Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
in Renaissance Scotland
15451622
Studies in the History of
Christian Traditions
General Editor
Robert J. Bast
Knoxville, Tennessee
In cooperation with
Henry Chadwick, Cambridge
Paul C.H. Lim, Nashville, Tennessee
Eric Saak, Liverpool
Brian Tierney, Ithaca, New York
Arjo Vanderjagt, Groningen
John Van Engen, Notre Dame, Indiana
Founding Editor
Heiko A. Oberman
VOLUME 154
By
LEIDEN BOSTON
LEIDEN BOSTON
2011
Cover illustration: John Slezer. St Andrews The Prospect of the Town of St Andrews in
Theatrum Scotiae. 1693. [NLS shelfmark EMS.b.5.1] Reproduced by permission of the Trustees
of the National Library of Scotland.
ISSN 1573-5664
ISBN 978 90 04 20539 0
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
Acknowledgements vii
A Melville Chronology ix
Abbreviations xi
Particular recognition is especially due to E.J. Brill, Leiden and its fine
editorial staff and scholars who have expertly supervised every phase of
the publication process. I am especially grateful to Mr. Ivo Romein, edi-
tor in the Brill History Department for his excellent assistance and for
the judicious review of the manuscript supplied by the anonymous
reader. It will always be my distinct honor to have had my work pub-
lished by Brill.
I am grateful to my family in the United States whose love, under-
standing, and support have made this work possible. In addition to the
generous support of my mother, Janet Davis Holloway, I would like to
offer special thanks to my late grandfather Ernest R. Holloway Sr. of
Dallas, Texas whose generosity has helped to make the costly venture
of living and studying abroad a reality.
Most of all I would like to thank my wife Rebecca whose sacrifices,
love, and devotion to me and our three children, Addison, Davis, and
Genevie, have made this work what it is today. Her role as my loving
companion and mother of our children has been complemented by her
indefatigable labors as my chief redactor, literary critic, and constant
supporter. To her and our three beautiful children this work is most
affectionately dedicated.
1
James Bass Mullinger, The University of Cambridge: From the Royal Injunctions
of 1535 to the Accession of Charles the First (Cambridge, 1884), 365.
2
G.D. Henderson, Religious Life in Seventeenth-Century Scotland (Cambridge,
1937), 32.
3
John Durkan, The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-Century Scotland in David
McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 15131625 (Glasgow, 1962), 291.
4
John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow,
1977), 276.
5
H.M.B. Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654
(Glasgow, 1917), 1.
6
Alexander Gray, The Old Schools and Universities in Scotland, Scottish Historical
Review, 9 (Jan., 1912), 120. Cf. also Joseph H. Summers, George Herbert: His Religion
and Art (London, 1954), 55. Summers calls Melville the reformer of the Scottish
universities.
7
James Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melville ed. Robert
Pitcairn (Edinburgh, 1842), 52, 369370.
8
James Kirk, Melvillian Reform in the Scottish Universities in A.A. MacDonald,
Michael Lynch, and Ian B. Cowan (eds.), The Renaissance in Scotland: Studies in
Literature, Religion and Culture (Leiden, 1994), 277.
9
Gordon Donaldson, The Scottish Reformation (Cambridge, 1960), 190.
2 chapter one
10
J.H.S. Burleigh, A Church History of Scotland (London, 1960), 198; Charles
P. Finlayson, Clement Litill and His Library: The Origins of Edinburgh University Library
(Edinburgh, 1980), 17; Caroline Bingham, The Making of a King: The Early Years of James
VI and I (London, 1968), 149. Finlayson and Bingham refer to Melvilles Second Book
of Discipline. James Kirk debunks this all but universal belief in The Second Book of
Discipline, ed. James Kirk (Edinburgh, 1980), 45, 51.
11
James Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Cambridge,
2000), 57; James Doelman, The Contexts of George Herberts Musae Responsoriae,
George Herbert Journal, 2 (1992), 44. Doelman has also identified Melville as the chief
architect of Presbyterianism.
12
Samuel Eliot Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, MA,
1935), 132.
13
Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 57.
14
D. Macmillan, The Aberdeen Doctors (London, 1909), 66, 7879; I. D. McFarlane,
Buchanan, (London, 1981), 470; Doelman, The Contexts of George Herberts Musae
Responsoriae, 45. McFarlane portrays Melville as having developed in Geneva a mili-
tant fundamentalism.
15
Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 57.
16
Robert Sangster Rait, Andrew Melville and the Revolt Against Aristotle in
Scotland, English Historical Review (April, 1899), 257.
17
R.G. Cant, The University of St. Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews, 1992),
61, 67.
andrew melville and the melville legend 3
18
David George Mullan, Scottish Puritanism 15901638 (Oxford, 2000), 259;
Episcopacy in Scotland: The History of an Idea, 15601638 (Edinburgh, 1986), 59; Michael
F. Graham, The Uses of Reform: Godly Discipline and Popular Behavior in Scotland and
Beyond, 15601610 (Leiden, 1996), 201.
19
John Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland Vol. II (Edinburgh, 1850),
200; Vol. III, 183.
20
Thomas McCrie, Jr., Life of Thomas McCrie, D.D. (Edinburgh, 1840), 232.
21
John Hill Burton, The Scot Abroad (Edinburgh, 1864), II, 90.
22
Thomas Fuller, The Church History of Britain Vol. III (London, 1868), 295; Izak
Walton, The Life of Mr. George Herbert (London, 1670), 35. Walton characterized Melville
as a man of learning, and the Master of a great wit, a wit full of knots and clenches: a
wit sharp and satyrical; exceeded, I think, by none of that Nation, but their Bucanon.
23
James W.L. Adams, The Renaissance Poets: (2) Latin in James Kinsley (ed.),
Scottish Poetry: A Critical Survey (London, 1955), 8182; J.H. Millar, A Literary History
of Scotland (London, 1903), 246. Millar bestows faint praise on Melvilles epigrams labe-
ling them as tolerable.
24
Paul J. McGinnis and Arthur H. Williamson (eds.), George Buchanan: The Political
Poetry (Edinburgh, 1995), 31, 318. They also refer to Melville as Buchanans successor
poet.
25
Cf. G.D. Henderson, The Burning Bush: Studies in Scottish Church History
(Edinburgh, 1957), 25; John Kerr, Scottish Education School and University: from Early
Times to 1908 (Cambridge, 1910), 128.
4 chapter one
Mullan, Scottish Puritanism 15901638, 16; Rait, Andrew Melville and the Revolt
27
31
Ian Henderson, Reassessment of the Reformers in Duncan Shaw (ed.), Refor
mation and Revolution: Essays Presented to the Very Reverend Principal Emeritus Hugh
Watt, D.D., D.Litt. on the Sixtieth Anniversary of his Ordination (Edinburgh, 1967), 34.
32
Gordon Donaldson, Sources for Scottish Church History 15601600 in Scottish
Church History (Edinburgh, 1985), 90.
33
Hugh Walker, Three Centuries of Scottish Literature: The Reformation to the Union
Vol I. (Glasgow, 1893), 83128; Graham, The Uses of Reform, 131; W.S. Provand,
Puritanism in the Scottish Church (Paisley, 1923), 57; Michael Lynch, Calvinism in
Scotland, 15591638 in Menna Prestwich (ed.), International Calvinism, 15411715
(Oxford, 1985), 235. Cf. Ian Hazlett, The Reformation in Britain and Ireland (London
and New York, 2003), 113133; Marjory A. Bald, James Melville: An Obscured Man of
Letters, Modern Language Review, 21 (July, 1926), 26168.
6 chapter one
There are also value judgments or sheer opinion which should not be
accepted at face value. To be sure, it was not James Melvilles intention to
provide either an official biography of his uncle or an history proper of
the period. It is as the title suggests an autobiography and diary, an his-
torical record written from the perspective of one intimately involved in
many of the events he records. If one views the authors proximity to
these events as providing a unique but limited perspective written by
one decidedly committed to his uncles cause, then the source may be
used critically along with other historical records to reconstruct the
events of the period. The authors moral probity combined with his
intention to provide a faithful and accurate account of the persons and
events of the period have together provided the grounds for its essential
reliability. In the absence of any evidence to the contrary, the Diary
should be admitted as evidence even as other partisan accounts and his-
torical records are consulted in endeavoring to understand the period.
The same critical approach employed in consulting John Spottiswoodes
and David Calderwoods respectives histories should be adopted in
perusing James Melvilles narrative history. The mere presence of bias or
overt partisanship far from becoming a disqualifiying factor simply
makes explicit the interpretative framework through which the events
are evaluated and assessed.
Without question the Diary is the single most influential historical
source and interpretation of the Jacobean Kirk and of the life, accom-
plishments, and significance of Andrew Melville. Despite the disparag-
ing efforts by critics to dismiss his narrative history as intellectual
narrowness and his ideas as harsh and exhibiting a certain naivety,34
the Diary has been praised by R.G. Cant as one of the great books of its
kind of all time and has occupied a central place for sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century historians of Scotland.35 Notwithstanding those
who would portray its author as one who played a more vigorous part
even than Knox in killing the old Scots sense of delight in the arts and
as one who indulged in much religio-literary flatulence,36 James
Melvilles narrative history consisting of his 1602 Diary and 1610 True
34
David Reid, Prose After Knox in R.D. Jack (ed.), The History of Scottish Literature
Vol. I (Aberdeen, 19871988), 189190.
35
Cant, The University of St. Andrews, 59. Cf also McCrie, Life of Thomas McCrie,
D.D., 239.
36
Maurice Lindsay, History of Scottish Literature (London, 1977), 109.
andrew melville and the melville legend 7
37
Cf. A. R. MacDonald, A Fragment of an Early Copy of James Melvilles A True
Narratioune of the Declyneing Aige of the Kirk of Scotland, Innes Review, 47 (Spr., 1996),
8188.
38
James Melville, The Diary of Mr. James Melvill (Edinburgh, 1829).
39
Melville, JMAD, 72.
40
Robert Sangster Rait, The Universities of Aberdeen: A History (Aberdeen, 1895),
108; The Second Book of Discipline, 51.
41
Robert Pitcairn, Prefatory Notice in James Melville, The Autobiography and
Diary of Mr. James Melville ed. Robert Pitcairn (Edinburgh, 1842), xxiv. Cf. David
Calderwood, The History of the Kirk of Scotland by Mr. David Calderwood, ed.
T. Thomson, 8 vols. (Edinburgh, 184249); John Row, History of the Kirk of Scotland
from the Year 1558 to August 1637, ed. David Laing (Edinburgh, 1842).
42
Alan R. MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 15671625 Sovereignty, Polity and Liturgy
(Aldershot, 1998), 14, 171, 173.
8 chapter one
43
John Hill Burton, The History of Scotland: From Agricolas Invasion to the Revolution
of 1688 Vol. V (Edinburgh, 1870), 404, 469. Cf. also Thomas Thomson, A History of the
Scottish People from the Earliest Times Vol. IV (London, 1893), 348.
44
Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, 365.
45
William Duguid Geddes (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis Arthur Johnston Vol. II
The Epigrammata and Remaining Secular Poems (Aberdeen, 1895), 54.
46
John Malcolm Bulloch, A History of the University of Aberdeen 14951895 (London,
1895), 7779.
47
Robert Sangster Rait, The Universities of Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1895), 108; Andrew
Melville and the Revolt Against Aristotle in Scotland, 250.
48
Charles Borgeaud, Histoire de LUniversit de Genve LAcadmie de Calvin 1559
1798 (Genve, 1900), 108. Cf. also Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva,
15691574, American Historical Review, (Dec. 1899), 286.
49
Roland Greene Usher, Reconstruction of the English Church Vol. II (New York and
London, 1910), 162.
50
P. Hume Brown, History of Scotland to the Present Time: From the Accession of Mary
Stewart to the Revolution of 1689 (Cambridge, 1911), 129.
51
Provand, Puritanism in the Scottish Church, 54, 589.
andrew melville and the melville legend 9
52
Edward Gordon Selwyn (trans. and ed.), The First Book of the Irenicum of John
Forbes of Corse a Contribution to the Theology of Re-union (Cambridge, 1923), 2, 3, 7.
53
Morison, The Founding of Harvard College, 132.
54
Henderson, Religious Life in Seventeenth-Century Scotland, 32, 62; The Burning
Bush: Studies in Scottish Church History, 25, 51, 139, 220.
55
Henderson, The Burning Bush: Studies in Scottish Church History, 25, 51, 139, 220.
Cf. also William M. Campbell, The Triumph of Presbyterianism (Edinburgh, 1958), 12.
56
Leicester Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925
(New York and London, 1940), 151.
10 chapter one
57
William Arbuckle, A St. Andrews Diarist: James Melville 15561614 (Edinburgh
and London, 1964), 3.
58
T. Angus Kerr, John Craig, Minister of Aberdeen, and Kings Chaplain in Duncan
Shaw (ed.), Reformation and Revolution: Essays Presented to the Very Reverend Principal
Emeritus Hugh Watt, D.D., D.Litt. on the Sixtieth Anniversary of His Ordination
(Edinburgh, 1967), 110. Cf. Maurice Lee, Jr., James VI and the Revival of Episcopacy in
Scotland: 15961600, Church History, 43 (Mar., 1974), 55.
59
Donaldson, The Scottish Reformation, 191193.
60
Gordon Donaldson, Scotland: Church and Nation through Sixteen Centuries
(London, 1960), 71, 73.
61
Donaldson, The Scottish Reformation, 191, 224; Donaldson, Scotland: Church and
Nation, 71, 73.
62
Ibid., 190.
63
James Kirk, The Development of the Melvillian Movement in Late Sixteenth
Century Scotland (PhD Thesis, Edinburgh 1972), 142.
andrew melville and the melville legend 11
64
W. Stanford Reid, Trumpeter of God: A Biography of John Knox (New York,
1974), 290.
65
Caroline Bingham, James VI of Scotland (London, 1979), 43, 45. Cf. also The Making
of a King: The Early Years of James VI and I, 71. Bingham explicitly identifies Melville as
Knoxs successor.
66
Jenny Wormald, No Bishop, no king: The Scottish Jacobean Episcopate,
16001625 in Bibliothque De La Revue DHistoire Ecclsiastique: Miscellanae Historiae
Ecclesiasticae VIII (Louvain, 1987), 259, 260, 262.
67
Cant, The University of St. Andrews, 60, 64, 67.
68
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 57.
12 chapter one
69
Roger A. Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians in Roger
A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603
(Cambridge, 1994), 114, 122.
70
Graham, The Uses of Reform, 151, 157, 190, 192, 210.
71
Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 57.
72
Michael Lynch, The origins of Edinburghs Toun College: a revision article, Innes
Review, 33 (1982), 314. Cf. also Steven John Reid, Aberdeens Toun College: Marischal
College, 15931623, IR, 58.2 (2007), 173195.
73
MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 15671625. Cf. Hazlett, The Reformation in
Britain and Ireland, 127; Steven John Reid, Education in Post-Reformation
Scotland: Andrew Melville and the University of St Andrews, 15601606 (PhD Thesis,
St Andrews, 2008).
74
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 188. Reid, in emphasizing
the hyperbole of Presbyterian rhetoric, does not account adequately for those other
historians who have contributed to the promotion of the legend.
andrew melville and the melville legend 13
75
Cf. also Alan R. MacDonald, James VI and the General Assembly, 15861618
in Julian Goodare and Michael Lynch (eds.), The Reign of James VI (East Lothian,
2000), 171.
76
Lynch, Calvinism in Scotland, 15591638, 234236; Preaching to the Con
verted? 321; Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (Oxford, 1967),
110; Roger A. Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians in Roger
A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603
(Cambridge, 1994), 114, 122; Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 31;
MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 14, 171, 173.
77
Cf. Felicity Heal, Reformation in Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 2003), 369; Mullan,
Episcopacy in Scotland, 136150; Maurice Lee Jr., Archbishop Spottiswoode as
Historian, Journal of British Studies, 13 (Nov., 1973), 146.
14 chapter one
78
Kirk, The Development of the Melvillian Movement in Late Sixteenth Century
Scotland.
79
MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 175.
80
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 314. McCrie writes that Adamson informs the
King that he had prepared a work entitled Psillus, in which he had sucked out the sedi-
tious poison infused by the Melvinian faction, defended the Episcopal authority and the
royal supremacy, and warned the neighboring kingdom of England of the rocks on
which the church of Scotland had struck.
81
Patrick Adamson, A Declaratioun of the Kings Maisties Intentioun and Meaning
Toward the Lait Actis of Parliament (Edinburgh, 1585), A iijAiiij; Mason, George
Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians, 128.
andrew melville and the melville legend 15
MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 17375; James VI and the General Assembly,
82
15861618, 185.
83
On the controversial term ideology see John Gerring, Ideology: A Definitional
Analysis Political Research Quarterly, 50 (Dec., 1997): 957994; F. Lewins, Recasting
the Concept of Ideology: A Content Approach British Journal of Sociology, 40
(Dec., 1989): 678693.
84
Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians, 128.
16 chapter one
85
MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 15671625, 4.
86
Kirk, The Development of the Melvillian Movement in Late Sixteenth Century
Scotland, 355; The Second Book of Discipline, 5152.
87
Steven John Reid, Early Polemic by Andrew Melville: The Carmen Mosis (1574)
and the St Bartholomews Day Massacres, Renaissance and Reformation, 30.4 (Fall
2006/2007), 76.
88
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 4.
andrew melville and the melville legend 17
Ibid., 29.
89
Ibid., i.
90
91
Ibid., 32.
92
Ibid., 122.
93
Ibid. 122, 193. Despite the revealing admission that his work perhaps gives too
negative an assessment of his [Melvilles] achievements, Reid does not revisit those
places in the thesis which exhibit an unnecessarily negative and uncharitable evalution.
18 chapter one
94
Ibid.
95
Kirk, John Knox and Andrew Melville: A Question of Identity? 16, 20.
96
Shaw, The General Assemblies, 2, 15758; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 117,
178, 290, 369. Melville served as moderator of the General Assembly in 1578, 1582,
1587, and 1594.
97
James Kirk, John Knox and the Historians in Roger A. Mason (ed.), John Knox
and the British Reformations (Aldershot, 1998), 18; Gordon Donaldson, Knox the
Man in Duncan Shaw (ed.), John Knox: A Quartercentenary Reappraisal (Edinburgh,
1975), 21; Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, Records of the Scottish
Church History Society, 14 (1963), 69.
andrew melville and the melville legend 19
who lived in England and on the continent and who enjoyed social
intercourse with the leaders of the Reformed movement.
In consequence of their time abroad in England and on the continent
both were cosmopolitan in their outlook, men of education and culture
who eschewed provincialism and exhibited a broad intellectual outlook.
Knox studied at both the University of St Andrews and the Academy of
Geneva while Melville studied at the Universities of St Andrews, Paris,
and Poitiers as well as at the Collge Royal and Calvins Academy where
he also taught in the schola privata. Knox lived for a time in Berwick,
Newcastle, Frankfurt, and Geneva while Melville resided in London,
Paris, Poitiers, Geneva, and Sedan.98 Always the scholar, Melville, while
in London, took advantage of his proximity to Oxford and Cambridge
and visited with a number of humanists associated with those seats of
learning. Both returned to their native land and quickly became involved
in ecclesiastical reform, Knox participating along with the five other
Johns on the committee which drew up the First Book of Discipline while
Melville was involved along with over thirty individuals in drafting the
Second Book of Discipline.99
Compared with the literary corpus of such continental reformers as
Luther and Calvin, neither Knox nor Melville can be considered prolific
authors. Both valued the opportunity to speak to their own age rather
than compose books for subsequent generations. Both suffered for their
Protestantism, enduring imprisonment and, in Melvilles case, banish-
ment. Knox was incarcerated in the French galleys and later released to
England while Melville was confined to the Tower of London and subse-
quently banished to the continent to live out his remaining days. Both
dramatically and publicly confronted the monarch, Knox leaving Mary
Stewart in tears after his conference with her while Melville incurred the
ire of her autocratic son by tugging on his sleeve and calling him Gods
sillie vassal. Both vigorously advocated the freedom of the pulpit and
the right of the General Assembly to its continued existence.100 Both
were men of principle whose deep convictions, sense of obligation, and
zeal for reform often made them uncompromising, implacable, and
E.G. Rupp, The Europe of John Knox in Duncan Shaw (ed.), John Knox
98
101
Hazlett, The Reformation in Britain and Ireland, 119; McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville, I, 231; Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603,
250; On Knox see Jaspar Ridley, John Knox (Oxford, 1968); W. Stanford Reid, Trumpeter
of God: A Biography of John Knox (New York, 1974). Cf. McCrie, Life of Thomas
MCrie, 235. Cf. also Charles Borgeaud, Histoire de luniversit de Genve: L Acadmie de
Calvin 15591798 (Geneva, 1900); Karin Maag, Seminary or University? The Genevan
Academy and Reformed Higher Education, 15601620 (Aldershot, 1995); Gillian Lewis,
Calvinism in Geneva in the time of Calvin and of Beza (15411605) in Menna
Prestwich (ed.), International Calvinism, 15411715 (Oxford, 1985), 3970; The Geneva
Academy in Andrew Pettegree, Alastair Duke, and Gillian Lewis (eds.), Calvinism in
Europe 15401620 (Cambridge, 1994).
102
Kirk, John Knox and Andrew Melville: A Question of Identity? 1617.
103
William Ian P. Hazlett, Ebbs and Flows of Theology in Glasgow 14511843 in
William Ian P. Hazlett (ed.), Traditions of Theology in Glasgow 14501990: A Miscellany
(Edinburgh, 1993), 7; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 339. In spite of his absence, an
ordination service was performed for Melville at the old parish church of Govan. In 1591
he became a ruling elder in St Andrews.
andrew melville and the melville legend 21
While Melville spent more than forty years teaching at Poitiers, Geneva,
Glasgow, St. Andrews, and Sedan, Knox never occupied an academic
post. If it may be said that Knox was primarily a preacher and evangelist,
then Melville was primarily a scholar and intellectual. If Knoxs essential
vocation was prophetic, then Melvilles was academic.
Although both were exiles, Knoxs time abroad involved primarily
ministerial service in England, Germany, and Switzerland whereas
Melvilles time on the continent was absorbed in academic pursuits at
Paris, Poitiers, Geneva, and Sedan. Whereas Melville devoted himself at
an early age to the mastery of Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Syriac,
obtaining a high degree of proficiency in those ancient languages, Knox
never acquired an adequate knowledge of them.104 While Knox wrote in
the vernacular in a number of literary genres, including history, political
theory, theology, and liturgics, Melville often wrote in Latin and
preferred the genre of poetry in the tradition of Buchanan. While the
1574 Carmen Mosis, 1590 , and 1594 Principis Scoti-
Britannorum Natalia among others significantly enhanced Melvilles
reputation as an elegant and erudite Latin poet, there is nothing in the
corpus of Knoxs writings that is comparable to them. Whereas Knoxs
Historie and First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of
Women represent significant contributions to the fields of sixteenth-
century history and political theory, Melville left the task of recording
the events of the Jacobean Kirk to his nephew and never committed to
writing in any systematic way his well-known theory of the two king-
doms. Though his political views are expressed in some of his poetry, he
never composed a systematic treatise on politics. Indeed, while neither
author was prolific, the number of Knoxs publications far exceeds
anything Melville ever published.105 When these basic differences are
brought into clear focus, the attempt to identify or equate Knox and
Melville or to portray the latter as his sole successor oversimplifies and
Jane E. A. Dawson, The Two John Knoxes: England, Scotland and the 1558
105
106
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan: The Political Poetry, 31.
107
Adams, The Renaissance Poets: (2) Latin, 82; Bradner, Musae Anglicanae:
A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925, 152.
108
Andrew Melville, Ad Scotiae Regem, Habitvm in Coronatione
Reginae. 17. Maij 1590 (Edinburgh, 1590); McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 301;
Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, Vol. II, 408.
109
Andrew Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorvm Natalia (Edinburgh, 1594); McCrie,
Life of Andrew Melville I, 376377; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan:
The Political Poetry, 278279.
110
Andrew Melville, Viri Clarissimi A. Melvini Mvsae et P. Adamsoni Vita et Palindoia
(1620), 12.
111
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925, 152;
Melville, Viri Clarissimi, 1518.
andrew melville and the melville legend 23
115
Andrew Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorvm Natalia (Edinburgh, 1594);
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan: The Political Poetry, 154162. The full title
of Buchanans poem is: Genethliacon Jacobi Sexti Regis Scotorum.
116
Parasynagma Perthense et Ivramentvm Ecclesi Scotican et A.M. Anti
tamicamicategoria (1620), 4147; Viri Clarissimi, 24. The full title of Melvilles poem is:
Prosvpplici Evangelicorvm Ministrorvm in Anglia ad Serenissimum Regem contra
Larvatam gemin Acadmi Gorgonem Apologia, sive Anti-tami-cami-categoria.
117
J. W. L. Adams, Scottish Neo-Latin Poetry in P. Tuynman, G. C. Kuiper, and
E. Keler (eds.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Amstelodamensis (Mnchen, 1979), 5.
On Buchanans politics see J. H. Burns, The True Law of Kingship: Concepts of Monarch
in Early Modern Scotland (Oxford, 1996), 185221; Political Ideas of George Buchanan,
Scottish Historical Review, 30 (1951), 6068.
andrew melville and the melville legend 25
s eparated the two men and with this age difference emerged different
models of humanistic scholarship and methods. Although Buchanan
himself seemed almost to span the generational gap by writing, publish-
ing, and teaching through both the 1520s, 1530s, and 1540s, as well as
through the 1560s and 1570s, he nevertheless belonged more to the
older model of humanism as represented by Bud and Erasmus. Melville,
on the other hand, was the product of that generation of humanists rep-
resented by Joseph Justus Scaliger and the methods of critical scholar-
ship he developed. While both men were French humanists and shared
many of the values and methods peculiar to the northern European
Renaissance, their generational differences should not be ignored or
minimized.118 Certainly Buchanan himself exerted a profound influence
upon the young Melville during and after his Parisian years, and yet he
was only one of a number of intellectual influences that contributed to
the young humanists formation.
In addition to temperamental and generational differences, the
emphasis of their humanist education on the continent was quite differ-
ent. While Melville attended the legal lectures of Franois Baudouin and
Franois Hotman while he was in Paris and Geneva respectively and
devoted three years of his life in Poitiers to the study of jurisprudence,
this training in legal humanism and the new jurisprudence was wholly
absent in Buchanans studies. Similarly, there is nothing in Buchanans
university training that even approximates the formal study of divinity
Melville pursued during his five years in Geneva. Unlike Melville who
studied under some of the most distinguished theologians in the
Reformed Protestant tradition of the sixteenth century, Buchanan, while
a long-time friend of his fellow humanist Theodore Beza, never formally
studied theology.119 Whereas Melville, from the beginning of his time in
Paris under Jean Mercier and Jean de Cinqarbres, as well as during his
Charles G. Nauert, Jr. Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe (Cambridge,
118
1995), 167; McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, 34, 36; Peter
Sharratt, Peter Ramus and the Reform of the University: the Divorce of Philosophy and
Eloquence? in Peter Sharratt (ed.), French Renaissance Studies 154070 Humanism and
the Encyclopedia (Edinburgh, 1976), 4; W. Leonard Grant, The Shorter Poems of George
Buchanan, 15061582, Classical Journal, 40 (Mar., 1945), 332. On Scaliger see Anthony
T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship Textual Criticism
and Exegesis Vol. I (Oxford, 1983); Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the
Traditions of Textual Criticism in the Renaissance, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, 38 (1975): 155181; Joseph Scaliger and Historical Chronology: The Rise and
Fall of a Discipline, History and Theory, 14 (May, 1975), 156185.
119
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan: The Political Poetry, 116.
26 chapter one
120
McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, 35.
121
Abel Lefranc, Histoire du Collge de France (Paris, 1893), 381; Le Collge de France
(Paris, 1932), 19; McFarlane, Buchanan, 249.
122
McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, 39. On the Rerum
Scoticarum historia see McFarlane, Buchanan, 416440. On the De iure regni apud Scotos
dialogus see Roger A. Mason and Martin S. Smith (eds. and trans.), A Dialogue on the
Law of Kingship among the Scots: A Critical Edition and Translation of George Buchanans
De Iure Regni apud Scotos Dialogus (Aldershot, 2004).
123
D. F. S. Thomson, George Buchanan: The Humanist in the Sixteenth-Century
World, Phoenix, 4 (Win., 1950), 81.
124
Johannes A. Gaertner, Latin Verse Translations of the Psalms 15001620,
Harvard Theological Review, 49 (Oct., 1956), 278. On Buchanans Psalm paraphrases see
I. D. McFarlane, Notes on the Composition and Reception of George Buchanans Psalm
Paraphrases in I. D. McFarlane (ed.), Renaissance Studies, Six Essays (Edinburgh and
London, 1972), 2162; Buchanan, 247286.
andrew melville and the melville legend 27
125
On the Carmen Mosis see Arthur Johnston (ed.), Deliti Ptarum Scotorum
(Amsterdam, 1637), 8490; P. Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan Centre dInfluence Franaise
A Propos dun Manuscrit du XVII Sicle (Paris, 1913), 156163, 167168.
126
Thomson, George Buchanan: The Humanist in the Sixteenth-Century World, 86.
Cf. I. D. McFarlane, The History of George Buchanans Sphra in Peter Sharratt (ed.),
French Renaissance Studies 154070 Humanism and the Encyclopedia (Edinburgh, 1976),
194212; Buchanan, 355378.
127
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan: The Political Poetry, 32; 284286.
128
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925, 198.
28 chapter one
129
Ronald Gordon Cant, The University of St Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews,
1992); The College of St. Salvator (Edinburgh and London, 1950); D.W.D. Shaw (ed.), In
Divers Manners A St Marys Miscellany (St Andrews, 1990); J. Herkless and R. K. Hannay,
The College of St Leonard (Edinburgh, 1905).
130
Antonio Alvar Ezquerra, Les origines du College de France (Paris, 1998); A. Lefranc,
Le Collge de France (15301930) (Paris, 1932); Histoire du Collge de France (Paris,
1893).
131
Andr Tuilier, Histoire de L Universit de Paris et de La Sorbonne Tome I Des origi-
nes Richelieu (Paris, 1994); James K. Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation
France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 15001543 (Leiden, 1985).
132
Hilary J. Bernstein, Between Crown and Community Politics and Civic Culture in
Sixteenth-Century Poitiers (Ithaca and London, 2004); Prosper Boissonnade, Histoire de
lUniversit de Poitiers pass et present (14321932) (Poitiers, 1932).
133
Karin Maag, Seminary of University? The Genevan Academy and Reformed Higher
Education, 15601620 (Aldershot, 1995); Paul F. Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve
15591959 (Genve, 1959); Borgeaud, Histoire de LUniversit de Genve LAcadmie de
Calvin 15591798.
134
John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow,
1977); J. D. Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951 (Glasgow, 1954).
135
David Ditchburn, Educating the Elite: Aberdeen and Its Universities in
E. Patricia Dennison, David Ditchburn, and Michael Lynch (eds.), Aberdeen before 1800:
a New History (East Linton, 2002), 327346; David Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen,
15601641: From Protestant Reformation to Covenanting Revolution (Aberdeen, 1990);
G. D. Henderson, The Founding of Marischal College (Aberdeen, 1947); Steven John
Reid, Aberdeens Toun College: Marischal College, 15931623, 173195.
136
P. Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan Centre dInfluence Franaise A Propos dun
Manuscrit du XVII Sicle (Paris, 1913).
andrew melville and the melville legend 29
137
McFarlane, Buchanan; McGinnis and Williamson (eds.), George Buchanan: The
Political Poetry; Roger A. Mason, Introduction in Roger A. Mason and Martin S. Smith
(ed. and trans.), A Dialogue on the Law of Kingship among the Scots A Critical Edition
and Translation of George Buchanans De Iure Regni apud Scotos Dialogus (Ashgate,
2004). For a more extensive listing of recent works on Buchanan see chapter 3.
138
Howard Hotson, Commonplace Learning: Ramism and its German Ramifications,
15431630 (Oxford, 2007); Walter J. Ong, S.J. Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue:
From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason (Cambridge, MA, 1958); Ramus and Talon
Inventory: A Short-Title Inventory (Cambridge, MA, 1958). For a more extensive listing
of recent works on Ramus, see chapter 3.
139
Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship
Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983).
140
Alain Dufour, Thodore de Bze: Pote et Thologien (Genve, 2006); Kirk
M. Summers (ed. and trans.), A View from the Palatine: The Iuvenilia of Thodore de Bze
(Arizona, 2002); Paul-F. Geisendorf, Thodore de Bze, (Geneva, 1949).
141
Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language, Law,
and History in the French Renaissance (New York, 1970).
142
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England; W.L. Adams,
The Renaissance Poets: (2) Latin; Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin
Poetry 15001925.
143
Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources (New York, 1979);
Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe; Erika Rummel, The Humanist-
Scholastic Debate in the Renaissance & Reformation (Cambridge, MA and London,
1995); John MacQueen, (ed.), Humanism in Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 1999);
S. L. Mapstone and J. Wood, (eds.), The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on the Culture of Late
Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (East Linton, 1998); Anthony Grafton and L. Jardine,
From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and
Sixteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1986).
30 chapter one
144
A valuable discussion of these terms may be found in Paul Oskar Kristeller,
Renaissance Thought and Its Sources (New York, 1979), 2132.
145
Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought II: Papers on Humanism and the Arts
(New York and London, 1965), 2.
146
Alan Perreiah, Humanistic Critiques of Scholastic Dialectic, Sixteenth Century
Journal, 13:3 (1982), 6.
147
Euan Cameron, The Impact of Humanist Values, Historical Journal, 36:4
(1993), 963.
148
Erika Rummel, Et cum theologo bella poeta gerit: The Conflict between Humanists
and Scholastics Revisited, SCJ, 23:4 (1992), 718; Perreiah, Humanistic Critiques of
Scholastic Dialectic, 3; Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 1213;
Kristeller, Renaissance Thought II, 3.
149
Cameron, The Impact of Humanist Values, 964.
150
Charles G. Nauert, Humanism as Method: Roots of Conflict with the Scholastics,
SCJ, 29:2 (1998), 432; Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 196; Cameron,
The Impact of Humanist Values, 957. Since humanism is a method, it is possible to
speak of Christian humanism, humanist theology, Humanist Aristotelianism, and
Humanist dialectic. Cf. Eugene F. Rice, Jr., Humanist Aristotelianism in France:
Jacques Lefvre dEtaples and his circle in A.H.T. Levi (ed.), Humanism in France at the
End of the Middle Ages and in the Early Renaissance (Manchester, 1970), 132149;
Anthony Levi, Humanist Reform in Sixteenth-Century France, Heythrop Journal,
6 (Oct., 1965), 447464.
andrew melville and the melville legend 31
151
Charles G. Nauert, Jr., The Clash of Humanists and Scholastics: an Approach to
Pre-Reformation Controversies, SCJ, 4 (Apr., 1973), 11; Humanism and the Culture of
Renaissance Europe, 12, 16.
152
Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 21.
153
Rummel, Et cum theologo bella poeta gerit, 718.
154
Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 17, 20.
155
Cameron, The Impact of Humanist Values, 957.
156
Perreiah, Humanistic Critiques of Scholastic Dialectic, 6.
32 chapter one
157
McFarlane, Buchanan, 10. On the legal humanism of the Renaissance see Donald
R. Kelley, Legal Humanism and the Sense of History, Studies in the Renaissance, 13
(1966), 184189; Guillaume Bud and the First Historical School of Law, American
Historical Review, 72 (Apr., 1967), 807834; The Rise of Legal History in the Renaissance,
History and Theory, 9:2 (1970), 174194; Linton C. Stevens, The Contribution of French
Jurists to the Humanism of the Renaissance, SR, 1 (1954), 92105; Michael L. Monheit,
Guillaume Bud, Andrea Alciato, Pierre de lEstoile: Renaissance Interpreters of Roman
Law, Journal of the History of Ideas, 58 (Jan., 1997), 2140.
158
On Christian Humanism see Alasdair A. MacDonald, Zweder R.W.M. von Martels,
and Jan R. Veenstra (eds.), Christian Humanism Essays in Honour of Arjo Vanderjagt
(Leiden, 2009).
andrew melville and the melville legend 33
Were it not for the diarist and narrative historian James Melville and
his efforts at chronicling his own life in relation to the broader ecclesi-
astical, political, and cultural developments of late sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century Scotland, our knowledge of the life of Andrew
Melville would be extremely limited.1 Melville himself did not write an
autobiography nor do we have any extant letters from his hand prior to
1572. While studying and teaching in Geneva we know that he corre-
sponded with his brothers Richard and James, probably in the years
1572 or 1573, yet, sadly, none of these letters have survived. We also
know that while he was in Paris and Poitiers during the years 1563/4-
1569 he was in communication with his brothers back in Scotland and
that this correspondence was interrupted by the French wars of religion,
leading his family to believe that he had perished in the conflict.2 The
earliest correspondence we have from his hand is a letter written to Peter
Young on 14 April 1572 at the very end of his time on the continent just
prior to his return to Scotland.3 Whatever correspondence he did write
prior to 1572 simply has not survived. This lack of material from Melville
himself only underscorces the indispensable nature of James Melvilles
narrative history.
1
On James Melville see William Arbuckle, A St Andrews Diarist: James Melville
15561614 (Edinburgh and London, 1964); Marjory A. Bald, James Melvill: An
Obscured Man of Letters Modern Language Review, 21 (July, 1926), 26168; Henry S.
N. McFarland, The Education of James Melvill (15561614), Aberdeen University
Review, 36 (Aut., 1956), 362370; A.R. MacDonald, A Fragment of an Early Copy of
James Melvilles A True Narratioune of the Declyneing Aige of the Kirk of Scotland, Innes
Review, 47 (Spr., 1996), 8188.
2
James Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill ed. Robert Pitcairn
(Edinburgh, 1842), 30. James Melville writes that there had been correspondence
between Andrew and his brothers during his time in France but that it had been four or
fyve yeirs sen they gat anie letters or word from him.
3
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, 14 April 1572, Bodleian, Smith
MS. 77, 27.
36 chapter two
4
Melville, JMAD, 13
5
James Maitland Anderson (ed.), Early Records of the University of St. Andrews
(Edinburgh, 1926), 168, 279; Melville, JMAD, 24; Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville Vol. I (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London, 1824), 59; Arbuckle, A St Andrews
Diarist: James Melville 15561614, 7. McCrie erroneously repeats Melvilles Diary at this
point in accepting 1571 as the year of matriculation.
6
William Keith Leask (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis: Poetae Minores Vol. III
(Aberdeen, 1910), 123124.
7
Melville, JMAD 4142.
8
Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genve, tome III 15651574 (eds.), Olivier
Fatio and Olivier Labarthe (Genve, 1969), 23; Charles Borgeaud, Cartwright and
Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574, American Historical Review, 5:2 (1899),
287; Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 109; Maag, Seminary or University? 9.
9
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 86; P. Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan Centre
dInfluence Franaise A Propos dun Manuscrit du XVII Sicle (Paris, 1913), 155163;
167168. Alan R. MacDonald repeats this error in Best of Enemies: Andrew Melville
and Patrick Adamson, c. 15741592 in Julian Goodare and Alasdair A. MacDonald
(eds.), Sixteenth-Century Scotland: Essays in Honour of Michael Lynch (Leiden and
Boston, 2008), 262. Both the Carmen Mosis and verse paraphrase of Job chapter 3 may
also be found in Arthur Johnston (ed.), Deliti Ptarum Scotorum (Amsterdam, 1637),
8490. The full title of this rare 1574 edition as provided by McCrie is: Carmen Mosis, ex
deuteron, cap. XXXII. quod ipse moriens Israli tradidit ediscendum & cantandum
perpetu, latina paraphrasi illustratum. Cui addita sunt nonnulla epigrammata, & Iobi
Cap. III. latino carmine redditum. Andrea Melvino Scoto avctore. Basile M.D. LXXIIII.
the formative years (15451563/4) 37
has helpfully observed that Melville himself confirmed the day of his birth in Bucholtzers
38 chapter two
17
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 261; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 4.
18
Melville, JMAD, 38.
19
On John Erskine of Dun see Thomas Crockett, The Life of John Erskine of Dun
(Edinburgh D. Litt. Diss., 1924); Bardgett, Scotland Reformed; John Erskine of Dun:
A Theological Reassessment, Scottish Journal of Theology, 43 (1990), 5986; James
S. McEwen, John Erskine of Dun, 150891 in Ronald Selby Wright (ed.), Fathers of the
Kirk (London, 1960), 1727; D. F. Wright, Erskine, John, of Dun (15091590), Oxford
Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 18 (Oxford, 2004), 540542; Robert Wodrow,
Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers and Most Eminent Ministers of the Church of
Scotland Vol. I (Glasgow, 1834), 368.
20
Bardgett, Scotland Reformed, 34; John Erskine of Dun: A Theological Reassessment,
61; Thorkild Lyby Christensen, Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century, SHR, 49
(1970), 137. Cf. Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 263; Reid,
Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 16. Kirk and Reid have inverted the chronol-
ogy maintaining that Richard Melville went first to Germany to study with Melanchthon
and then to Denmark to study with Macalpine. This chronology is not supported by
James Melvilles Diary. Cf. Melville, JMAD, 14.
21
Leask, Musa Latina Aberdonensis III, 123124.
22
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 263; Th. A. Fischer, The
Scots in Germany: Being a Contribution Towards the History of the Scot Abroad
(Edinburgh, 1902), 314. On Melanchthon see Manfred P. Fleischer, Melanchthon as
Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry, Sixteenth Century Journal, 20:4 (1989), 559580.
40 chapter two
Erskine of Duns trip to the continent had earned him the religious sou-
briquet Lutheran though we cannot say for certain that he himself
accompanied his son John and Richard Melville to the universities of
Copenhagen and Wittenberg.23 Lutheranism, of course, in Scotland had
first appeared in the 1520s. Despite James Vs ambiguous political policy
towards Protestantism seen in his vigorous opposition to heresy on the
one hand and his tolerance of moderate reformers on the other, his firm
adherence to the Catholic faith and his efforts to suppress Protestantism
won him from the papacy the prestigious honor of the Blessed Sword
and Hat.24 Notwithstanding James Vs efforts to repress Protestantism,
Lutheran teaching had won over to its cause such individuals as the
Observant Franciscan James Melville, George Gilbert, Alexander Allane
or Alesius25, and Patrick Hamilton26 and had made inroads into
Edinburgh, Leith, Ayr, Stirling, St Andrews,27 Dundee,28 Perth and even,
albeit in a much more limited way, the Catholic stronghold of Aberdeen.29
South of Aberdeen in Angus Lutheranism was influential and contrib-
uted to the Protestant culture that produced George Wishart,30
23
Bardgett, Scotland Reformed, 34. For a helpful analysis of the progressive develop-
ment of Erskine of Duns life and thought see Bardgett, John Erskine of Dun:
A Theological Reassessment.
