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This chapter explores questions of ontology in rock art analysis. More specifically, it
argues that the distinction between informed methods and formal methods reproduces
some problematic dichotomies, such as the distinction between active subjects and inert
objects, culture and nature, and a conceptualization of meaning as being external to the
art itself. The chapter proposes a move away from such an ontologically hierarchical
approach to rock art analysis to a relational approach in which there is no ontological
priority between the different elements that make up the rock art assemblage. It
emphasizes that placing formal methods at the heart of rock art studies, alongside
analogy, shifts the questions we ask of rock art away from simple epistemologically
derived enquiries to ontological questions. To illustrate this the chapter examines case
studies of parietal art of the European Palaeolithic and Comanche rock art in North
America.
Keywords: informed and formal methods, analogy, non-representational, relational ontology, intra-action, Upper
Palaeolithic, Europe, Comanche, North America
The interpretation of rock art provides archaeologists with a vexed question: how are we
to interpret the meaning of rock art imagery? Taking a perspective on this problem on a
worldwide scale, Paul Taon and Chris Chippindale (1998) offered a simple solution:
archaeologists could adopt formal approaches where little or no ethnographic data
survived, thereby avoiding a need for knowledge deriving from the culture of those who
produced or used the art. Alternatively, in situations where there was rich ethnographic
data, informed approaches were possible. Ever since this twofold distinction was
explicitly made in the literature, rock art scholars have readily adopted such a
commonsense approach to the interpretation of rock art.
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To be clear from the outset, our aim in this chapter is to firmly shift the terms of debate
away from epistemological questions of meaning towards a greater focus on ontological
questions in rock art studies. Discussions of ontology have been increasingly advanced in
the archaeological literature (e.g., Alberti 2016; Alberti & Bray 2009; Alberti, Jones, &
Pollard 2013; Brown & Walker 2008; Conneller 2011; Fowler 2013; Fowles 2013; Jones
2012, 2015; Lucas 2012; Watts 2013; Weismantel 2015). Because these debates have an
important impact on rock art studies (see, e.g., Creese 2011; Porr & Bell 2012; Robinson
2013)which have a particular concern for the relationship between humans and the
natural world (i.e., rocks)we feel that it is time that a wider group of rock art scholars
began to engage with them.
In their seminal paper, Taon and Chippindale also introduce another method of analysis:
analogy. They argue that analogy is a form of formal method that proceeds from the
known to the unknown by way of analogical reasoning. It is hard to imagine a rock art
researcher who has not worked analogically, whether working in regions with rich
ethnography or not. We will return to the issue of analogy at the end of this chapter.
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Our aim in this chapter is not to decry Taon and Chippindales efforts at solving this
fundamental questionnor indeed Smith and Blundellsbut to argue that their analyses
highlight some important philosophical problems. There are two points we want to
question here: the symbolic character of art and the nature of rock art as a form of
material evidence about the past.
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At this juncture, we also need to sound a note of caution regarding the attribution and
reliability of ethnographic knowledge. Nicholas and Markey (2015: 295299) note a
number of case studies where a lack of congruence occurs between indigenous
knowledge and empirically derived knowledge, the most apposite here being the
interpretation of the Stein River pictographs in south-central British Columbia, Canada,
by Annie York, a Nlakapamux elder. In this case, there was a distinct lack of congruence
and of reliabilityrelating to the interpretation of the pictographs when compared
against other forms of knowledge. Nicholas and Markey conclude that archaeologists use
much indigenous knowledge very selectively and that the proper evaluation of indigenous
knowledge and meanings by archaeologists is a complex business that involves careful
judgment (Nicholas & Markey 2015: 300303). Coupled with this, we should also recall
anthropologists debates concerning the partial construction of anthropological
knowledge (Clifford 1988). All of this should lead us to be cautious concerning the
applicability of ethnographic knowledge. We should not expect that ethnography provides
a golden ticket to the singularly true meaning or significance of art.
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The question, then, is to how to think about the materials of art-making. For rock art
production, these consist largely of the rocks themselves and occasionally the tools used
to work them or pigment them. This is a question that one of the authors has recently
addressed, specifically in relation to rock art (Jones 2015).
