Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Review by: Patricia S. Mann Hypatia, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Summer, 1991), pp. 225-228 Published by:
Blackwell Publishing on behalf of Hypatia, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3810111 .
Accessed: 15/02/2012 03:53
While the essays in Unruly Practices were written separately over the past decade,
Fraser suggests that we read them as "the record of one socialist feminist's and
former New Left activist's struggle to be a politically committed, critical
intellectual within the academy".
Fraser's essays reflect this tension, both directly in terms of her critical analysis of
these thinkers, and also indirectly in terms of her not-fully- satisfying effort to
formulate her own socialist-feminist critical theory in the concluding two essays of
Unruly Practices. The primary problem lies in the negative theoretical legacy of the
Marxian tradition with respect to issues of political agency and social progress.
Fraser confronts this issue repeatedly yet cannot finally articulate what
distinguishes the politics of women as feminists from that of other social groups.
Political activism of the sixties and seventies gained its sense of political
agency from the immediate conflicts at hand. The struggles against racism,
sexism, and a "racist-imperialist" war in Vietnam took their politics from an
eclectic theoretical brew, drawing upon the pacifism of Gandhi at one moment and
Herbert Marcuse's theory of participatory democracy in the next. Yet for
subsequent efforts to theorize sexual and racial oppression, Marx's theory of the
economic oppression of the working class provided the dominant model.
One of the foundation stones of this theory of oppression was the critique of the
basic liberal ideal of individual economic and political agency. Only a very few
workers will ever raise themselves out of poverty by their own individual efforts,
Marx argued. Workers must give up their illusions of individual social agency and
struggle together as a class against the capitalist oppressors.
The liberal ideal of individual economic and political agency survived Marx's
critique, of course, and is even seeing a powerful resurgence today in the context of
the waning of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. But the
theoretical implications of Marx's critique of the efficacy of individual agency in
struggling against various forms of social oppression went beyond his own
application of them in terms of class struggle. The relationship between individual
agency and various forms of social oppression is one of the primary concerns
today within continental social theory and is particularly salient within the works
of the late Michel Foucault. Fraser cogently explains why Foucault, with his
analysis of the insidious relationship between power and knowledge and his
theory of the "capillary" quality of relations of power and domination, provides
profound support for feminist investigations of patriarchal oppression.
And yet, with his "antihumanist" belief that subjectivity in all its guises is no more
than a means of domination, Foucault seems to deny the possibility of the political
efforts of women to resist male domination.
Jiirgen Habermas is the most significant social thinker presently willing to defend
humanist paradigms of individual agency, and Fraser's essay explicating his social-
theoretical framework is extremely interesting. While "taking seriously his
professed support for the cause of women's liberation", Fraser uncovers a "gender
subtext" within his theory that makes it impossible for him to appreciate the
emancipatory potential of many social changes associated with the recent
women's movement. She berates him for making "no mention in his schema of any
childrearer role". She also criticizes his view that it is "pathological" for
childrearing to become incorporated into the system of paid economic labor,
forcefully arguing that Habermas's position amounts to "a defense of an
institutional arrangement that is widely held to be one, if not the, linchpin of
modem women's subordination".
While I disagree with very little of what Fraser says in these essays, I think she fails
to meet the goal she has set herself of providing "the sort of big diagnostic picture
necessary to orient [the current] political practice" of socialist feminism (11).
Perhaps the goal is simply too ambitious for any single individual to satisfy. Yet I
wish Fraser had made more of an effort to call upon the resources of analytic
philosophy. It is true that analytic philosophers look all the way back to Immanuel
Kant and Jeremy Bentham for their paradigms of social relations. This disciplinary
fustiness explains the great resistance to theories of gender within philosophy; yet
this two-hundred-year vacuum in social philosophy also explains the one
advantage that philosophy holds out to a feminist. Unfazed because untouched by
Marxian or Freudian notions of the social constitution of individuals, or by the
irrationalities of individual thought, philosophy offers an outmoded yet still
seaworthy vessel for any thinker seeking to ride out the storms of postmodem
disillusionment with notions of agency and progress.