24
Ryrie, The Origins of the Scottish Reformation, 78, 40.
25
John T. McNeill, Alexander Alesius, Scottish Lutheran (15001565), Archiv fr
Reformationsgeschichte, 55 (1964), 161191; J. H. Baxter, Alesius and other Reformed
Refugees in Germany, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 5 (1934), 93120;
O. Clemen, Melanchthon und Alexander Alesius, ARG, 5 (1929), 1731; Gerhard
Mller, Protestant Theology in Scotland and Germany in the Early Days of the
Reformation, RSCHS, 22:2 (1985), 103117.
26
James Edward McGoldrick, Patrick Hamilton, Luthers Scottish Disciple, Sixteenth
Century Journal, 18 (Spr., 1987), 8188.
27
Gotthelf Wiedermann, Martin Luther versus John Fisher: Some Ideas concerning
the Debate on Lutheran Theology at the University of St Andrews, 152530, RSCHS,
22:1 (1984), 1334.
28
On the Reformation in Dundee, the Geneva of Scotland see Bardgett, Scotland
Reformed; J.H. Baxter, Dundee and the Reformation (Dundee, 1960).
29
McGoldrick, Patrick Hamilton, Luthers Scottish Disciple, 87; Gordon Donaldson,
Aberdeen University and the Reformation, Northern Scotland, 1 (Dec., 1972), 133;
Bruce McLennan, The Reformation in the Burgh of Aberdeen, NS, 2 (197475), 124
126. On the Reformation in Aberdeen see Allan White, The Impact of the Reformation
on a Burgh Community: The Case of Aberdeen in Michael Lynch (ed.), The Early
Modern Town in Scotland (London, 1987), 81101; The Reformation in Aberdeen in
J.S. Smith (ed.), New Light on Medieval Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1985); Charles H. Haws,
The Diocese of Aberdeen and the Reformation, IR, 12 (Aut., 1971), 7284; Gordon
Donaldson, Scotlands Conservative North in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
in Scottish Church History (Edinburgh, 1985), 191203.
30
On Wishart see John Durkan, Scottish Reformers: the Less than Golden Legend,
IR, 45 (Spr., 1994), 210; George Wishart: His Early Life, SHR, 32 (Apr., 1953), 9899;
the formative years (15451563/4) 41
Henry Balnaves,31 Erskine of Dun, and the Melvilles. Thus, the early
presence and reception of Lutheranism in Angus may have served as the
initial impetus in Erskine of Duns choice of Copenhagen and Wittenberg
rather than Zurich and Geneva.32
Erskine of Dun undoubtedly chose Denmark due to the presence of
the Scottish scholar Macalpine who, prior to his decision to join the
Protestant movement in 1534, had labored as prior of the Dominican
convent in Perth.33 Having adopted Protestant views, the prior was sum-
moned by James Hay, bishop of Ross, to give an account of them at
Holyrood. Instead, he fled to England and remained there several years.34
After his time in England, he traveled to Germany where he studied
at the University of Wittenberg, meeting Luther and becoming a
close friend of Melanchthon.35 His close association with Melanch
thon accounts for both his Lutheranism and his humanism. Prior to
Macalpines conversion to Protestantism, he had been thoroughly trained
in late medieval scholasticism at the University of Cologne, completing
his course of study in 1525. Although a proponent of Protestant thought
and an advocate of Renaissance humanism, he still retained some aspects
of his scholastic training as evidenced by his participation in a formal
scholastic disputation conducted under Luthers supervision at Witten
berg in 1541.36 Nevertheless, Macalpine is said to have been deeply
influenced by Melanchthons humanism and the humanistic tradition
Jasper Ridley, John Knox (Oxford, 1968), 2744; Margaret H.B. Sanderson, Ayrshire and
the Reformation: People and Change 14901600 (East Lothian, 1997), 6568.
31
On Henry Balnaves see Hugh Watt, Henry Balnaves and the Scottish reforma-
tion, RSCHS, 5 (1935), 2329.
32
Gerhard Mller, Protestant Theology in Scotland and Germany in the Early Days
of the Reformation, RSCHS, 22:2 (1985), 103117; W. Stanford Reid, Lutheranism in
the Scottish Reformation, Westminster Theological Journal, 7 (May, 1945), 91111;
James K. Cameron, John Johnsones An Confortable Exhortation of Our Mooste Holy
Christen Faith and Her Frutes: An Early Example of Scots Lutheran Piety in Derek Baker
(ed.), Reform and Reformation: England and the Continent c.1500-c.1750 (Oxford, 1979),
133147; Aspects of the Lutheran Contribution to the Scottish Reformation 1528
1552, RSCHS, 22:1 (1984), 12.
33
Christensen, Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century, 137.
34
Richard L. Greaves, Macalpine, John (d. 1557), ODNB, Vol. 34 (Oxford, 2004),
10261027.
35
Leask, Musa Latina Aberdonensis III, 111; Christensen, Scots in Denmark in the
sixteenth century, 137.
36
Anthony Ross, Some Notes on the Religious Orders in Pre-Reformation Scotland
in David McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 15131625 (Glasgow,
1962), 200201.
42 chapter two
37
Christensen, Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century, 137.
38
On German humanism see Lewis W. Spitz, The Religious Renaissance of the German
Humanists (Cambridge, MA, 1963). On Melanchthons evangelical humanism see John
Schofield, Philip Melanchthon and the English Reformation (Aldershot, 2006), 154.
39
On Macalpine see John Durkan, Scottish Evangelicals in the Patronage of Thomas
Cromwell, RSCHS, 21 (19811983), 139140; A. F. B. Petersen, Dr Johannes Macchabeus:
Scotlands contribution to the Reformation in Denmark (PhD Thesis, Edinburgh.,
1935).
40
Fleischer, Melanchthon as Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry, 560. On Melanch
thons humanistic influence throughout Europe see Karin Maag (ed.), Melanchthon in
Europe: His Work and Influence beyond Wittenberg (Grand Rapids, 1999); Maria
Grossman, Humanism in Wittenberg, 14851517 (Nieuwkoop, 1975).
41
Ibid., 561.
42
Eckhard Bernstein, Review: Petrus Lotichius Secundus: Neo Latin Poet, SCJ, 15:4
(1984), 511. Martin Opitz designated Melanchthon unser Lotichius der Frst aller
Deutschen Poeten.
43
Fleischer, Melanchthon as Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry, 561. Just as he
had done with Macalpine and in traditional humanist fashion, Melanchthon persuaded
Lotz to Latinize his name. Cf. Bernstein, Review: Petrus Lotichius Secundus: Neo Latin
Poet, 511.
the formative years (15451563/4) 43
Terence, and Cicero and, like his relative Reuchlin, devoted himself to
the study of Hebrew.44 Over the course of his life, he never abandoned
his love of writing poetry and plays. Indeed, he has been credited with
influencing some one hundred poets.45 For roughly half a century
Luthers colleague contributed to Germanys neo-Latin literature by pro-
ducing prologues for the Latin and Greek plays he directed, Latin para-
phrases from such classical authors as Hesiod, Homer, Plato, Opianus,
and Plutarch and approximately four hundred epigrams and carmina.46
He extolled the eloquence and erudition of poetry to his students and
urged them to write neo-Latin verse, providing them with his own
example. Despite his self-deprecation, calling himself malus poeta,
Melanchthon provided his students with a model of how to cultivate this
humanist art form and thereby contribute to this growing body of neo-
Latin literature in Reformation Germany.47 In light of Melanchthons
influential role in the promotion of neo-Latin literature in Germany
during the sixteenth century, Richard Melvilles own cultivation of bonae
litterae and of the art of neo-Latin poetry was undoubtedly enhanced
and augmented. Indeed, in this respect Andrew Melville may be viewed
as the intellectual benefactor of his eldest brothers education and asso-
ciation with the German scholar as well as an intellectual descendant of
Melanchthon, the neo-Latin poet.
Richard Melvilles Protestant humanism was further cultivated by his
fellow companions during his time abroad. The leader of this continen-
tal expedition, John Erskine of Dun, demonstrated his own commit-
ment to the New Learning of the Renaissance not only by his choice of
Copenhagen and Wittenberg but also by the intellectual foresight he
exhibited in recruiting Pierre de Marsilier to return with him in 1543 to
Scotland to teach Greek at the Montrose grammar school.48 During the
late 1530s the school had employed the services of George Wishart, who
44
David A. Gustafson, Review: Melanchthon in Europe: His Work and Influence
beyond Wittenberg, SCJ, 31:2 (2000), 490; Schofield, Philip Melanchthon and the English
Reformation, 4.
45
Fleischer, Melanchthon as Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry, 561, 563. On
Petrus Lotichius Secundus see Stephen Zon, Petrus Lotichius Secundus: Neo-Latin Poet
(New York, Frankfurt on the Main, Berne, 1983).
46
Ibid., 562. Melanchthon himself did not publish most of these poetic effusions.
Instead, they were published by his admirers against his wishes.
47
Ibid., 564.
48
Melville, JMAD, 39; Bardgett, John Erskine of Dun: A Theological Reassessment,
6162.
44 chapter two
himself had been hired to teach the New Testament in Greek.49 Given
Erskine of Duns relationship with Wishart as both a neighbor and an
extended relative, as well as his subsequent recruitment of Marsilier to
teach Greek at Montrose, it seems likely that he supported Wisharts
efforts at teaching Greek at the school in the 1530s. While the traditional
date for Marsiliers arrival in Scotland has been 1534,50 the year 1543
seems to coincide better with the limited evidence available.51 Never
theless, Erskine of Duns recruitment of Marsilier underscores his own
humanistic values and Renaissance sensibilities, which were, in turn,
undoubtedly influential in Richard Melvilles own humanistic forma-
tion. Indeed, Erskine of Duns influence on Richard Melville may be seen
most vividly in the latters decision to send young Andrew to study
under Marsilier at Montrose.52
The influence of the Renaissance on Richards own educational expe-
rience on the continent may be seen most vividly in his love of the neo-
Latin poetry of the Italians in general and of the verses of Pier Angelo
Manzolli or Marcellus Palingenius Stellatus in particular.53 Although
little is known about Palingenius, he was present in Rome during
Leo Xs pontificate and apparently studied medicine about the year 1530
in Rimini. As is evident from the Zodiacus Vitae,54 he also studied
Neoplatonic philosophy and experimented with alchemy, magic, and
astrology.55 While there is some debate regarding the exact year
of publication, it seems to have been printed about the year 1531.56
49
John Durkan, Scottish Reformers: the Less than Golden Legend, IR, 45 (Spr.,
1994), 5; Jane E. A. Dawson, Knox, John (c.15141572), ODNB, Vol. 32 (Oxford, 2004),
1530.
50
Thomas McCrie, Life of John Knox (Edinburgh and London, 1850), 4.
51
Wright, Erskine, John, of Dun (15091590).
52
Melville, JMAD, 39; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 6, 11.
53
The author of the Zodiacus Vitae, Marcellus Palingenius Stellatus, is generally iden-
tified as Pier Angelo Manzolli of the town of La Stellata in the province of Ferrara.
Marcello Palingenio is the anagrammatic pseudonym of Pier Angelo Manzolli.
Cf. Corinne Mandel, Review: Le Zodiaque de la vie (Zodiacus Vitae) XII Livres by
Jacques Chomarat, SCJ, 29 (Spr., 1998), 143145; Alessandro Perosa and John Sparrow
(eds.), Renaissance Latin Verse: An Anthology (London, 1979), 295.
54
Jacques Chomarat, (trans. and ed.), Le Zodiaque de la vie (Zodiacus Vitae) XIILivres.
Palingne (Pier Angelo Manzolli dit Marzello Palingenio Stellato) (Geneva, 1996).
55
Perosa and Sparrow, Renaissance Latin Verse: An Anthology, 295; Francis
R. Johnson, Astronomical Thought in Renaissance England (Baltimore, 1937), 146.
56
Johnson, Astronomical Thought in Renaissance England, 145; Rosemond Tuve,
Introduction in The Zodiake of Life by Marcellus Palingenius, trans. Barnabe Googe
(New York, 1947), vi.
the formative years (15451563/4) 45
His neo-Latin poetry was viewed as subversive due to its stinging cri-
tique of the clergy, condemned as heretical by Pope Paul IV, and included
in the Index of Prohibited Books in 1559. As a heretic, not only was the
Zodiacus Vitae denounced, but his bones were actually exhumed and
burned as a final insult and condemnation. Indeed, so little is known for
certain about him that questions still remain regarding his profession,
whether he was a professor of grammar, a physician, or even a former
priest.57 What is clear about Palingenius poetry is that it was exceed-
ingly popular with Protestants, like Richard Melville, going through
some sixty editions and numerous translations and becoming a staple
in the classrooms of Protestant England.58 As Barnabe Googe translated
the Zodiacus Vitae59 into English between 1560 and 1565 producing
both partial and complete translations, it became the most popular
astronomical poem of the English Renaissance.60 Far from being a
purely Protestant document, the Zodiacus Vitae contains attacks upon
Luther as well as the Catholic Church.61 Comprised of twelve books with
each chapter named after one of the signs of the Zodiac and consisting
of approximately 10,000 lines, this neo-Latin didactic poem was written
in hexameters and was, like so many lengthy Renaissance poems, calcu-
lated to provide a comprehensive account of all learning.62 It has been
described as a mine of Renaissance commonplaces, most of them with
a long history in medieval or classical literature.63
As an advocate of the New Learning, Richard admired the classical
purity and style of Palingenius as well the moral quality of his Latin
57
Mandel, Review: Le Zodiaque de la vie (Zodiacus Vitae) XII Livres, 143144; Tuve,
Introduction, vi.
58
Perosa and Sparrow, Renaissance Latin Verse: An Anthology, 295; Mandel, Review:
Le Zodiaque de la vie (Zodiacus Vitae) XII Livres, 143144. Cf. Michael West, The
Internal Dialogue of Shakespeares Sonnet 146, Shakespeare Quarterly, 25 (Win., 1974),
115. West calls the Zodiacus Vitae a common textbook that Shakespeare may have read
as a schoolboy. Cf. Arthur F. Marotti, Patronage, Poetry, and Print, Yearbook of English
Studies, 21 Politics, Patronage, and Literature in England 15581658 Special Number
(1991), 5; Foster Watson, The Zodiacus Vitae of Marcellus Palingenius Stellatus: An Old
School-Book (London, 1908).
59
Palingenius, The Zodiake of Life by Marcellus Palingenius trans. Barnabe Googe;
Johnson, Astronomical Thought in Renaissance England, 145146.
60
Johnson, Astronomical Thought in Renaissance England, 149; Perosa and Sparrow,
Renaissance Latin Verse: An Anthology, 295.
61
McFarland, The Education of James Melville (15561614), 363.
62
Perosa and Sparrow, Renaissance Latin Verse: An Anthology, 295; Johnson,
Astronomical Thought in Renaissance England, 146; Tuve, Introduction, ix.
63
Tuve, Introduction, xii.
46 chapter two
64
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 16. Melville, JMAD, 20.
65
Walther Ludwig, The Origin and Development of the Catullan Style in Neo-Latin
Poetry in Peter Godman and Oswyn Murray (eds.), Latin Poetry and the Classical
Tradition: Essays in Medieval and Renaissance Literature (Oxford, 1990), 189, 196;
Melville, JMAD, 20. Cf. Mary Morrison, Catullus in the Neo-Latin Poetry of France
before 1550, Bibliothque dHumanisme et Renaissance, 17 (1955), 365394; Ronsard
and Catullus: The Influence of the Teaching of Marc-Antoine de Muret, BHR, 18 (1956),
240274; Leicester Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 1500
1925 (New York and London, 1940), 149; James W. L. Adams, The Renaissance Poets
(2) Latin in James Kinsley (ed.), Scottish Poetry A Critical Survey (London, 1955), 84.
Bradner identifies Thomas Maitland as the Latinist who introduced into Scotland the
imitation of Ovid and Catullus in his elegies and epigrams.
66
Mandel, Review: Le Zodiaque de la vie (Zodiacus Vitae) XII Livres, 144.
67
Melville, JMAD, 1920; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 16; McFarland, The
Education of James Melville (15561614), 363. Cf. Palingenius, The Zodiake of Life
trans. Googe, 4061.
68
Andrew Melville, Melvini epistolae, 295; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 287.
the formative years (15451563/4) 47
Early Education
Ibid., 69, 147, 149. Palingenius wrote in Book VIII, Scorpius the following:
70
Whatsoeuer Aristotle saith, or any of them all, / I passe not for: since from the truth
they many times doe fall. / Oft prudent, graue, and famous men, in errors chance to
slide, / And many wittes with them deceiue when they themselues go wide: / Examples
only serue, so much must errors folowed bee, / Let no man iudge me arrogant, for reason
ruleth mee, / She faithfull guide of wisemen is: let him that seekes to finde / The Truth,
loue hir, and followe hir with all his might, and minde.
71
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, x, 244. Although we can-
not be certain due to the limited historical evidence available, there is a Thomas Anderson
listed as having matriculated at St Andrews in 1539 who belonged to the northern
Nation of Albania, one of the four Nations (Angusia, Albania, Laudonia, Britannia) into
which the University had been divided. Both the chronology and the geography suggest
that this may be the Thomas Anderson associated with the Montrose grammar school.
48 chapter two
72
Melville, JMAD, 3839.
73
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 7.
74
Melville, JMAD, 17, 21.
75
John Strong, The Development of Secondary Education in Scotland, School
Review, 15 (Oct., 1907), 595; John Durkan, Education in the Century of the Refor
mation in David McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 15131625
(Glasgow, 1962), 149, 152. Grammar schools, sometimes referred to as great schools or
high schools, stood in contrast to little schools which by the sixteenth century had
abandoned the effort of teaching everything in Latin. For a thorough discussion of edu-
cation in Scotland during the sixteenth century see John Durkan, Education: The
Laying of Fresh Foundations in John MacQueen (ed.), Humanism in Renaissance
Scotland (Edinburgh, 1990), 123160; John Kerr, Scottish Education School and University
from Early Times to 1908 (Cambridge, 1910), 129.
the formative years (15451563/4) 49
76
Melville, JMAD 39.
77
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 263.
78
John Durkan, The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-Century Scotland in David
McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 15131625 (Glasgow, 1962), 28889.
79
Cf. James K. Cameron, A Trilingual College for Scotland: The Founding of St Marys
College in D.W.D. Shaw (ed.), In Divers Manners (St Andrews, 1990), 2942; Ronald
Gordon Cant, The University of St Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews, 1992), 4150.
80
Melville, JMAD, 30.
81
Cameron, A Trilingual College for Scotland, 2942; St Marys College 1547
1574-The Second Foundation: The Principalship of John Douglas in D.W.D. Shaw (ed.),
In Divers Manners (St Andrews, 1990), 4357; Reid, Education in Post-Reformation
Scotland, 16. Reid notes that the earliest recorded example of formal Greek instruction
occurred in 1556 when bishop Robert Reid appointed Edward Henryson to deliver a
series of public lectures in Edinburgh. Cf. William Forbes-Leith, Pre-Reformation
Scholars in Scotland in the Sixteenth Century (Edinburgh, 1974), 8.
50 chapter two
82
Durkan, The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-Century Scotland, 28889; John
Veitch, Philosophy in the Scottish Universities Mind, 2 (Jan., 1877), 75; Alexander
Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh during its First Three Hundred Years
(London, 1884), 44. Despite Grants assertion that there was no trace of Greek having
been taught in any Scottish University prior to the Reformation, the Greek orations at
Kings College in 1541 at the time of James Vs visitation at least suggest the possibility
that it was taught. Indeed, Grants own supposition that such Greek orations must have
been the work of some scholar, happening to be in Aberdeen is devoid of historical
evidence.
83
Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, Vol. II eds.
F.M. Powicke and A.B. Emden (Oxford, 1936), 319; I.D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London,
1981), 8. On Hector Boece see J.H. Burns, The True Law of Kingship: Concepts of Monarch
in Early Modern Scotland (Oxford, 1996), 5492; N. R. Royan, The Relationship between
the Scotorum Historia of Hector Boece and John Bellendens Chronicles of Scotland in
Sally Mapstone and Juliette Wood (eds.), The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on the Culture
of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (East Linton, 1998), 136157; D. Broun, The
Birth of Scottish History, SHR, 76 (1997), 422; A.A.M. Duncan, Hector Boece and the
Medieval Tradition in Scots Antiquaries and Historians (Dundee, 1972), 111; Roger
A. Mason, Scotching the Brut: Politics, History and National Myth in Sixteenth-Century
Britain in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England 12861815 (Edinburgh, 1987),
6084; W. Douglas Simpson Hector Boece in Quartercentenary of the Death of Hector
Boece First Principal of the University (Aberdeen, 1937), 729; J.B. Black, Boeces
Scotorum Historiae in Quartercentenary of the Death of Hector Boece First Principal of
the University (Aberdeen, 1937), 3053.
84
John Durkan, The Beginnings of Humanism in Scotland, IR, 4 (Spring, 1953), 5.
85
Roger A. Mason Scotching the Brut, 64; McEwen, John Erskine of Dun, 1508
91, 18. Cf. also John Durkan, Early Humanism and Kings College, AUR, 48 (Spring,
1980), 259279.
the formative years (15451563/4) 51
86
McEwen, John Erskine of Dun, 150891, 18; Melville, JMAD, 30. As James
Melville testified, Our Regent begoud and teatched us the A, B, C, of the Greik, and the
simple declintiones, bot went no farder.
87
On Ferrerio see John Durkan, Giovanni Ferrerio, Humanist: His Influence
in Sixteenth-Century Scotland in K. Robbins (ed.), Religion and Humanism (Oxford,
1981), 18194; Giovanni Ferrerio: A Brief Chronology in John Durkan and James
Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow, 1977), 404405.
88
McLennan, The Reformation in the Burgh of Aberdeen, 119; David Stevenson,
Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641: From Protestant Reformation to Covenanting
Revolution (Aberdeen, 1990), 12; Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh, 43. For
an excellent account of Kings College, Aberdeen during the late fifteenth and early six-
teenth centuries see Leslie J. Macfarlane, William Elphinstone and the Kingdom of
Scotland 14311514 (Aberdeen, 1985), 290402; Kings College, Aberdeen: The Creation
of the Academic Community, 14951532, AUR, 56 (Aut., 1995), 211222; A Short
History of the University of Aberdeen, AUR, 48 (Spr., 1979), 118; John M. Fletcher,
Welcome Stranger or Resented Intruder? A Reconstruction of the Foundation of the
University of Aberdeen in the Context of European University Development in the Later
Middle Ages, AUR, 52 (Aut., 1988), 298313. Ferrerius wrote: What can be more
learned and elegant in the round of educational subjects, and especially in history, than
Hector Boece? What more finished and delightful in the mysteries of theology than
William Hay? What more apt in the relief of sickness and in knowledge of geography
than Robert Gray, the Professor of Medicine? In canon law you will hardly find any one
to surpass Arthur Boece; and to pass over other accomplished and learned men, what
more exact in grammar than John Vaus?
89
Robert Sangster Rait, The Universities of Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1895), 8182; John
Malcolm Bulloch, A History of the University of Aberdeen (London, 1895), 60; Alexander
Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh (London, 1884), 44.
90
Durkan, Education in the Century of the Reformation, 152.
91
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 12; Bulloch, A History of the
University of Aberdeen, 6667; Rait, The Universities of Aberdeen, 8192.
52 chapter two
92
On John Ireland see J. H. Burns, John Ireland: theology and public affairs in the
late fifteenth century, IR, 41 (1990), 151181.
93
On John Mair see John Durkan, John Mair in The University of Glasgow
14511577, 155165; John Major: After 400 Years, IR, 1 (Dec., 1950), 131139.
94
On George Buchanan see I.D. McFarlane, George Buchanan and French
Humanism in A.H.T. Levi (ed.), Humanism in France at the end of the Middle Ages and
in the early Renaissance (Manchester, 1970), 295319; George Buchanan and France in
J.C. Ireson, I.D. McFarlane, and Garnet Rees (eds.), Studies in French Literature presented
to H.W. Lawton by colleagues, pupils and friends (Manchester, 1968), 223245; George
Buchanan and European Humanism, Yearbook of English Studies, 15 Anglo-French
Literary Relations Special Number (1985), 3347; D.F.S. Thomson, George Buchanan:
The Humanist in the Sixteenth-Century World, Phoenix, 4 (Win., 1950), 7794.
95
On Florence Wilson see D. Baker-Smith, Florens Wilson and His Circle: migrs
in Lyons, 15391543 in G. Castor and T. Cave (eds.), Neo-Latin and the Vernacular
in Renaissance France (Oxford, 1984), 8397; Florens Wilson and the politics of
irenicism in A. Dalzell, C. Fantazzi, and R.J. Scheck (eds.), Acta conventus neo-Latini
Torontonensis (1991), 189198; John Durkan, heresy in Scotland: The Second Phase,
RSCHS, 24 (199092), 342343.
96
On Archibald Hay see Euan Cameron, Archibald Hays Elegantiae: Writings of a
Scots Humanist at the Collge de Montaigu in the Time of Bud and Beda in Jean-
Claude Margolin (ed.), Acta conventus neo-Latini Turonensis (Paris, 1980), 277301.
97
John Durkan, George Hays Oration at the Purging of Kings College, Aberdeen,
in 1569: Commentary, NS, 6 (1984), 97112.
98
On Ninian Winzet see J.H. Burns, Three Scots Catholic Critics of George
Buchanan, IR, 1 (1950), 92109; Catholicism in Defeat: Ninian Winzet, 15191592,
History Today, 16 (1966), 788795; Mark Dilworth, Ninian Winzet: Some New
Material, IR, 24 (1973), 125132.
99
Durkan, The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-Century Scotland, 289.
100
On Erasmus acquisition of Greek see Rachel Giese, Erasmus Greek Studies,
Classical Journal, 29 (Apr., 1934), 517526. On Bud see Tilley, Humanism under
Francis I, 457; David O. McNeil, Guillaume Bud and Humanism in the Reign of Francis
I (Genve, 1975), 810; Linton C. Stevens, How the French Humanists of the Renaissance
Learned Greek, Proceedings of the Modern Language Association, 65 (Mar., 1950),
24048. On Scaliger see Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of
the formative years (15451563/4) 53
Classical Scholarship Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 101103;
Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions of Textual Criticism in
the Renaissance, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 38 (1975), 155156;
Warren E. Blake, Joseph Justus Scaliger, Classical Journal, 36 (Nov., 1940), 85; George
W. Robinson, (trans.), Autobiography of Joseph Scaliger with Autobiographical Selections
from his Letters his Testament and the Funeral Orations by Daniel Heinsius and Dominicus
Baudius (Cambridge, 1927), 3031.
101
P. Hume Brown, George Buchanan: Humanist and Reformer (Edinburgh,
1890), 13.
102
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St Andrews, 267; Reid, Education in
Post-Reformation Scotland, 16. Reid observes that, despite the official records, Melville
himself stated that he commenced his studies at St Marys in 1560. Cf. Bucholtzer,
Isagoge Chronologica, f. QQ IIIr. On John Douglas see Cameron, St Marys College
15471574-The Second Foundation: The Principalship of John Douglas, 4357.
103
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 264. Cameron, St Marys
College 15471574-The Second Foundation, 4344.
54 chapter two
104
Melville, JMAD, 39.
105
On the Scots Confession and First Book of Discipline see W. Ian Hazlett, The Scots
Confession 1560: Context, Complexion and Critique, ARG, 78 (1987), 287320;
G.D. Henderson, The Burning Bush: Studies in Scottish Church History (Edinburgh,
1957), 2341; W. Stanford Reid, French Influence on the First Scots Confession and
Book of Discipline, WTJ, 35 (1972/73), 117; The First Book of Discipline ed. James
K. Cameron (Edinburgh, 1972).
106
Cameron, A Trilingual College for Scotland, 42; Cameron, St Marys College
15471574-The Second Foundation, 46.
107
Ryrie, The origins of the Scottish Reformation, 9597.
the formative years (15451563/4) 55
108
Cameron, St Marys College 15471574-The Second Foundation, 46.
109
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St Andrews, 267; Melville, JMAD, 30,
39. McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 12; H.M.B. Reid, The Divinity Principals in the
University of Glasgow 15451654, (Glasgow, 1917), 5; Durkan and Kirk, The University of
Glasgow 14511577, 265.
110
Melville, JMAD, 39.
111
Kenneth R. Bartlett, Bizzarri, Pietro (b. 1525, d. in or after 1586), ODNB, Vol. 5
(Oxford, 2004), 886888.
112
Petri Bizzari, Ad Andream Milvinum in Janus Gruterus (ed.), Delitiae cc. Italorum
Poetarum, huius superorisque aevi illustrium Vol. I (Francofurti, 1608), 437438; McCrie,
Life of Andrew Melville I, 1617; Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 18.
Despite Reids assertion that Melville must have met Bizarri through Buchanan, there
is little evidence to support this conjecture.
56 chapter two
The only other Scottish scholar to receive such a tribute was the human-
ist and neo-Latin poet George Buchanan.113 The fact that the young
Melville, as a mere university student, shared this honor with the accom-
plished Buchanan corroborates James Melvilles statement regarding his
reputation during his student days at St Andrews. Melvilles growing
reputation as a young classical scholar who possessed a remarkable
degree of intellectual ability and learning as well as one who held out
great promise as a purveyor of the New Learning in Scotland was only
enhanced by his association with Bizzarri and the laters Latin verses
written in honor of him.
The year 1560 was not only the first full year of Melvilles university
studies at St Andrews, but more importantly it was the year of the formal
recognition of Protestantism in Scotland. The revolution of 1560 effected
profound religious, political, social, and educational changes in Scotland
and has been called arguably the first modern revolution.114 In addi-
tion to outlawing Catholicism, establishing Protestantism, terminating
the auld alliance, and forming a new political relationship with England,
a significant part of the Reformation agenda involved the reforming of
the Scottish university system.115 By the time of the Reformation all three
of Scotlands fifteenth-century foundations were in desperate need of
reform and renewal, and specific measures were prescribed to resusci-
tate and reorganize them. Despite the proposals for reform embodied in
the 1560 First Book of Discipline and the specific recommendations for
the reform of St Andrews offered by George Buchanan, Scotlands medi-
eval universities changed very little, and St Andrews in particular from
1560 until 1579 repeatedly experienced reformatory delays.116 Indeed,
the conditions in the days of Knox had deteriorated to such an extent
that James Melville referred to the ignorance and negligence of tham
that sould haiff teatched Theologie with the result that Regents and
schollars carit na thing for Divinitie.117
The condition of St Andrews during the 1560s provided little incen-
tive for those interested in the study of theology.118 Melville accordingly
113
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 17.
114
Ryrie, The origins of the Scottish Reformation, 1.
115
On the extensive provisions made in the First Book of Discipline see First Book
of Discipline, 137155.
116
Cant, The University of St Andrews, 51, 5457, 59.
117
Melville, JMAD, 124.
118
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 263; Reid, The Divinity
Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 9. Cf. Early Records of the University
of St Andrews, 267, 348.
the formative years (15451563/4) 57
119
Early Records of the University of St Andrews, 279. Cf. James K. Cameron, St. Marys
College 15471574-The Second Foundation: The Principalship of John Douglas in
D.W.D. Shaw (ed.), In Divers Manners: A St Marys Miscellany (St Andrews, 1990), 2942.
120
Melville, JMAD, 2429; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 346347.
121
Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, II, 310311.
122
Melville, JMAD, 39. Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 158, 267.
Cf. also Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 265; Reid, The Divinity
Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 9.
58 chapter two
Conclusion
123
Cameron, St Marys College 15471574-The Second Foundation: The Principalship
of John Douglas, 46; A Trilingual College for Scotland: The Founding of St Marys
College, 3442.
124
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 18; McFarlane, Buchanan, 228.
125
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 265.
126
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 43.
the formative years (15451563/4) 59
1
James Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill ed. Robert Pitcairn
(Edinburgh, 1842), 39; J. D. Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951 (Glasgow,
1954), 64. Melville was apparently tormented with sie-seiknes and storme of wather
such that he was in real danger of schipwrak.
2
Donald E.R. Watt, Scottish Masters and Students at Paris in the Fourteenth
Century, Aberdeen University Review, 36 (Aut., 1955), 169171; Hastings Rashdall, The
Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages Vol. I eds. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden
(Oxford, 1936), 276; Vol. II, 302. Alexander Grant, The Story of the University of
Edinburgh (London, 1884), 2. There does seem to have been a temporary change in
policy during the thirty-five year period from 13571393 when passages of safe
62 chapter three
The choice of Paris over the much closer institutions to the south,
Oxford and Cambridge, may be explained in part by the friendship cul-
tivated between the two countries made possible by the Auld Alliance
established in 1295 and renewed by every French and Scottish monarch,
with the exception of Louis XI, until the mid-sixteenth century. The alli-
ance culminated in 1558 with the union of the French and Scottish
crowns but was shortly terminated upon the death of Franois II on
5 December 1560.3 Although by the time Melville completed his course
of study at St Andrews Scotland had rejected the Auld Alliance in favor
of an alliance with Protestant England, Scottish students continued to
flock to Paris to avail themselves of the New Learning of the French
Renaissance. Melvilles friend and fellow neo-Latin poet Joseph Justus
Scaliger, who attended the University of Paris in 1559 just before Melville
commenced his studies there, estimated that there were then approxi-
mately 30,000 students studying at the University.4
Even more significant than the prestigious reputation and honored
place of the University of Paris among the universities of Europe was the
role that the newly established Collge Royal played in the promotion of
the New Learning of the French Renaissance.5 Many sixteenth-century
scholars from John Mair, Guillaume Bud, and John Annand to George
Buchanan and Andrew Melville held the opinion that a translatio studii
had occurred which made Paris, and no longer Rome, the new Athens
and the real heir of that great city.6 Institutions, such as the Collge
conduct were extended to Scottish masters and students but proof of their activities at
Oxford or Cambridge is all but non-existent.
3
Elizabeth Bonner, French Naturalization of the Scots in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth
Centuries, Historical Journal, 40 (Dec., 1997), 10851086. Many French and Scots alike
believed that their alliance went back some 800 years to the time of Charlemagne
and Achaius, sixty-fifth King of Scots. Interest in the Auld Alliance was renewed by
Henry IV and James VI during the 1590s but declined slowly after the union of the
Scottish and English crowns in 1603 and then rapidly declined after the parliamentary
union of 1707.
4
Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville Vol. I (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London,
1824), 1819; Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the
Traditions of Textual Criticism in the Renaissance, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, 38 (1975), 155; Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship
Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 126.
5
Samuel Eliot Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, MA, 1936),
12; Walter Ong, Educationists and the Tradition of Learning, Journal of Higher
Education, 29, (Feb., 1958), 61. On the University of Paris see Andr Tuilier, Histoire de
L Universit de Paris et de La Sorbonne Tome I Des origines Richelieu (Paris, 1994);
Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages I, 269583.
6
John Durkan, The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-Century Scotland, in David
McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 15131625 (Glasgow, 1962), 283.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 63
Cf. Colin M. MacDonald, John Major and Humanism, Scottish Historical Review, 13
(Oct., 1915), 149158. On the conservative University of Paris see James K. Farge,
Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris,
15001543 (Leiden, 1985).
7
Isabelle Pantin, Teaching Mathematics and Astronomy in France: The Collge
Royal (15501650), Science and Education, 15:24 (2006), 189; I. D. McFarlane,
Buchanan (London, 1981), 2, 10. On the Collge Royal see Marc Fumaroli (ed.), Les
origines du College de France (Paris, 1998); A. Lefranc, Le Collge de France (15301930)
(Paris, 1932); Histoire du Collge de France (Paris, 1893).
8
I.D. McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, Yearbook of English
Studies, 15, Anglo-French Literary Relations Special Number (1985), 33; Hans Georg
Wackernagel (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universitt Basel, (Basel, 1956), Vol. II, 95;
S. Stelling-Michaud, (ed.), Le Livre du Recteur de LAcadmie de Genve (15591878)
(Geneva, 1959), Vol. I, 81; Adolph Hofmeister (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universitt Rostock,
(Rostock, 1889), Vol. II, 148; Francisque-Michel, Les cossais en France, les Franais en
cosse Vol. II, (London, 1867), 119; John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of
Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow, 1977), 265266. On Alexander Arbuthnot see James Kirk,
The Development of the Melvillian Movement in Late Sixteenth Century Scotland,
(PhD Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1972), 359364.
9
P. Hume Brown, George Buchanan: Humanist and Reformer, (London, 1890),
3446, 4760; McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, 33. On John
Mair (or Major) see Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 155165;
John Durkan, John Major: After 400 Years, Innes Review, 1 (Dec., 1950), 131139;
Francis Oakley, From Constance to 1688: The Political Thought of John Major and
George Buchanan, Journal of British Studies, 1 (1962), 1219.
10
On Edmund Hay see Alasdair Roberts, Hay, Edmund (c.15341591), Oxford
Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 25 (Oxford, 2004) 991.
11
On Thomas Smeaton see John Durkan, Smeaton, Thomas (15361583), ODNB,
Vol. 50 (Oxford, 2004), 985986.
64 chapter three
12
On Thomas Maitland see William S. McKechnie, Thomas Maitland, SHR,
4 (1907), 274293; James Maitland Anderson (ed.), Early Records of the University of St
Andrews, (Edinburgh, 1926), 267.
13
Stelling-Michaud, Le Livre du Recteur de LAcadmie de Genve (15591878), Vol. I,
96; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 266; Melville, JMAD, 7273;
Charles Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574,
American Historical Review, 5:2 (1899), 288.
14
Melville, JMAD, 73.
15
Alasdair Roberts, Hay, Edmund (c.15341591), 991.
16
Melville, JMAD, 73.
17
W. A. McNeill, Scottish Entries in the Acta Rectoria Universitatis Parisiensis, 1519
to c. 1633, SHR, 43 (Apr., 1964), 85; Anderson, Early Records of the University of
St Andrews, 157, 265.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 65
18
Ibid., 66; Melville, JMAD, 39; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 1451
1577, 267. On Adam Blackwood see J.H. Burns, Three Scots Catholic Critics of George
Buchanan, IR,1 (1950), 9599.
19
Melville, JMAD, 40.
20
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 267.
21
Melville, JMAD, 3940.
66 chapter three
22
Pantin, Teaching Mathematics and Astronomy in France: The Collge Royal
(15501650), 189. Pantin maintains that a third Royal Lecturer in Hebrew was added
in 1531. Cf. Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 19. Lefranc differs from Pantin at this
point recording three Royal Lecturers appointed in 1530. He identifies them as
Agathias Guidacerius (15301540), Franois Vatable (15301547), and Paul Paradis
(15301549).
23
Tuilier, Histoire de L Universit de Paris et de La Sorbonne, 313. Cf. also Jean-Claude
Margolin, rasme et la Collegium Trilingue Lovaniense in Marc Fumaroli (ed.), Les
origines du Collge de France (15001560) (Paris, 1998), 257278.
24
Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 15, 19, 21; Tuilier, Histoire de L Universit de Paris et
de La Sorbonne, 313. On the first Lecteurs Royaux see Marie-Madeleine de La Garanderie,
mergence de la notion de lecteur royal: Prfigurations du nouvel enseignement in
Marc Fumaroli (ed.), Les origines du Collge de France (15001560) (Paris, 1998), 318;
Lefranc, Histoire du Collge de France, 169201.
25
David O. McNeil, Guillaume Bud and Humanism in the Reign of Francis I (Geneva,
1975), 34; Pantin, Teaching Mathematics and Astronomy in France: The Collge Royal
(15501650), 191.
26
Grafton, Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions of Textual
Criticism in the Renaissance, 155.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 67
27
George Buchanan and European Humanism, Yearbook of English Studies,
15 Anglo-French Literary Relations Special Number (1985), 3637.
28
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 267. On Pierre Forcadel
see Natalie Zemon Davis, Sixteenth-Century French Arithmetics on the Business Life,
Journal of the History of Ideas, 21:1 (1960), 1848. Cf. also Pantin, Teaching Mathematics
and Astronomy in France: The Collge Royal (15501650), 189207.
29
Pascal Duhamel is sometimes spelled Pasquier and Du Hamel. Lefranc, Histoire du
Collge de France, 381; Davis, Sixteenth-Century French Arithmetics on the Business
Life, 31; Pantin, Teaching Mathematics and Astronomy in France: The Collge Royal
(15501650), 190191. Fins fellow humanists called him the restorer of mathematics
while modern historians have regarded him as the best French mathematician of his
generation. Less than generous estimates of Fins academic stature include that of
Natalie Davis, who has remarked that Fin was not a great mathematician. On Fin see
Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 36.
30
Pantin, Teaching Mathematics and Astronomy in France: The Collge Royal
(15501650), 191192, 202; Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 15; Histoire du Collge de
France, 382; Davis, Sixteenth-Century French Arithmetics on the Business Life, 35.
31
Davis, Sixteenth-Century French Arithmetics on the Business Life, 31, 3435.
32
Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 15; Histoire du Collge de France, 382.
68 chapter three
33
Pantin, Teaching Mathematics and Astronomy in France: The Collge Royal
(15501650), 192193; Frank Pierrepont Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational
Reformation of the Sixteenth Century (New York, 1912), 46. Charpentier was required to
remedy his mathematical deficiencies by reading Aristotles De Clo, Procluss book of
the Sphere or Euclids Elements, and Sacrobosco.
34
Melville, JMAD, 39.
35
Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 16; Histoire du Collge de France, 382. Lefranc lists
both 1567 and 1568 as the year Duret officially assumed his post as a lecteur royal.
36
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 24.
37
On Franois Baudouin see Donald R. Kelley, Historia Integra: Franois Baudouin
and His Conception of History, JHI, 25 (Jan.-Mar., 1964), 3557; Gregory B. Lyon,
Baudouin, Flacius, and the Plan for the Magdeburg Centuries, JHI, 64 (Apr., 2003),
253272; Julius Heveling, De Francisco Balduino jurisconsult (Arras, 1871); J. Duquesne,
Franois Bauduin et la rforme, Bulletin de lAcadmie delphinal, 5e sr., IX (1917),
55108.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 69
to usher in what has been called a golden age of Roman law which
began in 1550 with the death of Alciato and the emergence of Le Douaren
and concluded in 1590 with Cujas and Hotmans deaths.44
During this golden age of Roman law Melville sat under one of the
leading legal scholars of the mos gallicus school. The historical and phil-
ological methods of the mos gallicus school undoubtedly appealed to
Melvilles humanistic instincts and his attendance of Baudouins lectures
in Paris represents the beginning of his legal training, which he contin-
ued in Poitiers and Geneva under Hotman. Baudouin was both a legal
humanist in the model of Alciato and a Christian humanist in the pat-
tern of Erasmus, and this model, the combination of an historical and
philological approach to jurisprudence with a program for ecclesiastical
reform, was set before young Melville in Paris.45 Melvilles devotion to
the study of the new jurisprudence, mathematics, medicine, Latin,
Greek, Hebrew, and Aramaic emphatically underscores his deep-seated
humanism and his own penchant towards Renaissance polymathy. His
study of medicine, mathematics, and jurisprudence was not intended to
prepare him for a professional career as a physician, mathematician, or
attorney but was viewed as possessing intrinsic value and as indispensa-
ble in becoming a well-rounded scholar.