We tend to think of the past as dead and gone. All that remains to us are fragments of
materials worked on by past peoples, and the task of the archaeologist is to extract
meaning from these. Most archaeologists might subscribe to the view expressed by Chris
Tilley (1993: 20), that: without the interpretative work of the archaeologist the past
would be dead and gone.
We believe that this view is false. One of the reasons for this is that it is predicated on a
classic dualism between nature and culture, materials and society. This is a dualism that
has its roots in the philosophy of Descartes and Kant (see Jones 2015; Thomas 2004).
Strangely enough, this is a dualism that, in other guises, most archaeologists would
readily question and reject yet it dominates how we perceive and carry out our discipline.
Needless to say, it is this very dualism that animates Taon and Chippindales (1998)
distinction between formal and informed methods. Formal methods relate to the analysis
of the inert and natural component of the archaeological record, while informed methods
relate to animate human sociocultural evidence.
One of the reasons we must reject this dualistic approach is that it offers a poor
description of what we do as archaeologists. It also offers a poor description of the
material world. Drawing on recent work in material culture (Coole & Frost 2010),
political theory (Bennett 2010), geography (Anderson & Harrison 2010), and archaeology
(Conneller 2011; Lucas 2012), we argue that it is more appropriate to think of materials
not as inert and static, but as vibrant and full of potential. If this is the case, following the
philosopher of science Karen Barad (2007), it is better to think of our encounters with
past materials as processes of intra-action, of meeting the past halfway as we
archaeologists reckon with the dynamic and changeable materials previously worked on
by past peoples. Jones (2015: 330) argues that this is an especially appropriate
perspective for European rock art researchers in regions like Britain, Scandinavia, and
Iberia, particularly those dealing with later prehistoric carved rock art traditions (as
opposed to painted rock art traditions, where touching is discouraged):
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Rather than viewing the recovery of meaning in rock art research as a process that
involves retrieving the meanings only accessible to us from ethnography, instead, if we
are concerned with how meanings are revealed and produced through making, our
concerns really are with understanding these processes of making or working and,
moreover, understanding how these approaches relate to other practices of making and
working (including our own, given how we select the kinds of meanings we are interested
inpart of the hermeneutic process). These processes of making may leave traces on the
materials we study. Our engagements with these materials involve a careful process of
intra-action as we evaluate the qualities and properties of these materials: how were they
worked in the past, how is this meaningful? We are no longer interested in examining
meaning as fixed packets of cognitive data, but instead are concerned with the unfolding
of embodied and practical meanings and knowledge.
We have shifted the focus of rock art research away, then, from epistemological concerns
with assigning meanings to a recognition of the relational, fluid, and embodied character
of meaning more closely associated with ontological concerns. We now want to review
how questions of ontology have been addressed in rock art studies.
For the purposes of this chapter, we will divide discussions of ontology into two distinct
groups: (1) approaches that search for an improved metaphysics and (2) approaches that
investigate indigenous ontological concepts and examine how these may relate to
archaeological material. Ben Alberti (2016: 2) outlines the important distinction between
these approaches:
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The specific aim of this chapter is to investigate the ground on which rock art studies
stands. For the most part, we are therefore concerned with the metaphysics of the
archaeological record and how it relates to rock art studies. However, in the next section,
we briefly examine peoples beliefs about reality (indigenous ontological concepts).
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The same mistakes have arisen in rock art studies. A good example of this would be the
emergence of shamanism as an explanatory model for South African, North American,
and European Palaeolithic and Neolithic rock art (Bradley 1989; Clottes & Lewis-Williams
1998; Lewis-Williams 2000, 2001; Lewis-Williams & Dowson 1990; Lewis-Williams &
Pearce 2009; Whitley 2000). The problem here is not altered states as an explanatory
device for understanding rock art imagery (contra Bahn 2010), but the fixed and unitary
category of shamanism as an overarching approach to swathes of global rock art. How is
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Other studies have argued for animistic approaches to rock art. For example, working in
the Kilmartin region of western Scotland, Andrew Meirion Jones and colleagues (Jones et
al. 2011) explore relational capacities of rock art. How do motifs relate to the features of
the rock? How do they relate to their wider landscape? How do the motifs relate to the
movement of light in that landscape? Here, the intention has been not to pin down the
precise ontology that animated the rock art production, but to examine relational
ontology in a more fluid sense.
