto-
ljea, a pripadao je siscijskome augustalu Ponciju
Lupu, koji je ujedno bio i pisar jo nelociranog mu-
nicipija Faustinijan negdje u iroj okolici Siscije.
Sa strane natpisnog polja u nadsvoenim niama
prikazani su tugujui eroti, dok je po jedan Dio-
skur popunjavao povrine bonih strana, uzida-
nih lijevo i desno od proelja sarkofaga. Dioskuri
jednom rukom vode konja za uzde, a u drugoj dre
podignuti stijeg tipa vexillum-a.
Teologija Dioskura, koja se donekle odraava
i u njihovoj ikonograji, prisutna je na dva religij-
ska podruja: kultu mrtvih i carskome kultu, s time
da iskazi onog prvog postaju sve oitiji otprilike od
sredine 2. stoljea, i to nautrb onog drugoga. U
svjetlu navedenih opih podataka treba procijeniti
razloge i namjenu osobite ikonograje na reljema
iz Siska. Premda veksil u ruci Dioskura asocira na
vojniku temu, takvome bi tumaenju nedostajalo
utemeljenosti s obzirom na injenicu da augustal
nije mogao imati izravne veze s vojskom. Stoga je
vjerojatnije da veksil u ovome sluaju predstavlja
zastavu udruge augustala, asocirajui na religijsku
slubu Poncija Lupa, tj. njegovu ulogu u njegova-
nju carskoga kulta. Takvo itanje opisane slike Di-
oskura osnauje i usporedba s poznatim reljefnim
prikazom salonitanske Tyche na lunom kamenu
gradskih vrata, isto s veksilom u ruci. I ona, naime,
u takvoj ikonograji prije svega simbolizira carski
kult.
Prema tome, razlog i namjena prikaza Dio-
skura na sarkofagu iz Siska, premda je u pitanju
grobni spomenik, nije grobno-eshatoloka, nego
prije svega reprezentativno-politika, odnosno
drutveno-statusna. Njegova konana svrha bila
je, naime, naglasiti drutveni poloaj vlasnika
sarkofaga, ostvaren putem uloge u udruenju za
njegovanje carskoga kulta. Takva rekonstrukcija
drutvene pozadine neobine ikonograje ini se
najuvjerljivijom, premda nije konano dokazana.
Nerazjanjenom u svakom sluaju pritom ostaje
dvojba je li ta ikonograja uistinu jedinstvena i
osamljena, ili je takav dojam posljedica sluajno-
sti. Ista se nedoumica odnosi na pitanje je li kult
Dioskura u Panoniji uistinu bio zapostavljen tako
kako bi se to dalo zakljuiti na temelju skromnoga
arheolokog nasljea.

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