In the pattern of Erasmus, Melville delayed his pursuit of biblical
study and first immersed himself in the languages and literature of
antiquity.46 His humane studies, like those of Buds, were focused pri-
marily upon the study of Greek and Latin authors as indicated by his
attendance of the lectures of Petrus Ramus, Professor of Philosophy and
Eloquence, and Adrien Turnbe,47 regius professor of Greek. In this
respect, Melvilles humanist pursuits mirrored the path established by
Bud himself.48 Bud had approached classical studies as preparatory to
the study of Scripture. In his work De studio, Bud advanced the view
that the study of the Greek and Roman authors prepared ones mind
for the study of the biblical text.49 Although Melville himself never
44
Donald R. Kelley, Guillaume Bud and the First Historical School of Law, 828.
45
Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, 122. On Baudouins Christian
humanism see 122128.
46
Rachel Giese, Erasmus Greek Studies, Classical Journal, 29 (Apr., 1934), 526.
47
On Turnbe see John Lewis, Adrien Turnbe (15121565): A Humanist Observed,
(Geneva, 1998).
48
David O. McNeil, Guillaume Bud and Humanism in the Reign of Francis I (Geneva,
1975), 12.
49
R.R. Bolgar, Humanism as a Value System with Reference to Bud and Vivs
in A.H.T. Levi (ed.), Humanism in France at the end of the Middle Ages and in the early
Renaissance (Manchester, 1970), 203204.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 71
Warren E. Blake, Joseph Justus Scaliger, Classical Journal, 36 (Nov., 1940), 85;
51
54
Kelley, Review: Adrien Turnbe (15121565): A Humanist Observed, 519. On
Turnbes poetry see Lewis, Adrien Turnbe (15121565) A Humanist Observed,
263294.
55
Lewis, Adrien Turnbe (15121565) A Humanist Observed, 213261.
56
Ibid., 223225.
57
Melville, JMAD, 40.
58
Ibid., 39; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 25; Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 15, 19;
Histoire du Collge de France, 381382; James Kirk, Melvillian Reform in the Scottish
Universities in A.A. MacDonald, Michael Lynch, and Ian B. Cowan (eds.), The
Renaissance in Scotland: Studies in Literature, Religion and Culture (Leiden, 1994), 280.
McCrie identifies Salinacus with Joannes Salignacus who he describes as the favorite
scholar of Vatablus. Franois Vatable served as a royal lecturer in Hebrew from 1530
until 1547.
59
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 267.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 73
60
Jean-Eudes Girot, The notion de lecteur royal: le cas de Ren Guillon (15001570)
in Marc Fumaroli (ed.), Les origines du Collge de France (15001560) (Paris, 1998), 78,
92. Girot refers to L. Salignac as among nine lecturers in March of 1566. Along with
Salignac he identifies L. Duret, L. Du Chesne, J. Dorat, D. Lambin, E. Forcadel, and
J. Mercier plus deux lecteurs non nomms.
61
Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 19; Histoire du Collge de France, 381.
62
Israel Baroway, The Hebrew Hexameter: A Study in Renaissance Sources and
Interpretation, ELH, 2 (Apr., 1935), 85.
63
Karin Maag, Seminary or University? The Genevan Academy and Reformed Higher
Education, 15601620 (Aldershot, 1995), 13.
64
Charles Borgeaud, Histoire LUniversit de Genve LAcadmie de Calvin 15591798
(Genve, 1900), 3637.
65
Joannes Mercerus, Tabul in grammaticen lingu Chald: quae & Syriaca dicitur
(Paris, 1560).
66
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 23. Cf. Joannes Mercerus, Commentarii
locupletiss. In prophetas quinque priores inter eos qui minores vocantur: quibus adi-
uncti sunt aliorum etiam commentarii, ab eodem excerpti. (Geneva, 1583); Commen
tarijin librum Iob: Adiecta est Theodori Bezae epistola, in qua de huius viri doctrina, &
istorum commentariorum vtilitate disseritur. (Geneva, 1573); Commentarij in Salo
monis Prouerbia, Ecclesiasten, & Canticum canticorum (Geneva, 1573); Euangelium
74 chapter three
Petrus Ramus
75
Histoire du Collge de France, 381; Lefranc, Le Collge de France, 18; Ong, Ramus,
Method, and the Decay of Dialogue, 25; Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational
Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, 103107. Ramus was apparently shot, stabbed, and
thrown from a window whereupon his body was dragged with a rope to the Seine where
a surgeon decapitated him and had the torso thrown into the river. His body was subse-
quently drawn back to shore and mutilated further.
76
On Ramus influence in the field of theology see Donald K. McKim, The Functions
of Ramism in William Perkins Theology, SCJ, 16 (Win., 1985), 503517; Keith L.
Sprunger, Ames, Ramus, and the Method of Puritan Theology, Harvard Theological
Review, 59 (Apr., 1966), 133151.
77
Philip W. Cummings, A Note on the Transmission of the Title of Ramuss Masters
Thesis, JHI, 39 (Jul., 1978), 481; Sharratt, Peter Ramus and the Reform of the University,
5. An excellent examination of the M.A. thesis and term commentitia may be found in
Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue, 3647. Ong provides the following
paraphrase of Ramus Quaecumque: All the things that Aristotle has said are inconsist-
ent because they are poorly systematized and can be called to mind only by the use of
arbitrary mnemonic devices. Samuel Eliot Morison rendered the Ramist thesis as eve-
rything in Aristotle was forged or false. Cf. Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational
Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, 26. Graves translated commentitia as simply
false; Duhamel, The Logic and Rhetoric of Peter Ramus, 163. Duhamel renders the
statement as, Whatever is to be found in Aristotle is false.
78
Sharratt, Peter Ramus and the Reform of the University, 56.
79
Sharratt, The Present State of Studies on Ramus, 207.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 77
Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational Reformation of the Sixteenth Century,
81
1617, 156; Duhamel, The Logic and Rhetoric of Peter Ramus, 163. On Renaissance
Aristotelianism see Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources (New
York, 1979), 3249; Charles B. Schmitt, Towards a Reassessment of Renaissance
Aristotelianism, History of Science, 11 (1973), 159193; Neal Gilbert, Renaissance
Aristotelianism and Its Fate: Some Observations and Problems in John P. Anton (ed.),
Naturalism and Historical Understanding: Essays on the Philosophy of John Herman
Randall, Jr. (New York, 1967), 4252.
82
Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue, 42.
83
Gilbert, Renaissance Aristotelianism and Its Fate: Some Observations and
Problems, 4849. Gilbert describes the different forms of Renaissance Aristotelianism
in national and geographic terms when he writes of Italian Aristotelianism, Iberian
Aristotelianism, and Germanic Aristotelianism.
84
Schmitt, Towards a Reassessment of Renaissance Aristotelianism, 160.
78 chapter three
85
Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue, 22, 38. On Johann Sturm see
Barbara Sher Tinsley, Johan Sturms Method for Humanistic Pedagogy, SCJ, 20 (Spr.,
1989), 2340; Pierre Mesnard, The Pedagogy of Johann Sturm (15071589) and Its
Evangelical Inspiration, SR, 13 (1966), 200219.
86
Schmitt, Towards a Reassessment of Renaissance Aristotelianism, 162163.
87
Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational Reformation of the Sixteenth Century,
143144; Ong, Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue, 30. Ong describes Ramus
1543 dialectical works critiquing Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian as savage in
character.
88
Ibid. On Ramus use of Aristotles class of causes and the categorical syllogism see
149151. Cf also Duhamel, The Logic and Rhetoric of Peter Ramus, 165.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 79
Ibid., 109.
89
glorious triumph within a yeir or twa should not be taken at face value
since late medieval interpretations of Aristotelian philosophy persisted
at St Andrews, some, such as Andrew Duncan and John Malcolm, were
won over to Melvilles point of view.95 Both Duncan and Malcolm, who
graduated MA from St Leonards in 1575 and 1578 respectively, were
among the regents who opposed Melvilles teaching.96 While James
Melville has exaggerated the extent and success of his uncles reforming
efforts at St Andrews, at the heart of Melvilles proposal lay the funda-
mental humanistic conviction that the restoration and critical appro-
priation of Aristotelian thought was only possible through a careful
reading of his writings in their original language and with historical sen-
sitivity. Only by going ad fontes and perusing not a few buikes of
Aristotle in Latin translation but a number of texts throughout his
broader corpus in the original Greek paying particular attention to his-
torical and philological issues could a true understanding of Aristotles
thought be possible and a critical appropriation of it be made.97
Melvilles efforts to subvert the scholastic version of Aristotle espoused
at Glasgow and St Andrews should not be interpreted as constituting
opposition to Aristotle himself. While Melville, along with the 1583
General Assembly, recognized the basic incompatibility of certain tenets
of Aristotles philosophy with historic Christian teaching, his own advo-
cacy of Aristotelian thought was indicated in his use of such Aristotelian
texts at Glasgow as the Physica, De ortu et interitu, De clo, and De vir-
tutibus et vitiis, as well as the philosophers writings on logic and ethics.98
haranges cam at thair Vickes and promotiones of Maisters, he lut tham nocht slipe, but
af-hand answerit to tham presentlie with sic force of treuthe, evidence of reasone, and
spirituall eloquence, that he dashit tham, and in end convicted tham so in conscience,
that the cheiff Coryphoes amangs tham becam grait students of Theologie, and speciall
professed frinds of Mr Andro, and ar now verie honest upright pastors in the Kirk.
95
Ibid., 124. James Melville wrote: Bot within a yeir or twa, Mr Andro, be his delling
in publict and privat with everie an of tham, prevalit sa, that they fell to the Langages,
studeit thair Artes for the right use, and perusit Aristotle in his awin langage; sa that,
certatim et serio, they becam bathe philosophers and theologes, and acknawlagit a
wounderfull transportation out of darknes unto light. Bot, indeed, this was nocht done
without mikle feghting and fascherie, and the authoritie of the Generall Assemblie inter-
ponit, in end.
96
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St Andrews, 171, 173 175, 179,
281, 285.
97
Melville, JMAD, 124.
98
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 279280; Melville, JMAD,
49, 54. On Aristotles De ortu et interitu see Cf. Charles H. Lohr, Renaissance Latin
Aristotle Commentaries: Authors Pi-Sm, Renaissance Quarterly, 33 (Win., 1980),
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 81
633634. Aristotles works on logic or the Organon include the following six works:
Categoriae, De interpretatione, Analytica priora, Analytica posteriora, Topica, and De
sophisticis elenchis. It is unclear how many of these texts were used at Glasgow under
Melvilles supervision.
99
Melville, JMAD, 49.
100
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 276.
82 chapter three
George Buchanan
101
Melville, JMAD, 46, 49; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577,
276; Kenneth D. McRae, Ramist Tendencies in the Thought of Jean Bodin, JHI,
16 (Jun., 1955), 306323; A Postscript on Bodins Connections with Ramism, JHI,
24 (Oct., 1963), 569571. Cf. also Julian M. Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-
Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History, (New York, 1963).
102
On Buchanan see I.D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London, 1981); George Buchanan
and French Humanism in A.H.T. Levi (ed.), Humanism in France at the end of the Middle
Ages and in the Early Renaissance (Manchester, 1970), 295319; George Buchanan and
France in J.C. Ireson, I.D. McFarlane, and Garnet Rees (eds.), Studies in French Literature
presented to H.W. Lawson by colleagues, pupils, and friends (Manchester, 1968), 223245;
George Buchanan and European Humanism, 3347; A Scottish European: George
Buchanan, 15821982, College Courant, 70 (1983), 914; D.F.S. Thomson, George
Buchanan: The Humanist in the Sixteenth-Century World, Phoenix, 4 (Winter, 1950),
7794; Roger A. Mason and Martin S. Smith, Introduction in Roger A. Mason and
Martin S. Smith (eds. and trans.), A Dialogue on the Law of Kingship among the Scots
(Aldershot, 2004), xvlxxi; Roger A. Mason, George Buchanan and Mary Queen of
Scots, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 30 (2000), 127; Rex Stoicus:
George Buchanan, James VI and the Scottish Polity in John Dwyer, Roger A. Mason,
and Alexander Murdoch (eds.), New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early
Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982), 933; George Buchanans Vernacular Polemics,
15701572, IR, 54 (Spr., 2003), 4768; J.H. Burns, Political Ideas of George Buchanan,
SHR, 30 (1951), 6068; Three Scots Catholic Critics of George Buchanan, IR, 1 (1950),
92109; John Durkan, Buchanans Judaising Practices, IR, 50, (1964), 186187;
P. Hume Brown, George Buchanan: Humanist and Reformer (Edinburgh, 1890).
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 83
103
McFarlane, Buchanan, 206, 240; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow
14511577, 264.
104
Ibid., 228.
105
Mason and Smith, Introduction, xlii. Melville did not arrive in Paris until late in
1563 or 1564, making this an impossibility.
106
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 15; Thomas Ruddiman (ed.), Georgi Buchanani
Opera Omnia Vol. I (Edinburgh, 17141715), 21. McFarlane, Buchanan, 240. On Bucha
nans Historia see McFarlane, Buchanan, 416440; Brown, George Buchanan: Humanist
and Reformer, 293328; Roger A. Mason, Scotching the Brut: Politics, History and
National Myth in Sixteenth-Century Britain in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and
England 12861815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 6084; J.H. Burns, The True Law of Kingship:
Concepts of Monarchy in Early Modern Scotland (Oxford, 1996), 185221.
107
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, 14 April 1572, Bodleian, Smith MS. 77,
2728.
84 chapter three
108
Ibid; McFarlane, Buchanan, 256.
109
Ibid.
110
McFarlane, Buchanan, 241. For an excellent discussion of these poetic forms see
Kirk Summers, A View from the Palatine: The Iuvenilia of Thodore de Bze (Temple, AZ,
2001), 3839, 9293, 144145, 318319.
111
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, 14 April 1572, Bodleian, Smith MS. 77,
27; McFarlane, Buchanan, 256.
112
On the Sphra see McFarlane, Buchanan, 355378; The History of George
Buchanans Sphra in Peter Sharratt (ed.), French Renaissance Studies 154070
Humanism and the Encyclopedia (Edinburgh, 1976), 194212.
113
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, April 1572, Bodleian, Smith MS. 77, 28.
Melville wrote: Quin et Sphr mundi diuturno iam desiderio contabescimus.
McFarlane, Buchanan, 360. On the Sphra see McFarlane, Buchanan, 355378;
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 85
it.113 His love of neo-Latin poetry was fueled by the example, personal
interaction, and instruction provided by Buchanan. In Paris under the
tutelage and personal influence of Buchanan Melville began to lay the
foundations for his own neo-Latin verse. In a letter dated June 1573
Melville once again expressed his deep admiration for the elder human-
ist, calling him Scoti nostr lumen (the glory of our Scotland) and
expressing his abiding affection for him declaring that he would gladly
embrace, Buchanan almost face to face and in person.114
Following his time of study under Buchanan in Paris during the mid
1560s, Melville maintained his contact with the senior humanist during
the 1570s and 1580s. When he returned to Scotland from the continent
in 1574, he was visited in Edinburgh by Buchanan who, along with
Alexander Hay and James Halyburton, attempted to persuade the young
scholar to accept the position as domestic instructor to James Douglas,
fourth earl of Morton and regent of Scotland.115 Although Melville
declined the offer, preferring instead to wait for a university post akin to
the lecteurs royaux at the Collge Royal, his relationship with Buchanan
was in no way damaged. Both Melville and Buchanan, along with Peter
Young and James Lawson, served on a committee of the 1574 General
Assembly to evaluate Patrick Adamsons history of the book of Job in
Latin verse.116 When Melville was on his way to assume his post at the
University of Glasgow in late October 1574, he stopped in Stirling for
two days where he met James VI but more importantly conferrit at
lynthe with his dear friend and senior humanist Buchanan.117 It is a
The History of George Buchanans Sphra in Peter Sharratt (ed.), French Renaissance
Studies 154070 Humanism and the Encyclopedia (Edinburgh, 1976), 194212.
114
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, June 1573, Bodleian, Smith MS. 77, 29;
Quoted in McFarlane, Buchanan, 470. Melville wrote: Buchananum, Scoti nostr
lumen, fere in oculis, et prsens prsentem libenter amplectar. Cf. also Andrew
Melville, Viri clarissimi A. Melvini musae et P. Adamsoni vita et palindoia [sic] et celsae
commissionis ceu delegatae potestatis regiae in causis ecclesiasticis brevis & aperta descrip-
tio (1620), 6; Arthur Johnston (ed.), Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum (Amsterdam, 1637),
115. In addition to Ad regem de Buchanani historia and Ad G. Buchananum, Melvilles
estimation and affection for Buchanan may be seen in the epitaph Georgij Buchanani
epitaphium. Obijt 28. Septemb. 1582.
115
Melville, JMAD, 45. On Alexander Hay see Reid R. Zulager, A Study of the Middle
Rank Administrators in the Government of King James VI of Scotland, 15801603
(PhD Thesis, Aberdeen, 1991). On the Regent Morton see George R. Hewitt, Scotland
under Morton 157280 (Edinburgh, 1982).
116
Acts and proceedings of the general assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland from the Year
M.D.L.X. Part I ed. Thomas Thomson (Edinburgh, 1839), 310.
117
Melville, JMAD, 45, 48.
86 chapter three
118
McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, 33; Brown, George
Buchanan: Humanist and Reformer, 241. Apart from the years 15351539 when he was
in Scotland, Buchanan was in France and Portugal from c.15251561 occupying posi-
tions at the Collge de Ste Barbe, the Collge de Guyenne in Bordeaux, and the college
at Coimbra.
119
Ronald Bayne, Jack, Thomas (d. 1598), rev. James Kirk, ODNB, Vol. 29 (Oxford,
2004), 461462; McFarlane, Buchanan, 421422. The full title of Jacks classical diction-
ary is Onomasticon poeticum, sive, propriorum quibus in suis monumentis usi sunt veteres
poetae, brevis descriptio poetica.
120
McFarlane, Buchanan, 444445. On the New Foundation at St Andrews see Ronald
Gordon Cant, The New Foundation of 1579 in Historical Perspective (St Andrews, 1979);
The University of St Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews, 1992), 5167; James K.
Cameron, The Refoundation of the University in 1579, Alumnus Chronicle of the
University of St Andrews, 71 (Jun., 1980), 310.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 87
During the last days of Buchanans life Melville became one of his
companions. Despite the great disparity in their ages and temperaments,
they possessed a mutual respect and admiration for the others intellec-
tual ability and disposition.121 They also shared common humanistic
interests, such as a desire to reform university studies in Scotland by
bringing them into conformity with the latest and most innovative
learning of the European Renaissance, a mutual love of the classical lit-
erature of ancient Greece and Rome, and a frequent recourse to the art
of Latin verse composition. The convergence of their religious and polit-
ical views also served to strengthen their relationship. Whereas Buchanan
eventually came to share Melvilles commitment to presbyterian polity,
so Melville became an ardent supporter of Buchanans radical politics.122
In contrast to Hercules Rollock, who appears to have been in awe of the
great humanist and unable to forge any type of close association, Melville,
as a close friend of Buchanans and fellow humanist, offered his own
unsolicited criticisms of the Historia.123 In September 1581 after hearing
of his declining health, Melville, along with his nephew and Thomas
Buchanan, visited the aged scholar at his home eager to spend time with
him and consult the Historia. Upon entering Buchanans room and
finding him tutoring a young servant in the alphabet, Melville, with the
familiarity and ease of a dear friend remarked, I sie, Sir, yie are nocht
ydle to which he responded, Better this nor stelling sheipe, or
Ibid. 470.
121
(1582) is one of only eight volumes in the possession of the University of St Andrews
which have survived from his original library. The other volumes at St Andrews which
we know came from his library are: Walter Travers, Ecclesiasticae disciplinae (Heidelberg,
1574); Lorenz Rhodoman, Poiesis Christiane (Frankfurt, 1589); Johann Jacob Grynaeus,
Christ Eudoson disputabitur VI (Basel, 1589); Dionysius Periegetes, Dionysii Alex.
Et Pomp. Melae situs orbis descriptio (Geneva, 1577); Marcus Verrius Flaccus, M. Verrij
Flacci quae extant (1576); Thodore de Bze, Theodori Bezae Vezelii volumen tracta-
tionum theologicarum (Geneva, 1570); Jean Calvin, Commentaires de M. Iean Calvin, sur
les conq livres de Moyse (Geneva, 1564); Carolus Bovillus, Aetatum mundi septem sup-
putatio, per Carolum Bouillum Samarubrinu[m] (Paris, 1520).
123
Letter of Hercules Rollock to Peter Young, 1573, Bodleian, Smith ms. 77, 3334;
McFarlane, Buchanan, 471. On Hercules Rollock see Leicester Bradner, Musae
Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925, 125126; James W. L. Adams,
The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin in James Kinsley (ed.), Scottish Poetry a Critical Survey
(London, 1955), 85; James Maitland Anderson (ed.), Early Records of the University of
St Andrews (Edinburgh, 1926), 160, 162, 271. Melville, JMAD, 120. James Melville wrote,
Thairefter he shew us the Epistle Dedicatorie to the King; the quhilk, when Mr Andro
haid read, he tauld him that it was obscure in sum places, and wanted certean words to
perfyt the sentence.
88 chapter three
sitting ydle, quhilk is als ill! After Melville offered his own improve-
ments to the text and Buchanan indicated that such alterations would
have to be made by others, the three men proceeded to see the work
through the press.124 Melvilles enthusiasm for the Historia may be seen
in the extensive annotations he made in his own copy of the work.125 His
visit and conversation with Buchanan at his home reveals a certain inti-
macy and familiarity that had been cultivated over many years but which
has its roots during the young Scots student days in Paris when he stud-
ied under the great humanist and was treated as a son.
Buchanans impact on Melvilles development as a young humanist
may be seen particularly in the area of neo-Latin poetry in general and
in his imitation of the Psalm paraphrases in particular.126 Buchanans
poetry has been called an impressive example of Renaissance culture
and his Psalm paraphrases the classical translation of the century.127
Henri Estienne in his edition of the Psalm Paraphrases called Buchanan
poetarum nostri saeculi facile princeps (easily the chief of the poets of
our age) while Florent Chrestien described Buchanan in his translation
of the Jephthes as prince des potes de nostre sicle (prince of the
poets of our century).128 Although it may be the case that Estiennes
remark was nothing more than typical humanist hyperbole, which
meant distinguished and was applied to many poets of the age, the
fact remains that Buchanans neo-Latin poetry occupied a place of
124
Melville, JMAD, 120.
125
Roger A. Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians in Roger
A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603
(Cambridge, 1994), 125.
126
On Buchanans neo-Latin poetry and Psalm paraphrases see W. Leonard Grant,
The Shorter Latin Poems of George Buchanan, 15061582, CJ, 40 (Mar., 1945), 331
348; D.F.S. Thomson, The Latin Epigram in Scotland: The Sixteenth Century, Phoenix,
11 (Sum., 1957), 6378; Roger Green, George Buchanans Psalm Paraphrases in
I.D. McFarlane (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani (New York, 1986),
5160; I.D. McFarlane, George Buchanans Latin Poems from Script to Print:
A Preliminary Survey, Library, 24 (Dec., 1969), 277332; Notes on the Composition
and Reception of George Buchanans Psalm Paraphrases in I.D. McFarlane (ed.),
Renaissance Studies, Six Essays (Edinburgh and London, 1972), 2162.
127
McFarlane, Buchanan, 484; Johannes A. Gaertner, Latin Verse Translations of the
Psalms 15001620, Harvard Theological Review, 49 (Oct., 1956), 278, 287. While it is
difficult to deny the elegance of Buchanans Psalm paraphrases, it has been observed that
elegant Latin is about the last kind of medium suitable to Hebrew poetry.
128
Brown, George Buchanan: Humanist and Reformer, 241; McFarlane, Buchanan, 17.
McFarlane records Estiennes words as poeta sui saeculi facile princeps (easily the
chief poet of his age).
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 89
129
Gaertner, Latin Verse Translations of the Psalms 15001620, 287; J. W. L. Adams,
Scottish Neo-Latin Poetry in P. Tuynman, G. C. Kuiper, and E. Keler (eds.), Acta
Conventus Neo-Latini Amstelodamensis (Mchen, 1979), 5. Joseph Scaliger praised
Buchanan as unus in tota Europa omnes post se relinquens in Latina poesi.
130
Ibid., 275278; Melvini epistolae, Special Collections, University of Edinburgh,
87, 93.
131
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 216; Melvini epistolae, 144.
132
Andrew Melville, Paraphrases des Psaumes IIIXVIXXXVICXXIX. MSS,
Special Collections, University of Edinburgh; Melvini epistolae, 87, 93; P. Mellon,
LAcadmie de Sedan Centre dInfluence Franaise A Propos dun Manuscrit du XVII Sicle
(Paris, 1913), 202207.
133
Melvini epistolae, 87, 101.
134
Ibid., 87, 93, 100102.
90 chapter three
135
McFarlane, George Buchanan and European Humanism, 45.
136
Ibid., 46.
137
Steven John Reid, Early Polemic by Andrew Melville: The Carmen Mosis (1574)
and the St Bartholomews Day Massacres, Renaissance and Reformation, 30.4 (Fall
2006/2007), 7172.
138
Ibid. Cf. Arthur Williamson and Paul McGinnis, (eds.), George Buchanan: The
Political Poetry (Edinburgh, 1995). Johnston, Delitiae poetarum scotorum, 112.
139
Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians, 125; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville II, 2627.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 91
studying under Buchanan in Paris and the influence that the latter
exerted in the young humanists formation, such similarities are not
surprising.
Poitiers
By the year 1566 Melville had studied for two years under some of the
leading exponents of the French Renaissance and had decided to pursue
his legal studies further at Poitiers.140 His choice of Poitiers over the
other legal schools at the universities of Toulouse, Orlans, and Bourges
is not immediately obvious. The law school at the University of Toulouse
during the reign of Francis I (15151547) has been called the most cel-
ebrated in France. The medieval legal scholars Francesco Accorso and
Bartolo da Sassoferrato were revered at Toulouse, a conservative strong-
hold of medieval jurisprudence. Despite its conservative character and
its scholastic approach, the humanist professor of civil law Jean de
Boysson was one of the earliest advocates of the new jurisprudence at
the University.141 In 1547 Jacques Cujas began teaching at Toulouse and
while he was there published a work of Ulpian based upon a newly dis-
covered manuscript. As a philological and legal humanist, Cujas earned
such a reputation as a legal scholar that he has been called the final
authority in the interpretation of classical jurisprudence.142 At the
University of Orlans the distinguished Professor of Roman Law Pierre
de lEstoile established himself as the keenest lawyer of all the doctors
of France and contributed greatly to the Universitys international repu-
tation. Despite his own conservative approach utilizing the Accursian
and Bartholian commentaries, LEstoile and the seven other doctors of
jurisprudence at Orlans attracted the likes of John Calvin, Franois
Hotman, and Theodore Beza.143
140
Prosper Boissonnade, Histoire de l Universit de Poitiers pass et present (1432
1932) (Poitiers, 1932), 96.
141
Raymond A. Mentzer, Jr., The Legal Response to heresy in Languedoc, 1500
1560, SCJ, 4 (Apr., 1973), 2021; Arthur Tilley, Humanism under Francis I, English
Historical Review, 15 (Jul., 1900), 473. On the University of Toulouse see G. Boyer and
P. Thomas, (eds.), Luniversit de Toulouse: son pass, son prsent (1929).
142
Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, 113114.
143
Quirinus Breen, John Calvin: A Study in French Humanism, (Hamden, CT, 1968),
4, 41; Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, 107; Robert D. Linder,
Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, Church History, 44 (Jun., 1975), 170.
Cf. Michael L. Monheit, Guillaume Bud, Andrea Alciato, Pierre de lEstoile: Renaissance
Interpreters of Roman Law, JHI, 58 (Jan., 1997), 32. Monheit has argued that Estoiles
92 chapter three
interpretive approach to the Corpus iuris Civilis of Justinian was completely alien to
those of the humanists.
144
Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship, 103, 107, 112, 118.
145
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 272.
146
Tilley, Humanism under Francis I, 473; Donald R. Kelley, History, English Law
and the Renaissance, Past & Present, 65 (Nov., 1974), 28. On Tiraqueau see J. Brjon,
Andr Tiraqueau (14881558) (Paris, 1937).
147
Hilary J. Bernstein, Between Crown and Community: Politics and Civic Culture in
Sixteenth-Century Poitiers (Ithaca, 2004), 10.
148
Prosper Boissonnade, Histoire de Poitou (Paris, 1977), 188.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 93
149
Ibid. 185186; Bernstein, Between Crown and Community, 10. Bernstein main-
tains that Poitiers school of law was the Universitys pride and was ranked second only
to Paris, Bourges, or Toulouse.
150
Ibid. 185186.
151
Bernstein, Between Crown and Community, 7.
152
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 269; Melville, JMAD, 40;
Francisque-Michel, Les cossais en France Les Franais en cosse, 165, 205; Charles
Borgeaud, Histoire de LUniversit de Genve LAcadmie de Calvin 15591798 (Genve,
1900), 109.
94 chapter three
153
Ibid.
154
Boissonnade, Histoire de lUniversit de Poitiers, 153; John Durkan, Scottish
Reformers: the Less than Golden Legend, IR, 45 (Spr., 1994), 18; Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 269.
155
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 268. On Adam Blackwood
see J.H. Burns, Three Scots Catholic Critics of George Buchanan, IR,1 (1950), 9599.
Cf. also Leicester Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925
(New York and London, 1940), 125, 129. There is evidence that both Hercules Rollock
and William Hegate studied and/or taught at the University of Poitiers.
156
Boissonnade, Histoire de l Universit de Poitiers, 45; Francisque-Michel, Les
cossais en France, Vol. II, 139.
157
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 268. On James Beaton see
Mark Dilworth, Archbishop James Beaton II: a career in Scotland and France, RSCHS,
23 (19871989), 301316; William James Anderson, On the early career of James
Beaton II, archbishop of Glasgow, IR, 16 (1965), 221224.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 95
has also been identified as a possible source who may have influenced
the young Scot in the direction of Poitiers while he was in Paris in 1565
1566.158 While both of these conjectures have merit given Melvilles
adoption of certain aspects of Ramus thought and his close relationship
with Buchanan, it is impossible to affirm either with certainty. We do
know that, in the judgment of James Melville, the purpose of his study of
jurisprudence was Theologie, wherto he was dedicat from his mothers
wombe. We also know from this same source that during his time in
Poitiers Melville covertly identified with the French Huguenots. After
bluffing his way out of a precarious situation involving the Catholic
forces of Henry I, Duke of Guise, James Melville remarked Giff it haid
com to the warst, he was resolved, being weill horst, to haiff gottin him
to the campe of the Admirall, wha was in persone beseageand the
town.159 While Melvilles guile reveals as much about his own instincts
toward self-preservation as it does regarding his religious orientation,
Poitiers reputation from the late 1550s as a center for the dispersion of
Reformed belief probably attracted Melville to the city and its distin-
guished university.160
In light of Melvilles reported intention and his own religious commit-
ments, the presence of members of the law faculty who either embraced
Reformed Protestantism or were at least sympathetic to it may have
attracted Melville to Poitiers. As early as 1534 Calvin had traveled to
Poitiers where he found sympathy for the new faith and gained what
Biossonnade has called le premier groupe de novateurs. Calvin is said
to have taught all over Poitiers, instructing not only clerics and magis-
trates but students and professors of the University.161 He is even said to
have celebrated the Lords Supper first for la petite glise quil forma.
Both in Poitiers and in the region of Poitou Calvin recruited adherents
to the Reformed faith among whom were Vernou and the professor of
jurisprudence Babinot or Bonhomme. These ardents aptres of Calvin
propagated the new faith all throughout the region.162 By 1555 one of the
earliest Protestant churches in France was established in Poitiers and it
has been suggested that it was here that the notion of a national Protestant
Ibid., 269.
158
163
Bernstein, Between Crown and Community, 154. The full title of Beza work is:
Histoire ecclsiastique des glises rformes au royaume de France, 3 vols. (Paris,
18831889).
164
Judith Pugh Meyer, La Rochelle and the Failure of the French Reformation, SCJ,
15 (Sum., 1984), 171. On the growth of Protestantism in France see Pierre Dez, Histoire
des protestants et des glises rformes du Poitou (La Rochelle, 1936); Samuel Mours, Le
Protestantisme en France au XVIe sicle (Paris, 1959); Menna Prestwich, Calvinism in
France, 15551629 in Menna Prestwich (ed.), International Calvinism, 15411715 ed.
Menna Prestwich (Oxford, 1985), 71107; David Nicholls, France in Andrew Pettegree
(ed.), The Early Reformation in Europe (Cambridge, 1992), 120141.
165
Glenn S. Sunshine, Geneva Meets Rome: The Development of the French
Reformed Diaconate, SCJ, 26 (Sum., 1995), 333.
166
John Quick, Synodicon in Gallia Reformata (London, 1692), Vol. I, 220; Bernstein,
Between Crown and Community, 153; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 1451
1577, 269; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 29.
167
Boissonnade, Histoire de Poitou, 201. Among the clergy he mentions abbots from
Larau, Valence, and Saint Maixent while he specifically mentions an abbess of Saint-
Jean de Bonneval senfuyait Genve.
france: paris and poitiers (1563/41569) 97
and support the Prince of Cond, Louis I de Bourbon, until 1568, other
Protestant centers during the early 1560s, such as Poitiers, Rouen, and
Lyon, declared their allegiance to the cause of Protestantism and sup-
ported the union of their political and military views with their reli-
gion.168 In 1562 the Protestant constituency in Poitiers was strong enough
to take control of the city, and by the summer of that year the city had
become a haven for Protestant troops from the entire region. Although
Poitiers was recaptured by the Catholics after only a few months, a
Huguenot presence remained and Protestants continued to come to the
University to study and teach.169
During Melvilles time in Poitiers, the French wars of religion again
broke out, forcing the University to close temporarily. James Melville
writes that the Collages war giffen upe, because of the seage leyed to the
town, quhilk was lang and feirfull.170 On 24 July 1569 the French
Huguenots under the command of Admiral Gaspard de Coligny laid
siege to the capital of Poitou for seven weeks. Poitiers was defended by
the young Catholic Henry I, Duke of Guise, who repeatedly pushed back
and defied Colignys attempts to take the city.171
During the siege, with the closing of the University Melville found
employment as a tutor to the son of an honourable councellar of
Parliament.172 Like his own paternal mentor George Buchanan, who
served as the personal tutor to Gilbert Kennedy, Lord James Stewart,
Timolon de Coss, and James VI, and in the tradition of the prince of
the humanists Erasmus, Melville fulfilled the role of a private purveyor
of the New Learning.173 As a classical scholar, he undoubtedly tutored
168
Meyer, La Rochelle and the Failure of the French Reformation, 171172. On the
French wars of religion see N.M. Sutherland, The Huguenot Struggle for Recognition
(New Haven, 1980); The Massacre of St. Bartholomew and the European Conflict 1559
1572 (London, 1973); The Role of Coligny in the French Civil Wars in Acts du Colloque
LAmiral de Coligny et son temps (Paris, 1974), 323339; Philip Benedict, Rouen During
the Wars of Religion (Cambridge, 1981); Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming of
the Wars of Religion 15551563 (Geneva, 1956); Geneva and the Consolidation of the
French Protestant Movement 15641572 (Genve, 1967); James Westfall Thompson,
The Wars of Religion in France 15591576 (New York, 1957). On the region of Poitou and
the wars of religion see Boissonnade, Histoire de Poitou, 199217 and Bernstein, Between
Crown and Community, 153163.
169
Bernstein, Between Crown and Community, 153, 156.
170
Melville, JMAD, 40.
171
Boissonnade, Histoire de Poitou, 204.
172
Melville, JMAD, 40; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 29.
173
McFarlane, Buchanan, 4251, 174177; Melville, JMAD, 48; Grant, The Shorter
Latin Poems of George Buchanan, 15061582, 334. On Gilbert Kennedy see Marcus
98 chapter three
his young pupil in the language and literature of the Greeks and Romans.
The humanistic character of his instruction may be seen vividly in the
tragic account of his students death recorded by James Melville. In this
vignette the nature and emphasis of Melvilles instruction, as well as the
paternal character of his relationship with his young pupil, are revealed.
As Admiral Colignys troops were assaulting Poitiers, a shot of artillery
misfired, penetrated the wall of the young boys room, and pierced his
thigh, mortally wounding him.174 Calling out in distress for his tutor,
Melville rushed to his room where he caught him in his armes and
listened to his pupil utter the words ,
(Master, I have completed my course.). If this account is
authentic, it reveals a personal side to Melvilles instruction that is often
overshadowed by his more flamboyant theatrics and volatile disposition.
The same paternal tenderness and compassion which Melville had
received from Buchanan as his pupil in Paris, he expressed as he held his
dying student in his arms. James Melville remarked that bern gaed
never out of his hart; bot in teatching of me, he often rememberit him
with tender compassion of mynd. When Coligny lifted the siege of
Poitiers in September 1569 after weeks of intermittent cannon fire,
Melville took the opportunity to leave the city where he might pursue
his studies in peace at Geneva.175
Conclusion
SWITZERLAND: GENEVA
(15691574)
In late 1569 Melville assessed the political and social instability of France
created by the wars of religion and, with no foreseeable end to the con-
flict, determined to travel to Switzerland where he hoped to find a more
suitable environment to pursue his studies.1 While there is little evidence
to suggest that Geneva was Melvilles next logical stop, it is not difficult
to see how his previous humanistic studies in Scotland and France, as
well as his early Protestant influences, might converge in his own forma-
tion leading him to Geneva and the study of theology.2 Although La
Rochelle as a primary political and military center for the national
Reformed movement was much closer and more convenient than dis-
tant Geneva, it could not offer either the social stability or the academic
opportunities available in the Swiss city.3 Protestant England remained
an option for the young humanist, but Melville during these early years
never seems to have been greatly attracted to either Oxford or Cambridge,
preferring instead the continental universities of Paris and Poitiers as
well as those newer institutions which led the way in promoting the New
Learning of the Renaissance in the sixteenth century, such as the Collge
Royal (1530) and the Academy of Geneva (1559).4 Just as Geneva was a
1
James Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill ed. Robert Pitcairn
(Edinburgh, 1842), 41.
2
John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow, 1977),
269270.
3
Judith Pugh Meyer, La Rochelle and the Failure of the French Reformation,
Sixteenth Century Journal, 15 (Summer, 1984), 171. On La Rochelle see Kevin C. Robbins,
City on the Ocean Sea: La Rochelle, 15301650 Urban Society, Religion, and Politics on the
French Atlantic Frontier (Leiden and Boston, 1997).
4
Menna Prestwich, Calvinism in France, 15551629 in Menna Prestwich (ed.),
International Calvinism, 15411715 (Oxford, 1985), 85; Paul F. Geisendorf, LUniversit
de Genve 15591959 (Genve, 1959), 23; James Bass Mullinger, The University of
Cambridge: From the Royal Injunctions of 1535 to the Accession of Charles the First
(Cambridge, 1884), 368; James W. L. Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin in James
Kinsley (ed.), Scottish Poetry a Critical Survey (London, 1955), 82; Leicester Bradner,
Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925 (New York and London,
1940), 151152. Andrew Melville, Antitamicamicategoria in Parasynagma Perthense et
Iuramentum Ecclesi Scotican et A.M. Antitamicamicategoria (1620), 43. Although
102 chapter four
city of refuge for Protestants, such as Joseph Scaliger three years later,
following the horrific events of the St Bartholomews Day massacre in
1572, so in 1569 in the midst of Frances bloody civil war Melville traveled
to Geneva in search of a safe environment for further study.5 Like
Lambert Daneau who had been attracted to the Academy in 1560
because it offered the purest source of that celestial doctrine and
embodied one of the richest markets of commerce in humanist litera-
ture,6 Melville, aware of the Academys humanistic character and intent
upon pursuing a theological course of study, resided in Geneva for five
years during the quhilk tyme his cheiff studie was Divinitie.7
To study at the Genevan Academy from an intellectual and religious
standpoint was compelling, appealing to Melvilles humanist sentiments
as well as his Protestant sensibilities. From the very beginning, Calvins
Academy bore the humanistic imprint of its founder and most influential
voice.8 He was assisted early on by one of his most trusted associates and
fellow humanist Pierre Viret, who aided the reformer in recruiting fac-
ulty and planning the curriculum.9 Just as Viret had recruited Christian
humanists such as Mathurin Cordier in 1545 and Theodore Beza among
others in 1549 to serve on the faculty at the Academy of Lausanne, so he
aided Calvin in attracting some of the leading humanists to constitute
the first faculty of the Academy of Geneva.10
The first rector of the Academy, the distinguished poet and Greek
scholar Theodore Beza, ensured the humanistic character of the institu-
tion through his leadership, recruiting, and modifications. Despite his
absence from Geneva from June 1559 to May 1563 when he led the
Genevan delegation at the Colloquy of Poissy and served Cond in
Orlans, his role as leader of the Genevan company of pastors following
Calvins death in 1564 significantly enhanced his influence over the
Academy.11 In light of Bezas presence in the Academy, Buchanan, dur-
ing their time in Paris, may have directed the young Melville to Geneva.
In his tribute to Beza, entitled Ad Theodorum Bezam, composed during
the 1560s, Buchanan sent him a collection of his poems for his own
evaluation, declaring mihi unus/ Beza est curia, censor et Quirites
(To my way of thinking, Bezas opinion is the only one that counts He
is judge, critic, and public for me.).12
Beza consistently labored to find suitable faculty for both the schola
privata and the schola publica, and he may be credited with introducing
the chair of medicine and two chairs in law.13 Simon Simoni was
appointed in 1565 as a professor of arts and a lecturer in medicine. His
tenure in the Academy was short, lasting only until 1567 when he left
Geneva due to an altercation he had with Niccolo Balbani, the minister
of the Italian Church in Geneva.14 In the same year of Simonis appoint-
ment, Domaine Fabri and Henry Scrimgeour began delivering public
lectures on jurisprudence.15 By 1566 Pierre Charpentier was appointed
Junod and Henri Meylan, LAcadmie de Lausanne au XVIe sicle (Lausanne, 1947);
Henri Meylan, La Haute Ecole de Lausanne 15371937 (Lausanne, 1937).