Ontological questions also arise in the ways that we imagine people related to rock in the
past and the ways in which we record the evidence of those relationships. This is
demonstrated by work at two major sites, Chauvet Cave, France, and Nawarla
Gabarnmang, Australia. Jean-Jacques Delannoy and colleagues (2013) record large-scale
manipulations of the cave environment at the striking rock formation known as The
Cactus in Chauvet Cave. Here, fallen blocks were moved into position around this
unusual rock formation to give it structure and augment it. Arrangement of the cave
environment is also observed elsewhere at Chauvet Cave, such as where a cave bear
(Ursus spelaeus) skull was found resting on a large block of stone. This deposit, dating to
between 32,600 490 and 31,390 420 BP, was intentionally placed on a prominent
block and is part of a complex configuration that includes dozens of other cave bear
skulls nearby (Delannoy et al. 2013: 15).
The activities at Chauvet Cave are in some general ways comparable to activities
documented at Nawarla Gabarnmang rock shelter, albeit only in the sense that they both
involve the construction of social and ontologically arranged space. Nawarla Gabarnmang
is one of many rock art sites in Jawoyn country, Arnhem Land, northern Australia. It is
marked out both by its spectacular rock art and its unusual geological formation. This
large double-ended rock shelter contains impressive rock art panels covering large areas
of the ceiling. Even more striking is the geology of the rock shelter, which consists of a
gridded network of pillars supporting a thick, multilayered quartzite ceiling. The
dissolution of the bedrock was formed by a phantomization of the rock, causing a
regular grid-shaped structure of underground cavities and pillars (Delannoy et al. 2013:
20). The floor of the rock shelter is ashy with scattered blocks; within the floor fill are
rich archaeological deposits that include stone artefacts and animal bones (David et al.
2011). Human occupation at the rock shelter goes back more than 45,000 years.
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Delannoy and his colleagues describe these manipulations using the French term
amnagement. Amnagement concerns how people are actively engaged in the
construction of a given place through dwelling and inhabitation. Here amnagement is
more than management or refurbishment, for unlike these latter concepts, it
foregrounds the active social configuration of place as construction (Delannoy et al.
2013: 13, emphasis in the original). The archaeological observations that Delannoy and
colleagues make at Chauvet Cave and Nawarla Gabarnmang are peerless, though we are
not sure the term amnagement helps us to fully understand this activity. The notion of
amnagement creates a false sense of a distinction between active human agents
asserting themselves on an inactive or passive material environment. Instead, as
Conneller (2011: 38) explains for Magdalenian cave art, these material interactions
depend upon a complex, contingent interplay between the properties of particular
materials, particular forms and understandings. Although the reason for using the word
amnagement in their work was precisely to dissolve the distinction between an inactive
natural world that Aboriginal people actively (and culturally) engaged with, we need to
be wary about importing dualisms into our otherwise nuanced analyses of the working
that occurs at rock art sitesin this case, the nuance of the message is, paradoxically,
compromised by the distinction that the imported word causes, animating and reiterating
the duality in the process!
A particularly sophisticated understanding of the relationship between rock art and the
rock surface is provided by Norwegian scholars working in Arctic Norway and Russia. In
a series of publications, Knut Helskog (1999, 2004, 2014) has discussed the Mesolithic
and Neolithic rock art of Alta, Arctic Norway. He argues that the rock engravings
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The work of these two Norwegian scholars provides an excellent example of how
ontological questions might be addressed through detailed observation of rock art sites,
of the details of rock surface, and the positioning of rock engravings on that surface.
Finally, they also address the relationship between rock art sites and their wider
landscape. Interestingly, these rich and detailed accounts are derived not from direct
ethnographic informants, but from ethnographic analogy. This is a point we will return to
later.