Had Fraser utilized the works of analytic political thinkers when she finally came
to formulate her socialist-feminist theory of the welfare state, she could have
exploited the admittedly very "thin" theories of political agency and individual
rights available within political philosophy today. Alan Gewirth, for example, has
argued that a "right to well-being" is as fundamental as a "right to freedom" insofar
as both freedom and well-being are necessary conditions of voluntary action by
individuals. Although Gewirth's theory is Kantian and abstract, it offers potential, if
unwitting, support for Fraser'socialist-feminist theory of needs. I think feminist
theory is most transgressive when it implicates the theories of such well-meaning
liberals in its designs. Moreover, in addressing mainstream thinkers, we insert
ourselves into the tradition and become its cutting edge (Gewirth 1978).
A recente teoria social continental fornece uma base importante para quem tenta
articular uma posio terica de gnero e, no entanto, tambm uma fonte
altamente problemtica de apoio a uma poltica socialista-feminista.
Os ensaios de Fraser refletem essa tenso, tanto diretamente quanto a sua anlise
crtica desses pensadores, e tambm, indiretamente, em termos de seu esforo no
totalmente satisfatrio para formular sua prpria teoria crtica socialista-feminista
na concluso de dois ensaios de prticas indisciplinadas. O principal problema
reside no legado terico negativo da tradio marxista em relao s questes da
agncia poltica e do progresso social. Fraser enfrenta esta questo repetidamente
e ainda no pode finalmente articular o que distingue a poltica das mulheres como
feministas da de outros grupos sociais.
O ativismo poltico dos anos sessenta e setenta ganhou seu senso de poltica
Agncia dos conflitos imediatos em mos. As lutas contra o racismo,
o sexismo e uma guerra "racista-imperialista" no Vietn levaram sua poltica de
uma brecha terica ecltica, aproveitando o pacifismo de Gandhi em um momento
e a teoria da democracia participativa de Herbert Marcuse no prximo. No entanto,
para os esforos subsequentes para teorizar a opresso sexual e racial, a teoria de
Marx da opresso econmica da classe trabalhadora proporcionou o modelo
dominante.
Uma das bases da teoria da opresso foi a crtica do ideal liberal bsico da agncia
econmica e poltica individual. Apenas alguns poucos trabalhadores se elevaro
da pobreza por seus prprios esforos individuais, argumentou Marx. Os
trabalhadores devem desistir de suas iluses de agncia social individual e lutam
juntos como uma classe contra os opressores capitalistas.
Embora eu no concorde com muito pouco do que Fraser diz nesses ensaios, acho
que ela no consegue atingir o objetivo que ela se props, fornecendo "o tipo de
grande imagem diagnstica necessria para orientar a" prtica poltica atual "do
feminismo socialista (11 ). Talvez o objetivo seja simplesmente muito ambicioso
para qualquer indivduo satisfazer. No entanto, eu queria que Fraser tivesse feito
mais um esforo para recorrer aos recursos da filosofia analtica. verdade que os
filsofos analticos olham o caminho para Immanuel Kant e Jeremy Bentham por
seus paradigmas de relaes sociais. Esse fascnio disciplinar explica a grande
resistncia s teorias do gnero dentro da filosofia; No entanto, este vcuo de
duzentos anos na filosofia social tambm explica a nica vantagem que a filosofia
oferece a uma feminista. Inconveniente, por ser intacta pelas noes marxistas ou
freudianas da constituio social dos indivduos, ou pelas irracionalidades do
pensamento individual, a filosofia oferece um navio ultrapassado, ainda assim,
navegvel para qualquer um dos pensadores que procuram superar as
tempestades da desiluso ps-modificao com noes de agncia e progresso.