11
Gillian Lewis, The Geneva Academy in Andrew Pettegree, Alastair Duke and
Gillian Lewis (eds.), Calvinism in Europe, 15401620 (Cambridge, 1994), 52. On the
Colloquy of Poissy see Donald Nugent, Ecumenism in the Age of the Reformation: The
Colloquy of Poissy (Cambridge, MA, 1974); Philippe de Flice: Le Colloque de Poissy
(1561), Bulletin Societ de lHistoire du Protestantisme Franais, 107 (Jul.-Sep., 1961),
133145; Paul-F. Geisendorf, Thodore de Bze (Genve, 1949), 125166.
12
Paul J. McGinnis and Arthur H. Williamson (eds.), George Buchanan: The Political
Poetry (Edinburgh, 1995), 116117. Buchanan wrote: Quae si judicio tuo probentur, /
Ut classis modo in ultim referri / Possint centurias, nihil timebo / Censuram invidi,
nihil morabor / Senatus critici severitatem, / Nihil grammaticas tribus: mihi unus / Beza
est curia, censor et Quirites.
13
Maag, Seminary or University? 23.
14
Ibid., 28; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 9499, 638.
15
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 90; Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve
15591959, 3941. On Henry Scrimgeour see John Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour,
Renaissance Bookman, Edinburgh Bibliographical Society Transactions, 5:1 (19711987),
131; W.A. McNeill, Scottish Entries in the Acta Rectoria Universitatis Parisiensis
1519 to c. 1633, Scottish Historical Review, 43 (Apr., 1964), 6686; Franois de
104 chapter four
professor of law and served in that capacity until 1570. Although neither
Simoni nor Scrimgeour nor even Charpentier enjoyed great success as
lecturers at the Academy, Beza had desired from its inception to have
both chairs in medicine and law.16 While Bezas positive relationship
with the Genevan magistrates made it easier for him than it had been for
Calvin to encourage the study of civil law in the schola publica, his own
profound humanistic conviction of the intrinsic value of the study of the
new jurisprudence for the benefit of the commonwealth led him to play
an influential role in establishing not one but two chairs of law in the
Academy.17
During the Academys opening ceremony on 5 June 1559 Beza identi-
fied the institution as a respublica scholastica where students and doc-
tors labor together so that men of reason and intelligence will be
metamorphosed out of wild and savage beasts. Far from derogating
profane studies, Beza in his address recognized great value in studying
the profanas gentes, especially the Greeks. Such classical study was
conceived of by him as not merely providing the necessary philological
knowledge for the study of Scripture but as actually possessing wisdom
in itself. Appealing to Solomon and Daniel as exemplars who possessed
profane learning, Beza maintained that the Egyptians were recipients
of wisdom even as Moses and the Israelites had been.18 By unequivocally
declaring the intrinsic value of the authors of classical antiquity, Beza
established the humanistic trajectory of the Genevan Academy, creating
an intellectual environment that appealed to the advocates of the New
Learning.
The humanistic character of the Academy was greatly enhanced dur-
ing the first months of 1559 when Beza was joined by several former
members of the teaching staff of the Academy of Lausanne. In 1558 a
disagreement arose between the Lausanne town council and the minis-
ters of the city, resulting in the mass exodus of the entire teaching staff,
many students, and most of the ministers of Lausanne.19 The Genevan
20
Maag, Seminary or University? 14; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 638;
Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959, 2829. On Tagaut see Marcel Raymond,
Jean Tagaut, pote franais et bourgeois de Genve, Revue du XVIe sicle, 12 (1925),
98140.
21
Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959, 2021; Lewis, The GenevaAcad
emy, 43.
22
Maag, Seminary or University? 1617; Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 4748.
23
Melville, JMAD, 41.
24
Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959, 41; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit
de Genve, 638.
25
Melville, JMAD, 142.
106 chapter four
of Geneva.26 After persuading the guards that they were not pure scol-
lars and that he had letters from his acquentance to Monsieur di Beza,
they were permitted to enter the city and were taken to him.27 Melvilles
letters of introduction are likely to have briefly described his previous
academic study in Scotland and France, his work as a classical instructor
at Paris and Poitiers, and his adherence to Reformed Protestantism.
Sadly, however, these documents have not survived.
We are told by James Melville that upon meeting the young Scot,
Beza, perceaving him a schollar put him within a twa or thrie dayes
to tryell in Virgill and Homer.28 If procedures were followed in Melvilles
case, he was interviewed and examined by the company of pastors and
subsequently approved by the small council of the city of Geneva.29
Upon sustaining these exams, James Melville maintained that his uncle
was made a Professour of Humanitie in the Collage.30 Thomas McCrie,
following James Melville, wrote of Melville filling the chair of Humanity
in their Academy.31 As Charles Borgeaud observed at the beginning
of the last century, neither assertion can be supported from the records
of the council. Although the Academy of Geneva was comprised of both
the schola privata and the schola publica, each schola remained distinct.
Instead of serving as a professor in the schola publica of the Academy,
Melville served as a regent in the second class of the schola privata.32
Both James Melville and McCrie confused two distinct yet intercon-
nected aspects of the Genevan Academy and, as such, exaggerated
Melvilles position. Whereas the schola privata was the lower-level Latin
school, the schola publica was commonly regarded as the Academy
26
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 269.
27
Melville, JMAD, 41. Cf. H. M. B. Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of
Glasgow 15451654 (Glasgow, 1917), 17. Reid conjectures that Melville was annoyed by
this remark since St Leonards College was the college of poor scholars and Melville was
a St Marys College man. While such a supposition is possible, it is more likely given his
own awareness of the situation that Geneva did not need two more poor scholars.
28
Ibid.
29
Maag, Seminary or University? 1718.
30
Melville, JMAD, 4142; Cf. also Alexander Grant, The Story of the University of
Edinburgh During its First Three Hundred Years (London, 1884), 127; Reid, The Divinity
Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 17. Grant wrote that Melville had
been Professor there from 1569 to 1574 while Reid maintained that Melville was
appointed as professor of Humanity (Latin) in the Collge de Genve.
31
Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville Vol. I (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London,
1824), 32.
32
Fatio and Labarthe, Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genve, III, 23;
Charles Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574,
American Historical Review, 5:2 (1899), 287; Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 109.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 107
39
The cumulative list of Melvilles classical attainments made him an obvious choice.
Due to his early and uncommon acquisition of Greek in the late 1550s prior to his entry
at university, his reputation at St Marys, his study under Turnbe and lecturing in Paris,
and his study and teaching in Poitiers, Melville had accumulated an impressive set of
credentials. Indeed, he may even have been overqualified for the rather modest post.
40
Maag, Seminary or University? 31; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 119,
638; Beza wrote to Heinrich Bullinger on 19 September 1571: La peste nous infeste trs
fort et dautres maladies sy joignent qui en emportent beaucoup. Job Veyrat professeur
de philosophie est mort. Portus, qui est plus que sexagnaire, souffre de la fivre. Un
Anglais, homme pieux et savant, qui nous tait dun grand secours, commence lan-
guir. Cf. A.F. Scott Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603
(Cambridge, 1925), 49.
41
Ibid., 3132.
42
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 119.
43
Ibid., 120. Beza wrote to Bullinger on 16 October 1571: La contagion semble per-
dre pied dans la ville, presque rduite en solitude. Mais comme le mal a gagn dun ct
Lausanne et de lautre Lyon et quil fait rage sur les deux rives de notre lac, je ne sais o
placer quelque esprance, si ce nest en la clmence infinie de notre Dieu qui certe ne
nous abandonnera pas.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 109
Geneva. If he had suffered from the plague, one would expect, given the
other accounts provided by him of Melvilles health, to find some men-
tion of it in his narrative history. We do know from Melvilles 1574 testi-
monial that, in addition to being commended for his diligent service to
the Academy, his service to the victims of the plague is mentioned.44
Moreover, we also know that Melville was absent from Geneva from July
to September 1570 when he traveled with his fellow Scotsman Gilbert
Moncrieff to Lausanne to attend Ramus lectures on dialectic.45 Yet this
brief absence could hardly have contributed to any sort of crisis faced by
the faculty of either school. We also know that a severe outbreak of the
plague forced the temporary closing of the Academy during 1570.46 And
yet even if Beza in 1571 was not exaggerating the situation and the schola
privata was in disarray, his remarks to Bullinger need not be interpreted
to mean that the entire faculty of the schola privata was incapacitated
and incapable of fulfilling their academic responsibilities. Indeed, given
what we know of Melvilles robust health during his adult life, it would
not be surprising if he had remained unaffected by the plague during his
time in Geneva.47 Nevertheless, his continued presence and classical
instruction must have functioned as a stabilizing force in the midst of
debilitating losses.
The schola privata of the Genevan Academy consisted of seven dis-
tinct classes. The regents were responsible to conduct the students
through the successive grades preparing them for the more advanced
studies offered in the schola publica. The curriculum spread over the
44
Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574,
288289.
45
Ibid., 288; The Council of Lausanne records the following: Le 5 septembre 1570
Andr Melvin et Gilbert Mengrifz, escolliers escossois, prennent cong. Cf also Frank
Pierrepont Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational Reformation of the Sixteenth Century
(New York, 1912), 99100.
46
Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 60; Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan
Puritanism 15351603, 48.
47
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 197198; Melvini epistolae, Special Collections,
University of Edinburgh, 329. During the winter months of 1608 at the age of 62, Melville
was subjected to extreme cold weather as a prisoner in the Tower of London as evi-
denced by the fact that the Thames remained continuously frozen for several months.
Despite being exposed to the harsh living conditions of the Tower, Melvilles health
remained unaffected. In fact, as evidence of his good health and mental attitude, the
humanist wrote his nephew James a letter in Greek communicating that his health
remained strong. Although toward the end of his life during his exile in Sedan he
suffered from rheumatism, gout, and gravel, these maladies were not uncommon to a
person of his advanced age during this period and consequently do not indicate a weak
constitution.
110 chapter four
seven classes focused primarily upon the mastery of Latin and Greek, as
embodied in the classical authors of the Greco-Roman world, as well as
on religious instruction and practice.48 In the seventh and lowest class
the young boys were taught to read and write French and Latin using the
bilingual Catechism. In the sixth class the students studied Latin gram-
mar in relation to French grammar, and in the fifth class they examined
Latin syntax and began to practice Latin composition, taking the Bucolics
of Vergil as their model of eloquence. After several years of careful study
of the rudiments of the Latin language, the students in the fourth class
were introduced to more advanced Latin, analyzing the Letters of Cicero,
the Elegies of Ovid, Tristia, and Ex Ponto.49 The students in the fourth
class also received an introduction to the study of Greek. When they
progressed to the third class, in addition to an intensive study of Greek
grammar, they were taught to interpret Ciceros Letters, De Amicitia, De
Senectute in Greek and Latin, Vergils Aeneid, Caesars Commentaries,
and the Hortatory Speeches of Isocrates. The second class of the schola
privata, while utilizing the Latin history of Livy and the Greek histories
of Xenophon, Polybius, or Herodian, also progressed to the difficult task
of reading the Greek poet Homer. Both The Paradoxes and shorter
Speeches of Cicero were to be included as part of the curriculum of the
second class. The first and most advanced class was introduced to the
rudiments of dialectic or logic and rhetoric and was guided through
the speeches of Demosthenes in the Olynthiacs and Philippics as well as
in the Orations of Cicero.50 This class was taught how to cultivate the
elegant use of Latin and Greek and was instructed in poetic word choice
by carefully analyzing the works of Homer and Vergil.51
Within this sevenfold division of classes, Melvilles primary academic
responsibilities were to the more mature students of the schola privata
and involved advanced instruction in both Greek and Latin literature,
focusing primarily upon the genres of history and poetry. As a regent in
the schola privata, he was also required to sit with and oversee his pupils
during the two Sunday services, the catechism class, and the Wednesday
48
Maag, Seminary or University? 16.
49
Also known by the title Epistulae ex Ponto. Cf. Jan Felix Gaertner (ed. and trans.),
Epistulae Ex Ponto, Book I: Epistulae Ex Ponto, Book 1 (Oxford, 2005).
50
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 628629; W. Stanford Reid, Calvin
and the Founding of the Academy of Geneva, Westminster Theological Journal, 18 (Nov.,
1955), 2728.
51
Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 4142; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve,
4344; Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959, 24.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 111
52
Maag, Seminary or University? 16; Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 40. For a broader
consideration of the role of the Genevan consistory in the exercise of discipline see E.
William Monter, The Consistory of Geneva, 15591569 Bibliothque d Humanisme et
Renaissance Travaux et Documents, 38 (1976), 467484.
53
Cf. David Nichols, France in Andrew Pettegree (ed.), The Early Reformation in
Europe (Cambridge, 1992), 120141.
54
Maag, Seminary or University? 19; Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 46, 48; Borgeaud,
Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 44.
55
Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 44.
112 chapter four
56
Ibid., 43.
57
Ibid., 4950.
58
Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959, 31; Lewis, The Geneva Acad
emy,50.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 113
Gillian Lewis, Calvinism in Geneva in the time of Calvin and of Beza (15411605)
60
66
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 73. Cf. Borch-Bonger, Un ami de
Jacques Amyot: Henry Scringer in Mlanges offerts M. Abel Lefranc (Paris, 1936),
362373.
67
Tucker, Scrimgeour, Henry (1505?1572), 536537.
68
Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour, Renaissance Bookman, 1218; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 3940; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 73; Tucker,
Scrimgeour, Henry (1505?1572), 536537; Paget Toynbee, The Vatican Text (Cod.
Vat. Palat. Lat. 1729) of the Letters of Dante, Modern Language Review, 7 (Jan., 1912),
2; E. H. Kaden, Ulrich Fugger et son Projet de Crer Genve une Librairie publique,
Geneva, 7 (1959), 127136.
69
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 74; Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour,
Renaissance Bookman, 17; Tucker, Scrimgeour, Henry (1505?1572), 536537.
70
Ibid., 7375, 92, 638.
71
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 40.
72
Maag, Seminary or University? 27; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 638;
Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour, Renaissance Bookman, 18.
73
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 78; Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour,
Renaissance Bookman, 19.
74
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 41; Melville, JMAD, 42.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 115
75
Andrew Melville, De vita et obitu Clarissimi Viri Domini Henrici Scrimgeri,
Jurisconsulti ac Philosophi peritissimi, Bodleian, Cherry MS. 5. Melville wrote: Fando
ornare tuas laudes non Daedala fandi / Copia, non Pitho, non Dea Suada queat, / Sol
secli, Scrimgere, tui, decus addite Diuis! / Par laudi immensae fama nec ipsa tuae. / Qui
docto antiquas Latio instaurauit Athenas / Et Romano orbi ius vetus atque nouum /
Scrimgerus laudum libans fastigia carpit / Omnia, laude maior et inuidia.
76
Ibid. Melville wrote: Te, Meluine, inquit, te patria alma vocat; / Cui melior iuueni
sanguis, cui robur ab annis: / Redde animi, ingenii, consiliique tui / Ostende et lumen
patriae: et vestigia dele / Et luxu et fastu turgida Pontificum.
77
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, June 1573, Bodleian, Smith MS. 77, 29;
Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour, Renaissance Bookman, 31; Henry Scrimgeour, Fugger
Librarian: A Biographical Note, 69. Melville wrote: Quum ex Scrimgeri morte hau-
sissem tantum virus acerbitatis, quantum ex optimi Parentis obitu filius amantissimus
haurire potuit maximum, ea tempora consequuta sunt, quae maerorem animi mirum
quantum augerent, si meus hic dolor accessionem capere posset.
78
Melville, De vita et obitu Clarissimi Viri Domini Henrici Scrimgeri, Bodleian,
Cherry MS. 5. Melville wrote of Scrimgeour the bibliophile: Fuggerana Palatinae stat
bibliothecae / Aemula; Scrimgero cura utriusque fuit /. Huc spolia, huc praedas, huc
rapti orientis honores / Transtulit; his orbi floruit occiduo. / Macte animo, diuine heros:
haec clara tropaea / Sunt tua, luxum et opes barbarus hostis habet.
79
Ibid.
116 chapter four
and Paris, as well as their exposure to some of the greatest minds of the
French Renaissance, naturally attracted them to each other and provided
the basis for an immediate rapport, a mutual understanding, and an
intimate friendship. This common intellectual culture of European
humanism further augmented their familial and national bonds and
served only to accentuate their strong personal ties.
As he had done in Paris, while in Geneva Melville devoted himself to
the mastery of the ancient languages Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, and
Syriac.80 Just two years before his arrival in Geneva, Corneille Bertram
had been appointed professor of Hebrew at the Academy in 1567 and
continued in that capacity for the next nineteen years until 1586. Bertram
had fled to Geneva during the first war of religion, becoming a pastor in
the city and, in consequence of his marriage, a nephew of Beza.81 Trained
in bonae litterae in Paris, especially studying the Hebrew language under
Jean Mercier during the years 15531556, Bertram proceeded, in typical
humanist fashion, from there to Toulouse where he commenced his
study of jurisprudence for six years. While in Toulouse he embraced
the Reformed religion, began preaching, and later accepted a call to
arural parish where, in his leisure, he was able to revisit his first stud-
iesof the Hebrew language. When in 1566 for health reasons Antoine-
Raoul Chevalier stepped down from the chair of Hebrew at the
Academy,Bertram replaced him and was appointed professor of Hebrew
in 1567.82
In addition to providing much needed continuity to the study of
Hebrew and its cognate languages for almost two decades in the young
Academy, Bertram published two significant works in 1574. The first
work, entitled De politia judaca explored the ancient Jewish polity and
religious organization and was dedicated to Beza, who had commis-
sioned the work.83 Bertram recognized his debts to his fellow humanist
and produced a scholarly volume which was valued by those in the
Reformed church.84
80
Melville, JMAD, 42.
81
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 102, 638.
82
Ibid., 102103.
83
Maag, Seminary or University? 40; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 103.
The full title is De politia judaica, tam civili quam ecclesiastica, jam inde a suis primordiis,
hoc est, ab Orbe condito, repetita.
84
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 103104.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 117
85
Ibid., 104. The full title is: Comparatio grammatic Hebraic & Aramic atque
adeo dialectorum Aramicarum inter se: concinnata ex Hebraicis Antonij Ceuallerij pr-
ceptionibus, Aramicisque doctorum aliorum virorum obseruationibus: quibus & quam-
plurim ali in utraque lingua adiect sunt.
86
Cornelius Bertram, Comparatio grammatic Hebraic & Aramic (Geneva,
1574).
87
Ibid.; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 33; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de
Genve, 104.
88
Melville, JMAD, 42.
118 chapter four
89
Ibid; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 638.
90
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 77, 638.
91
Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603, 49; McCrie,
Life of Andrew Melville I, 34.
92
Maag, Seminary or University? 41.
93
Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574, 288;
Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 76.
94
Maag, Seminary or University? 41; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve,
7677.
95
Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603, 49; Melville,
JMAD, 42.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 119
tled de Litteris et Syllabis, was also received well by a number of scholars at Cambridge.
98
Andrew Melville, Epitaphium Jacobi Lindesii in Arthur Johnston (ed.), Delitiae
Poetarum Scotorum (Amsterdami, 1637), Vol. II, 123.
99
Melville, JMAD, 42.
120 chapter four
100
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 123127, 132; Maag, Seminary or
University? 42, 47.
101
Donald R. Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship Language, Law
and History in the French Renaissance, (New York, 1970), 206.
102
Maag, Seminary or University? 47; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve,128.
103
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 44; Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve,
126, 128. McCrie, citing Cujacii Observationes, writes that Cujas esteemed him so highly
as to declare, that if he were dying, and desired, like Aristotle, to choose his successor, he
would name Bonnefoy.
104
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 128129. The extended title is Juris
Orientalis libri III, ab Enimundo Bonefidio J.C. digesti, ac notis illustrati et nunc primum
in lucem editi cum Latina interpretatione.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 121
Greek, there is a very strong likelihood that he did, in fact, attend their
lectures.105 The list of names James Melville includes in his Diary should
not be understood as an exhaustive or comprehensive account of all of
the scholars with whom Melville formed relationships or studied under
but rather as a representative sample of the most distinguished scholars
with whom he was associated.
Identified by James Melville as the renounedest lawer in his tyme,
Hotman had built an immense scholarly reputation prior to coming to
Geneva.106 Lecturing first on Roman law at the University of Paris in
1546, rhetoric and dialectic at Lausanne from 15501555, and civil law
at Strasbourg, Valence, and Bourges, Hotman had earned the reputation
as a first-rate scholar of jurisprudence.107 Despite his commentary on the
Twelve Tables, his study of Roman coinage, and his survey of the history
of Roman law, Hotman became increasingly wary of the study of Roman
law due in large part to its associations with the corruptions found in
Italian society. He even progressively developed doubts regarding the
worth of legal humanism due to its relationship with Italian culture.108
In 1567 he published his Anti-Tribonianus in which he underscored the
value of humanistic and literary studies during the students early years,
and yet he ultimately maintained that the study of Roman law held no
significant place in French schools. Indeed, the Anti-Tribonianus has
been called the most radical of all works issuing from the historical
school of law and an obituary for legal humanism.109 Notwithstanding
his objection to the Code of Justinian as an incomplete compilation of
Roman law, Hotman accepted a chair of Roman law at the Genevan
Academy and lectured on the very code which he had criticized so
sharply.110
105
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville, I, 45; Maag, Seminary or University? 27. In this
respect it is also possible, though less likely in light of the circumstances, that Melville
attended the lectures of Pierre Charpentier. Suspected of ethical impropriety, displeased
with his failure to fulfill his teaching responsibilities, and dissatisfied with his success as
a lecturer, the Genevan magistrates eventually dismissed Charpentier on 23 January
1570.
106
Melville, JMAD, 42; Maag, Seminary or University? 48.
107
Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship Language, Law and History in
the French Renaissance, 106107; Linton C. Stevens, The Contribution of French Jurists
to the Humanism of the Renaissance, Studies in the Renaissance, I (1954), 101.
108
Ibid., 107109.
109
Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship Language, Law and History in
the French Renaissance, 109.
110
Stevens, The Contribution of French Jurists to the Humanism of the Renaissance,
101102; Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship Language, Law and
122 chapter four
The work for which Hotman is most well known, the Francogallia,
was published in Geneva in 1573 in the wake of the events of the St
Bartholomews Day massacres. Like Buchanan, who began to compose
the first draft of his 1579 De iure regni in 1567, Hotman probably began
writing the Francogallia in that same year and subsequently expanded it
in 1576 and 1586.111 Compelled to formulate the precise nature and lim-
its of legitimate government and the conditions under which political
resistance is warranted, the Francogallia has been frequently grouped
together with such resistance literature as Theodore Bezas 1574 Du droit
des magistrats and the 1579 Vindiciae contra tyrannos usually attributed
to Philippe Duplessis-Mornay.112 The work has been so strongly identi-
fied with French Protestantism that it has been called le manifeste poli-
tique des huguenots.113 Although the Francogallia exhibits a decidedly
different emphasis to the political doctrines of obligation found in many
of the works of Calvinist resistance theory, because of the radical nature
of their political theories, Hotman, Beza, and Duplessis-Mornay have
been disparagingly labeled the monarchomach triumvirs or the three
king-killers.114
History in the French Renaissance, 109. Cf. also Pierre Mesnard, Franois Hotman
(15241590) et le complexe de Tribonien, Bulletin de la Socit de lhistoire du protes-
tantisme franais, 101 (1955), 117137; David Baird Smith, Franois Hotman, Scottish
Historical Review, 13 (Jul., 1916), 328365.
111
Ralph E. Giesey and J.H.M. Salmon, Editors Introduction in Ralph E. Giesey
and J.H.M. Salmon (ed. and trans.), Francogallia (Cambridge, 1972), 4, 7, 3852, 8190,
99107. Cf. Ralph E. Giesey, When and Why Hotman Wrote the Francogallia,
Bibliothque dhumanisme et renaissance, 29 (1967), 581611.
112
Scott M. Manetsch, Theodore Beza and the Quest for Peace in France, 15721598
(Leiden, 2000), 6365; Giesey and Salmon, Editors Introduction, 4; Borgeaud, Histoire
LUniversit de Genve, 131; Roger A. Mason and Martin S. Smith Introduction in
Roger A. Mason and Martin S. Smith (eds. and trans.), A Dialogue on the Law of Kingship
among the Scots (Aldershot, 2004), xlvi. Other Calvinist treatises often associated with
these works are Buchanans 1579 De iure regni apud Scotos dialogus, the 1581 Apology of
the Prince of Orange, John Knoxs 1558 First Blast and Lambert Daneaus 1575 Ad Petri
Carpenterii Petri Fabri responsio. Hubert Languet may have contributed to Duplessis-
Mornays Vindiciae, as well as to the Apology of the Prince of Orange. In addition to
Duplessis-Mornay and Languet, Johan Junius de Jonge has been suggested as the author
of the Vindiciae. On the authorship of the Vindiciae see Ernest Barker, The Authorship
of the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, Cambridge Historical Journal, 3:2 (1930), 164181;
Derek Visser, Junius: the Author of the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos? Tijdschrift voor
Geschiedenis, 84 (1971), 510525.
113
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 131.
114
Giesey and Salmon, Editors Introduction, 5; Manetsch, Theodore Beza and
the Quest for Peace in France, 15721598, 6364; Ralph E. Giesey, The Monar
chomachTriumvirs: Hotman, Beza and Mornay, BHR, 32 (1970), 4156; Donald
R. Kelley, Franois Hotman: A Revolutionarys Ordeal (Princeton, 1973), 227263. On
Calvinist resistance theories see Robert M. Kingdon, Calvinism and resistance theory,
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 123
15501580 in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Political Thought 14501700
(Cambridge, 1996), 193218; The Political Resistance of the Calvinists in France and
the Low Countries, Church History, 27 (1958), 316; Quentin Skinner, The Origins of
the Calvinist Theory of Revolution in Barbara C. Malament (ed.), After the Reformation
(Manchester, 1980), 309330; Paul Moussiegt, Hotman et Du Plessis-Mornay, Thories
Politiques des Rforms au XVI Sicle (Geneva, 1970).
115
Johnston, Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum, Vol. II, 108109, 111112, 117. The follow-
ing epigrams by Melville are illustrative of not merely his avid political interests but his
participation in the Huguenot propaganda movement: Ad novissimos Galli Martyres,
1572, Gasper Colinius, Galliarum Thlassiarcha, Pax Gallica, Ad Carolum Galliarum
tyrannum, Sanguinis inusitato fluxu pereuntem, Mari regin Scotorum Epitaphium,
Classicum, Tyrannus, and Ad Regem & Reginam. On the Huguenot propaganda move-
ment see Robert Kingdon, Myths about the St Bartholomews Day Massacres, 15721576
(Cambridge, MA, 1988).
124 chapter four
and Hotmans 1573 De furoribus Gallicis, which was later revised and
republished in 1575 under the title Gasparis Colinii Castellonii magni
quondam Franciae amiralii vita. In this work Hotman, like Melville after
him, portrayed Gaspard de Coligny as a devout Protestant martyr. The
thematic similarities suggest that Melville was familiar with Hotmans
De furoribus Gallicis and may even have circulated his own elegiac verse
on Coligny among his fellow humanists in Geneva. In the same year that
Hotman published De furoribus Gallicis, Melville, along with Theodore
Beza and others in Geneva, contributed a poem on Coligny from the
Carmen Mosis to the small pamphlet Epicedia illustri heroi Caspari
Colinio [] poetis decantata and thereby became involved in the
Huguenot propaganda movement.116
The decided humanistic emphasis of Melvilles labors and studies in
Geneva during the years 15691574 was further enhanced by the theo-
logical course of study he simultaneously pursued. From 15701572 the
city of Geneva became the beneficiary of three theologians, who not
only elevated the reputation of the city and Academy but became
colleagues of Melville and undoubtedly shaped the contours of his
theology. After serving as a junior and senior fellow at Trinity College,
Cambridge, Walter Travers was forced out of his position by John
Whitgift, Master of the college, and traveled to Geneva where he became
good friends with Beza.117 At the same time, Thomas Cartwright had
been deprived of the Lady Margaret Chair of Divinity at the University
of Cambridge and in June 1571 came to Geneva where he was asked by
the Genevan ministers to deliver lectures in theology twice a week.118
116
Steven John Reid, Early Polemic by Andrew Melville: The Carmen Mosis (1574)
and the St Bartholomews Day Massacres, Renaissance and Reformation, 30.4 (Fall,
2006/2007), 73; Epicedia illustri heroi Caspari Colignio, Colignii comiti, Castilionis dom-
ino, magno Galliarum thallasiatchae variis linguis a doctis piisque poetis decantata
(Geneva, 1573), GLN2464.
117
S. J. Knox, Walter Travers: Paragon of Elizabethan Puritanism (London, 1962), 27;
Thomas Fuller, The Church History of Britain Vol. III (London, 1868), 29. In October
1582, Beza in writing Travers referred to him as mi carissime frater and their relation-
ship as amicitia vetus nostra.
118
On Cartwright see Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (London,
1967); Leonard J. Trinterud (ed.), Elizabethan Puritanism (Oxford, 1971); Peter Lake,
Anglicans and Puritans? Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift
to Hooker (London, 1988); C. G. Bolam, The English Presbyterians: From Elizabethan
Puritanism to Modern Unitarianism (London, 1968); John K. Luoma, Who Owns the
Fathers? Hooker and Cartwright on the Authority of the Primitive Church, SCJ, 8 (Oct.,
1977): 4559; The Primitive Church as a Normative Principle in the Theology of the
Sixteenth Century: The Anglican-Puritan Debate over Church Polity as Represented by
Richard Hooker and Thomas Cartwright, (PhD Dissertation, Hartford Seminary
Foundation, 1974).
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 125
Beza, who once remarked of Cartwright that the sun does not see a
more learned man, had undoubtedly been influential in Cartwrights
appointment.119 Approved by the Council, Cartwright began to lecture
at a vital period in the early years of the Academy when it had been beset
by devastating losses due to the plague.120 Cartwright himself had been
weakened by it but was, nevertheless, able to render valuable service to
the schola publica where, presumably, Melville attended his public lec-
tures.121 Although Beza was unable to find a suitable post for Travers, the
English divine was able to devote himself to the composition of his mag-
num opus published in 1574, entitled Ecclesiasticae disciplinae et anglica-
nae ecclesiae ab illa aberrationis, plena e verbo dei, & dilucida explicatio.122
Cartwright had apparently written the preface to Travers Ecclesiasticae
disciplinae explicatio where he gave his wholehearted approbation to
the work, commending it as a jewel and a treasure to the people of
England.123
James Melville, in his cursory account of his uncles associates and
teachers, did not include either Cartwright or Travers. However, their
outspoken advocacy of Presbyterianism, their ecclesiastical writings,
and their subsequent invitation at the recommendation of Melville in
1580 to accept the chairs in biblical interpretation at St Andrews suggest
that Melville had audited Cartwrights lectures and was acquainted with
their published theological writings. The letter of invitation written to
both men also indicates Melvilles personal and academic esteem for
119
Hastings Robinson (ed.), The Zurich Letters, Comprising the Correspondence of
Several English Bishops and Others, with some of the Helvetian Reformers during the Early
Part of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (Cambridge, 1842), 313.
120
Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574, 285;
Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 107108, 118123; Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and
Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603, 47. The Register of the Council for 28 June 1571
reads: Anglois ministre. Les ministres ayant fait advertir quil y a icy un Anglois, excel-
lent thologien, lequel ils ont pri de faire quelques leons en thlogie, le jeudi et le
vendredi, ce quil leur a promis faire gratuitement, sil est trouv bon par Messieurs,
arrest quon laprouve.
121
Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603, 49.
122
Walter Travers, Ecclesiasticae disciplinae et Anglicanae ecclesiae ab illa aberrationis,
plena E Verbo Dei, & dilucida explicatio (Rupelae, 1574). Although Rupelae or La
Rochelle is given as the place of publication, it is very likely that it was not published
there but rather in Heidelberg. Cf. Knox, Walter Travers: Paragon of Elizabethan
Puritanism, 2930; A. F. Johnson, Books Printed at Heidelberg for Thomas Cartwright,
The Library: Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, series 5, 2 (Mar., 1948),
284286.
123
Thomas Cartwright, Prfatio ad lectorem in Ecclesiasticae disciplinae explica-
tio; Knox, Walter Travers: Paragon of Elizabethan Puritanism, 29.
126 chapter four
their singular erudition and piety.124 While such praise and flattery was
customary among sixteenth-century humanists, especially when it was
part of an academic recruiting effort, such encomiums were, neverthe-
less, derived from Melvilles personal experience in Geneva as a col-
league, auditor, and friend. We do know that Melville read and approved
of Travers treatise and Cartwrights preface as indicated by his presenta-
tion of it to his close friend and colleague Alexander Arbuthnot, princi-
pal of Kings College, Aberdeen.125 Just as its Presbyterian principles
resonated with the young Scot, so its Latin elegance and classical
references possessed a powerful appeal to the humanists literary
sensibilities.126
The third member of this theological triumvirate to arrive in Geneva
during these years was Lambert Daneau.127 A former student at the
Academy and a French Reformed minister in Gien from 15601572,
Daneaus arrival following the St Bartholomews Day massacres brought
an experienced cleric to the canton and a theologian who could assist
Beza in his lecturing.128 Prior to his arrival in Geneva, Daneau had stud-
ied in Paris at the Collge Royal under Adrian Turnbe where he acquired
the philological and critical methods developed by the humanists.
Following his time in Paris he traveled first to Orlans where from
15531557 he studied civil law and subsequently to Bourges where from
15581559 he continued his legal studies.129 Leaving Bourges, he traveled
to Geneva to hear Calvin, and in 1560 he received a call to serve as min-
ister in Gien.130
124
Fuller, The Church History of Britain Vol. III, 140141; Gordon Donaldson,
Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, Records of the Scottish Church History
Society, 14 (1963), 67; Knox, Walter Travers: Paragon of Elizabethan Puritanism, 52;
Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, 366.
125
Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603, 53, 142.
126
John Pentland Mahaffy, An Epoch in Irish History: Trinity College, Dublin: Its
Foundation and Early Fortunes 15911660 (London, 1903), 84; Knox, Walter Travers:
Paragon of Elizabethan Puritanism, 3132.
127
On Daneau see Olivier Fatio, Mthode et Thologie: Lambert Daneau et les Dbuts
de la Scolastique Rforme (Genve, 1976); Christoph Strohm, Ethik im frhen
Calvinismus: humanistische Einflsse, Philosophische, Juristische und Theologische
Argumentationen sowie Mentalittsgeschichtliche Aspekte am Beispiel des Calvin-Schlers
Lambertus Danaeus (Berlin, 1996).
128
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 222; Fatio and Labarthe (eds.),
Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genve, III, 90; Maag, Seminary or University?
4243; Fatio, Mthode et Thologie, 514. Fatio identifies 1562 as the year Daneau began
his ministry at Gien.
129
Fatio, Mthode et Thologie, 1; Fatio and Labarthe (eds.), Registres de la Compagnie
des Pasteurs de Genve, III, 90.
130
Fatio and Labarthe (eds.), Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genve, III, 90.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 127
Maag, Seminary or University? 43, 45. For an exhaustive account of Daneaus pub-
132
literary world of the sixteenth century and who even honored the Scot
with their generous judgments and neo-Latin poetry.135 The celebrated
German humanist, poet, and musician, Paulus Melissus, met Melville in
Geneva during his stay from 1568 to the beginning of 1571 and was so
impressed by the young classical scholar that he composed a poem con-
cerning Julius Caesar Scaliger addressed Ad Andr. Melvinum
Celurcanum.136 The German Pliadist137 composed similar poems
addressed to and in honor of such humanists and Genevan worthies as
Franois Portus,138 Henri Estienne,139 Joseph Scaliger,140 and Franois
Hotman,141 as well as George Buchanan142 and Pierre Ronsard.143 During
his time in Geneva he lived near Beza and Estienne and became quite
135
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 41.
136
Pierre de Nolhac, Un Pote Rhnan Ami de la Pliade: Paul Melissus (Paris,
1923),27; Melissi schediasmatum poeticorum, pars tertia. Secundo recognita, atque edita
(Paris, 1586), liber vii, 226; James E. Phillips, Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet: An Epigram on
Paul Melissus, Renaissance News, 16 (Win., 1963), 289, 291. Celurcanum means an
inhabitant of Montrose. Cf. McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 44. Melissus was also
known by his given name Paul Schede or Schedius. cf also Harold G. Carlson, Classical
Pseudonyms of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries in Germany, German Quarterly,
13 (Jan., 1940), 17. The earliest biographical account may be found in Jean-Jacques
Boissard, Icones quinquaginta virorum illustrium (Frankfort, 15971599).
137
J. A. van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons, and Professors: Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers,
and the Leiden Humanists (Leiden and London, 1962), 50.
138
Melissus wrote numerous poems to Franois Portus who, in turn, composed his
own replies. They were published in Melissi Schediasmata Poetica, (Frankfort, 1574),
8586, 9597, 137139, 145, 155156, 162. The following titles are illustrative of their
poetry: Pro Francisco Porto Febricitante; Ad Fr. Portvm Cretensem; Ad Franciscvm
Portvm Cretensem; Fr. Porti Responsvm; Porti Responsvm; Fr. Porto Cretensi; Portus
Respondet; Ad Franciscvm Portvm; and Portvs ad P. Melissvm.
139
Melissus also wrote numerous poems to Henri Estienne who, in turn, responded
with his own poetry. These poems were collected and published in Paulus Melis
sus, Melissi Schediasmata Poetica, 100102, 145147, 157, 159162. The following
titles include: Ad Henricvm Stephanvm; Parisiensem; In Francofordiensis Emporii
Encomium, ab H. Stephano Scriptum; H. Stephanvs Ad P. Melissvm, E Pago Qvodam
proximo ei in quo ille degebat; Melissi Responsvm Ex temporal; H. Stephanvs Ad endem
P. Melissum, ex eodem pago, postriedie; Respons. Melissi; P. Melissi Hendecasyll;
Ad Henricum Stephanum; Henr. Stephani Hendecasyll; quibus Paulo Melisso respondet,
and Melissi Anacreontevm, Qvo Per replicationem H. Stephano respondetur.
140
Melissus and Scaliger exchanged poems. Cf. Paulus Melissus, Ad Iosephvm
Scaligerum Iulij Csaris F and Iosephvs Scaliger Ivlii Cs. F. ad Paulum Melissum, potam
laureatum in Melissi Schediasmata Poetica, 164167.
141
Paulus Melissus, In Fran. Hotomani ivrisconsulti Francogalliam in Melissi
Schediasmata Poetica, 102103.
142
Paulus Melissus, Ad Georgivm Bvchananum Scotum in Melissi Schediasmata
Poetica, 810.
143
Paulus Melissus, Ad Petrvm Ronsardvm Eq. Vindocinum in Melissi Schediasmata
Poetica, 3133.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 129
close with the latter as Estiennes letters indicate. He also attended the
Greek lectures of Portus and continued the revision of his Latin transla-
tion of Greek epigrams.144
Born in 1539 in Melrichstadt, Franconia, Melissus early in his life
established himself as a Greek and Latin poet and musician, publishing
several volumes of Latin poetry and producing a German metrical trans-
lation of the Psalms modeled after the edition produced by Beza and
Marot. In 1564 Emperor Maximilian II named Melissus poet laureate
and in 1579 during a stint in Italy he received the honorific titles Comes
Palatinus, Eques auratus, & Civis Romanus (Count Palatinus, Golden
Knight, and Citizen of Rome). He spent time in Paris with numerous
members of the Pliade such as Ronsard and Dorat during 1567 and,
like the former, was particularly influenced by the Catullan style of
poetry of Giovanni Pontano.145 By 1586 he was serving the Elector
Palatine at Heidelberg where he continued in this capacity until his
death in 1602. More well-known than his poem addressed to Melville is
Melissus 1580 Latin poem entitled Ad Elisabetham Angliae, Franciae,
Hiberniae Reginam, in which he ingratiated himself to Elizabeth I.146
Although the historical records at this point are limited, it is not dif-
ficult, in light of their mutual classical tastes, their love of Greek and
Latin literature, and their cultivation of the art of neo-Latin poetry, to
understand how Melville and Melissus would have had an instant rap-
port and common bond as humanists and advocates of bonae litterae.
They moved in the same humanistic literary circles in Geneva, enjoying
common friendships and auditing the same course of lectures.147 A cur-
sory examination of the Latin poetry exchanged between Melissus and
Portus, Estienne, and Scaliger on the one hand and the poetry written by
the German humanist to Hotman, Buchanan, and Melville, indicates
144
Pierre de Nolhac, Un Pote Rhnan Ami de la Pliade: Paul Melissus (Paris, 1923),
2728.
145
Walther Ludwig, The Origin and Development of the Catullan Style in Neo-Latin
Poetry in Peter Godman and Oswyn Murray (eds.), Latin Poetry and the Classical
Tradition: Essays in Medieval and Renaissance Literature (Oxford, 1990), 189, 196; Mary
Morrison, Ronsard and Catullus: The Influence of the Teaching of Marc-Antoine
de Muret, BHR, 18 (1956), 271; Phillips, Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet: An Epigram on
Paul Melissus, 291.
146
Phillips, Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet: An Epigram on Paul Melissus, 291; Nolhac,
Un Pote Rhnan Ami de la Pliade: Paul Melissus, 824. Cf. Ad Auroram in Melissi
Schediasmata Poetica (Paris, 1586) reprinted in van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons, and
Professors: Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers, and the Leiden Humanists, 212.
147
Nolhac, Un Pote Rhnan Ami de la Pliade: Paul Melissus, 28.
130 chapter four
148
On Estienne see Clment, Henri Estienne et Son Oeuvre Franais; Bndicte
Boudou, La Potique dHenri Estienne BHR, 52:3 (1990), 571592; Henri Estienne
diteur d Historiens ou Comment crie l Histoire? Nouvelle Revue du Seizime sicle,
19:1 (2001), 3750; Mars et Les Muses dans lApologie pour Hrodote dHenri Estienne
(Genve, 2000).
149
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 69; Boudou, Mars et Les Muses dans
lApologie pour Hrodote dHenri Estienne, 2122; Clment, Henri Estienne et Son
Oeuvre Franais, 2.
150
Boudou, Mars et Les Muses dans lApologie pour Hrodote dHenri Estienne, 22.