In fact, we showed that detailed observational analysis of rock art should yield valuable
insights into the significance of rock art. Analyses that address the relationship between
rock art and rock surface, and rock art site and landscape are particularly valuable.
We argued earlier that meanings are an outcome of art practices. We want to explore this
now with an example from North America. A rock art survey project examining the Rio
Grande gorge, New Mexico, has recently documented a remarkable group of Comanche
rock art imagery. One of the reasons these rock art images were unknown until recently
is because they are so difficult to see; this is a huge problem for the field archaeologist
attempting to record and document them in the bright sunlight of New Mexico. The
imagery was lightly scratched on very hard basalt boulders, most likely with a knife or
some other metal tool (Fowles & Arterberry 2013: 72).
Severin Fowles and Jimmy Arterberry offer us an instructive discussion of the process of
documenting these images:
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In their investigation of the rock art images recorded in the Rio Grande gorge, Fowles
and Arterberry discuss several examples of narrative scenes, such as a depiction of an
encampment with a series of horses and riders, and elsewhere in the gorge depictions of
a series of horse raids. While narrative is an aspect of this rock art tradition (it is a
component of a wider Plains Indian tradition known as Biographic Tradition; Keyser
1996), the depiction of scenes is not the major reason this rock art was executed. Instead,
it was the act, or gesture of depiction, that was significant.
Fowles and Arterberry (2013: 74) argue that the performed gesture was likely more
important than the icon produced. An image of a horse produced by pecking may look
like a horse in the end, but the process of peckingof repeated staccato impactsdoes
not have the quality of a horse about it. The Comanche horse icon, on the other hand, was
composed of arcing lines that move in a very horse-like way across the rock surface. It
was the repetitive hand movements that would have signified the movement of horses.
Recall here Ingolds point that it was not the representation of animals that was
important in totemic and animistic societies, but that art was meant to reveal the
properties of animals through acts of depiction.
Fowles and Arterberry link this practice of making with the tradition of sign language,
known as the Plains Sign Language (PSL) tradition, of which the Comanche were
renowned participants. For example, in the sign language of the Plains, the Comanche
were known as the Snakes, mimed by placing the right hand palm downward, with
forearm across the body, and wiggling it to the right.
They argue that this logic of mimetic gesturing is replicated in battle imagery in which
unmounted warriors with headdresses are depicted holding lances that appear as
meandering lines that reach out to touch other warriors. They link this with the tradition
of counting coup, in which men demonstrated their courage in battle by riding forth
among the enemy and boldly touching an opponent in the midst of battle (Fowles &
Arterberry 2013: 76). They go on to argue that Comanche warriors will have built their
reputation from military actions, but those actions needed to be stabilized and given
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We are aware that Fowles and Arterberrys analysis appears to be a textbook example of
an informed approach very much in the sense meant by Taon and Chippindale (1998).
We would argue that, in fact, Fowles and Arterberrys reasoning is analogical (more of
this later). However, the important point we want to derive from this case study is the
significance of embodied knowledge, of an understanding of gesture, rock art imagery,
and rock surface as opposed to the cognitive question of what it means.
We argue that an understanding of gesture and of processes of working and making are
more than possible using formal approaches common to many rock art researchers.
Here, we will convey our recent experience using reflectance transformation imaging
(RTI). RTI is a computational photographic method for surface data capture and the
interactive representation of the three-dimensional shape of surfaces (Cultural Heritage
Imaging 2011, 2013a, 2013b; Malzbender, Gelb, & Wolters 2001). The capabilities of RTI
make it a very valuable asset for rock art research (Daz-Guardamino, Garca Sanjun,
Wheatley, & Rodrguez Zamora 2015; Mudge, Malzbender, Schroer, & Lum 2006, Mudge
et al. 2012). It is a low-cost, noncontact, and robust method for the documentation and
interactive visualization of rock art. It enables the visualization and examination of very
subtle surface details that may be invisible to the naked eye or that have proved
challenging to record by means of other established three-dimensional surface data
capture methods such as laser scanning or digital photogrammetry (Daz-Guardamino &
Wheatley 2013).
It is precisely its ability to reveal surface detail that makes RTI an invaluable resource for
rock art research. Rock surfaces are in constant flux. They transform as they interact
with a broad variety of agents, from air, water, and acids, to living organisms, including
micro-organisms, animals, or people. RTI does not only allow us to monitor change in the
short and medium term, which is especially relevant for conservation, but also to
elucidate sequences of long-past change and to assess the roles of different agents,
including the rocks surface, in the crafting of its current configuration. Features such as
subtle human- or animal-made marks and the layering and texture of different substances
such as pigments or calcite deposits, as well as their eventual superimposition, can be
robustly documented and better understood through RTI.
Current understandings of rock art are generally broad. They may include an
appreciation of spatiality, performance and (human) bodily movement, and the
topography of the rock surface. Yet debates aiming to subvert humananimal divides do
not seem to have permeated deep enough into rock art research, as Dowson (2009)
recently noted. When studying humananimal relations through European Palaeolithic
rock art, for instance, most specialists adopt a humanly detached perspective, focusing on
human-made marksrepresentations of animals or humananimal hybridsor patterns of
human consumption of animals and use of animal by-products in a variety of activities,
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But marks made by cave bears, which were periodic visitors to these environments, may
have played a key role in the creative process of the earliest hunter-gatherer rock art in
Europe. El Castillo cave (Cantabria, Spain), yielding the oldest dates for European
parietal art recorded until now, may offer some clues in this respect. The cave shows a
long-term occupation that began at least 150,000 years ago, and it holds one of the
richest collections of Palaeolithic art in Western Europe (Alcalde del Ro, Breuil, & Sierra
1911; Gonzlez Garca 2001; Groenen, Groenen, Ceballos del Moral, & Gonzalez
Echegaray 2012). Recent U-series dating of calcite deposits overlaying red disks provided
minimum ages of 41,400 570 years (sample O-83 in the Panel of the Hands) and 34,250
170 years (sample O-69, also a maximum age of 35,720 260 years from sample O-87,
in the Gallery of the Disks), situating their creation in the Aurignacian (Pike et al. 2012).
Disks and hand stencils are thought to be broadly contemporaneous in El Castillo cave,
constituting the earliest phase of human cave wall marking known to date in Europe
(Garca-Diez et al. 2015: 11). In El Castillo, blowing red pigment directly from the mouth
or indirectly by means of a hollowed instrument makes both motifs. Hand stencils and
disks are rather numerous in the cave (approximately 60 and 150, respectively), and
while the former are located in the initial and middle parts of the cave, the latter are
mostly concentrated in the Gallery of the Disks, located in its inner depths. Research
carried out in the cave by Pettitt and colleagues (Pettitt, Castillejo, Arias, Ontan
Peredo, & Harrison 2014) suggests that the positioning of hand stencils responds to the
shapes and fissures of the cave walls and that, probably, tactile exploration, jointly with
vision, played a key role in the selection of locations for hand stencils.
The recent application of RTI to document a selection of hand stencils and disks in El
Castillo cave1 has produced a record of the shape and surface details of the walls on
which these motifs exist. Fissures framing hand stencils literally gripping walls can be
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The discussions in this section have dealt with the analysis of gesture. We began by
discussing Fowles and Arterberrys (2013) analysis of Comanche rock art in the Rio
Grande, New Mexico, and then discussed an RTI project in Spain. The latter involved an
analysis of the palaeolithic art in El Castillo cave. In the case of the Comanche rock art,
we argued that gesture was key to understanding the execution of the rock art; although
the analysis was augmented by approaches informed by ethno-historic records,
comprehension of the significance of the imagery was not completely shaped by informed
methods. In our latter example, dealing with RTI analysis, we purely relied on formal
approaches. The aim was to digitally document the rock art motifs, but a key aspect of
the analysis involved understanding how the execution of the motifs interacted with
aspects, or qualities, of the rock. In El Castillo, we discussed how the red dot motifs
related to cave bear claw marks and protuberances in the cave wall.