151
Clment, Henri Estienne et Son Oeuvre Franais, 23.
152
Boudou, Mars et Les Muses dans lApologie pour Hrodote dHenri Estienne, 7.
153
Isaac Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni Epistol (Rotterdam, 1709), 129; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 41.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 131
Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions
154
of Textual Criticism in the Renaissance, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,
38 (1975), 156.
155
Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959, 48.
156
Warren E. Blake, Joseph Justus Scaliger, Classical Journal, 36 (Nov., 1940), 91.
157
Hugh Nibley, New Light on Scaliger, CJ, (Feb., 1942), 292.
158
George W. Robinson, Joseph Scaligers Estimates of Greek and Latin Authors,
Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 29 (1918), 133.
159
Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship
Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 1.
160
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 35.
161
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 101. On Julius Caesar Scaliger see Vernon Hall, Jr. The
Preface to Scaligers Poetices Libri Septem, Modern Language Notes, 60 (Nov., 1945),
447453; David Marsh, Review: Julius Caesar Scaligers Poetics, Journal of the History
of Ideas, 65 (Oct., 2004), 667676; Myriam Billanovich, Benedetto Bordon e Giulio
Cesare Scaligero, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 11 (1963), 187256.
162
Vernon Hall, Jr. Life of Julius Caesar Scaliger (14841558), Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society, New Ser., 40:2 (1950), 99. The title of this work was Pro
M. Tullio Cicerone, contra Desiderium Erasmum Roterodamum.
163
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 101.
132 chapter four
Latinist, he taught Joseph at an early age to write both Latin prose and
verse and cultivated in him a taste for the art of neo-Latin poetry. He
gave his son the daily assignment of composing a brief piece of Latin
rhetoric and dictated to him his own Latin verses. Indeed, when Joseph
was less than seventeen years old, he composed his first Latin tragedy on
the mythical figure Oedipus.164 In contrast to his father who believed in
the superiority of classical Latin to Greek, Joseph was captivated by the
Greek language and maintained that they who know not Greek, know
nothing.165 Following his fathers death in 1558, Scaliger went to Paris to
study Greek at the Collge Royal under Adrian Turnbe. Finding his
own knowledge of Greek inadequate, he discontinued attending
Turnbes lectures and taught himself the language, claiming to have
learned Homer in twenty-one days and the other Greek poets within
four months.166 While he undoubtedly learned to read and write Greek
poetry, the alleged speed at which he accomplished this task is doubtful
and his claim never to have consulted a Greek lexicon or grammar is
equally unlikely.167 Indeed, when one considers Scaligers own singular
vanity and egotism, as well as the fact that his father bred in him an air
of aristocratic superiority which had no basis in reality, these claims
amount to, at best, implausible hyperbole.168
In addition to Greek, Scaliger claimed to have taught himself Hebrew,
apparently learning the language by comparing the Hebrew text with the
text of the Vulgate. Encouraged in the study of the Oriental languages in
1562 by Guillaume Postel, he learned the language so well that when he
encountered Jews in Italy and southern France he is said to have freely
164
George W. Robinson (trans.), Autobiography of Joseph Scaliger with Autobio
graphical Selections from his Letters his Testament and the Funeral Orations by Daniel
Heinsius and Dominicus Baudius (Cambridge, 1927), 30.
165
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 102; Robinson, Autobiography of Joseph Scaliger, 31.
166
Robinson, Autobiography of Joseph Scaliger, 3031. Scaliger wrote: I learned
grammar exclusively from observation of the relation of Homers words to each other;
indeed, I made my own grammar of the poetic dialect as I went along. I devoured all the
other Greek poets within four months.
167
Grafton, Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions of Textual
Criticism in the Renaissance, 155. As one writer has remarked of his not having con-
sulted a lexicon or grammar, It is not easy to say why this should be matter for boasting,
or what other credit could accrue to him from it, than that of having given himself much
unnecessary trouble.
168
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 102; Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the
Traditions of Textual Criticism in the Renaissance, 155; Blake, Joseph Justus Scaliger,
83. Julius Caesar Scaliger lied to his son, telling him that he was a great aristocrat of the
della Scalas of Verona. Cf. also Julia Haig Gaisser, Catullus and his Renaissance Readers
(Oxford, 1993), 179.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 133
Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions of Textual Criticism in the
Renaissance, 155156; Nibley, New Light on Scaliger, 293. Nibley maintains that
Scaliger did not learn Hebrew on his own as he claimed but rather shortly after he began
his study of the language sought out instruction from experts in the field.
170
Karl H. Dannenfeldt, The Renaissance Humanists and the Knowledge of Arabic,
Studies in the Renaissance, 2 (1955), 112; Grafton, Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus
(1577) and the Traditions of Textual Criticism in the Renaissance, 156.
171
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 2; Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the
Traditions of Textual Criticism in the Renaissance, 156. Cf. Gaisser, Catullus and his
Renaissance Readers, 178192.
172
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 107108, 113, 118.
134 chapter four
173
Grafton, Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions of Textual
Criticism in the Renaissance, 173; Blake, Joseph Justus Scaliger, 88, 90.
174
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 132.
175
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 43.
176
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 132133.
177
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 126.
178
Julius Caesar Scaliger, Poemata in duas partes divisa (Heidelberg, 1574); McCrie,
Life of Andrew Melville I, 4344. Melville wrote: Nobilis urbs rosei jam gaudet nomine
montis, / Qu prius a clo dicta Celurca fuit. cf. Andrew Melville, Ad Iulium Scaligerum
in Arthur Johnston (ed.), Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum hujus aevi illustrium (Amsterdam,
1637), 116117. Melville wrote: Ad Iulium Scaligerum. / Caesar, Aristoteles, Maro,
Mavors, Pallas, Apollo,/Tres sub Sole viri, tres super astra Dei, / Te genuere, vel hos
genuisti Scaliger unus / Tres sub Sole viros, tres super astra Deos. / Immo omnes Superas
unus, quos fama sacravit / Vel sub Soleviros, vel super astra Deos. Melville also wrote an
epigram in honor of both Julius Caesar and Joseph Scaliger entitled De Iulio, & Iosepho
Scaligeris: De Iulio, & Iosepho Scaligeris. / Scaliger aut pater, aut proles si carmina dic-
tat; / Scaligero solus Scaliger apta canit. / Scaligero patri par nemo, simillima proles /
Tam patri similes, quam pater ipse sibi. / Scaliger aut pater, aut proles, ambo unus, in
uno aut / Est pater in nato, aut in patre natus erit.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 135
While we cannot say for certain that Melville received private instruc-
tion from Scaliger, the combination of Scaligers reputation as a classical
scholar, their mutual literary interests, and Melvilles own insatiable
appetite for the studia humanitatis strongly suggests that he received
private instruction from him. It is a telling fact that, when Melville was
preparing to depart from Geneva in the spring of 1574, of all the people
who could have inherited his private garden at the college, Joseph
Scaliger obtained it.179 We do know that he attended Scaligers public
lectures and discussed various text-critical issues with him as indicated
by a conjectural emendation he offered him on the Latin poetry of
Marcus Manilius.180 Following their time in Geneva, Scaliger published
in Paris in 1579 an edition of five of the more difficult books on astron-
omy by Manilius, entitled Manilii quinque libros astronomicon commen-
tarius Castigationes.181 In acknowledging his debt to the Scottish
humanist, Scaliger referred to him as a learned youth when he wrote,
Andreas Melvinus Scotus, iuvenis eruditus.182 When Scaliger died
many years later in 1609, Melville referred to him as my friend the great
Scaliger and confessed that he had been deeply moved by the news of
his death.183 If indeed Scaliger were Europes premier interpreter of
classical texts, then Melvilles association with him afforded him the
opportunity to learn the critical methods he had applied in transform-
ing philology into a precise science.184
The critical methods of the humanists, which Melville evidently prac-
ticed and which Scaliger developed, were first learned in Paris under the
tutelage of Adrian Turnbe. Both Melville and Scaliger had studied
under Turnbe at the Collge Royal and had learned from him how to
recognize textual corruptions and correct them. They consequently
owed their Greek master a significant intellectual debt. Despite his
179
Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574, 290.
On 16 March 1574 the records recorded by the Secretary of the Council read: Joseph
Scaliger. Estant propos quil dsireroit avoir ung jardin, arrest quon luy baille celuy de
Mr Melvin, qui sen va en France, comment on dit.
180
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 126127; Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the
University of Geneva, 15691574, 290.
181
Blake, Joseph Justus Scaliger, 88.
182
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 126127, 289. The full statement reads: Andreas Melvinus
Scotus, iuvenis eruditus admonuit me hic legendum esse, lapsumque diem.
183
Andrew Melville, Melvini epistolae, Special Collections, University of Edin
burgh,76.
184
Charles G. Nauert, Jr., Review: Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of
Classical Scholarship, col. I: Textual Criticism and Exegesis, Renaissance Quarterly, 38
(Spr., 1985), 107.
136 chapter four
Theodore Beza
185
Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 108109. Scaligers effort to conceal this fact is consistent
with his attempts to prove his fathers charade regarding the inherent superiority in abil-
ity and creativity of a della Scala.
186
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 4344.
187
Kirk Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism,
Archiv fr Reformationsgeschichte, 82 (1991), 194.
188
Linder, Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 170.
189
Geisendorf, Thodore de Bze, 10; Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library
and Christian Humanism, 194.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 137
Jill Rait, Theodore Beza 15191605 in Jill Rait (ed.), Shapers of Religious
190
Traditions in Germany, Switzerland, and Poland, 15601600 (New Haven, CT, 1981),
8990; Henri Meylan, Bze et les Sodales dOrlans (15351545) in Charles Samaran
(ed.), Actes du Congres sur lancienne Universit dOrlans (Orlans, 1962), 95. Beza
wrote: Ita igitur factum ut ad te pervenirem anno Domini 1528, Nonis Decembries:
quem diem ego non aliter quam alterum natalem merito soleo celebrare.
191
Thodore de Bze, Ad Sodales, de Melchioris Volmarii, praeceptoris charissimi,
adventu in Galliam in Kirk M. Summers (ed.), A View from the Palatine: The Iuvenilia
of Thodore de Bze (Arizona, 2002), 222223. Beza wrote: At tu, Melchior, in loco
supremo / Sedens, Mercuriique Apollinisque, / Et vices Charitum supplebis unus. /
Quod si forte tua eruditione / Audita (quis enim tuam negarit / In caelum quoque tran-
siisse famam?) / Facundus veniat nepos Atlantis, / Aut Phoebus, Charitesve: tunc
manebis / Suprema nihilominus cathedra, / Et tacentibus omnibus loqueris. / Nam quis
(ni penitus caret cerebro) / Phoebo, Mercurioque, Gratiisque, / Neget Volmarium
eruditiorem?
192
Jill Rait, Theodore Beza 15191605, 90.
193
Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 195; Kirk
Summers, Theodore Bezas Reading of Catullus Classical and Modern Literature, 15
138 chapter four
poetry of classical authors and to cultivate his relationships with his fel-
low humanists. Upon returning to Orlans, he joined the sodales who
had gathered around the poet Jean de Dampierre and in this literary
circle Beza first began composing the Latin poetry which would later be
published under the title Poemata.194 When he completed his legal stud-
ies in Orlans in 1539, he moved to Paris where he intended to devote
himself more fully to humane studies and the cultivation of bonae
litterae.195
While in Paris Beza published in 1548 his Poemata or Iuvenilia, a col-
lection of epigrams, elegies, epitaphs, icones, and sylvae modeled on the
literary style of Catullus and Ovid.196 Beza hoped through publishing
this volume of poetry to win literary fame and establish himself as a
distinguished poet. Dedicated to his humanist preceptor and literary
father-figure Wolmar, the style of the Iuvenilia has been described as
that of an aristocratic Latin humanist.197 After Michel de Montaigne
read Bezas Poemata, he praised the young humanist as the greatest
French poet of the sixteenth century, maintaining that he had given to
(1995), 233245. cf. Mary Morrison, Catullus in the Neo-Latin Poetry of France before
1550, BHR, 17 (1955), 365394. Bezas devotion to the careful study of the Greek and
Latin authors of antiquity may be seen in his poem entitled Ad Bibliothecam in which
he refers to his books as Meae deliciae, meae salutes and after greeting Cicero, Catullus,
Maro, both Plinys, Cato, Columella, Varro, Livy, Plautus, Terrence, Ovid, Fabius,
Propertius, Sophocles, Isocrates, Homer, Plato, and Aristotle, he promised his precious
volumes the following: Non me unam hebdomadam procul, quid? immo / Non diem
procul unicum abfuturum. / Quid diem? Immo nec horulam, immo nullum / Punctum
temporis, ut libet pusillum.
194
Meylan, Bze et les Sodales dOrlans (15351545), 9596; Rait, Theodore Beza
15191605, 90. Cf. Fernand Aubert, Jacques Boussard, Henri Meylan, Un premier
recueil de poesies latines de Thodore de Bze, BHR, 15 (1953), 164191, 256294. The
Sodales were comprised of two groups. The older group consisted of Jean Truchon,
Pierre Bourdineau, Bazoches, Jacques Viart, Claude Framberge, Jacques, and Groslot
while the younger group was comprised of Germain, Vaillant de Guelis, Alexis Gaudin,
de Blois, Maclou Popon, Germain Audebert, and Beza.
195
Rait, Theodore Beza 15191605, 90. On Bezas poetry see Alain Dufour, Thodore
de Bze: Pote et Tholgien (Genve, 2006).
196
Anne Lake Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams: The Uses and
Abuses of Poetry, SR, 21 (1974), 84; Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and
Christian Humanism, 193, 201. cf. also A View from the Palatine: The Iuvenilia of
Thodore de Bze. On the use of Catullus during this period see Gaisser, Catullus and His
Renaissance Readers; Ludwig, The Origin and Development of the Catullan Style in
Neo-Latin Poetry, 183197; Morrison, Ronsard and Catullus: The Influence of the
Teaching of Marc-Antoine de Muret, 240274. For a broader consideration of the neo-
Latin literature during the first half of the sixteenth century see D. Murarasu, La posie
no-latine et la renaissance des lettres antiques en France (15001549), (Paris, 1928).
197
Natalie Zemon Davis, Peletier and Beza Part Company, SR, 11 (1964),
193194,199.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 139
poetry hir vogue and credit in our age.198 Bezas fellow humanist and
colleague Jacques Peletier regarded his Poemata to be a just exhibition of
the young scholars literary endowments and abilities.199 The appearance
of the Iuvenilia immediately solidified Bezas place within the literary
world of French humanism, as it was widely regarded as among the best
original compositions of the age.200 Despite his treatment of modern
subjects and his epigrams to modern scholars such as Erasmus, Marot,
and Rabelais, he followed the classical lyric and epigram forms of the
ancients and looked to Catullus, Propertius, Ovid, Homer, and Vergil as
literary models. In writing bucolics and pastorals, he followed Vergil
whom he called poetarum omnium principem (foremost of all the
poets). In composing elegies, he imitated Ovid while in constructing
jesting epigrams he patterned his own after Catullus and Martial.201
Thus, Beza drew upon a number of classical models for each genre in the
creative composition of his own neo-Latin poetry.
Bezas early poetry, which was written in imitation of Catullus and
Ovid, plagued his reputation for the rest of his life. Despite Erasmus and
Lefvres disapproval of the imitation of Catullus frivolous and vulgar
poetry, Beza used the ancient Roman poet as a model for his own com-
positions.202 He subsequently became entangled in controversy and was
forced in later editions of the Iuvenilia to omit the more controversial
poems altogether.203 The earliest collection of his poetry exhibited the
same tendency toward bawdy speech and obscene behavior which
Catullus own poetry embodied.204 In addition to portraying himself and
198
Linder, Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 170; Prescott, English
Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 84.
199
Davis, Peletier and Beza Part Company, 193, 213.
200
Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 201;
Linder, Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 170.
201
Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 8485; Summers, Theodore
Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 201202. Beza wrote: Proposueram
autem mihi in bucolicis et sylvulis quibusdam scribendis imitandum poetarum omnium
principem Virgilium, gravius nihil dum meditans; in elegiis autem Ovidium, cuius inge-
nii ubertate magis quam Tibulli munditie capiebar. In epigrammaton vero lusibus, quod
scribendi genus praecipue quadam ingenii proclivitate amplectebar, Catullum et
Martialem usque
202
Erasmus and Lefvre, of course, did not regard all of Catullus poetry as frivolous
and vulgar.
203
Morrison, Catullus in the Neo-Latin Poetry of France before 1550, 369; Ronsard
and Catullus, 241; Summers, Theodore Bezas Reading of Catullus, 242.
204
Summers, Theodore Bezas Reading of Catullus, 233, 242; Ludwig, The Origin
and Development of the Catullan Style in Neo-Latin Poetry, 190. Catullus stated that his
versus molles et iocosi were designed to produce in the reader a prurire.
140 chapter four
205
Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 8586. Beza wrote: Nuper
Candidulam meam salutans, / Salve, inquam, mea mens, mei et lepores, / Corculumque
meum. Illa tunc, disertam / Cum sese cuperet mihi probare, / -Salve,inquit, mea men-
tula. O disertam / Et docto bene foeminam cerebro! / Nam si dicere corculum solemus,
/ Cur non dicere mentulam licebit?
206
Summers, Theodore Bezas Reading of Catullus, 242; Prescott, English Writers
and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 85. Bezas offending words were: Cum nequissimus omnium
sacerdos, / Urbanus tamen et facetus Hercle, / Utra sponsus erat, rogare coepit.
207
Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 85, 87, 96, 102.
208
Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 203;
Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 87.
209
Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 101, 108109, 112. Beza was
described by his opponents in the following epigram: Here comes another of this vertu-
ous tribe / That profane bawdy Scurr, that Divels Scribe / Lascivious Beza, in undecent
sort / Betwixt his Candida, and Andebert.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 141
v ersions of Ecclesiastes and Jonah in 1588 and 1597.217 Bezas ardent love
of poetry was never fully extinguished, nor did he abandon poetic com-
position in his more mature years. Late in his life he openly confessed
his life-long love affair with poetry and his inability to walk away from
it.218 In his later years he diverted himself with that which had been the
pastime of his youth, the composition of Latin epigrams and poetic
verse.219 Similarly, his love of philology never abated throughout his long
career in Geneva. He unabashedly referred to his wife Philology and
frequently cited for philological and translation purposes such classical
authors as Euripides, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Plautus, Terence, and Seneca
in his New Testament commentary.220
With the publication in 1574 of Du droit des magistrats, Beza extended
his literary contributions beyond the field of poetic composition and
bonae litterae to the area of political philosophy in general and to the
Protestant resistance literature of the second half of the sixteenth cen-
tury in particular.221 Along with Hotmans Francogallia, Duplessis-
Mornays Vindiciae contra tyrannos, and Daneaus Ad Petri Carpenterii
Petri Fabri responsio, Bezas Du droit des magistrats represents a sig-
nificant contribution to Huguenot theories of resistance, providing a
comprehensive defense of the function of lesser magistrates in resisting
tyranny.222 In 1573 the Genevan town Council rejected Bezas proposal
to publish the Latin version of his work, entitled De iure magistratuum
in subditos, fearing that it might incite rebellion in France and bring
unwanted blame upon the city.223 Indeed, Bezas radical theory of politi-
cal resistance was perceived by the French ambassador Jean de Bellivre,
217
Rait, Theodore Beza 15191605, 101; Johannes A. Gaertner, Latin Verse
Translations of the Psalms 15001620, Harvard Theological Review, 49 (Oct., 1956),
275. Bezas translation appeared with Buchanans entire translation in 1581 and 1593.
218
Linder, Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 179.
219
Baird, Theodore Beza: The Counsellor of the French Reformation 15191605, 341.
220
Davis, Peletier and Beza Part Company, 204; Summers, Theodore Bezas Classi
cal Library and Christian Humanism, 200, 204; Rait, Theodore Beza 15191605, 91.
221
On Bezas political theory see A. A. van Schelven, Bezas De Iure Magistratuum in
Subditos, ARG, 45 (1954), 6283; Robert M. Kingdon, The First Expression of Theodore
Bezas Political Ideas, ARG, 46 (1955), 8899; Introduction in Du droit des magistrats
(Geneva, 1970). The full French title of Bezas work is: Du droit des magistrats sur leurs
subiets traitt tres necessaire en ce temps, pour advertir de leur devoir, tant les magistrats
que les subiets: publi par ceux de Magdebourg lan MDL: et maintenant revue et augment
de plus ieurs raisons et exemples. Psal. 2 / erudimini qui iudicatis terram.
222
Manetsch, Theodore Beza and the Quest for Peace in France, 15721598, 68.
223
van Schelven, Bezas De Iure Magistratuum in Subditos, 62; Manetsch, Theodore
Beza and the Quest for Peace in France, 15721598, 67.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 143
who remarked that among the Huguenot political treatises it was by far
the most destructive book written.224 Of course, Beza had twenty years
earlier first articulated his political ideas in his 1554 De haereticis a civili
magistratu puniendis in which he drew upon sources from classical
antiquity in support of his views and articulated in embryonic form his
theory of resistance by the lesser magistrates.225 His 1574 Du droit des
magistrats built off Hotmans Francogallia and made overt application to
Frances contemporary political situation, implicitly urging the
Huguenots to resist the Valois king. With Hotman he stressed the right
and responsibility of the Estates General in resisting tyranny but went
beyond, arguing that the lesser magistrates also shared this right and
responsibility, especially in defense of true religion.226 While we cannot
say for certain that Melville read De haereticis and Du droit des magis-
trats, his five years of study under Beza and the political milieu of the
Academy make it highly probable that he had in fact read Bezas works
and was well acquainted with his political philosophy.227
As professor of theology at the Academy from 1558 until 1599, Beza
exercised an extraordinary influence upon his auditors and Melville was
no exception.228 For five years Melville observed how the humanist
employed his philological and literary skills in the interpretation of
Scripture and in his approach to theology. Although Beza himself
regarded Aristotle as the sharpest of all the philosophers and made his
writings an essential part of the curriculum of the Academy, he should
not be viewed as the originator of neo-Scholasticism within the Reformed
tradition.229 Rather, in Bezas writings and approach to education we find
the confluence of both humanist and scholastic techniques without
Manetsch, Theodore Beza and the Quest for Peace in France, 15721598, 69.
224
Kingdon, The First Expression of Theodore Bezas Political Ideas, 88, 90, 9293,
225
9899.
226
Manetsch, Theodore Beza and the Quest for Peace in France, 15721598, 6669.
227
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 49.
228
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve, 638; Rait, Theodore Beza
15191605, 92.
229
Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 198, 200.
On Beza and scholasticism see Robert Letham, Theodore Beza: A Reassessment,
Scottish Journal of Theology, 40 (1987), 2540; Marvin W. Anderson, Theodore Beza:
Savant or Scholastic? Theologische Zeitschrift, 43:4 (1987), 320332; Jeffrey Mallinson,
Faith, Reason, and Revelation in Theodore Beza 15191605 (Oxford, 2003), 4880;Richard
Muller, Calvin and the Calvinists: Assessing Continuities and Discontinuities between
the Reformation and Orthodoxy, Calvin Theological Journal, 30 (1995), 347375; Christ
and the Decree. Christology and Predestination in Reformed Theology from Calvin to
Perkins (Grand Rapids, MI, 1986).
144 chapter four
230
Euan Cameron, The Impact of Humanist Values, Historical Journal, 36:4
(1993),957.
231
Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 198,201.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 145
232
Andrew Melville, Viri clarissimi A. Melvini musae et P. Adamsoni vita et palindoia
[sic] et celsae commissionis ceu delegatae potestatis regiae in causis ecclesiasticis brevis &
aperta descriptio (1620), 24.
233
James Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Cambridge,
2000), 58.
234
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 86. The full title is: Carmen Mosis, Ex Deuteron.
Cap. XXXII. quod ipse moriens Israli tradidit ediscendum & cantandum perpetu, latina
paraphrasi illustratum. Cui addita sunt nonnulla Epigrammata, & Iobi Cap. III. latino
carmine redditum. Andrea Melvino Scoto Avctore. Basile M.D. LXXIIII.
235
Andrew Melville, Viri Clarissimi A. Melvini Musae et P. Adamsoni Vita et Palindoia
(1620).
146 chapter four
Melvilles Departure
236
Durkan, Henry Scrimgeour, Renaissance Bookman, 20.
237
Melville, JMAD, 30, 42; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 5253; James Maitland
Anderson (ed.), Early Records of the University of St Andrews (Edinburgh, 1926), 262;
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 271.
238
Letter of Thodore de Bze and Jean Pinault to Andrew Melville 12 April 1574,
Bibliothque de Genve, Ms. Fr. 408, f. 3031; Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the
University of Geneva, 15691574, 288289; Fatio and Labarthe (eds.), Registres de la
Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genve, III, 133134, 295.
switzerland: geneva (15691574) 147
The Academy of Geneva did not issue licenses or degrees upon the
successful completion of a course of study. Rather the Ordre of the
Genevan Academy stated that students who had successfully sustained
a demanding oral examination were awarded a testimonium vitae et
doctrinae in either the grade of mediocre or honourable. In May
1572 a certain Thomas van Til received a testimonium from the Academy
while in 1574 Antoine de La Faye was issued one as he departed to
pursue his study of medicine in Italy.239 Melvilles testimonium was
issuedwiththe grade of honourable as Beza wrote to the Church of
Scotland extolling his erudition, piety, and assiduity in serving the schola
privata and commending him to her as the strongest proof of their
affection.240
Melvilles decision to leave Geneva and his humanistic coterie was
not an easy one nor was it made without some degree of regret.241
During his five years in Geneva, he had grown accustomed to life
thereand had formed a number of relationships with his fellow human-
ists, which he was not eager to see come to an end. Several years after
his departure in 1580 on the occasion of the death of his Genevan
friendand fellow Scot John Lyndsay, Melville composed a poem enti-
tledEpitaphium Jacobi Lindesii in which he expressed his affection for
many of those scholars with whom he had labored for so many years and
under whom he had studied. Praising Beza, Daneau, Bertram, Portus,
Jean de Serres or Serranus, Antoine de la Faye, Charles Perrot, Simon
Goulart, Pinauld, Henri Estienne, and William Keith, Melville reflected
nostalgically with deep affection upon those who had become such a
part of his life while he was in Geneva and expressed his admiration for
those who had made Geneva what it was to the Protestant world of the
sixteenth century.242
239
Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 47. On Thomas van Til see Fatio and Labarthe
(eds.), Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genve, III, 3637, 4142, 4950, 52, 54,
7374, 279.
240
Borgeaud, Cartwright and Melville at the University of Geneva, 15691574,
288289; Lewis, The Geneva Academy, 47.
241
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 5354.
242
Melville, Epitaphium Jacobi Lindesii, qui obit Geneva, 17 Cal. Iul. 1580 in Johnston,
Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum, 123. Melville wrote: Iam Genevam, Genevam ver pietatis
alumnam, / Florentem studiis clestibus omine magno / Victor ovans subis: ac voti jam
parte potitus / Iam Bez dulci alloquio Suadque medulla, / Et succo ambrosi clesti,&
nectaris imbre / Perfusus; jam Dani immortalia dicta, / Cornelique Palstinas, Portique
sorores / Grajugenas: jam Serrana cum lampade Faii / Phbas artes geminas, clarumque
Perotti / Sidus, Gulardique jubar, lumenque Pinaldi, / Et Stephani Musas varias ope-
rumque labores, / Necnon ingentis Calvini ingentia fata, / Et magnum atq;memor Keithi
magni, atq; sagacis / Glaspi desiderium, sanctique Colessi / Edoctus
148 chapter four
Conclusion
While James Melville remarked that his uncles chief studie was
Divinitie during his five years in Geneva, a careful study of the histori-
cal situation, Melvilles relationships, and documents of the period reveal
that he not only continued his humanistic course of study but extended
his vast network of relationships with a number of the leading figures of
the northern European Renaissance. Far from setting aside his devotion
to the studia humanitatis, he labored for five years as an instructor in the
schola privata of the Genevan Academy, teaching the language and lit-
erature of ancient Greece and Rome. Taking advantage of his strategic
position, he continued his study of the new jurisprudence by attending
the lectures of one of the leading legal scholars of the sixteenth century,
Franois Hotman and probably the legal lectures of Hughes Doneau and
Ennemond de Bonnefoy. Always interested in expanding his network of
humanist associates, he cultivated friendships with his extended relative
Henry Scrimgeour, Paul Melissus, and Henri Estienne. Under Joseph
Scaliger, he honed the critical methods which he presumably learned
under Adrian Turnbe in Paris, applying them in the task of recognizing
textual corruptions and correcting them.
We have also observed the strong likelihood that Melville attended
the theological lectures of Lambert Daneau and Thomas Cartwright and
had read the writings of the English divine Walter Travers. The intellec-
tual kinship he experienced with these Reformed divines, while grounded
in a common theology, was, nevertheless, strengthened by their advo-
cacy of humanist values. Without question the single most influential
figure in Melvilles life during this period was Theodore Beza whose lec-
tures he attended daily and whose preaching he regularly sat under.
Finding in Beza a model of the integration of both humanist and scho-
lastic techniques, Melville had exemplified before him a different
approach to the use of Aristotle than what he had seen under Ramus.
Bezas love of philology and Latin poetry resonated deeply with Melville,
and it is quite likely that his satirical poems functioned as further poetic
models for the young humanist. Indeed, it is no coincidence that during
his stay in Geneva he composed a number of Latin poems which, while
exhibiting the influence in both style and content of George Buchanan,243
may also resemble in its crass depiction certain of Bezas anti-Catholic
244
Melville, JMAD, 44.
245
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 43.
246
Isaac Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni Epistol (Rotterdam, 1709), 129.
247
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 34.
Chapter five
SCOTLAND: GLASGOW
(15741580)
1
Olivier Fatio and Olivier Labarthe (eds.), Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de
Genve tome III 15651574 (Genve, 1969), 133134, 295.
2
Steven John Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland: Andrew Melville and
the University of St Andrews, 15601606 (PhD Thesis, St Andrews, 2008), 35.
3
Letter of Thodore de Bze and Jean Pinault to Andrew Melville 12 April 1574,
Bibliothque de Genve, Ms. Fr. 408, f. 3031; James Melville, The Autobiography and
Diary of Mr. James Melvill ed. Robert Pitcairn (Edinburgh, 1842), 4243; P. Mellon,
LAcadmie de Sedan centre dinfluence franaise a propos dun manuscrit du xvii sicle
(Paris, 1913), 258259.
152 chapter five
and enjoyed the company of their fellow Scots, especially Lord Ogilvy.4
Leaving Paris on 30 May, they traveled northwest to Dieppe, sailed on to
Rye in East Sussex, and progressed to London where they remained a
short while. Once they purchased horses, the Scots traveled north to
Berwick and then on to Edinburgh where they arrived at the beginning
of July.5
Shortly after Melville was situated in Edinburgh, he was approached
in an official capacity by George Buchanan, Alexander Hay, and James
Halyburton on behalf of the Regent Morton, James Douglas, with an
offer as a domestic instructor. Declining this prestigious, albeit politi-
cally motivated, offer of employment in favor of a future academic post,
Melville requested time to spend with his friends and retired to the
family estate at Baldovy where he resided for three months with his
brother Richard and his family. During these months he had the oppor-
tunity to reestablish and cultivate what became the single most impor-
tant humanist relationship of his life, his friendship with his nephew
James Melville.6
Born the third son of Richard Melville and Isobel Scrimgeour on
25 July 1556 at Baldovy, James was educated first at the Logie Grammar
School near Montrose where he studied for five years under one William
Gray, master of the school and minister in that town. Following his time
of study at Logie, he was sent to the Montrose Grammar School where
he studied for two years under one Andrew Miln.7 Receiving at both
schools a classically oriented and religiously based education, James
proceeded in 1570 to St Leonards College, St Andrews where he
commenced his university studies under the regent William Collace.8
4
Melville, JMAD, 4344.
5
Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville Vol. I (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London,
1824), 56; Melville, JMAD, 44. On the day that Melville left Paris, Charles IX died of
tuberculosis. When Melville arrived in London, he composed an epigram in light of the
event, indicating that he had not forgotten the horrific events surrounding the
St Bartholomews Day massacres. Melville seemed to delight himself in the irony of
Charless death when he crassly depicted the French monarchs blood bursting from
several orifices. He wrote: Naribus, ore, oculis atque auribus undique et ano, / Et pene
erumpit qui tibi, Carle, eruor, / Non tuus iste eruor: Sanctorum at cede cruorem, / Quem
ferus hausisti, concoquere haud poteras!
6
Melville, JMAD, 4547; J. D. Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951 (Glasgow,
1954), 64. Mackie suggests that this offer of employment may have arisen from Buchanans
own personal influence.
7
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 59; Melville, JMAD, 1617, 2022.
8
James Maitland Anderson, (ed.), Early Records of the University of St. Andrews
(Edinburgh, 1926), 158, 168, 267, 279; Melville, JMAD, 24; McCrie, Life of Andrew
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 153
14
Melville, JMAD, 2529, 31. On William Collace see Anderson, Early Records of the
University of St. Andrews, 267. On the study of Cassanders rhetoric see Joseph S.
Freedman, Cicero in Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-Century Rhetoric Instruction,
Rhetorica, 4 (Sum., 1986), 227254.
15
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 168; John Durkan and
James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow, 1977), 275; Melville, JMAD,
28. James Kirk maintains that he was graduated in 1574 but the official records of the
University, which are incomplete, are unable to confirm this.
16
Melville, JMAD, 3637, 46. James added: bot I perceavit at annes that I was bot an
ignorant bable, and wist nocht what I said, nather could schaw anie use thairof, bot in
clattering and crying.
17
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 275. Kirk refers to Melvilles
use of Bodin as something of a novelty.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 155
18
On the use of Clenards Greek grammar in the sixteenth century see Foster Watson,
The English Grammar Schools to 1660: Their Curriculum and Practice (Cambridge, 1908),
487, 513514.
19
Melville, JMAD, 4647. James Melville does not specify whether they read together
Commentariorum libri VII de bello gallico or Commentariorum libri III de bello civili.
Perhaps they read or consulted both works in their study of Caesars writings.
20
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 63. A vivid illustration of how Melvilles scholarly
reputation preceded him may be seen in the decision of the 1574 General Assembly to
include him, prior to having been formally introduced to him, in the committee com-
missioned to evaluate Patrick Adamsons history of Job in Latin verse. Along with
Melville, George Buchanan, Peter Young, and James Lawson were to execute this
assignment.
21
Arthur Johnston (ed.), Deliti Ptarum Scotorum (Amsterdam, 1637), 8490;
P. Mellon, LAcadmie de SedancCentre dInfluence franaise a propos dun manuscrit du
xvii sicle (Paris, 1913), 155163; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 86. Thomas McCrie
provided the following bibliographical information from a copy of this work belonging
156 chapter five
Although James Melville wrote as though this work had been first pub-
lished in 1578, the first edition was actually printed at Basel in 1574.22
McCrie hailed the Latin paraphrase as unquestionably the finest poem
in the collection, or perhaps of any that Melville wrote, and maintained
that it was worthy of the scholar of Buchanan, and deserves a place
among the productions of those modern writers who have attained great
excellence in Latin poetry.23 Thomson, somewhat more critical in his
assessment of Melvilles poetry, praised the opening of the Carmen Mosis
as magnificent and observed that Melville combined in himself the
high purpose of the older Humanists and the verbal virtuosity of the
expanding Renaissance.24
Written in response to the 1572 St Bartholomews Day massacres and
in honor of its victims, the Carmen Mosis, Job 3, and several shorter
poems were, according to James Melville, well received among Protes
tants, leaving Melvilles literary audience in hope of graitter warks.25
Recent study of the Carmen Mosis and other poems published with it in
1574 has noted the decidedly Protestant political agenda of Melvilles
poetry and has identified it as belonging to a larger body of Calvinist
literature written in response to the events surrounding August 1572.26
to David Laing: Carmen Mosis, ex Deuteron, cap.xxxii. quod ipse moriens Israli tradidit
ediscendum & cantandum perpetu, latina paraphrasi illustratum. cui addita sunt non
nulla epigrammata, & Iobi cap. iii. latino carmine redditum. Andrea Melvino Scoto avc
tore. Basile M.D. LXXIIII.
22
Melville, JMAD, 63. James Melville writes: That yeir my uncle dedicat to the
King his Carmen Mosis, with certean Epigrames, and a chapter of Job in vers For a
discussion of the date of this work see Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan Centre dInfluence
Franaise, 155. I have been unable to locate the 1574 edition that McCrie cites. James
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Cambridge, 2000), 59.
Doelman identifies the year of publication as 1573 but cites no bibliographical proof
in support of it.
23
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 8688; II, 331. McCrie quotes Zouch in Waltons
Lives lauding the Carmen Mosis as truly excellentexquisitely beautiful. McCrie pro-
vides little by way of rational argument or literary analysis to justify his assessment of the
Carmen Mosis, nor does he distinguish it from other poems written by Melville, such as
the , Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia, Gathelus and Anti-Tami-Cami-
Categoria.
24
D. F. S. Thomson, The Latin Epigram in Scotland: The Sixteenth Century, Phoenix,
11 (Sum., 1957), 70. While observing that Melvilles poetry was vigorous, Thomson,
nevertheless, remarks that it was full of faults, maintaining that it was uneven, often
devoid of literary taste, and much interlarded, in the fashion of the time, with Greek.
Cf. also Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan, 155.
25
Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan Centre dInfluence Franaise, 155, 163, 166; Melville,
JMAD, 63; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 51, 89.
26
Steven John Reid, Early Polemic by Andrew Melville: The Carmen Mosis (1574)
and the St Bartholomews Day Massacres, Renaissance and Reformation, 30.4 (Fall
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 157
2006/2007), 6381. Cf. Robert M. Kingdon, Myths about the St Bartholomews Day
Massacres 15721576 (Cambridge, MA and London, 1988).
27
Johnston, Deliti Ptarum Scotorum, 108109, 112. These poems include: Ad
Novissimos Galliae Martyres, Pax Gallica, Ad Carolum, Tyrannum Galliarum, Vipera
Thusca, Cum Catulis, Classicum, and Tyrannus.
28
Reid, Early Polemic by Andrew Melville, 73. Cf. Epicedia Illustri Heroi Caspari
Colignio, Colignii Comiti, Castilionis Domino, Magno Galliarum Thallasiatchae Variis
Linguis A Doctis Piisque Poetis Decantata (Geneva, 1573), GLN2464; Paul Chaix et al.,
Les Livres Imprims Geneve de 1550 1600 (Geneva, 1966), 78.
29
Melville, JMAD, 4748; William Keith Leask (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis Vol.
III (Aberdeen, 1910), 129. John Johnston wrote of the earnest desire of Glasgow to obtain
the services of Andrew Melville and Thomas Smeaton in his poem, entitled Andreas
Haivs.
30
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 66; Robert Wodrow, Collections upon the Lives of
the Reformers and Most Eminent Ministers of the Church of Scotland Vol. I (Glasgow,
1834), 208; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 272. Indeed the
1573 re-foundation stated that the teaching at the University had almost gone to ruin
because of a lack of finances to support it. Cf. Mackie, The University of Glasgow 1451
1951, 6064.
158 chapter five
31
Melville, JMAD, 48; Brown, Vernacular Writings of George Buchanan, 23. On
Buchanans Rerum Scoticarum historia see I. D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London, 1981),
416440; P. Hume Brown, George Buchanan: Humanist and Reformer (Edinburgh, 1890),
293328; Roger A. Mason, Scotching the Brut: Politics, History and National Myth in
Sixteenth-Century Britain in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England 12861815
(Edinburgh, 1987), 6084; Rex Stoicus: George Buchanan, James VI and the Scottish
Polity in John Dwyer, Roger A. Mason, and Alexander Murdoch (eds.), New Perspectives
on the Politics and Culture of Early Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982), 933; J.H. Burns,
The True Law of Kinship: Concepts of Monarch in Early Modern Scotland (Oxford, 1996),
185221. On Buchanans proposed university reforms see Brown, Vernacular Writings of
George Buchanan, 617; Ronald Gordon Cant, The University of St Andrews: A Short
History (St Andrews, 1992), 5457.
32
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 59, 63.
33
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 65; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow
14511577, 250.
34
Cosmo Innes (ed.), Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis, Vol. I, (Glasgow,
1854), 8384; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 249.
35
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 59, 63; Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 250. In addition to offering counsel to Melville
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 159
r egarding the best way to restore the University, Buchanan also, following the 1577 nova
erectio, gifted a number of volumes from his own personal library to support the
reform.
36
Melville, JMAD, 48. On Peter Blackburn see Robert Lippe (ed.), Selections from
Wodrows Biographical Collections: Divines of the North-East of Scotland (Aberdeen,
1890), 6679.
37
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 167, 276.
38
Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 203209.
39
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 253; Melville, JMAD,
48, 67.
40
Melville, JMAD, 49.
41
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 65; Melville, JMAD, 49.
42
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 280281.
160 chapter five
43
Melville, JMAD, 49; Alexander Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh
During its First Three Hundred Years Vol. I (London, 1884), 82. James Melville also men-
tions Philip Melanchthon as an author his uncle used in the instruction of history. He
may have had in view the revised version of the Chronica of Johannes Carion which
Melanchthon and Caspar Peuser jointly published in Wittenberg in 1573.
44
Brown, Vernacular Writings of George Buchanan, 5. Hume Brown failed to appreci-
ate sufficiently the profound influence French humanism had on the thought, writings,
and university reforms of Melville. Writing of Melvilles preposterous plan, he dispar-
agingly remarked that this theological course sketched by Melville would have been but
the continuation of those arid methods and inane discussions of the schoolmen.
45
F. E. Hutchinson (ed.), The Works of George Herbert (Oxford, 1978), 391, 588; Mark
McCloskey and Paul R. Murphy (trans.), The Latin Poetry of George Herbert: A Bilingual
Edition (Athens, OH, 1965), 2427.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 161
umanists for its combination of ancient texts and geography and trans-
h
lated into Latin verse, the Orbis terrae descriptio, also known by the title
De situ habitabilis orbis, of Dionysius Periegetes as well as the Phaenomena
of Aratus and the De cosmographiae rudimentis of Johann Honter was
used by Melville.46 Lecturing on Aristotles Physica, De virtutibus, De
clo, De ortu et interitu, and Ethics, as well as Platos Dialogues, Euclids
Elementa geometrica, and Ciceros De officiis, Tusculanae disputationes,
and paradoxes, he modeled for his students a sympathetic, yet critical,
use of ancient sources based upon a careful reading of the text in its
original language.47
Along with Latin and Greek, Melville taught his students Hebrew,
Aramaic, and Syriac and lectured on the loci communes of theology, as
well as throw all the Auld and New Testament.48 By lecturing twice
everyday, including his public instruction on Sundays, he dramatically
altered the intellectual trajectory of the University of Glasgow and may
be credited with its academic resurgence and intellectual distinction
during this period.49 Within the span of two years James Melville main-
tained that the University of Glasgow was noble throwout all the land,
and in uther contreys also. Students came in such large numbers to
study with Melville that his nephew reports, the Collage was sa fre-
quent as the roumes war nocht able to receave tham. While James
remark that ther was na place in Europe comparable to Glasgw for guid
letters, during these years should not be accepted at face value, the dra-
matic reversal of fortune experienced by the University may be attrib-
uted to the indefatigable zeal and discipline Melville exhibited over the
span of six years and his strategic decision to train a small core of schol-
ars who themselves could assume responsibility for different areas of the
curriculum.50
Melvilles growing fame, which reportedly spread throughout Europe
attracting students from various quarters of the continent, may be
46
The edition in view here may have been: Dionysius Periegetes, Dionysius Lybicus de
situ habitabilis orbis, trans. Simon Leminus (Venice, 1543). Melville may also have used
the following editions of Aratus and Honter: . Ciceronis in
Arati Phnomena interpretatio (Paris, 1540); Johannes Honterus, De Cosmographiae
Rudimentis, & Omnium Properum Nomenclatura, Libri IIII (Basel, 1561).
47
Melville, JMAD, 49.
48
Ibid.
49
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 65; Durkan and Kirk, The University
of Glasgow 14511577, 276. James Kirk maintained that Melville effected something
akin to a major educational revolution at Glasgow.
50
Melville, JMAD, 4950.
162 chapter five
51
David Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641: From Protestant Reformation
to Covenanting Revolution (Aberdeen, 1990), 29.
52
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 276.
53
Melville, JMAD, 49.
54
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 276, 155165. On John
Mair see John Durkan, John Major: After 400 Years, Innes Review, 1 (Dec., 1950), 131
139; Introduction in Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Sanctiandree 14131588
(Edinburgh, 1964), llvi; J. H. Burns, The True Law of Kingship: Concepts of Monarch in
Early Modern Scotland (Oxford, 1996), 5492.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 163
Melville, JMAD, 50, 6667. Although James Melville admits that occasionally his
55
uncle being sure of a truethe in reasoning, he wald be extream hat, and suffer na man
to bear away the contrar, he also observed that when he was personally attacked by
Peter Blackburn in their debates over Aristotles writings the argument seassed, for the
Principall never spak a word mair.
56
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 71.
164 chapter five
57
Melville, JMAD, 84; Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 70; Durkan and
Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 292, 303, 311, 375; James K. Cameron,Andrew
Melville in St Andrews in D.W.D. Shaw (ed.), In Divers Manners A St Marys Miscellany
(St Andrews, 1990), 65. With Melville as principal of the University and James serving as
the second regent, Patrick Melvilles appointment as a regent has led James Kirk to refer
to the creation of something of a Melvillian dynasty at Glasgow.
58
Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh, 137.
59
D.B. Horn, A Short History of the University of Edinburgh 15561889 (Edinburgh,
1967), 6.
60
Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh I, 137, 145; Henrico Charterisio,
Vitae et Obitus D. Roberti Rolloci, Scoti in Robert Rollock, Select Works of Robert Rollock
Vol. I, ed. William M. Gunn (Edinburgh, 1849), xliii. Charteris wrote: Habito examine,
plerique qui comperti sunt ad capessendum cursum philosophicum minus idonei, curae
Duncani Narnii, viri morum elegantia et doctrina singulari, ut eos exactius in literis
humanioribus in sequentem annum institueret, commissi sunt.
61
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 375376.
62
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 70.
63
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 71; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow
14511577, 381382.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 165
Michael Lynch, and Ian B. Cowan (eds.), The Renaissance in Scotland: Studies in
Literature, Religion and Culture (Leiden, 1994), 280; Durkan and Kirk, The University of
Glasgow 14511577, 281.
66
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 281.
67
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 66; Durkan and Kirk, The University
of Glasgow 14511577, 281.
68
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 281.
166 chapter five
orations and paradoxes. The following year James continued his work as
a regent and lectured on arithmetic, geometry, logic, and moral philoso-
phy as well as Ciceros De Officiis, Aristotles Organon and Ethica, and
Platos Phaedo and Axiochus.69 By 1577 Melville had trained enoughschol-
ars that he was able to delegate his academic responsibilities even fur-
ther, giving the task of teaching Latin and Greek language and literature
to Blaise Lawrie while James Melville lectured on logic, mathematics,
and moral philosophy. Peter Blackburn taught astronomy and physics
while Melville himself lectured on the biblical languages and theology.70
Of course, the addition of regents required additional revenue to sup-
port them, and for this the University resorted to the old expedient of
the appropriation of benefices. Notwithstanding the revolutionary
reforms embodied in the1577 nova erectio, it did nothing to reform this
method of financing the University but instead endorsed it.71
69
Melville, JMAD, 5354.
70
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 69.
71
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 286287.
72
Shaw, The General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland 15601600, 140141; John
Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow, 1977), 286287;
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 71, 92.
73
Acts and proceedings of the general assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland from the
M.D.LX. Part First M.D.LM.D.LXXVII ed. Thomas Thomson (Edinburgh, 1839), 310.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 167
Peter Young had been a student at the Genevan Academy from 1562 to 1568 and
74
may have studied under Corneille Bertram, who had been appointed professor ofHebrew
at the Academy in 1567. Alexander Young visited Geneva in 1572 and to his surprise
discovered Melville residing in the city pursuing his studies and teaching in the schola
privata of the Academy. It may have been through Alexanders report that Peter Young
learned of Melvilles study of Hebrew and its ancient near eastern cognates. Cf. Charles
Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve: LAcadmie de Calvin 15591798 (Genve,
1900), 102103. Paul F. Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959 (Genve, 1959),
31. An example of Melvilles correspondence with Young during these years may be seen
in the following letter. Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, 14 April 1572, Bodleian,
Smith MS. 77, 27.
75
Robert Lippe (ed.), Selections from Woodrows Biographical Collections Divines of
the North-East of Scotland (Aberdeen, 1890), 194.
76
BUK, II, 43435.
77
Ibid., xviii.
78
Duncan Shaw, The General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland 15601600
(Edinburgh, 1964), 139.
168 chapter five
79
BUK, I, 381 392; II, 413, 418, 427, 449, 463.
80
The Second Book of Discipline, ed. James Kirk (Edinburgh, 1980), 4546.
81
David Calderwood, The History of the Kirk of Scotland Vol. III ed. Thomas Thomson
(Edinburgh, 1843), 388.
82
Ibid., 399, 401.
83
Ibid., 40203.
84
Alan R. MacDonald, Best of Enemies: Andrew Melville and Patrick Adamson, c.,
15741592 in Julian Goodare and Alasdair A. MacDonald (eds.), Sixteenth-Century
Scotland Essays in Honour of Michael Lynch (Leiden and Boston, 2008), 26364; Mackie,
The University of Glasgow 14511951, 66.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 169
his service did not distinguish him in this capacity. Nevertheless, the
mid to late 1570s were a period of intense ecclesiastical activity for
Melville and his service as an ecclesiastical statesman, moderator, asses-
sor to the moderator, and commissioner of the general assembly was
only to increase in the following decades.
As early as 1575 Melville had begun to indicate that his reforming ambi-
tions went far beyond the confines of Glasgow to include the reform of
Scotlands other medieval universities at St Andrews and Old Aberdeen.88
Following the 1575 general assembly he traveled to Angus with his
nephew and Alexander Arbuthnot, principal of Kings College, Old
Aberdeen.89 Arbuthnot had matriculated at St Marys College in 1552
where he studied and was graduated in 1554 and 1555.90 Following his
graduation he taught at St Andrews, being licensed to teach in 1556, and
served as an examiner in the faculty of arts in 1556 and 1558.91 In 1561
he traveled to the continent to further his education where he studied
civil law at the University of Bourges for five years under Jacques Cujas.92
Widely recognized as one of the most learned men of his age in Scotland
and highly regarded by his peers, upon his return to Scotland he was
appointed principal of Kings College in 1569 and upon James Lawsons
departure from the University in 1572 served as minister at St Machars
Cathedral in Old Aberdeen.93 Archbishop John Spottiswoode described
him as a polymath who was in all sciences expert; a good poet, mathe-
matician, philosopher, theologue, lawyer, and in medicine skilful, so as
88
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 29.
89
Melville, JMAD, 53. On Arbuthnot see Lippe, Selections from Woodrows Biographical
Collections Divines of the North-East of Scotland, 179192.
90
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 152153, 256.
91
Annie I. Dunlop, Introduction in Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis Sanctiandree
14131588 Vol. I, (Edinburgh, 1964), Lxxiv; James Kirk, Arbuthnot, Alexander (1538
1583), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 2 (Oxford, 2004), 318319.
92
Lippe, Selections from Woodrows Biographical Collections, 180.
93
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 26; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville
II, 375. McCrie mistakenly identifies 1568 rather than 1569 as the year Arbuthnot was
made Principal. Cf. P.J. Anderson, Officers and Graduates of University & Kings
CollegeAberdeen 14951860 (Aberdeen, 1893), 25; John Malcolm Bulloch, The University
of Aberdeen 14951895 (London, 1895), 79; Robert Sangster Rait, The Universities of
Aberdeen A History (Aberdeen, 1895), 101.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 171
94
John Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland Vol. II (Edinburgh, 1850),
319. Spottiswoode wrote of Arbuthnot: by his diligent teaching and dextrous
government, he not only revived the study of good letters, but gained many from the
superstitions whereunto they were given. He was greatly loved of all men, hated of none,
and in such account for his moderation with the chief men of these parts, that without
his advice they could almost do nothing.
95
Melville, JMAD, 53.
96
Andrew Melville, Epitaphium Alexandri Arbuthneti in Arthur Johnston (ed.),
Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum (Amsterdam, 1637), 120121. Melville wrote: Flere mihi si
fas privata incommoda, si fas / Publica, nec tua mi commoda flere nefas: / Flerem ego te,
mihi te ereptum, pater Arbuthnete, / Et pater, & patri lux oculusque tu. / Flerem ego
te superis carum caput Arbuthnete, / Et caput, & sacri corque animusque chori (eheu! /
Flerem ego sienti floret aut pudor, aut modus, / Flerem egote, te ehu! Flerem ego per-
petuo? / Delici humani generis: dulcissime rerum: / Quem Mus & Charites blando
aluere sinu. / Cujus in ore lepos; sapiens in pectore virtus: / Et Suad & Sophi vis bene
juncta simul. / Cui pietas, cui prisca fides, constantia, candor, / Et pudor, & probitas non
habuere parem. / Sacras & Themidis, medicas & ponis artes, / Et potis immensi pan-
dere jura poli. / Vis animi, vis ingenii, vis vivida mentis / Et terram, & pontum, & sidera
perdomuit. / Talis erat hic vum agitans: nunc there summo / Celsior, & summo non
procul inde Deo. / Perfrueris vera in patria cloque Deoque / Flix: hc tua me com-
moda flere nefas.
97
I.D. McFarlane, Buchanan, (London, 1981), 475.
98
Melville, JMAD, 53.
99
A. F. Scott Pearson, Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism (Cambridge,
1925), 142.
172 chapter five
acquired all of the linguistic tools Melville had obtained nor the formal
theological training, Arbuthnot has been described as Melvilles earnest
disciple, apt pupil, and intimate friend whose views were closely
united to Melvilles own.100 Seven years his junior, Melville admired
Arbuthnots extensive knowledge of jurisprudence, his skill as a poet, his
wit and ingenuity, and his vigorous strength of mind, as well as his piety,
faith, constancy, kindness, modesty, and integrity. From the epitaph
Melville wrote in honor of his beloved friend and colleague where he
referred to him as pater Arbuthnete, it appears that he may have had as
much an impact upon Melville as Melville had on him.101 Certainly the
close similarities between Glasgows 1577 nova erectio and Aberdeens
1583 intended nova fundatio confirm James Melvilles remark that
Melville and Arbuthnot were agreed in their basic views on university
reform.102 Both men had studied at St Marys College and had traveled to
France where they studied civil law at the leading centers of jurispru-
dence. Both were the direct beneficiaries of the French Renaissance,
studying in France during the 1560s, the apex of the movements intel-
lectual and cultural achievement.103 Both shared a common vision for
reform of Scotlands medieval universities.
However, despite their common influences, shared humanist values,
and basic educational agreement, it is, nevertheless, difficult to deter-
mine exactly who influenced whom, even as it is difficult to assess the
extent to which Arbuthnot embraced Ramism. While there is some
evidence to support the view that Ramism was present in Old Aberdeen
at Kings College, the absence of confirmation from official university
records to support this claim makes it impossible to affirm with
100
Bulloch, The University of Aberdeen 14951895, 77, 79; Rait, The Universities of
Aberdeen A History, 101; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 138. Cf. National Library of
Scotland, Wodrow MSS, folio vol., xlii, f.11r. J. Marshall Lang describes Arbuthnot as
a stauch friend and ally of Andrew Melville. Cf. J. Marshall Lang, Hector Boece and
the Principals in P.J. Anderson (ed.), Studies in the History and Development of the
University of Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1906), 35.
101
Melville, Epitaphium Alexandri Arbuthneti, 121.
102
For the text and translation of the nova fundatio of Kings College, Aberdeen see
Anderson, Officers and Graduates of University & Kings College Aberdeen 14951860,
335347; Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 149166. For the text and
translation of the University of Glasgows nova erectio see Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 430448.
103
Peter Sharratt, Peter Ramus and the Reform of the University: the Divorce of
Philosophy and Eloquence? in Peter Sharratt (ed.), French Renaissance Studies 154070
Humanism and the Encyclopedia (Edinburgh, 1976), 4; McFarlane, Buchanan, 10.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 173
The Foedus Operum: Some Factors Accounting for its Development, Sixteenth Century
Journal, 14: 4 (1983), 465.
105
James Kerr Cameron, Introduction in James Kerr Cameron (ed.), Letters of John
Johnston and Robert Howie (Edinburgh and London, 1963), xvixvii.
106
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 289.
107
Anderson, Officers and Graduates of University & Kings College Aberdeen 1495
1860, 2525; Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 44.
108
Cameron, Introduction, xxiv, xxix. Cameron maintains that Johnston was a fol-
lower of the Ramists and an ardent opponent of the Aristotelians who had heard Ramus
and the Aristotelians discussed during his time at the Universities of Rostock and
Helmstdt.
109
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 45.
110
Ibid., 26, 28; Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 285, 289;
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 267; Anderson, Officers and
174 chapter five
Graduates of University & Kings College Aberdeen 14951860, 39, 52; W.T. Orem, A
Description of the Chanonry, Cathedral and Kings College of Old Aberdeen, 172425
(London, 1782), 136140. Stevenson maintains that a certain Thomas Ogston, who also
had been appointed in 1569, reportedly possessed a knowledge of Hebrew and presum-
ably could have taught it when Lawson left Aberdeen in 1572 to become minister of
Edinburgh. The official records of the University, however, do not list any individual by
that name as regent. Neither does Orem identify Thomas Ogston in his list of regents.
111
Lippe, Selections from Wodrows Biographical Collections Divines of the North-East
of Scotland, 194.
112
For an extensive look at Scotlands universities during the medieval period see
John Durkan, The Scottish Universities in the Middle Ages 14131560 (Edinburgh
PhD, Thesis, 1959).
113
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 154, 156, 259; James Kirk,
Adamson, Patrick (15371592), ODNB, Vol. 1 (Oxford, 2004), 288292.
114
James K. Cameron, Andrew Melville in St Andrews in D.W.D. Shaw (ed.),
In Divers Manners A St Marys Miscellany (St Andrews, 1990), 60; McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville II, 384.
115
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 384; McFarlane, Buchanan, 224.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 175
of the Book of Job, the very work Melville was assigned to evaluate upon
his return in 1574, along with Buchanan, Young, and Lawson.116
After declining the offer to become principal of St Leonards, Adamson
became minister at Paisley in 1572 and chose to reside in Glasgow close
to the University where he emerged as a man of notable ingyne, letters,
and eloquence and became a grait frind and companion of Melville.117
It is possible that Melville and Adamson first crossed paths while the
latter was teaching at St Marys after his graduation in 1558 or even while
he was ministering at Ceres in Fife. They may also have become further
acquainted in France, as they possessed a mutual humanist mentor in
George Buchanan and both spent time with him while he was in Paris
during the winter 15651566.118 However they first met, these human-
ists found in each other a mutual adherence to Protestantism and pos-
sibly Reformed theology as Adamsons visit to Geneva to meet Beza
during his time on the continent may suggest as well as a devotion to
the art of neo-Latin poetry.
Despite Adamsons unequivocal alignment in 1576 with the Episcopal
party in the Kirk when he became archbishop of St Andrews, his writ
tenattacks against his fellow humanist, and the reputation as Melvilles
bitterest opponent earned as a result of his intrigue, Melville visited
him in his poverty and sickness in 1592, supported his family from his
own private resources, and obtained further financial support for him
from his friends in St Andrews.119 While Melville tended to overshadow
him in both the University and Kirk, Adamson was, prior to his ecclesi-
astical appointment as archbishop, an elegant Latin poet who published
in 1564 De papistarum superstitiosis ineptiis and in 1566 Genethliacum.120
Not until 1618, well after Adamsons death, was his Poemata sacra pub-
lished in London during the same year as the famous Perth Assembly.121
Although Adamsons ecclesiastical alignment prevented a deepening of
his relationship with Melville, their friendship, which presumably existed
prior to their time in Glasgow, developed during the years 15741576
largely along humanist lines.122 They were undoubtedly drawn together
by their common educational experiences in Scotland and France stud-
ying civil law, their mutual friendship with Scotlands own poet laureate
Buchanan, and their shared humanistic sensibilities, values, and devo-
tion to the composition of Latin verse.
During these years in Glasgow, Melville also developed a close rela-
tionship with the humanist and Latinist Thomas Smeaton.123 Born in
Gask near Perth, Smeaton probably received his earliest formal educa-
tion at the Perth Grammar School where he was thoroughly trained in
the Latin language and its literature before proceeding to university.
In 1554 he matriculated at St Salvators College and was graduated in
1556.124 Following graduation, he taught as a regent in St Salvators in
1558 until the Reformation of 1560 at which time he traveled with
Provost William Cranston to the University of Paris.125 According to
Dempster, Smeaton taught Latin first at the University of Paris and sub-
sequently with great success, or magno ingenii applausu, at the Jesuit
Collge de Clermont.126 While in Paris he spent time with a number of
Protestant humanists among whom were Thomas Maitland, who had
been a classmate of Melvilles, having matriculated at St Marys in 1559
1560,127 Gilbert Moncrieff, and Andrew Melville.128 While he may have
served as a tutor to Maitland during their travels, Smeaton is reported to
121
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 151; Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 83.
122
Melville, JMAD, 5657. James Melville writes of Adamson accepting the archbish-
opric of St Andrews contrary to his previous statement to the General Assembly: And,
nevertheless, or the nixt Assemblie, he was seasit hard and fast on the bischoprik; wherby
all gossoprie ged upe betwin him and my uncle Mr Andro.
123
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 80.
124
Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland Vol. II (Edinburgh, 1850), 320;
H. M. B. Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654 (Glasgow,
1917), 83; Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 154, 259.
125
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 254; John Durkan,
Smeaton, Thomas (15361583), ODNB, Vol. 50 (Oxford, 2004), 985986.
126
Thomas Dempster, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum: Sive, De Scriptoribus
Scotis (Edinburgh, 1829), 586; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 379380; Reid, The
Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 97. Dempster writes: in
Claromontano ibidem collegio, magno ingenii applausu, easdem artes docuit ....
127
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St. Andrews, 267.
128
Melville, JMAD, 73.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 177
129
Dempster, Historia Ecclesiastica, 586; Spottiswoode, History of the Church of
Scotland II, 320; William S. McKechnie, Thomas Maitland, SHR, 4 (Apr., 1907), 293.
While Maitland was traveling through France on his way to Italy in 1571, he invited
Smeaton to join him.
130
Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland II, 320.
131
Melville, JMAD, 73; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 381382; Durkan and Kirk,
The University of Glasgow 14511577, 334335.
132
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 382; Spottiswoode, History of the Church of
Scotland II, 320. Spottiswoode is mistaken when he identifies the year of Smeatons
return as 1578.
133
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 79; Durkan and Kirk, The University
of Glasgow 14511577, 277; Durkan, Smeaton, Thomas (15361583), 985986. Durkan
identifies 1577 as the year Smeaton was appointed dean of the faculty of arts.
134
Melville, JMAD, 76.
178 chapter five
135
Ibid., 7576; Archibald Hamilton S.J., De confusione Calvinian sect apud Scotos
ecclesi nomen ridicule usurpantis dialogus (Paris, 1577).
136
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 7980; Reid, The Divinity Principals
in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 104; Thomas Smeaton, Ad virulentem Archibaldi
Hamiltonii apostatae dialogum, de confusione Calvinianae sectae apud Scotos, impie con
scriptum, orthodoxa responsio (Edinburgh, 1579).
137
Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland II, 320; Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 335; Archibald Hamilton S.J., Calvinianae confusionis
demonstratio, contra maledicam ministrorum Scotiae responsionem (Paris, 1581).
138
Andrew Melville, In Alexandrum Arbuthnetum & Thomam Smetonium, duo nos
tr gentis lumina, ad Septemtriones & Meridiem nuper extincta in Arthur Johnston (ed.),
Deliti Ptarum Scotorum (Amsterdam, 1637), 121; Reid, The Divinity Principals in the
University of Glasgow 15451654, 102; Dempster, Historia Ecclesiastica, 586. Dempster
mistakenly identifies the year of Smeatons death as 1578. Melville wrote: Vix heu, vix
raptum deflevimus Arbuthnetum, / Vix heu justa datis solvimus inferiis; /Et premit
altera mors, et funere funus acerbat:/ Et magno extincto lumine majus obit. /Ille quidem
Arctoa tenebras de nocte fugabat:/ Fulgebas medio Glasgua stella die. / Quod si luce sua
spoliata est noxque diesque / Nostra, eheu quantis obruimur tenebris! / Aut ergo ten-
ebris revoca lucem; aut homin lux / Christe redi; ut nobis stet sine nocte dies.
139
Melville, JMAD, 78; Thomas McCrie, Life of John Knox (Edinburgh, 1850), 339;
John Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland III (Edinburgh, 1850), 83. On John
Dury see Lippe, Selections from Wodrows Biographical Collections, 124164. When Dury
died in February 1600 Melville wrote Epitaphium D. Joan. Duraei, pastoris integerrimi et
fidissimi Celurcani, qui diem extremum clausit, Kal. Mart. 1600 in honor of his beloved
colleague and host.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 179
140
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 432, 441. The nova erectio
reads: Hinc est quod nos dum rem literariam passim per regnum in Dei gloriam pro-
movere studeremus animum etiam nostrum adiecerimus ad colligendas relliquias acad-
emie Glasguensis quam pre inopia languescentem ac iam pene confectam reperimus.
141
Innes, Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis I, 105106. The nova erectio
reads: Collegio nostro Glasguensi Totam et integram rectoriam de Govane cum vicaria
eiusdem jacentem in diocese Glasguensi et vicecomitatu nostro de Ranfrew vacantem
per decessum Magistri Stephani Betoun rectoris eiusdem non ita pridem vita functi cum
omnibus decimis emolumentis et fructibus gleba et mansionibus omnibusque aliis com-
modis que de iure aut consuetudine regni quomodolibet pertinere queant.
142
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 287288; Kirk, Melvillian
Reform in the Scottish Universities, 287, 430. On the new foundation at St Andrews see
Ronald Gordon Cant, The New Foundation of 1579 in Historical Perspective St Johns
House Papers, No. 2 (St Andrews, 1979); J. K. Cameron, The Refoundation of the
University in 1579, Alumnus Chronicle of the University of St Andrews, 71 (1980), 310.
On the new foundation at Kings College, Aberdeen see Stevenson, Kings College,
Aberdeen, 15601641, 160.
180 chapter five
Indeed, the philosopher Thomas Reid at the very end of the eighteenth
century once called the 1577 nova erectio the modern constitution of
the University of Glasgow.143 Neither the proposed reform of Scotlands
universities in 1560 by the First Book of Discipline, George Buchanans
specific proposal for the reform of the University of St Andrews in the
1560s, nor even Glasgows 1573 town charter came even close to achiev-
ing what the nova erectio of 1577 accomplished.144
Composed in what some have called the good Latin of the
Renaissance145 and what others have praised as excellent, if rather
florid, Latin,146 there can be little question that the author was none
other than Melville himself. While there are many reasons drawn purely
from the content of the document itself in support of Melvillian author-
ship, the humanistic language of the nova erectio tends to support this
view. In discussing one of the Universitys stated goals for its students,
the nova erectio declares its desire that students would become an orna-
ment to the commonwealth.147 In addition to honoring their parents
and training young men to be of service to the church, the distinctively
humanistic terminology an ornament to the commonwealth intimates
a distinctive set of values thoroughly consistent with the studia humani
tatis of the European Renaissance and a humanist scholar like Melville.148
Similarly, the classical reference to Cimmerian darkness also under-
scores the self-consciously humanistic character of the document and
indicates an author, such as Melville, thoroughly familiar with ancient
Greek literature.149
The nova erectio differs in a number of respects from previous pro-
posals for reform, reflecting Melvilles own distinctive humanistic char-
acter, values, and contribution to the reform of Scotlands medieval
143
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 73.
144
On the proposed reforms of the First Book of Discipline see Of the Erection of
Universities in The First Book of Discipline ed. James K. Cameron (Edinburgh, 1972),
137155. Brown, Vernacular Writings of George Buchanan, 617.
145
Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951, 73.
146
Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh, 84.
147
Innes, Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis I, 111; Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 446447. The text reads: Studentes autem quos magno
numero speramus passim ex toto hoc regno ad Gymnasium nostrum confluxuros / vol-
umes quiete et pacifice degere neminem ciuium verbo vel facto ledere Rectori
Gymnasiarche et regentibus morem gerere sedulos esse in bonarum literarum studiis vt
parentibus honori ecclesie vsui et reipublice ornamento esse queant.
148
For an excellent discussion of the humanist as ornament see David O. McNeil,
Guillaume Bud and Humanism in the Reign of Francis I (Genve, 1975), 4960.
149
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 447.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 181
150
Innes, Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis, Vol. I, 106; Durkan and Kirk,
The University of Glasgow 14511577, 433, 442; The First Book of Discipline, 141, 143;
Brown, Vernacular Writings of George Buchanan, 14. The nova erectio reads: Is in sacris
literis probe institutus ad aperienda fidei misteria et reconditos diuini verbi thesauros
explicandos idoneus linguarum etiam gnarus et peritus sit oportet inprimis vero
Hebraice et Syriace cuius professorem esse instituimus, linguam enim sanctam vt par est
promoueri inter subditos nostros cupimus vt scripturarum fontes et misteria rectius
aperiantur.
151
Melville, JMAD, 49.
152
Samuel Eliot Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, MA,
1935),134.
153
Kirk, Melvillian Reform in the Scottish Universities, 281; Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 285. On Glasgows 1573 town charter see Innes,
Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis I, 8290.
182 chapter five
154
Innes, Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis I, 106; Durkan and Kirk,
The University of Glasgow 14511577, 433, 442. The text reads: Itaque dicto nostro
Gymnasiarche committimus quo sedulitatis exemplum toti Collegio diligentia sua sub-
ministret vt indies singulos horam saltem vnam prelegendo impendat quo tempore
maxime erit oportunum Alternis autem diebus prelectionem Theologicam selegat ad
explicandos scripturarum recessus alternis linguam ipsam sanctam auditoribus
explicaturus.
155
Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh, 147.
156
Innes, Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis I, 109; Durkan and Kirk, The
University of Glasgow 14511577, 435, 444. The nova erectio reads: Tres autem hos
regentes nolumus prout in reliquis regni nostri Academiis consuetudo est nouas profes-
siones quotannis immutare quo fit ut dum multa profiteantur in paucis periti inuenian-
tur verum in eadem professione se exerceant vt adolescentes qui gradatim ascendunt
dignum suis studiis et ingeniis preceptorem reperire queant.
157
Cameron, The First Book of Discipline, 138150.
158
Kirk, Melvillian Reform in the Scottish Universities, 281.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 183
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 280; Grant, The Story of
160
references and the liberal use of Ramus and Talons writings in the
Universitys curriculum, their writings failed to obtain official sanction
by inclusion in the nova erectio. This absence suggests that Melville
employed Ramus writings not as a complete replacement for the most
approved authors but as a pedagogical enhancement and refinement of
those ancient sources. The explicit reference to Aristotle in the nova
erectio again underscores Melvilles own Aristotelianism and the con-
servative nature of his reforms. Like his fellow humanists, he had no
intention of jettisoning all of the ancient sources and texts that had been
used during the Middle Ages.164 Rather, he endeavored to retain as many
texts as possible, integrating with them the most current scholarship
from the continent and teaching his students how to read them properly
using the philological tools and critical methods of the humanists of the
Renaissance.
It is impossible to determine the precise extent to which Melville him-
self endorsed Ramism because of the paucity of primary source materi-
als which have survived from this period. However, we can say that he
must be recognized as the first to give Ramist literature a place within
the university curriculum in Scotland. Despite the claims that George
Buchanan was the first to introduce Ramism into the University of
St Andrews165 and the corresponding contention that St Andrews, along
with Oxford, was the first centre of Ramism in the British Isles,166 there
is good reason to remain suspicious of both claims. Although Ramus
and Buchanan probably first met in Paris after Buchanans time in
Coimbra, corresponded in the year 1567 regarding the place of mathe-
matics at St Andrews, and maintained cordial relations, the evidence
that he spread Ramism at St Andrews during his time as principal of
St Leonards is at best tenuous.167 His advocacy of Ramism is certainly
undermined by the place that he allocated to the rhetoric of Cicero and
the logic of Aristotle in his Opinion on the reform of the University.168
164
Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 195.
165
James Bass Mullinger, The University of Cambridge: From the Royal Injunctions
of 1535 to the Accession of Charles the First (Cambridge, 1884), 410; Frank Pierre
pont Graves, Peter Ramus and the Educational Reformation of the Sixteenth Century
(New York, 1912), 213; Waddington, Ramus (Pierre de la Ramee): sa vie, ses ecrits et ses
opinions (Dubuque, 1964), 396.
166
I. D. McFarlane, George Buchanan and French Humanism in A.H.T. Levi (ed.),
Humanism in France at the end of the Middle Ages and in the early Renaissance
(Manchester, 1970), 298.
167
McFarlane, Buchanan, 169; George Buchanan and French Humanism, 298.
168
Wilbur Samuel Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, 15001700 (Princeton,
1956), 188; Brown, Vernacular Writings of George Buchanan, 9, 12.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 185
Relocation to St Andrews
nova fundatio was brought about in large measure as a result of its most
wretched inefficiency176 and backsliding,177 which had brought the
university into a deplorable state. Although the First Book of Discipline
had envisioned its lofty prominence, the University had repeatedly
underachieved, sinking lower and lower into disrepute until finally
Parliament was forced to intervene in 1563, appointing a commission to
investigate its condition and to offer proposals for its reform.178 Neither
the plans contained in the First Book of Discipline or in Buchanans
Opinion were ever implemented, leaving St Andrews in a disorganized
and declining state.179 The Regent Morton, along with several commis-
sioners in 1574, visited the University and immediately implemented
reforms related to instruction in theology, Greek, Hebrew, and rhetoric,
but these changes did little to bring about significant change or to elevate
the institution.180 Still more drastic measures were needed. With the
hope that Melville might do for St Andrews what he had done so effec-
tively and efficiently at Glasgow, his services were requested, and, despite
his initial opposition, he eventually consented.181
The 1579 nova fundatio of St Andrews, in effect, followed the pattern
of reform laid out at Glasgow in the 1577 nova erectio and, as such, bears
the distinctive imprint of Melville himself.182 Although for a long time
the 1579 nova fundatio was thought to have been Buchanans produc-
tion, given his eminence among the members of the committee, it is
now recognized as having been significantly influenced by Melville
though the work itself should be viewed as a joint production of the
whole body of commissioners.183 At Glasgow Melville had borne the
176
P. Hume Brown, George Buchanan Humanist and Reformer: A Biography
(Edinburgh, 1890), 237.
177
McFarlane, Buchanan, 445.
178
Ronald Gordon Cant, The University of St Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews,
1992), 54.
179
Melville, JMAD, 124. James Melville writes of the ignorance and negligence of
tham that sould haiff teatched Theologie, maid, that Regents and schollars carit na thing
for Divinitie; yea, it was evin a pitie to sie that ignorance and profannes that was amangs
tham. And as for Langages, Arts, and Philosophie, they haid na thing for all, bot a few
buikes of Aristotle, quhilk they lernit pertinatiuslie to bable and flyt upon, without right
understanding or use thairof.
180
Cant, The New Foundation of 1579 in Historical Perspective, 56; Cant, The
University of St Andrews, 59.
181
Melville, JMAD, 83.
182
Cant, The University of St Andrews, 5859; The New Foundation of 1579 in Historical
Perspective, 7.
183
Brown, George Buchanan Humanist and Reformer, 239240; McFarlane,
Buchanan,445.
scotland: glasgow (15741580) 187
Conclusion
SCOTLAND: ST ANDREWS
(15801607)
1
John Durkan, Education: The Laying of Fresh Foundations in John MacQueen
(ed.), Humanism in Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 1990), 156.
2
The notable exceptions were, of course, his brief period of exile in England from
15841585 and the months during 1586 when he was warded north of the Tay.
3
Steven John Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland: Andrew Melville and
the University of St Andrews, 15601606 (PhD Thesis, St Andrews, 2008), 192,
100102, 122.
192 chapter six
the college had at its helm someone capable of executing the plan for
reform embodied in the 1579 nova fundatio.
While the University during the sixteenth century witnessed the addi-
tion of two new colleges, St Leonards in 1512 and St Marys in 1538,
neither year represents a radical break with the medieval past. Despite
the intention to found a collegium trilingue at St Marys after the pattern
of Louvain and Paris, St Leonards, St Salvators, and St Marys main-
tained an essentially medieval approach to university instruction.4 Not
until the adoption in 1579 of the nova fundatio is there any discernable
departure by the University from its medieval moorings.5 Referring to
these changes at St Andrews as a Humanist revolution appears to go
beyond what the evidence will actually support. However, the nova fun-
datio was intended to be a radical break in certain areas with the univer-
sitys medieval past.6 Of course, with the Reformation of 1560 and the
First Book of Discipline came extensive plans to reform Scotlands medi-
eval universities, but, unfortunately, they were never fully implemented.7
Likewise, the Regent Morton in 1574 and 1576 had also proposed
reforms, which did little to alter the current state of St Andrews.8 Prior
to the 1579 nova fundatio, most of the proposals for reform had remained
theoretical and were not implemented while those which were did not
fundamentally alter the character of the instruction.9
In December 1580 a commission of some brethrein and barons, Sir
Andrew Ker of Fadounside, the lairds of Lundie and Braid, James
Lawson, and John Dury, accompanied Melville and his nephew to
St Andrews where he was installed as principal of St Marys College,
delivered his inaugural address, and commenced his academic labors.10
4
James K. Cameron, A Trilingual College for Scotland: The Founding of St Marys
College in D.W.D. Shaw (ed.), In Divers Manners: A St Marys Miscellany (St Andrews,
1990), 2942.
5
For the text of the 1579 nova fundatio see Evidence, Oral and Documentary, taken
and received by the Commissioners for visiting the Universities of Scotland Vol. III,
University of St Andrews (London, 1837), 183186.
6
G. D. Henderson, The Founding of Marischal College Aberdeen (Aberdeen,
1947),14.
7
The First Book of Discipline ed. James K. Cameron (Edinburgh, 1972).
8
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 191.
9
Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages eds. F. M. Powicke
and A. B. Emden (Oxford, 1936), 312313; Ronald Gordon Cant, The New Foundation
of 1579 in Historical Perspective (St Andrews, 1979), 6.
10
David Calderwood, The History of the Kirk of Scotland Vol. III, ed. Thomas Thomson
(Edinburgh, 1843), 476; James Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James
Melville ed. Robert Pitcairn (Edinburgh, 1842), 84; Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville Vol. I (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London, 1824), 163164.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 193
Although for some time James Melville had intended to travel to France,
where he might further study the French language, he was persuaded by
his uncle to accompany him to St Andrews to assist in the work of theo-
logical instruction. Giving himself to the task of lecturing on the loci
communes of theology, his nephew taught Hebrew while their colleague
John Robertson lectured on the Greek language and the literature of the
New Testament.11 Despite the robust provisions set forth in the 1579
nova fundatio for five masters, the initial faculty consisted of a truncated
staff of only three.12 Joining the two Melvilles was Robertson whom
James Melville described as a guid weill-conditionet man, but of small
literature and giftes.13 In spite of an incomplete and partially deficient
staff, Melville compensated for these limitations himself by teaching the
loci communes of theology, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Syriac, as well as the
primary books of the Old and New Testaments.14 As he had done at
Glasgow, though in a much more limited fashion, he assumed the pri-
mary burden of providing comprehensive instruction in the field of
divinity, including discussions of the most difficult and abstruse mys-
teries of revealed religion.15
His arrival at St Andrews and the remarkable breadth of his personal
instruction attracted not only students, such as Stephen Powle, but even
regents, such as John Malcolm and Andrew Duncan, to attend his lec-
tures.16 Most notably among the regents of St Salvators College who
probably attended his lectures was the future principal of the University
of Edinburgh, Robert Rollock.17 Rollock had matriculated at St Salvators
11
Melville, JMAD, 8384, 86. Always the humanist, Melville provided for his nephew
intensive tutoring in French literature as well as of Plutarches Lyves and Heliodors
Ethiopic Historie, conferring the Greik with the Frenche.
12
Evidence, Oral and Documentary, 183184; Cant, The New Foundation of 1579 in
Historical Perspective, 7.
13
Melville, JMAD, 84.
14
Vita Patrici Adamsoni Opera Tho. Voluseni J. C. in Patrick Adamson, De Sacro
Pastoris Munere ed. Thomas Wilson (London, 1619), 4. Thomas Wilson, one of Melvilles
auditors during these early years at St Andrews, wrote: qui primo quadriennii seu quin-
quennii curriculo (quo statio integro, testimoniu fero oculatu, strenuus etia ipse & assid-
uus auditor eram,) docte quide & perfecte, Idomatis Hebri, Chaldi, Syri, & Rabbuinor
notiti ac praxin edocuit: quin etiam summ Theologi, I. Calvini Institutionibus,
aliorumq[ue] optimorum Theologorum operibus descriptam, una cu prcipuis
utriusq[ue] fderis libris, abditisq[ue] & abstrusis sacr Scriptur mysteriis, erudite
quidem & accurate .
15
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 165.
16
Letter of Stephen Powle to Andrew Melville, 30 April 1583, Bodleian,Tanner MS.
168 f. 203v; Melville, JMAD, 123124.
17
Melville, JMAD, 84; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 166. On Rollock see George
Robertson and Henry Charteris, De Vitaet Morte Roberti Rollok, Academi Edinburgen
194 chapter six
in 1574 and received his BA in 1576 and his MA in 1578, studying under
the regent John Carr.18 During the early 1580s Rollock probably formed
a relationship with Melville, which continued after he was appointed
principal at Edinburgh in 1583. Given Melvilles vision for reforming the
Scottish universities and his relationships with Arbuthnot in Aberdeen
and Smeaton in Glasgow, we can be almost certain that Melville was in
communication with the principal of the new university. We know that
he, like his fellow humanist and reformer Theodore Beza,19 carefully
perused and highly valued Rollocks writings, as his epitaph De Rolloci
scriptis indicates.20 Moreover, the similarities of the two men and the
texts they used in their teaching at their respective universities suggest
an intellectual kinship consistent with many of Melvilles other humanist
relationships.
The evidence in support of Rollocks alleged Ramism is limited and
may not have been a factor which attracted him to Melville. It is, how-
ever, highly probable that he attended Melvilles lectures for other rea-
sons during these years.21 We know from James Melvilles account that
he specifically identified Rollock as one of his own Hebrew pupils.22
In light of Rollocks interest in acquiring a knowledge of Hebrew and
Melvilles impressive mastery of it, as well as its ancient near eastern cog-
nates Aramaic and Syriac, the likelihood that Rollock attended his lec-
tures remains strong. Despite the benefit which Rollock would have
derived from such instruction, there is surprisingly little evidence at
the University of Edinburgh during the early years of Melvilles own
23
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 8687, 116. Reid observes that
while at St Leonards College the practice of regenting continued despite the nova funda-
tio, instruction in Greek and Latin was available. The situation with St Salvators was
much more bleak with no evidence of changes of title or profession, or anything that
suggests reform was embraced by the college.
24
D. B. Horn, The Origins of the University of Edinburgh Part 2, University of
Edinburgh Journal, 22 (1966), 307; Lynch, The Origins of Edinburghs Toun College,
10. On the early years of the University of Edinburgh see D. B. Horn, A Short History of
the University of Edinburgh 15561889 (Edinburgh, 1967), 19; The Origins of the
University of Edinburgh, UEJ, 22 (1966), 213225; Robert Kerr Hannay, The Foun
dation of the College of Edinburgh in A. Logan Turner (ed.), History of the University of
Edinburgh 18831933 (Edinburgh and London, 1933), 116; John Lee, The University of
Edinburgh from its Foundation in 1583 to the year 1839: A Historical Sketch (Edinburgh,
1884); Alexander Bower, The History of the University of Edinburgh: Chiefly Compiled
from Original Papers and Records, Never Before Published (Edinburgh, 1817).
25
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 422.
26
Kirk, Melvillian Reform in the Scottish Universities, 295.
27
W. L. Alexander, Introduction in Charles Ferme, A Logical Analysis of the Epistle
of Paul to the Romans ed. W. L. Alexander (Edinburgh, 1850), xii.
196 chapter six
28
Kirk, Melvillian Reform in the Scottish Universities, 295; Ferme, A Logical
Analysis of the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, xii, 2526; Gunn, Select Works of Robert
Rollock, 388. Rollocks criticism of the Aristotelian tradition may be seen in his sermon
on I Corinthians 2 in which he wrote of the followers of Aristotle: Out wil he cum, ane
Thomist, ane Scotist, that hes the spreit of ane man onlie, and ane very subtile, or rather
ane Sophistical Spreit, ane humane Philosopher, and he will judge of the gospel of Jesus
Christ, and turne it over in humane Philosophie. They have turned the gospell of Jesus
to Aristotle, all thair writings ar bot spreitles. Thair is not sa mekle as ane smel of the
Spreit of Jesus in them all.