Some important things have shifted in our analyses here. We are not aiming to discuss
the meaning of this imagery, but instead we are focusing on the significance of the
process of making. Another important point is that we are not discussing the stones
engraved or painted upon as inert substances that simply bear the imprint of cultural
markers; instead, we are discussing the dynamic intra-action between stone and mark-
making. This is an ontologically nuanced methodology that takes account of all aspects of
rock art: qualities of the stone, stone surface and shape, previous marks (made by other
agencies such as animals), manner of carving, and shape and form of motif. Such an
approach is to treat rock art production as a process of assembly in which the assemblage
consists of a multitude of components, each working in concert with another (see also
Hamilakis & Jones 2017; Jones & Alberti 2013; Lucas 2012). In doing so we have moved
away from an ontologically hierarchical approach to rock art analysis, as is evident in the
distinction between culture and nature or informed and formal methods, to a relational
approach in which there is no ontological priority between the different elements that
compose the rock art assemblage.
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Conclusion
This chapter has explored questions of ontology in rock art analysis. We have argued that
the approach to rock art offered by Taon and Chippindales (1998) reproduces a series of
unhelpful dichotomies. The distinction between ethnographic, ethnohistoric, or historic
informed methods and formal methods relies on the distinction between inside and
outside knowledge, which itself rests on an assumed distinction between active subjects
and inert objects. We questioned this ontological hierarchy and argued that meaning is
not external to art making, but that art is a practice of making meaning. To understand
this, we examined a series of case studies that focused on gestural analysis in rock art
production. Each of these highlighted the importance of other aspects of rock art making,
including prior marks made by animals, the qualities of stone, and the gesture or act of
mark-making itself. From this we argued that rock art production is best considered as a
process of assembly; a process in which each component of the assemblage has equal
weight (Hamilakis & Jones 2017; Jones & Alberti 2013).
All of this is not to dismiss ethnographic, ethnohistoric, or historic approaches. Taon and
Chippindale (1998) also include analogy as a key approach to rock art studies. If we
understand rock art production as a process of assembly in which various components
are drawn together and work in concert, we can equally consider the process of rock art
analysis and interpretation as a process of assembly (see Fowler 2013; Jones & Alberti
2013; Lucas 2012 for an expansion of this concept) in which a series of methods and
approaches operate in concert alongside each other. Analogical approaches based on
ethnographies therefore have an equal role to play alongside formal approaches.
Importantly, as Nicholas and Markey (2015) point out for ethnographic analogy, each
strand of evidence must be critically evaluated against others.
Finally, we need to emphasize that our approach to rock art studiesplacing formal
methods at the heart of rock art studies, alongside analogyshifts the questions we ask
of rock art away from simple epistemologically derived enquiries (what does this motif
mean?; how do we know this?) to ontological questions (how are rock art motifs
composed?; what is involved in their composition?; how are rocks, pigments, and people
engaged in the process of meaning-making?). We believe that this approach offers
important and fruitful lines of enquiry, whether rock art researchers are studying the
parietal art of the European Palaeolithic or San rock art in South Africa.
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Acknowledgements
M. D. -G. would like to thank A. M. J. for his immense patience! We would like to thank the
volume editors who have been extremely patient over the long gestation of this chapter.
M. D. -G. thanks the Department of Education, Culture and Sport of the Government of
Cantabria (Spain) for permission, as well as Roberto Ontan Peredo, Director of the
Museum of Prehistory and Archaeology of Cantabria, for his support, and the British
Academy/Leverhulme (Small Research Grant, SRG 2013-14 Round) for funding to
undertake RTI recording in El Castillo cave.
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Notes:
(1) RTI recording in El Castillo cave was carried out by M. D-. G, jointly with A. Pike and
P. Pettitt, within the British Academy/Leverhulme-funded project Promoting digital
solutions to rock and cave art research, co-directed by A. Pike and M. Daz-Guardamino.
The results of this project, which assessed the contribution of RTI to cave and rock art
research, are currently being prepared for publication.
Andrew M. Jones
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Marta Daz-Guardamino
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