29
Melville, JMAD, 122127.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 197
One of the controversies for which Melville was largely responsible was
the debate surrounding Aristotle at St Andrews. Melville, it will be
36
Melville, JMAD, 67.
37
Cant, The University of St Andrews: A Short History, 62; McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville Vol. I, 170.
38
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 367. On Rutherford see John Durkan, John
Rutherford and Montaigne: An Early Influence? Bibliothque dHumanisme et Renais
sance, 41 (1979), 115122.
39
Lynch, The Origins of Edinburghs Toun College: A Revision Article, 9.
40
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 97.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 199
History of Classical Scholarship Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983);
Joseph Scaligers Edition of Catullus (1577) and the Traditions of Textual Criticism in
the Renaissance, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 38 (1975), 155181;
Joseph Scaliger and Historical Chronology: The Rise and Fall of a Discipline, History
and Theory, 14 (May, 1975), 156185; H. J. De Jonge, Joseph Scaligers Historical
Criticism of the New Testament, Novum Testamentum, 38 (Apr., 1996), 176193.
46
Charles G. Nauert Jr., Review: Anthony Grafton. Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the
History of Classical Scholarship, Vol. I: Textual Criticism and Exegesis, (Spr., 1985), 107.
47
Melville, JMAD, 123124. Melville wrote: This was of the Regents of Philosophie,
namlie in St Leonards Collage, wha heiring, in Mr Androes ordinar publict lessones of
Theologie, thair Aristotle, amangs the rest of the philosophers, the patriarches of heresie,
as ane of the ancients termes tham, mightelie confuted, handling the heids anent God,
Providence, Creation, &c., maid a strange steir in the Universitie, and cryed, Grait Diana
of the Ephesians, thair bread-winner, thair honour, thair estimation, all was gean, giff
Aristotle sould be sa owirharled in the heiring of their schollars; and sa dressit publict
orations against Mr Androes doctrine. But Mr Andro insisted mightelie against tham in
his ordinar lessones; and when their counned haranges cam at their Vickes and promo-
tiones of Maisters, he lut tham nocht slipe, but af-hand answerit to tham presentlie with
sic force of truthe, evidence of reasone, and spirituall eloquence, that he dashit tham,
and in end convicted tham so in conscience, that the cheiff Coryphoes amangs tham
becam grait students of Theologie, and speciall professed frinds of Mr Andro, and ar
now verie honest upright pastors in the Kirk.
48
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 118. Reid, of course, does not
advocate this position but it is unclear who he has in view in this characterization. This
certainly was not the opinion of James Melville.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 201
any way. Nowhere does he claim that John Malcolm or Andrew Duncan
became great students of Ramus, but rather that they became grait stu-
dents of Theologie and good friends of Melville.49 The specific claim
made by James Melville was not that his uncle won them over to Ramism
but that, through both private and public interactions, he persuaded
them to go ad fontes and read Aristotle in the original. The Melvillian
reform did not blindly bind individuals to a conservative or reductive
mode of teaching.50 Instead, James Melville presents it as a humanistic
approach to the study of classical texts, which dispenses with Latin
translations and scholastic commentaries and invites the scholar to
engage the text in its original language, paying careful attention to its
historical context and philological peculiarities.
James Melville also indicates that his uncle spoke with these regents
and scholars over a one to two year period in publict and privat, per-
haps suggesting that Melville continued the practice of table talk he had
instituted at Glasgow.51 Melville had witnessed the effectiveness of this
method of instruction in persuading such recalcitrant Aristotelians as
Peter Blackburn and in providing a more thorough discussion and anal-
ysis of classical literature.52 Enjoying such success with this informal
pedagogical approach, it is difficult to imagine why Melville would have
discontinued the practice. Indeed, given the strategic significance of
Melvilles table talk in his approach to university instruction and its
effectiveness in conveying to his pupils and fellow academics the New
Learning, it is highly unlikely that he would have abandoned it.
Not only was it Melvilles practice to be present at the St Marys gradu-
ations, which like the other two colleges occurred annually toward the
end of July, but it appears that he attended the graduations of the other
colleges as well.53 He may have done this, in part, due to the fact that
reddi potest optabilius. 8. Pauper, deformis, orbus, aut infans, beatus esse non potest.
9. Bonum ternum bono unius diei non est magis bonum. 10. Felicitas est actio animi
secundum virtutem. 11. Potest aliquis, sibi studio suo, felicitatem comparare. 12. Homo
in hac vita cumulate, et esse, et dici potest beatus. 13. Post hanc vitam, nemo potest
vel esse, vel dici beatus, nisi propinquorum vel amicorum ratione. 14. Natura apti ad
virtutem eam agendo comparamus. 15. Virtus est habitus electivus, in ea mediocritate
positus, quam ratio prudentis prscribit. 16. Libera est nobis: voluntas ad bene agen-
dum. 17. Mundus est physice ternus. 18. Casus et fortuna locum habent in rebus natu-
ralibus et humanis. 19. Res viles et inferiores non curat Dei providentia. 20. Animi pars
una, vel etiam plures sunt mortales, et qu hinc pendent, et necessario consequuntur.
63
Charles G. Nauert, Jr. Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe (Cambridge,
1995), 9.
64
Calderwood, History, III, 743.
65
Evidence, Oral and Documentary, 184.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 205
68
Duncan Shaw, The General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland 15601600,
(Edinburgh, 1964), 140141; John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow
14511577 (Glasgow, 1977), 286287; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 71, 92.
69
Calderwood, History IV, 607.
70
Evidence, Oral and Documentary, Taken and Received by the Commissioners
Appointed by His Majesty George IV for Visiting the Universities of Scotland. VolumeIII.
University of St. Andrews (London, 1837), 197; BUK, II, xviii, 548, 685; III, 819; Melville,
JMAD, 6162, 128129; Calderwood, History III, 398, 598, 622; IV, 615; V, 307.
71
BUK, II, 522, 585, 626, 703, 767.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 207
others. In 1583 at the April meeting of the general assembly Melville was
appointed to serve on a commission to evaluate the academic staff of the
University of Aberdeen to determine whether they be sufficient and
qualified and conforme to the new erectione.72 He was directed by the
assembly to convene on 5 September 1583 with Thomas Smeaton and
Nicol Dagleish to trie and examine the said members of the College of
Aberdeen, if they be correspondent to the order and provisione of the
said erectione.73 Similarly, in 1593 at the meeting of the general assem-
bly held at Dundee Melville was appointed to a commission to visit the
Colledge of Auld Aberdeine and to try and examine the doctreine,
lyfe, and deligence of the Maisteris therof assessing the discipline,
order, and financial situation of the University.74 Melvilles service on the
1583 and 1593 commissions pertaining to the University of Aberdeen
originated in part because of his own success in leading the reform at
Glasgow and should be viewed as an extension of his service on the 1579
St Andrews commission.75
In 1583 at the October meeting of the general assembly Melville was
appointed, along with six other commissioners, to enumerate the erro-
neous propositions found in the writings of Aristotle and other profane
authors of antiquity.76 As previously suggested, there can be little doubt
that the controversy over Aristotle at St Andrews was primarily in view
in the erection of this commission. Given Melvilles outspoken criticism
of Aristotle at both Glasgow and St Andrews and his reputation as a
classical scholar and theologian, there can be little doubt that he emerged
as a leading figure on this commission and may even have been the
dominant voice on this occasion. His selection on this commission was
based as much upon his humanist reputation and mastery of classical
literature as it was upon his growing fame as a theologian and professor
of sacred literature.
Having acquired firsthand experience and reflected deeply upon mat-
ters of ecclesiastical discipline and policy while in Geneva, Melville was
an obvious choice for those commissions which addressed such matters.
In 1581 at the October meeting of the general assembly, Melville was
appointed along with Robert Pont, James Lawson, Thomas Smeaton,
72
BUK, II, 624; Calderwood, History III, 707.
73
Ibid., 625.
74
BUK, III, 811.
75
BUK, II, 43435.
76
Ibid., 63840.
208 chapter six
77
Calderwood, History III, 577583.
78
Ibid., 709.
79
Calderwood, History IV, 490; V, 115, 13031.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 209
Inthis document they requested that parliament not pass any legislation
which would be inconsistent with the teaching of Scripture.80 In 1582 at
the June meeting of the general assembly Melville was appointed to a
commission to present to the King and nobility at Perth the greivances
of the assembly and to crave remedie.81 Instructed to exhibit to the
King and nobility all reverence, dew obedience, and submission,
Melville emerged as the outspoken leader of this commission first sign-
ing the document and then calling upon his fellow commissioners to do
likewise.82 Upon his return from exile in England in 1586, Melville is
reported to have traveled throughout the country urging further reform
and waiting on court and parliament.83 In addition to his persuasive
efforts among the people, Melville used his connections at court among
the nobility and in parliament to advance the cause of reform. He keenly
understood the importance of securing the necessary political support
to advance his agenda and so lobbied behind the scenes for further
reform.
In 1588 Melville performed a number of functions as an ecclesiastical
statesman. At the February meeting of the general assembly he was
appointed to a commission to confer with the Kings council regarding
such matters as Catholicism, discipline, the planting of kirks, and the
poor.84 At this same assembly he was selected along with four others to
present to the King the articles composed by Robert Pont and James
Melville.85 Chosen at the August meeting of the assembly along with
Robert Bruce and Andrew Hay, Melvile was directed to present to the
Chancellor the request of the assembly to take possession of the ship and
its crew from Dunkirk, suspected of espionage. Likewise, at this same
assembly, he was appointed along with Robert Bruce, PatrickGalloway,
and David Ferguson to exhort the King to continue to defend true
religion.86 In these instances, Melville served both the Kirk and com-
monwealth as an ecclesiastical statesman by pressing the King and his
council regarding matters of reform which had broad implications for
Scottish society.
Ibid., 627.
81
82
BUK, II, 581; Calderwood, History III, 631. There were at least twenty commission-
ers, in addition to Melville, who were appointed by the assembly.
83
Calderwood, History IV, 491.
84
Ibid., 652.
85
Ibid., 653.
86
Ibid., 684.
210 chapter six
87
Ibid., 11.
88
Caroline Bingham, James VI of Scotland (London, 1979), 6162; Julian Goodare,
Scottish Politics in the Reign of James VI in Julian Goodare and Michael Lynch (eds.),
The Reign of James VI (East Lothian, 2000), 3536.
89
Patrick Adamson, A Declaratioun of the Kings Maisties Intentioun and Meaning
Toward the Lait Actis of Parliament (Edinburgh, 1585), A iiij.
90
Lynch, The Origins of Edinburghs Toun College: A Revision Article, 3.
91
David Hume, The History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus Vol. II
(Edinburgh, 1743), 307.
92
Roger A. Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians in Roger
A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603
(Cambridge, 1994), 125126, 129; Gordon Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in
England, 15848, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 14 (1963), 69. The Black
Acts, as the presbyterians called them, reestablished episcopal authority and banned
unauthorized public meetings. Although these anti-presbyterian measures were effec-
tive in immediately stemming the tide of the movement, James failed to enforce his own
legislation and in just two short years the country witnessed a reversal of policy in favor
of the presbyterians.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 211
Hume, History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus II, 308.
94
95
Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland IV, 35, 710.
96
Adamson, Declaratioun, A iij.
97
Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland IV, 89; Reid, Education in Post-
Reformation Scotland, 105. While it is unnecessary to justify either Melvilles line of
reasoning or his manner of presentation, Reids characterization of the tone of Melvilles
sermon and defense as haughty unrepentance is mistaken and does not recognize
either Melvilles concern to uphold the supreme authority of Scripture or his allegiance
to his monarch and country.
212 chapter six
Hebrew Bible and challenged the King and privy council to show him
from the text where he had erred in his interpretation.98 Melville was
found guilty of irreverent behavior before the privy council and of deny-
ing its judgments and was sentenced to be warded in Edinburgh Castle.
When the place of confinement was changed from Edinburgh to
Blackness Castle, Melville had already planned his escape and fled the
country with the help of his brother Roger.99 Before fleeing he composed
in advance a defense of himself and his actions in his Apology in an
effort to clarify the reasons for his voluntary exile.100
While the choice of England was obvious as the nearest country where
Melville might find refuge, the political and ecclesiastical climate of the
country gave him pause as to its suitability.101 Archbishop Adamson did
not believe that Melville and his colleagues would be received by
Elizabeth nor would the Anglican clergy, he thought, tolerat suche
beastlie men as yee are, to infect the youth of that countrie.102 So unin-
viting was England that Melville appears to have seriously contemplated
returning to the continent where he might resume his academic life.
As a product of the French Renaissance and as one who spent the most
formative years of his life on the continent, he found the prospect of
returning attractive. However, while England gave Melville and his asso-
ciates reason to wonder whether it were a suitable place of exile, the
Scottish refugees did see in England some hope for themselves. Some
98
Melville, JMAD, 141142.
99
Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland IV, 1012. Even after Melville left
Scotland in February 1584 he continued to maintain his symbolic role as a prominent
and outspoken advocate of the presbyterian cause. Archbishop Adamson certainly
viewed him in this light as he singled him out in his defense of the Black Acts in his 1585
Declaratiuon. Cf. Adamson, A declaratioun of the Kings Maiesties intentioun and mean-
ing toward the lait Actis of Parliament. (Edinburgh, 1585), A iij A iiij. In response to
Adamsons Declaratioun, two works were written in February 1585. The first, An Answere
to the Declaratioun, was probably written by Melville himself while the Dialogue between
Zelator, Temporizar and Palomon was probably written by James Melville. Cf. Calderwood,
History of the Kirk of Scotland Vol. IV, 274294, 295339. Adamson also wrote Assertiones
Quaedam, ex aliis eiusmodi innumeris erroneae, per Andream Melvinam, novam et inau-
ditam Theologiam profitentem, in suis praelectionbus de Episcopatu, pro certis et indubita-
tis in medium allatae, ac palam affirmatae, in Scholis Theologicis fani Andreae, Regni
Scotiae metropoleos in Patrick Adamson, Opera, ed. Thomas Wilson (1620); Melville
wrote Floretum Archiepiscopale, National Library of Scotland, Wodrow Folio XLII,
ff. 126r127v. For a brief discussion of these last two works see Reid, Education in Post-
Reformation Scotland, 110111.
100
Hume, History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus II, 308. For the Apology
cf. 309313.
101
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 69.
102
Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland IV, 90.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 213
103
Letter of Andrew Melville to Jean Castoll, 23 February 1584, British Library, MS
Cotton Caligula C. IX, f. 167; Letter of Andrew Melville to Stephen Powle, March 1584,
Bodleian, Tanner MS 168, fol. 204v; Letter of Stephen Powle to Andrew Melville,
1 March 1584, Bodleian, Tanner MS 168, fol. 204v.
104
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 6709; Melville,
JMAD, 157, 167. Andrew Melville wrote in a letter to the pastors in the Church in
Geneva and Tigurie the following: at this tyme, the maist lernit and fathfull Pastores in
bathe the kingdomes ar forced ather haillilie to keipe sylence and leave the ministerie, or
then by flight and exyll to saiff thair lyves, or els to essay the filthie weirines of stinking
pressones.
105
Melville, JMAD, 170; W. G. Sinclair Snow, The Times, Life, and Thought of Patrick
Forbes Bishop of Aberdeen 16181635 (London, 1952), 29.
106
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 7071.
107
Melville, JMAD, 40; Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England,
15848,72.
214 chapter six
108
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 72; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 228229.
109
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 229.
110
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 72.
111
Letter of Patrick Adamson to the archbishop of Canterbury 16 June 1584, British
Library, Harley MS. 7004 folios 3 to 3verso; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 218220,
229; Melville, JMAD, 154164; Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland IV,
158167.
112
Melville, JMAD, 219.
113
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 72.
114
Richard Bancroft, Dangerous Positions and Proceedings, Published and Practised
within this Island of Britaine, Under Pretence of Reformation, and for the Presbyteriall
Discipline (London, 1640), 74; Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England,
15848, 72.
115
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 231.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 215
116
George Carleton, Bp Carletons Testimonie Concerning the Presbyterian Discipline
in the Low-Countries, and Episcopall Government here in England (London, 1642).
117
Peter Lake, Anglicans and Puritans? Presbyterianism and English Conformist
Thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London, 1988), 247. On his opposition to Catholicism
see George Carleton, Consensus ecclesi Catholic contra Tridentinos (Frankfurt, 1613);
Iurisdiction regall, episcopall, Papall (London, 1610). On Carletons support of the
Reformed soteriology embodied in the canons of the Synod of Dort see George Carleton,
The Collegiat Suffrage of the Divines of Great Britaine, Concerning the Five Articles
Controverted in the Low Countries (London, 1629); Suffragium collegiale theologorum
magn Britanni de quinque controversis remonstrantium articulis, Synodo Dordrechtan
exhibitum anno M.DC.XIX. Judicio synodico prvium (London, 1626).
118
On Rainolds see C. M. Dent, Protestant Reformers in Elizabethan Oxford (Oxford,
1983).
119
On Whittaker see Charles K. Cannon, William Whitakers Disputatio de Sacra
Scriptura: A Sixteenth- Century Theory of Allegory, The Huntington Library Quarterly,
25 (Feb., 1962), 129138; Peter Lake, Moderate puritans and the Elizabethan church
(Cambridge, 1982), 93115, 169200. Whitakers opposition to Catholicism may be
seen in the following works: William Whitaker, Ad Nicolai Sanderi demonstrationes
quadraginta, in octavo libro visibilis monarchi positas, quibus romanum pontificem non
esse antichristum docere instituit (London, 1583); Disputatio de sacra scriptura, contra
huius temporis papistas, inprimis Robertum Bellarminum Iesuitam (Cambridge, 1588).
120
Andrew Melville, Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria in Parasynagma Perthense et iura-
mentum ecclesi Scotican et A.M. Antitamicamicategoria (1620), 43; James K.
McConica, Humanism and Aristotle in Tudor Oxford, English Historical Review, 94
(Apr., 1979), 303; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 232; A. F. Scott Pearson, Thomas
Cartwright and Elizabethan Puritanism 15351603 (Cambridge, 1925), 354. Melville
wrote: Non ita terni Whittakerus acer / Luminis vindex, patrique lumen, / Dixit aut
sensit: neque celsa summi / Penna Renoldi, / Certa sublimes aperire calles, / Sueta
clestes iterare cursus, / Lta misceri niveis beat / Civibus aul. / Nec Tami aut Cami
accola saniore / Mente, qui clum sapit in frequenti / Hermatheno, & celebri Lyco /
Culta juventus; / Cuius affulget Genio Jov lux: / Cui nitens Sol justiti renidet: / Quem
jubar Christi radiantis alto / Spectat Olympo.
121
W. W. Fortenbaugh, Review: John Rainoldss Oxford Lectures on Aristotles Rhetoric
ed. and trans. L. D. Green, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 109 (1989), 235.
216 chapter six
the Anglican polity,122 and, along with John Case, was Oxfords major
contemporary Aristotelian.123 Receiving his BA in 1569 and his MA in
1572 from Corpus Christi, he became a reader in Greek at that College
until 1578.124 His lectures on Aristotles Rhetoric became famous in his
own day and represent the earliest critical study of Aristotles Rhetoric
in England.125
As a classical scholar who possessed both an impressive command of
the Greek language and its literature, as well as a considerable knowl-
edge of Hebrew, Melville found in Rainolds many of the humanist values
he so deeply cherished and a common intellectual culture as scholars of
the Renaissance.126 Although the extent of Rainolds endorsement of
Ramus remains an open question, his enthusiasm for the French human-
ist and his critical, yet sympathetic, approach to the text of Aristotle pro-
vided yet another basis upon which the two humanists could build their
relationship.127 In addition to their shared humanist culture, values, and
methods, Melville found in Rainolds one sympathetic and supportive of
his efforts at religious reform in Scotland. As a staunch opponent of
Catholicism and sympathizer of the Elizabethan Puritans, Rainolds
subsequent opposition to archbishop Bancrofts 1588 sermon at Pauls
122
McConica, Humanism and Aristotle in Tudor Oxford, 303. For a sample of
Rainoldss views on ecclesiastical polity see John Rainolds, The Iudgement of Doctor
Reignolds Concerning Episcopacy, Whether it be Gods Ordinance. Expressed in a Letter to
Sir Francis Knowls, Concerning Doctor Bancrofts Sermon at Pauls-Crosse, the ninth of
February, 1588. In the Parliament Time. (London, 1641); Sex Theses de Sacra Scriptura, et
Ecclesia (London, 1580); The Summe of the Conference between Iohn Rainoldes and Iohn
Hart: Touching the Head and the Faith of the Church (London, 1584).
123
Robert B. Todd, Henry and Thomas Savile in Italy, Bibliothque dHumanisme et
Renaissance, 58 (1996), 443.
124
Fortenbaugh, Review: John Rainoldss Oxford Lectures on Aristotles Rhetoric, 235;
McConica, Humanism and Aristotle in Tudor Oxford, 303.
125
McConica, Humanism and Aristotle in Tudor Oxford, 303; Fortenbaugh,
Review: John Rainoldss Oxford Lectures on Aristotles Rhetoric, 235.
126
J. W. Binns, Women or Transvestites on the Elizabethan Stage?: An Oxford
Controversy, Sixteenth Century Journal, 5 (Oct., 1974), 97. Rainolds acquired such an
impressive command of Hebrew that he became a celebrated translator of the Old
Testament prophets for the Authorized Version.
127
McConica, Humanism and Aristotle in Tudor Oxford, 302307; Kathy Eden,
Review: John Rainoldss Oxford Lectures on Aristotles Rhetoric. ed. and tr. Lawrence D.
Green, Renaissance Quarterly, 41 (Spr., 1988), 170. For a sample of Rainolds approach
to the text and thought of Aristotle see John Rainolds, An Excellent Oration of the Late
famously Learned John Rainolds, D. D. and Lecturer of the Greek Tongue in Oxford. Very
Usefull for all such as Affect the Studies of Logic and Philosophie, and Admire Profane
Learning (London, 1638).
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 217
Lake, Moderate puritans and the Elizabethan church, 76. Rainoldss opposition to
128
133
Snow, The Times, Life, and Thought of Patrick Forbes Bishop of Aberdeen
16181635, 29.
134
Hume, History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus II, 361.
135
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 7275. Donaldson
suggests that some of the Scots may have resided in Honey Lane, Cheapside with a cer-
tain Anthony Martin. If Melville and his associates had met Thomas Wilcox on their
visit to Oxford, the latter may have provided them with contacts at the church of
Allhallows in Honey Lane where he had previously served as a lecturer.
136
Bancroft, Dangerous Positions and Proceedings, 26.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 219
137
Hume, History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus II, 288, 361362;
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 236; Melville, JMAD, 185. James Melville wrote of the
earl of Angus: This noble man was fellon weill myndit, godlie, devot, wyse, and grave;
and by and desyde thir comoun exerceises, was giffen to reiding, and privat prayer and
meditation, and ordinarlie efter dinner and super, haid an houres, and sum tyme mair
nor twa houres, conference with me about all maters; namlie, concerning our Kirk and
Comoun-weill, what war the abbusses thairof, and whow they might be amendit.
Archibald Douglas had studied at St Marys under John Douglas until his fifteenth year.
He was tutored by John Provain who taught him Latin, logic, and rhetoric, and, despite
the custom of the nobility to pursue a limited course of formal education, the earl exhib-
ited an unusual intellectual interest in Melvilles academic lectures.
138
Melville, JMAD, 221222.
139
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 7677.
140
Melville, JMAD, 222223.
141
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 77.
142
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 266267.
143
Melville, JMAD, 249, 251; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 280.
220 chapter six
144
Caroline Bingham, James VI of Scotland (London, 1979), 105; Melville, JMAD,
255; Lily B. Campbell, Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England
(Cambridge, 1959), 8182.
145
Gordon Donaldson (ed.), The Memoirs of Sir James Melville of Halhill (London,
1969), 144; Campbell, Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England, 82. James
is reported to have retired with portraits of each princess for fifteen days to seek divine
guidance in his choice. He emerged after much prayer convinced he should marry in
Denmark.
146
James VI, King of Scotland, The Essayes of a Prentise, in the Divine Art of Poesie
(Edinburgh, 1584); Roderick J. Lyall, James VI and the Sixteenth-Century Cultural
Crisis in Julian Goodare and Michael Lynch (eds.), The Reign of James VI (East Linton,
2000), 64; James Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Cambridge,
2000), 18.
147
Anne Lake Prescott, The Reception of Du Bartas in England, Studies in the
Renaissance, 15 (1968), 149.
148
Lyall, James VI and the Sixteenth-Century Cultural Crisis, 6465; Prescott, The
Reception of Du Bartas in England, 168; Campbell, Divine Poetry and Drama in
Sixteenth-Century England, 82. Cf. James VI of Scotland, His Maiesties Poeticall Exercises
at Vacant Houres (Edinburgh, 1591).
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 221
149
Prescott, The Reception of Du Bartas in England, 144, 162; Alfred Hioratio
Upham, The French Influence in English Literature: From the Accession of Elizabeth to the
Restoration (New York, 1908), 171; Melville, JMAD, 255. Harvey wrote of Du Bartas:
[F]or the highnesse of his subject and the majesty of his verse, nothing inferiour unto
Dante (whome some Italians preferre before Virgil, or Homer), a right inspired and
enravished Poet, full of chosen, grave, profound, venerable, and stately matter, even in
the next Degree to the sacred, and reverend stile of heavenly Divinity it selfe; in a man-
ner the onely Poet, whome Urany hath voutsafed to Laureate with her owne heavenly
hand: and worthy to bee alleadged of Divines, and Counsellours, as Homer is quoted of
Philosophers, and Oratours. Many of his solemne verses, are oracles: and one Bartas,
that is, one French Salomon, more weighty in stern and mighty counsell then the Seaven
Sages of Greece. Cf. I. D. McFarlane, A Literary History of France: Renaissance France
14701589 (London, 1974), 387388. Contemporary assessments of Du Bartas poetry
has not been as favorable as those judges of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Writing of the Premiere Sepmaine, McFarlane remarks, [S]ometimes the poem gives the
impression of a vast Parnassian and humanist junk-shop, and the clumsiness that betrays
itself in language and in presentation has put off readers of later generations.
150
James W. L. Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin in James Kinsley (ed.),
Scottish Poetry a Critical Survey (London, 1955), 82; James Macqueen, Scottish
Latin Poetry in R.D.S. Jack (ed.), The History of Scottish Literature Vol. I (Aberdeen,
19871988), 219. On the poets at the court of James VI see Helena Mennie Shire, Song,
Dance and Poetry of the Court of Scotland under King James VI (Cambridge, 1969),
79116. Macqueen notes that Melvilles contemporaries reserved the title of poet laure-
ate for Alexander Montgomerie.
151
I. D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London, 1981), 240.
222 chapter six
152
Campbell, Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England, 76.
153
In 1584 Thomas Hudson provided an English translation of Du Bartas. Cf.
Guillaume de Salluste Du Bartas, The Historie of Iudith in Forme of a Poem. Penned in
French, by the Noble Poet, G. Salust. Lord of Bartas. Englished by Tho. Hudson. (Edinburgh,
1584).
154
In 1592 Joshua Silvester translated this work into English. Cf. Guillaume de
SallusteDu Bartas, The Triumph of Faith. The Sacrifice of Isaac. The Ship-wracke of Ionas.
With a Song of the Victorie Obtained by the French King, at Yvry. Written in French, by
W. Salustius lord of Bartas, and translated by Iosuah Siluester, merchant Aduenturer
(1592).
155
McFarlane, A Literary History of France: Renaissance France 14701589, 387;Camp
bell, Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England, 7576. GuillaumedeSalluste
Du Bartas, LUranie ou Muse Celeste de G. de Saluste Seigneur du Bartas. Urania sive
Musa Clestis Roberti Ashelei de Gallica G. Salustij Bartasij Delibata (London, 1589).
156
Prescott, The Reception of Du Bartas in England, 144145.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 223
(New York and London, 1940), 127, 153; Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 81,
85. Adams has maintained that Melville was connected with Adam King and Sir
Thomas Craig.
159
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St Andrews, 162, 271.
160
Peter John Anderson (ed.), Officers and Graduates of University and Kings College
Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1893), 52.
161
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 125.
224 chapter six
cultivated the art of Latin poetry, Melville and Rollock shared a number
of common experiences, literary interests, and humanistic values.
In 1584 Rollock was appointed master of the grammar school in
Edinburgh and served in this capacity until he lost his post in 1595 due
to the violent behavior of his pupils.162
Although Rollocks poetry has been criticized for its lack of inspira-
tion and has been dismissed by some as possessing little literary value,
Melvilles poem written to him indicates that he was highly regarded by
the litterati of Edinburgh in the late sixteenth century.163 Despite Rollocks
own feelings of inferiority, which in part prevented him from forming
a deep friendship with Buchanan, the elder humanist regarded him
highly enough to recommend him to James VI.164 As early as 1584
Rollock had offered liminary verses in honor of the Kings The Essayes
of a Prentise, in the Divine Art of Poesie,165 and in 1589 he published a
long Epithalamium in honor of the James VIs marriage to Anne of
Denmark.166 Rollock wrote seven Sylvae in hexameters as well as elegiac
couplets, epigrams, and miscellaneous poems.167 His occasional poems,
which addressed subjects, such as the 1585 Edinburgh plague and the
negative influence of Catholicism in Scotland, have been praised for
their vivacity of description and their vigorous movement.168 While
Rollock was not Melvilles closest colleague and was even thought to
have lampooned some of his ministerial associates, he was, nevertheless,
a classical scholar and Latin poet with whom Melville was associated
for a number of years during his service as master of the Edinburgh
grammar school.169
162
Lynch, The Origins of Edinburghs Toun College, 10; Thomas Dempster, Historia
Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum: sive, De Scriptoribus Scotis Tom. II (Edinburgh, 1829),
565; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 410411. Dempster refers to Rollocks profession
of Catholicism as the grounds for his dismissal, but the lack of corroborating evidence
makes this claim questionable. McCrie notes that Rollock maintained that he was dis-
missed on account of the citizens ignorance. Cf. also Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum.
163
Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 85; Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 126.
164
McFarlane, Buchanan, 471.
165
Hercules Rollock De huius libri auctore, Herculis Rolloci coniectura in James VI,
Essayes of a Prentise.
166
Macqueen, Scottish Latin Poetry, 220. Cf. Hercules Rollock, De Augustissimo
Iacobi 6. Scotorum Regis, & Ann Frederici 2, Danorum Regia filiae Conjugio: 1, Calend.
Septemb. 1589 in Dania Celebrato (Edinburgh, 1589).
167
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 126.
168
Macqueen, Scottish Latin Poetry, 220.
169
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 410411. Melville is reported to have responded
with several stinging epigrams, referring to Rollock as a mercenary poet, and a starved
schoolmaster turned lawyer. Rollock replied, offering a vindication of himself.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 225
170
Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni Epistol, 129, 253254. Although Melvilles corre-
spondence has apparently not survived, Casaubon in a letter he wrote in 1605 expressed
his own joy in receiving it. He wrote: Cum percupide tuas expectassem satis diu, doctis-
sime Melvine, incredibili tandem affectus gaudio sum, quando illam Epistolam tuam
accepi, quam adolescenti cuidam tuo populari tradideras. On Casaubon see Hlne
Parenty, Isaac Casaubon hellniste: des studia humanitatis la philologie (Geneva,
2009).
171
Anthony Grafton, Protestant Versus Prophet: Isaac Casaubon on Hermes
Trismegistus, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 46 (1983), 78.
172
Mark Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614 (Oxford, 1892), 6.
173
Karin Maag, Seminary or University? The Genevan Academy and Reformed Higher
Education, 15601620 (Aldershot, 1995), 42; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614, 6.
174
Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614, 89.
175
Maag, Seminary or University? 42, 7172; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614,
20.
176
Grafton, Protestant Versus Prophet: Isaac Casaubon on Hermes Trismegistus,
78.
177
Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614, 441, 455. Scaliger wrote of Casaubon: Cest
le plus grande homme que nous avons en grec; je lui cde. He also wrote: Et memoria
avorum et nostri sculi grce doctissimum. Pattison observed of Casaubon:What
stirs his soul is Christian Greek, e.g. S. Chrysostom, whose Epistola ad Stagirium excites
him to rapture.
226 chapter six
178
Maag, Seminary or University? 69.
179
Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614, 441.
180
Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni Epistol, 129. On Casaubons love of Hebrew see
Anthony Grafton and Joanna Weinberg, I have Always Loved the Holy Tongue: Isaac
Casaubon, the Jews, and a Forgotten Chapter in Renaissance Scholarship (Cambridge,
MA, 2011). He wrote: Simul accipe & meam, & omnium , quibus de singu-
lari tua eruditione compertum est, quissimam querelam. Non enim dubitamus, multa
in Sacris prsertim Literis tibi elaborate esse, qu magno Ecclesi Dei bono in studio-
sorum minibus versarentur. Quid igitur est, cur illa tu premas, & vigiliarum tuarum
fructus nobis invideas? At sunt nimis multi, inquies hodie manus prurient. Sic est
profecto, Vir eruditissime; qui scriptis suis innotescant, habemus hodie multos; at
Melvinum tamen habemus, opinor, nullum; aut certe oppido paucos. Tu prodi, sodes:&
quam personam Deus tibi imposuit, eam sic gere, ut ad nos quoque tuorum studiorum
fructus perveniat.
181
Ibid.
182
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 99100.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 227
Melville, JMAD, 120; Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of
184
Classical Scholarship Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 126127;
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 258260.
185
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 259.
186
Arthur H. Williamson, David Hume of Godscrofts the History of the House of
Angus (review), Scottish Historical Review, 86.1 (2007), 143145.
228 chapter six
187
Paul J. McGinnis and Arthur H. Williamson, Introduction in Paul J. McGinnis
and Arthur H. Williamson (eds. and trans.), The British Union A Critical Edition and
Translation of David Hume of Godscrofts De Unione Insulae Britannicae (Ashgate,
2002), 20.
188
Anderson, Early Records of the University of St Andrews, 166, 169, 277; McGinnis
and Williamson, Introduction in The British Union, 20.
189
Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 87.
190
Paul J. McGinnis and Arthur H. Williamson, Introduction in Paul J. McGinnis
and Arthur H. Williamson (eds.), George Buchanan: The Political Poetry (Edinburgh,
1995), 36.
191
Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 87.
192
McGinnis and Williamson, Introduction in George Buchanan: The Political
Poetry, 37; David Hume of Godscroft, Lusus poetici, in tres partes distincti (London,
1605).
193
Arthur H. Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI: The
Apocalypse, the Union and the Shaping of Scotlands Public Culture (Edinburgh, 1979),
8990.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 229
the King, Godscroft was forced to flee with his comrades to England
where Melville later joined his fellow Presbyterian exiles.194
Several years later Godscroft further endeared himself to Melville by
composing a cogent defense of Presbyterianism in letters he had written
to bishops Law and Cowper. Melville wrote of him, I love the sincere
zeal and undaunted spirit of that excellent man and most upright friend.
Would to God that the equestrian, not to say the ecclesiastical, ordercould
boast of many Godscrofts.195 His defense of Presbyterianism was timely,
offered when Melville was no longer resident at St Andrewswhere he
might offer his own defense. In Melvilles absence and with great erudi-
tion and eloquence, he offered such a compelling case that James Melville
remarked: I wish they [referring to his letters] were printed one
would scarcely desire to see any thing better on the subject.196
Influenced by Buchanan, Godscroft looked to the authors of classical
antiquity to find his models for poetry and history. In Buchanan both
Melville and Godscroft found a contemporary model of Latinity, as well
as many of the political sentiments that would inform their own respec-
tive theories. Their intellectual kinship, as seen in their cultivation of the
art of Latin poetry, was significantly augmented by the religious kinship
which they shared in their struggle against episcopacy in both Scotland
and England. Shaped by many of the same intellectual environments at
St Andrews, Geneva, and France and united by their similar Reformed
heritage, Melville and Godscroft shared many of the same cultural val-
ues, humanistic sentiments, and religious principles.
While we may reasonably assume that Godscroft was as familiar with
Melvilles poetry as his fellow humanist was with his own, it is unclear
how frequently and to what extent they interacted. Melvilles corre-
spondence with Godscroft suggests that they were on intimate terms
during their period of exile in England during the mid-1580s. We know
from Melvilles letter to Godscroft dated 23 April 1604 that he strongly
commended his The Bonds of the British Union (an alternate title to De
unione insulae Britannicae) and praised its author, stating that he had
surpassed the high hopes he had for him as a young man when the two
had temporarily resided together in England.197 United in their political
198
James Kerr Cameron (ed.), Letters of John Johnston and Robert Howie (Edinburgh
and London, 1963), xvixxiii, xxviixxxviii, xlxliii, xlix.
199
John Johnston, Richardo, Thomae, et Andre Melvinis FFF. (Fratribus) in William
Keith Leask (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis Vol. III Poetae Minores (Aberdeen,
1910), 124.
200
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 331; Cameron, Letters of John Johnston and
Robert Howie, 235237.
201
Evidence, Oral and Documentary, Taken and Received by the Commissioners
Appointed by His Majesty George IV for Visiting the Universities of Scotland. VolumeIII.
University of St. Andrews (London, 1837), 197; Cameron, Letters of John Johnston and
Robert Howie, lilii. The following was decreed: For the bettir ordour to be observit in
tyme cuming, in the haill Collegis; That all Doctouris and Regentis, not being pastouris
in the Kirk, professing ather Theologie or Philosophie, and astricted to daylie teiching
and examinatioun of youth, sal be in all tyme cuming exemit fra all imployment upoun
Sessionis, Presbetereis, Generall or Synodall Assemblies, and fra teiching in kirkis or
congregationis, exept in exercises, and censuring of doctrine in exercises.
202
Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 87. In addition to influencing one
another, Adams, following Bradner, suggests that together Melville and Johnston may
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 231
both Melville and Johnston were even agreed in their views regarding
Piscators controversial doctrine of justification as their joint letter
to Philippe du Plessis-Mornay dated 14 October 1604 indicates.203
Ashumanists trained on the continent, they held in common many of
the values cherished by the advocates of the New Learning, particularly
the art of Latin poetry. Indeed, the two men were such good friends and
colleagues that Melvilles epic on the founding of the Scottish people,
entitled Gathelus, may have been inspired by Johnston, who himself had
published his own historical epigrams in 1602, entitled Inscriptiones his-
toricae regum Scotorum.204
Johnstons Inscriptiones was a series of epigrams on all of the Kings of
Scotland from the time of Fergus in 330 BC to the days of James VI and
was published along with Melvilles uncompleted Gathelus and Histori
vera laus. Their mutual interests and influence, as well as their shared
humanistic values, may be seen in the fact that, in addition to publishing
their separate works together, two of the epigrams on Mary Queen of
Scots in Johnstons Inscriptiones were composed by Melville himself.205
The 1602 Inscriptiones along with his 1603 Heroes ex omni historia Scotia
lectissimi 206 were poetic collections written in the tradition of the fourth-
century poet Ausonius who had composed a number of epigrams on
famous heroes and another on the twelve Caesars. These epigrams had
been imitated by the distinguished Renaissance scholar Julius Caesar
Scaliger and had become a model for subsequent Renaissance poets eager
to emulate the great Latin muse. In 1611 and 1612 Johnston shifted from
Scottish history to sacred history by publishing his Sidera veteris aevi,
sive heroes fide et factis illustres in veteri testamento and Icones regum
Iudae et Israelis respectively. Although the subject matter had shifted dra-
matically, the literary approach embodied in these poetical treatments
of history continued to follow the model of Ausonius. Similarly,
have been responsible for David Hume of Godscroft abandoning his earlier Ovidian
style of verse for a more overtly religious form of poetry. As a protg of Buchanan,
Hume of Godscroft modeled his early poetry after the pattern of Ovid and composed
epigrams, love elegies, allegorical eclogues, a thanksgiving for the discovery of the
Gunpowder Plot, and a long religious poem in hexameters, Aselcanus.
203
Cameron, Letters of John Johnston and Robert Howie, 195197.
204
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 153; John Johnston, Inscriptiones historicae regum
Scotorum, continuata annorum serie a Fergusio primo regni conditore ad nostra tempora
(Edinburgh, 1602).
205
Johnston, Inscriptiones, 5859; Cameron, Letters of John Johnston and Robert
Howie, lxi.
206
John Johnston, Heroes ex omni historia Scotia lectissimi (Edinburgh, 1603).
232 chapter six
Johnstons Encomia urbium, which praised the cities and towns ofScot
land, may have been inspired by Julius Caesar Scaligers own Urbes.207
Due to Johnstons own choice of subject matter, namely Scottish and
Hebrew Kings, his poetry has been criticized for its lack of imagination
and inspiration and his literary style has been tagged pedestrian.208
Despite his best efforts to develop a new classicism of language, his
patriotic Scots versification seen in his tributes to Scotlands heroes
and cities tended to stifle the expression of his own native originality.209
Yet in spite of his moderate poetical talents, his connections with a
number of other Latin poets and literati in Scotland underscore his liter-
ary significance. In addition to being a close friend and colleague of
Melvilles, Johnston enjoyed the continued friendship of his three fellow
Aberdonians, Robert Howie, David Wedderburn, and Andrew Aidie.210
While there can be no question that Johnston and Melville admired one
anothers poetic productions and even collaborated in publishing
Johnstons Inscriptiones, their humanist bond was augmented by their
common religious orientation. Despite Melvilles imprisonment and
subsequent banishment, their friendship remained strong and was only
ended with the death of Johnston in 1611. As a token of their friendship,
when Johnston died he left Melville a gilt black velvet cap, a gold coin,
and one of his most prized books from his personal library.211
Melvilles Poetry
207
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 155.
208
Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 86; Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 155.
209
D. F. S. Thomson, The Latin Epigram in Scotland: The Sixteenth Century,
Phoenix, 11 (Sum., 1957), 70; Macqueen, Scottish Latin Poetry, 220.
210
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 156; Anderson, Officers and Graduates, 46, 329;
Thomson, The Latin Epigram in Scotland: The Sixteenth Century, 71.
211
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 284, 288. Melville, Melvini Epistolae, 196, 281,
293294. Upon receiving the news of Johnstons death from his nephew, Melville wrote
on 28 May 1612: Ob Jhonstoni nostri occasum tam illustrem in maerore gaudio. Pauci
quos aequus amavit Jupiter, aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus, Diis geniti potuere . . . .
Fuit . . . vere pius et purioris ut doctrinae sic disciplinae tenax nec inhumano animo.
Academia praeceptorem, Ecclesia civem, nos amicum amisimus.
212
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 152.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 233
213
James Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Cambridge,
2000), 57.
214
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 152.
215
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 58; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 8789, 302.
216
Steven John Reid, Early Polemic by Andrew Melville: The Carmen Mosis (1574)
and the St Bartholomews Day Massacres, Renaissance and Reformation, 30.4 (Fall
2006/2007), 63; Adams, The Renaissance Poets: (2) Latin, 82.
217
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 59; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 44, 51, 286, 315, 377, 462465; Vol. II, 9697, 122, 157, 172, 197, 203,
215, 217, 219, 222, 228, 232, 257, 262, 328329. While Doelman is correct in observing
that Melvilles poetic writings have been a neglected area of study, his assertion that
McCries relative neglect of his poetry in his Life indicates disdain for Melvilles poetic
activities is unwarranted and untenable given a careful reading of McCries text. Far
from expressing disdain for Melvilles poetry, McCrie heaped lavish praise upon the
Latin poet in his brief discussion of the Carmen Mosis and to a lesser extent in his treat-
ment of the . Indeed, his profound admiration of Melvilles poetic abilities
may be observed in his frequent and liberal inclusion throughout his lengthy biography
of epigrams and portions of his longer poems. He included such poems as Classicum,
Tyrannis, Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia as well as a number of untitled epigrams.
Although his Life certainly could have included more discussion and analysis of Melvilles
poetry, the limited examination that is included was probably determined more by pub-
lishing restraints than intellectual disdain for the art. Similarly, Reids unwarranted char-
acterization of McCrie as a dour minister who may have regarded Melvilles poetry
234 chapter six
as too frivolous does not account for the extent of his poetical analysis, publication
limitations, and his explicit praise of his poetic abilities. Writing of Melvilles Latin
poetry, McCrie praised the vigour of his imagination and the elegance of his taste and
maintained that some of his poetic productions were comparable with the poetry of the
greatest masters of that species of writing.
218
Anne Lake Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams: The Uses and
Abuses of Poetry, SR, 21 (1974), 8485; Kirk Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical
Library and Christian Humanism, Archiv fr Reformationsgeschichte, 82 (1991), 201
202; McGinnis and Williamson, Introduction, 32, 276. Cf. Kirk M. Summers (ed. and
trans.), A View from the Palatine: The Iuvenilia of Thodore de Bze (Temple, AZ, 2001);
Andrew Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia (Edinburgh, 1594).
219
McGinnis and Williamson, Introduction, 3233.
220
Adams, The Renaissance Poets: (2) Latin, 87; McGinnis and Williamson, George
Buchanan, 36; Melville, JMAD, 46.
221
Melville, JMAD, 279; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 302, 464465. Melville
composed encomiastic verses in honor of Adrian Dammans Latin compositions. For a
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 235
the King insisted on having the ceremony with or without the service of
the Presbyterian ministers.222 Whereas Galloway and Bruce had been
given the assignments of delivering the sermon and offering the prayer
respectively, Melville had been appointed to read a Latin poem he him-
self had composed suited specifically for this august occasion.223
Following the anointing of the queen by Robert Bruce and the subse-
quent crowning by Bruce, John Maitland of Thirlestane, and David
Lindsay, Melville delivered what was later entitled .224 His
courtly service on this occasion was depicted by Adrian Damman in
his 1590 Schediasmata as entertaining, yet instructive, while Justus
Lipsius admired its author, declaring revera Andreas, Melvinus est serio
doctus (Andrew Melville is, in fact, deeply learned). Similarly, Joseph
Scaliger offered his own praise of the piece when he confessed: nos talia
non possumus (not even we are able to do such). Given Scaligers
intellectual reputation and his own reluctance to flatter, such remarks
illustrate Melvilles growing European reputation as an erudite humanist
and skilled poet of the sixteenth-century Renaissance.225
As the was circulated throughout Europe, humanists
such as Lipsius and Scaliger welcomed it as embodying not merely ele-
gant Latin poetry but equally noble content on the proper and just gov-
ernment of a kingdom. While exploring the reasons why men covet the
government of a kingdom, he enumerated both the morally dubious and
the more honorable motivations.226 After praising the King for his brav-
ery in traveling across the dangerous North Sea to retrieve his bride from
Denmark, Melville eloquently expressed the union between the King
and his subjects and the weighty responsibility the monarch possesses.
He argued that the King, as a virtuous leader, is to lead the people in
moral rectitude. If he leads well, the people will flourish under his reign,
but if he leads poorly, the people will, in turn, suffer.227 By portraying
James in the exalted and glorious language of viva Dei viventis imago
(the live image of the living God), Melville expressed his own rever-
ence for the monarchy and endeared himself to the King.228 Following
the delivery of the , the King asked Melville to submit it to
the printer for publication and expressed his personal gratitude.229
In 1594 Melville composed his Principis Scoti-Britannorum natalia in
honor of the birth of Prince Henry and published it at the press of Robert
Waldegrave in Edinburgh.230 Although earlier in the year Melville had
been suspected of involvement in the Earl of Bothwells schemes against
the King, he was apparently able to demonstrate his innocence by the
time of the Princes baptism on 30 August 1594. The publication of his
poem, celebrating the Princes birth, again underscores his public role as
a Latin poet of distinction and a prominent humanist in the service of
the King. Anticipating that both James and Henry would one day reign
over both England and Scotland, Melvilles Natalia and its subsequent
publication at the Kings insistence offended Queen Elizabeth. Despite
the political posturing which ensued with James feigning ignorance of
what had been written, his avid interest in poetry and political theory as
evidenced by his 1584 The Essayes of a Prentise, in the Divine Art of Poesie
and his subsequent 1599 Basilikon Doron suggest that he understood
precisely what Melville had written and approved of it.231
Et prdulce decus patri: populiq[ue] patrumq[ue] / Vel bello qurenda salus, per
mille pericla, / Mille neces,& morte ipsa quod durius usquam est? / Quo patri non
raptet amor clestis & aul / Aetheri, terna Regem qu luce coronat?
227
Ibid., 5. Melville wrote: o quam sumus una / Coniuncti qui regnamur cum Rege
catena? / Virtutis secat ille viam dux praevius? ultro / Nos comites. Fertur preceps per
devia? Iam nos / Prcipites. Vernat Zephyris felicibus?& nos / Floremus. Lapsum urget
hyems? nos flore caduci / Defluimus, ruimusq[ue].
228
Ibid.; Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 61.
229
Melville, JMAD, 279.
230
Andrew Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia (Edinburgh, 1594). On
Waldegrave see Katherine S. Van Eerde, Robert Waldegrave: the Printer as Agent and
Link between Sixteenth-Century England and Scotland, Renaissance Quarterly, 34.1
(1981), 4078. On Henrys baptism see Rick Bowers, James VI, Prince Henry, and A
True Reportaire of Baptism at Stirling 1594, Renaissance et Rforme, 29.4 (2005), 322.
231
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 61. Cf. Daniel Fischlin
and Mark Fortier (eds.), James I The True Law of Free Monarchies and Basilikon Doron
(Toronto, 1996), 85176; Jenny Wormald, James VI and I, Basilikon Doron and The
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 237
Trew Law of Free Monarchies: The Scottish Context and the English Translation in Linda
Levy Peck (ed.), The Mental World of the Jacobean Court (Cambridge, 1991), 3654.
232
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 3132, 154155;
Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia, 2. Melville wrote: Fas jungit et jus Scoto-
Britannicum: / Lex jungit et res Scoto-Britannica: / Scoto-Britanno Rege princeps / In
populum vocat unus unum / Scoto-Britannum. Gloria nunc quibus, / Quantisque surget
Scoto-Britannica / Rebus? Nec vi terminanda / Limitibus, spatiisve cli fastu donec
Iberico / Late subacto sub pedibus premas, / Clarus triumpho delibuti / Gerionis, trip-
licem tiaram, / Qua nunc revinctus tempora Cerberus / Romanus atra conduplicat face
/ De rupe Tarpeia fragores / Tartareos tonitru tremendo: / Quo terram inertem quo
mare barbarum, / Orcumque, et oras territat igneas, / Septem potitus verna sceptris / Et
solio gemini Draconis.
233
Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia, 1. Melville wrote: Vernantis anni in
limine primula / Veris tenelli cum rosa luteum / Pingit virorem, et rore florem / Cligeno
saturat comantem, / Florentis vi in lumine primula / Pulcherrimarum nunc rosa virgi-
num, / Flos virginum, flos fminarum / Rore poli irriguus sereni, / Vernante Regis flor-
iduli satu, / Florentis Ann prviridi sinu, / Enixa florem in lucis auras / Purpureum
roseo renidens / Regina Regi mista potentibus / Cli faventis motibus. O diem /Ltum!
O seren lucis auram! / O niveum, nitidumque solem! /Qui primus aura lampadis aure
/ Affulsit ori germinis aurei: / Quem primulum primo tenellis / Luminibus tener hausit
infans. / Infans paterna debitus indole / Scepteris avitis: debitus inclytis / Ortu Britannis
Rex supremo / Jure, Caedoniisque priscis.
234
Ibid; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 278281.
235
Ibid. Melville writes: O superba / Hesperi gemin corona! / Diu crevit arbos
maxima quam brevis / Evertit hora. Carpit Aneam / Arugo lamnam. Fit minutis /
238 chapter six
Prda avibus leo fortis ingens. / Fastus triumphos jactet Ibericus, / Fraus vim venenis
misceat Itala, / Et ferro, et re, et plumbo, et auro /Bella fovens jaculetur omnem /
Romanus orcum Juppiter: ocyus / Ferox Iberus, mollior Italus, / Grexque eviratus,
purpurato / Cum Iove torruerint caduci / Armante Jova numine vivido / Dextram
coruscam: et fulmine luridum / Trudente ad orcum ter sacratum / Pontificem, atque
Italum, atque Iberum.
236
On this eschatological vision see Arthur H. Williamson, Scotland, Antichrist and
the Invention of Great Britain in John Dwyer, Roger A. Mason, and Alexander Murdoch
(eds.), New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modern Scotland (Edinburgh,
1982), 3458.
237
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 278, 329.
238
Melville, Principis Scoti-Britannorum Natalia, 3; McGinnis and Williamson,
George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 280281. Melville wrote: Sic fastuosos indigenas
poli / Caliginosis compedibus dedit: / Sic conscelestum absorpsit orbem / Diluvie:
Phariumque Regem / Mersit profundo: Scilicet impotens / Rivalis alti conditor theris:/
Orbisque rector, fraudis atr / Impatiens, tumidique fastus / Ultor. Beatus Rex ter,
et amplius, / Carusque clo et civibus, in Deo, / Qui spiritus mole insolentes / Imperii,
posuisse gaudet.
239
Andrew Melville, Histori vera laus in John Johnston, Inscriptiones historic
Regum Scotorum, continuata annorum serie a Fergusio primo conditore ad nostra tem-
pora (Amsterdam, 1602).
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 239
light of truth, eye of the mind, / Mind of the spirit, rule of life, and life of
the soul, Melville celebrated history as the Golden messenger of great
and admirable accomplishments and as the mother of arts and of all
good things.240 As the advisor of kings, and the god-like source of laws,
he conceived of history as that which should inform and direct both the
prince and his subjects.241 As a discriminating and discerning source,
history, according to Melville, enables one to distinguish public things
from private, as well as the sacred from [the] profane. History is useful
as a guide during times of peace and war, and happiness is promised
both to those who write it as well as read and study it.242 Although
Melvilles Histori is only twelve lines long, it embodies many of the
principles that undergirded his conception of the conflict which lay
ahead between the Scoto-Britannic and Iberian empires.
Along with the Histori vera laus, Melville published as a preface to
Johnstons 1602 Inscriptiones a fragment of his national Scottish epic,
Gathelus.243 Composed sometime during the years 15941602, it is
unclear whether the poem remained unfinished or whether it was com-
pleted and subsequently lost. We do know that, in addition to these pub-
lished verses, he composed a brief 29 line poetic introduction to the
Gathelus.244 Described as a northerly Aeneid in Vergilian verse, Melville
followed the narrative of Hector Boeces 1527 Scotorum histori in retell-
ing the story of Scotlands Graeco-Egyptian origins.245 Unlike Buchanan
240
Ibid.; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 282283.
Melville wrote: Index vi omnis, lux veri, mentis ocellus, / Mens animi, vit regula, vita
anim; Nuncia magnarum et mirandarum aurea rerum, / Qu sine laude latent, qu
sine labe patent; Artium et omnigenum genitrix altrixque bonarum
241
Ibid. Melville wrote: Et Regum monitrix, et Legum Diva creatrix, / Divaque
frnatrix, et procerum et populi .
242
Ibid.; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 282283.
Melville wrote: Publica privatis secernens, sacra prophanis, / Et pacem et bellum tem-
perat Historia. / FELIX qui potis est hanc recte scribere: felix / Quisquis et hanc recta
cum ratione legit.
243
Andrew Melville, Gathelus, Sive de Gentis origine fragmentum in John Johnston,
Inscriptiones historic Regum Scotorum, continuata annorum serie a Fergusio primo con-
ditore ad nostra tempora (Amsterdam, 1602).
244
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 284287.
245
James Macqueen, Scottish Latin Poetry in R.D.S. Jack (ed.), The History of
Scottish Literature Vol.I (Aberdeen, 19871988), 220; McGinnis and Williamson, George
Buchanan the Political Poetry, 286. On Boeces history see N. R. Royan, The Relationship
between the Scotorum Historia of Hector Boece and John Bellendens Chronicles of
Scotland in Sally Mapstone and Juliette Wood (eds.), The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on
the Culture of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (East Linton, 1998), 136157;
Roger A. Mason, Scotching the Brut: Politics, History and National Myth in Sixteenth-
Century Britain in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England 12861815 (Edinburgh,
1987), 6084.
240 chapter six
246
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 286.
247
I. D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London, 1981), 416418, 425.
248
Roger A. Mason, George Buchanan, James VI and the Presbyterians in Roger
A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603
(Cambridge, 1994), 125.
249
McFarlane, Buchanan, 427428.
250
McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 34, 292293;
Melville, Gathelus. Melville writes: Hic primum Augustos titulos et Regia jura, /
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 241
magis, effrni rapit omnia bello: / Cdibus et vastat populos, et regna ruinis / Evertit,
scelere ante alios immanior omnes.
257
Ibid; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 294295.
Melville wrote: Hic vero quanquam natu minor, haud minor oris / Laude verecundi, et
liquidas sub pectore flammas / Acer alit, sancteque studet bene parta tueri, / Nec sibi,
sed fratri, carisque parentibus ambit / Nomen, et illustrem ventura in secula famam.
258
Ibid; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 286297.
259
Ibid.
260
Ibid; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 292293.
In referring to Gathelus household gods, Melville took the opportunity to link this
ancient superstition with its contemporary Catholic manifestation. Melville wrote: Huc
memorant tandem subducta classe Gathelum / Sedibus optatis extremo in limite mundi/
Occidui hic posuisse lares, urbemque Brigantum, / Atque Brigantinas arces immania
templa, / Nunc ubi Barbarico ritu sacrisque profanis / Ossa asinina orbis stolide Romanus
adorat / Nobilitato urbis cognomine Compostell.
261
Ibid.; McGinnis and Williamson, George Buchanan the Political Poetry, 296297.
Melville wrote: Mitis Imecum autem sequitur clementia cli / Ubere dives agri: Et
cunctarum opulentia rerum, / Atque greges atque armenta, atque hc pascua passim /
Pinhuia, serpentum sine morsu et dente luporum / Terra, venenata re et peste immunis
ab omni est: Nec gignit nec fert illatum aliunde venenum: Flumina sed lactis, sed flu-
mina mellis inundant.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 243
262
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 64. The full title of
Melvilles poem is Pro Supplici Evangelicorum Ministrorum in Anglia ad Serenissimum
Regem Contra Larvatam geminate Academiae Gorgonem Apologia, sive Anti-tami-cami-
Categoria. As Doelman has observed, in light of the absence in the poem of any refer-
ence to the Hampton Court Conference, which occurred in January 1604, it is very likely
that Melville composed it in late 1603 or early 1604.
263
The full title was The Answer of the Vice-Chancellor, the Doctors with the Proctors
and other Heads of Houses in the University of Oxford.
264
Stuart Barton Babbage, Puritanism and Richard Bancroft (London, 1962), 44; Mark
McCloskey and Paul R. Murphy, The Latin Poetry of George Herbert: A Bilingual Edition
(Athens, OH, 1965), 177.
265
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 64; Adams, The
Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 82.
244 chapter six
immediate publication did not prevent its informal circulation, and it, in
turn, provoked various replies.266 Dismissed by archbishop Spottiswoode
as the work of a seditious fiery man, Melvilles Categoria propelled its
author to become a symbol of Presbyterian intransigence well beyond
the time of the 1604 Hampton Court Conference. His symbolic signifi-
cance during the controversy surrounding the Perth Assembly is attested
by the fact that so many authors who sought James favor chose to attack
him. From George Herberts Musae responsoriae to Thomas Atkinsons
Melvinus delirans, Melvilles Categoria continued to draw attention as
its author was viewed as a symbol of Scottish independence and opposi-
tion to Anglicanism and to the efforts by James to centralize power and
consolidate his control over the Kirk.267 Melvilles reputation as a distin-
guished humanist and scholar served to attract aspiring young scholars
looking to make a name for themselves and curry royal favor.268 The
kings own dislike of Melville certainly made the humanist a welcomed
target of satire, ridicule, and epigram wars.269
Composed of over two hundred lines, Melvilles Categoria has been
described as a long and vigorous Sapphic ode divided into three basic
sections.270 Unlike the first section (ll. 164), which dealt with religious
ceremonies prescribed by the Anglican Prayer Book, the second
(ll. 65128) and third sections (ll. 129204), which respectively addressed
religious reforms advocated by several leading Protestant theologians
266
F. E. Hutchinson ed. The Works of George Herbert (Oxford, 1978), 587; McCrie,
Life of Andrew Melville II, 104.
267
James Doelman, The Contexts of George Herberts Musae Responsoriae, George
Herbert Journal, 2 (1992), 44, 46, 48; Thomas Atkinson, Melvinus Delirans Sive Satyra
Edentula Contra Ejusdem Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoriam, British Library, MS Harley
3496. Cf. George Eglishem, Adversus Andreae Melvini cavillum in aram regiam
Epigrammata Prophylactica; Adamson, De Sacro Pastoris Munere.
268
Izak Walton, The Life of Mr. George Herbert (London, 1670), 35. Walton wrote:
This Mr. Melvin was a man of learning, and was the Master of a great wit, a wit full of
knots and clenches: a wit sharp and satyrical; exceeded, I think, by none of that Nation,
but their Buchanan. Cf. McCloskey and Murphy, The Latin Poetry of George Herbert, 28,
5457. Even George Herbert, who wanted to consign Melvilles poem to the flames, was
compelled to recognize his opponents stature as a distinguished scholar and skilled poet
when he called him poeta belle. Herbert wrote: Quin te laudibus orno: quippe dico, /
Caesar sobrius ad rei Latinae / Vnus dicitur aduenire cladem: / Et tu solus ad Angliae
procellas / (Cm plerumque tu sodalitate / Nil sit crassius, impolitisue) / Accedis bene
doctus, et poeta.
269
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 72.
270
W. Hilton Kelliher, The Latin Poetry of George Herbert in John R. Roberts (ed.),
Essential Articles for the Study of George Herberts Poetry (Hamden, CT 1979), 527. Cf.
Leon J. Richardson, On Certain Sound Properties of the Sapphic Strophe as Employed
by Horace, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association,
33 (1902), 38.
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 245
and the wisdom and grandeur of God, were the least objectionable to
the Anglicans.271 Some responses to the Categoria, such as Herberts
Musae responsoriae, attempted to ridicule the title as well as its meter,
facetiously suggesting the corresponding titles of Anti-furi-Puri-
Categoria and Anti-pelvi-Melvi-Categoria and subtly intimating the
feminine appeal of the Sapphic meter. The portion of poetic verse
found most objectionable addressed matters of sacred ritual.272
Comparing the words of a priest at infant baptism to the noise of a
screech-owl, the sound of sacred music to the clash of Phrygian
cymbals, and a fixed liturgy to the incantation of a magic wheel,
Melville touched an Anglican nerve and provoked a flurry of poetic
responses.273
Of course, Melvilles Categoria had itself been prompted by Oxfords
Answer, which had expressed the boast that there are at this day more
learned men in this kingdom than are to be found among all the minis-
ters of religion in all Europe besides.274 In an attempt to debunk Anglican
hubris and appeal to the brilliance and glory of the Protestant Reformed
tradition in its conflict with Catholicism, Melville connected references
to Bucer, Calvin, Beza, and Martyr with references to the Cantabrigian
William Whitaker and the Oxonian John Rainolds. While such implicit
comparisons are admittedly difficult to justify, given the intellectual cal-
iber and stature of these continental divines, Melvilles inclusion of
Whitaker and Rainolds may be better understood as part of a much
broader appeal to James to look to Strasbourg and Geneva rather than to
Rome in leading the state and Church.275
271
Melville, Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria; Kelliher, The Latin Poetry of George
Herbert, 527.
272
McCloskey and Murphy, The Latin Poetry of George Herbert, 1013. He wrote:
Cur, vbi tot ludat numeris antique poesis, / Sola tibi Sappho, feminque vna placet? /
Cur tibi tam facil non arrisre poetae / Heroum grandi carmina fulta pede? / Cur non
lugentes Elegi? Non acer Iambus? / Commotos animos rectis ista decent. / Scilicet hoc
vobis proprium, qui puris itis, /Et populi spurcas creditis esse vias: / Vos ducibus missis,
missis doctoribus, omnes / Femineum bland fallitis arte genus: / Nunc etiam teneras
qu versus gratior aures / Mulceat, imbelles complacure modi.
273
Melville, Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria, 42. Melville wrote: Turbida illimi cruces in
lavacro / Signa consignem? Magico rotatu / Verba devolvam? Sacra vox sacrat immur-
muret und / Strigis in morem? Rationis usu adfabor infantem vacuum? canoras /
Ingeram nugas minus audienti / Dicta puello?
274
Hutchinson, The Works of George Herbert, 590.
275
Melville, Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria, 45. Doelman, King James I and the Religious
Culture of England, 64. Melville wrote: solumque / Et salum coeli aemula praecinentis /
More modoque / Concinunt Bezae numeris modisque / Et polo plaudunt: referuntque
leges / Lege quas sanxit pius ardor & Rex / Scotobritannus.
246 chapter six
Conclusion
him to seek out and establish relationships with those with whom he
shared a common intellectual culture.
Similarly, the 1587 visit of Du Bartas as well as Melvilles literary circle
provides further insight into his place in the Scottish Renaissance.
Du Bartas visit was a clear indication of James VIs high regard for
Melvilles abilities as a scholar and poet. Viewed as a humanistic orna-
ment of the country, Melvilles European reputation, dramatic reforming
success at Glasgow, and prominent position as principal at St Marys
made him an obvious choice as one who might thoroughly impress the
French poet. The decade he spent on the continent in France and
Switzerland at some of the leading centers of the French Renaissance
and Protestant Reformation provided yet another point of contact
between the two and was, undoubtedly, a factor in the Kings decision to
bring Du Bartas to St Andrews.
Likewise, Melvilles correspondence and subsequent relationship with
Isaac Casaubon provides yet another important indicator of his place
within the broader humanistic culture of sixteenth-century Europe.
Linked with Melville in a sacred friendship, united by their common
humanistic culture and values, Casaubon expressed his own admiration
and offered a special plea to Melville to publish a number of his writings
on sacred literature. Casaubons correspondence in 1601 further reveals
that after more than 25 years since his departure from Geneva, Melvilles
scholarly reputation continued to be promoted by Beza, Henri Estienne,
and Jacques Lect.
In addition to foreign figures, during these years Melville established
close ties with the Scottish humanists David Hume of Godscroft and
John Johnston. United with Godscroft and Johnston in their commit-
ments to the Presbyterian cause in Scotland, Melville experienced a high
degree of intellectual affinity with these Latin poets. His relationship
with Godscroft appears to have been forged during their exile in England
during the years 15841585 and to have continued by means of corre-
spondence during the early seventeenth century. Johnston, on the other
hand, had been Melvilles close associate and companion at St Andrews
for thirteen years and appears by means of his historical epigrams
to have influenced Melville in the composition of his own Gathelus.
In addition to publishing their separate works together, Melville con-
tributed two epigrams on Mary Queen of Scots in Johnstons Inscriptiones,
again emphasizing their mutual fascination with Scottish history.
Moreover, Melvilles poetry during this period appears to provide
some justification for the claim that he served as a kind of unofficial
scotland: st andrews (15801607) 249
Prelude to Conflict
1
On the Hampton Court Conference see F. Shriver, Hampton Court Re-visited:
James I and the Puritans, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 33 (1982), 4871; Mark
H. Curtis, The Hampton Court Conference and its Aftermath, History, 46 (1961),
116. Alan Cromartie, King James and the Hampton Court Conference in Ralph
Houlbrooke (ed.), James VI and I: Ideas, Authority and Government (Aldershot, 2006).
Cf. also William Barlow, The Summe and Substance of the Conference in his Maiesties
Privie-Chamber, at Hampton Court. Ianuary 14. 1603 (London, 1605). On the Millenary
Petition see John Phillips Kenyon, The Stuart Constitution, 16031688: Documents and
Commentary (Cambridge, 1986), 117119.
2
Stuart Barton Babbage, Puritanism and Richard Bancroft (London, 1962), 66; James
Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melville ed. Robert Pitcairn
(Edinburgh, 1842), 555; John Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland Vol. III ed.
M. Russell (Edinburgh, 1851), 143.
3
For an excellent historiographical discussion and analysis of whether James was
actually attempting to move the Scottish Kirk toward Anglicanism see Jenny Wormald,
252 chapter seven
The Headaches of Monarchy: Kingship and the Kirk in the Early Seventeenth Century
in Julian Goodare and Alasdair A. MacDonald (eds.), Sixteenth-Century Scotland: Essays
in Honour of Michael Lynch (Leiden and Boston, 2008), 365393. Cf. also A.R.MacDonald,
James VI and I, the Church of Scotland, and British ecclesiastical convergence,
Historical Journal, 48 (2005), 885903.
4
David Stevenson, The Scottish Revolution 16371644: The Triumph f the Covenanters
(Newton Abbot, 1973), 2324; E. G. Selwyn, The First Book of the Irenicum of John Forbes
of Corse (Cambridge, 1923), 1213. On the Five Articles of Perth see Ian B. Cowan, The
Five Articles of Perth in Duncan Shaw (ed.), Reformation and Revolution (Edinburgh,
1967), 160177. L. A. M. Stewart, Brothers in treuth: propaganda, public opinion and
the Perth Articles debate in Scotland in R. Houlbrooke (ed.), James VI and I: Ideas,
Authority and Government (Aldershot, 2006); The political repercussions of the five
articles of Perth: a reassessment of James VI and Is religious policies in Scotland,
Sixteenth Century Journal, 38 (2007), 101336; J. D. Ford, Conformity in conscience:
the structure of the Perth Articles debate in Scotland, 16181638, Journal of Ecclesiastical
History, 46 (1995), 25677; The lawful bonds of Scottish society: the Five Articles of
Perth, the Negative Confession and the National Covenant, Historical Journal, 37
(1994), 4564.
5
Alan R. MacDonald, The Jacobean Kirk, 15671625 Sovereignty, Polity and Liturgy
(Aldershot, 1998), 5657; Melville, JMAD, 316317.
6
Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville Vol. II, (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London,
1824), 112, 114; Melville, JMAD, 570576.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 253
7
Evidence, Oral and Documentary, Taken and Received by the Commissioners
Appointed by His Majesty George IV for Visiting the Universities of Scotland. Volume
III. University of St. Andrews (London, 1837), 197; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II,
9394.
8
Melville, JMAD, 54.
9
Spottiswoode, History III, 176182; David Calderwood, The History of the Kirk of
Scotland Vol. VI ed. Thomas Thomson (Edinburgh, 1845), 559597.
10
Melville, JMAD, 659, 661; Andrew Melville, Viri Clarissimi A. Melvini Musae et P.
Adamsoni Vita et Palindoia (1620), 20. Melville wrote Pro Conventu Ministrorum
Abredoni. Anno 1605. Melville wrote: Cui pro lege libido hominis, pro rege tyrannus /
Fingitur: & prav hc fictio fista placet. / Hic aul est manceps, verna aul, & mancip-
ium alui, / Legibus exilio, regibus exitio. / Sacra patrum si lege coit, si more coron: /
Rege inconsulto non coit ergo suo. / Legibus humanis, divinis: moribus avi / Et prisci
atque novi tum foris atque domi: / Exemplis patrum patriis, patrum peregrines, / Hi
coiere patres de meliore nota. / Invide quid carpis? Quid damnas Zoile? Christum / Non
hos allatras, Zoile, quos laceras.
11
Ibid., 659; Spottiswoode, History III, 177.
254 chapter seven
12
William Barlow, The First of the Foure Sermons Preached before the kings Maiestie,
at Hampton Court in September Last. This Concerning the Antiquity and Superioritie of
Bishoppes. Sept. 21, 1606 (London, 1607).
13
John Buckeridge, A Sermon Preached at Hampton Court before the Kings Maiestie,
on Tuesday the 23. of September, Anno 1606 (London, 1606), B4. Buckeridge wrote:
Dum se Donatus super Imperatorem extollit, dum se Episcopus Romanus, or, Dum
Presbyterium, he might haue said, either while Donatus the Bishop of Rome, or the
Presbytery, one Pope, or many Popes doeth extoll himselfe aboue the Emperor: non
verendo eum qui post Deum, not reuerencing nor fearing him, who next after God is
reuerenced and feared of all men.
14
Lancelot Andrewes, A Sermon Preached Before the Kings Maiestie, at Hampton
Court, Concerning the Right and Power of Calling Assemblies, on Sunday the 28. of
September, Anno 1606 (London, 1606).
15
Melville, JMAD, 667.
16
John King, The Fourth Sermon Preached at Hampton Court on Tuesday the Last of
Sept. 1606 (Oxford, 1606); P. E. McCullough, King, John (d. 1621), Oxford Dictionary
of National Biography, Vol. 31 (Oxford, 2004), 635. McCullough is mistaken in identify-
ing the sermons prime target as James Melville. It is far more likely that Andrew was
the target given his position as principal at St Marys.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 255
17
Melville, JMAD, 681. He wrote: The purpose of all this wes to snare Mr Andro
Melvill, quhom they knew to be frie of speech, that they mycht haif sume appearance of
just occasioun to mak him fast, and sua to be quyt of his hinder in the prosecution of the
Episcopall purpose.
18
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 153.
19
Roland Greene Usher, Reconstruction of the English Church Vol. II (New York and
London, 1910), 162163.
20
John Row, The History of the Kirk of Scotland, from the Year 1558 to August
1637 (Edinburgh, 1842), 236. Melville wrote: Praxiteles Co Veneris dum pingeret
ora, / Cratin ad vultus pinxerat ora su: / Divinum Barlo pastorem ut pingeret, Angli /
Prsulis ad vultus pinxerat ora sui. / Praxiteles Venerem pinxit Divamne lupamve? /
Pastorem Barlo pinxerat anne lupum?
21
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 65; Melville,
JMAD, 664.
256 chapter seven
bread!22 While this assessment reflects only the opinion of a single indi-
vidual, Melvilles poetic response may be viewed as confirmation of the
Catholic appearance of the service. His poem In aram Anglicanam
ejusque apparatum was apparently covertly obtained and delivered by
one of the royal chaplains into the hands of the King, who ostensibly
took great offense and subsequently summoned Melville to give an
account of it before the Privy Council.23 As McCrie has suggested, James
may merely have feigned outrage and offense at the humanists derisive
epigram while, in fact, he secretly considered it harmless and of little
significance.24
Remarkably, given the content of the epigram on the altar, these Latin
verses figured prominently in the subsequent conflict between the epis-
copalians and presbyterians.25 Along with Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria,
In aram Anglicanam possessed a symbolic significance and occupied a
notable place in the unfolding struggle for control of the Kirk. This may
be seen both in how the Scottish Presbyterians subsequently employed
such Latin verse in advancing their own agenda and in how the Anglicans,
wishing to obtain the Kings favor, chose to attack one of the Kings most
prominent ecclesiastical adversaries and one of the most distinguished
humanists in Scotland.26 Viri clarissimi A. Melvini musae, et P. Adamsoni
vita et palindoia [sic], published in 1620, was a collection of Melvilles
poetry designed to combat Thomas Wilsons preface to a collection of
Patrick Adamsons Latin verse. By the time Viri clarissimi musae had
been published, Melville was seventy-five years of age, living in exile on
the continent and laboring at the University of Sedan. His verses had
been circulated privately prior to publication and continued to provoke
a number of poetic responses well beyond the days of the Millenary
Petition and the Hampton Court Conference. Indeed, according to
22
Melville, JMAD, 664. Melville records the Germans words as follows: Ego nunq-
uam vidi talem cultum! Nihil hic profecto deest de solemna missa, preter adorationem
transubstantiali panis! Cf also Row, History, 237.
23
Melville, JMAD, 682683; Calderwood, History VI, 599.
24
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 158.
25
James Doelman, Circulation of the late Elizabethan and Early Stuart Epigram,
Renaissance et Rforme, 29.1 (2005), 63.
26
Thomas Dempster, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Scotorum: sive, de scriptoribus Scotis
Vol. II (Edinburgh, 1829), 497; Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of
England, 67. Dempster wrote: In eum tunc eruditi quique, cum ut arrogantis hominis
audaciam castigarent, tum ut regi suo placerent, stylum strinxerunt.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 257
27
Antoine Le Fvre de la Boderie, Ambassades de monsieur de la Boderie en Angleterre
sous le rgne dHenri IV. & la minorit de Louis XIII. depuis le annes 1606 jusquen 1611
Vol. I, (1750), 458, Vol. II, 208209; Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of
England, 6667. Cf. letter dated 8 May 1607 de la Boderie Monsieur de Puisieux.
28
James Doelman, The Contexts of George Herberts Musae Responsoriae, George
Herbert Journal, 2 (1992), 48. George Eglishem responded to Melvilles epigram on the
royal altar in his 1618 Adversus Andreae Melvini cavillum in aram regiam Epigrammata
Prophylactica.
29
Patrick Adamson, De sacro pastoris munere ed. Thomas Wilson (London, 1619).
30
Melville, Viri Clarissimi Musae, 24.
31
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 66.
32
Melville, Viri Clarissimi Musae, 24.
258 chapter seven
liturgy, and this epigram was one way in which he attempted to deal
with his own personal disappointment and irritation.
Summoned by the Privy Council to account for his offending Latin
verse, Melville confessed first that he had written such verses and that he
had intended to present them to the King. After expressing his reasons
for composing the epigram, he took the opportunity to reply to arch-
bishop Bancroft for his publication on the topic of the succession.33 It is
difficult to imagine from Melvilles position what positive outcome could
have resulted from such a virulent assault upon the archbishop of
Canterbury. Perhaps he recognized that he could not receive a fair hear-
ing from the English Privy Council and so took advantage of the occa-
sion to critique thoroughly the abuses and corruptions of the Anglican
Church.34 Whatever the reason for this particular tactic, the Privy
Council determined that confinement was the appropriate measure to
be taken. At first, Melville was warded with John Overall the Dean of
St Pauls until 9 March 1607 at which time he was supposed to be trans-
ferred into the custody of Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester until the
King determined what was to be done with him. Unguarded, Melville
delayed reporting to bishop Bilsons residence and instead sought out his
Scottish colleagues, spending the months of March and April in their
company until the order was renewed.35
While the King was deliberating what to do with Melville and the
Scottish ministers, Melville continued to resort to epigrammatic satire
as a form of recreational pleasure and therapeutic release.36 Having been
unlawfully detained and subjected to unwarranted interrogation,
Melville found in the composition of his satirical poetry a catharsis for
33
Melville, JMAD, 679; Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England,66.
Cf. also Richard Bancroft, A Svrvay of the Pretended Holy Discipline. Contayning the
Beginninges, Successe, Parts, Proceedings, Authority, and Doctrine of it: With Some of
the Manifold, and Materiall Repugnances, Varieties and Vncertaineties, in that Behalfe
(London, 1593); Daungerous Positions and Proceedings, Published and Practised within
this Iland of Brytaine, Under Pretence of Reformation, and for the Presbiteriall Discipline
(London, 1593).
34
Ibid. James Melville wrote: [Melville] tuik occasioune plainely in his face, befoir
the Counsell, to tell him all his mynd, quhilk burst out as inclossit fyre in water! He
burdeinit him with all thais corruptiounes and vanities, and superstitiounes, with profa-
natioune of the Sabbath day, silenceing, imprissouning, and beiring doun of the true and
faithfull Preicheres of the Word of God, of setting and holding upe of Antichrystiane
Hierarchie and Popische Ceremonies.
35
Ibid., 681, 700; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 166.
36
Andrew Melville, Melvini epistolae, Special Collections, University of Edinburgh,
110111.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 259
37
Melville, JMAD, 706. Melville wrote: Andreas, Christi divinus Apostolus, est qui /
Nunc Scotos ritus signat Apostolicos: / Armenijs, (ut fama,) Georgius, Hresiarcha, /
Nunc Anglos ritus signat Apostolicos. Signa, Andre, ergo sunt nullo Georgi? Undique
Apostolicis, millibus Apostaticis!
38
Ibid.
39
Ibid., 707. James Melville writes: Thairfoir, his cousine Mr James sayes to him,
Remember Ovidis verses: Si saperem doctus odissem jure sorores / Numina cultori
perniciosa suo! His answer was in the verses following: Sed nunc tanta meo comes est
insania morbo / Saxa demens refero rursus addicta pedem. The text of Ovid, which
James Melville records, differs at several points from modern critical editions. Cf. Ovid,
Ovid: Tristia. Ex Ponto trans. Arthur Leslie Wheeler (Cambridge, MA and London,
1965), 5556. Si saperem, doctas odissem iure sorores, / numina cultori perniciosa
suo. / At nunctanta meo comes est insania morbo / saxa malum refero rursus ad ista
pedem.
260 chapter seven
royal altar.40 Only six lines in length, the epigram was easily circulated
and quickly became a central focus in the struggles between the
churches of England and Scotland.41 After delivering a vituperative
harangue, which offended both the King and Robert Cecil, the first Earl
of Salisbury on 26 April 1607 at Whitehall, Melville was judged to have
committed a scandalum magnatum and was consigned to the Tower
where he was to remain indefinitely.42 The seriousness of this alleged
offense may be questioned by the fact that despite being labeled a scan-
dalum magnatum, there is no indication that this treasoness offense
was to be treated as a capital crime.43
40
Spottiswoode, History III, 183; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 174.
41
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 67.
42
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 178.
43
Row, History, 236237.
44
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 68. Cf. De la Boderie,
Ambassades, II, 207209; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 181; Robert Wodrow,
Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers and Most Eminent Ministers of the Church of
Scotland Vol. II, pt. I (Glasgow, 1845), 54. On 29 June 1607 Monsieur Montmartine
wrote to Robert Boyd of Trochrig, expressing his astonishment and grief over the news
of Melvilles imprisonment. He wrote: I cannot almost belive. But this miserable age is
capable of any thing happy are such as share not in the infection! For a broader con-
sideration of James reputation after his death see Ralph Houlbrooke, Jamess Reputation,
16252005 in Ralph Houlbrooke (ed.) James VI and I: Ideas, Authority and Government
(Aldershot, 2006).
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 261
45
James Kerr Cameron, ed. Letters of John Johnston and Robert Howie (Edinburgh
and London, 1963), lxxlxxi; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 178.
46
In addition to the initial deprivations Melville experienced, the extreme weather
that inmates of the Tower were subjected to during the winter months of 1607 and 1608
led James to entertain grave concerns about his uncles health. That winter was peculiarly
harsh, leaving the Thames frozen over for several months and exposing Melvilleandthose
in the Tower to dangerous weather conditions. Despite his age, the frigid winters, and
sweltering summers spent in the Tower, Melvilles health remained robust. Cf. Melville,
Melvini Epistolae, 4447, 329; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 197198, 207.
47
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 196197.
48
Andrew Melville, Paraphrases des Psaumes IIIXVIXXXVICXXIX. MSS, Special
Collections, University of Edinburgh; P. Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan centre dinfluence
Franaise a propos dun manuscrit du xvii sicle (Paris, 1913), 202207; Andrew Melville,
Prosopopeia apologetica (c. 1608), Special Collections, Edinburgh University Library,
DC6.45, 2223; Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 67;
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 216, 462. McCrie maintained that Melvilles Psalm
paraphrases were first printed in 1609 while he was still in the Tower.
49
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 8790.
50
On Vergils Ciris see R.O.A.M. Lyne, Ciris A Poem Attributed to Vergil (Cambridge,
2004). For our purposes it is not necessary to argue either for or against Vergilian author-
ship of the Ciris. Rather, it is important only to observe that Melville more than likely
believed it to be an authentic text.
262 chapter seven
51
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 93.
52
Ibid., 126133; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 230.
53
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 67. Melville wrote:
Communis tecum mihi causa est carceris, Ara-/ bella tibi causa est; Araque sacra
mihi.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 263
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 9899. Melville was in communication with the bishop
55
of Norwich and Latin satirist Joseph Hall whose Virgidemiarum was first published in
1597. On Hall see Kenneth Fincham and Peter Lake, Popularity, Prelacy and Puritanism
in the 1630s: Joseph Hall Explains Himself, English Historical Review, 111 (Sep., 1996),
856881.
56
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 200202, 258; Frederick Shriver, Orthodoxy
and Diplomacy: James I and the Vorstius Affair, EHR, 85 (Jul., 1970), 451452; Melville,
Melvini epistolae, 112113. On Cameron see G. Bonet-Maury, John Cameron:
A Scottish Protestant Theologian in France, Scottish Historical Review, 7 (19091910),
325345; Brian G. Armstrong, Calvinism and the Amyraut heresy: Protestant
Scholasticism and Humanism in Seventeenth-Century France (Madison, Milwaukee, and
London, 1969), 612, 3170.
57
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers, II:II, 86.
58
H. M. B. Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654
(Glasgow, 1917), 170178.
264 chapter seven
59
Isaac Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni epistol (Rotterdam, 1709), 129. Casaubon con-
fessed that he first heard of Melville while he was in Geneva from Beza, Henri Estienne,
and Jacques Lect.
60
Ibid., 129, 253254.
61
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 112113.
62
Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni epistol, 129.
63
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 258.
64
L. J. Nazelle, Isaac Casaubon: sa vie et son temps (15591614) (Genve, 1970),
147168.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 265
65
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers, II:I, 78, 1213, 3031, 5258,
117122.
66
Robert Boyd, Roberti Bodii a Trochoregia hecatombe Christiana, hymnus ekatous-
trophos, ad Christum servatorem (1627).
67
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers, II:I, 9091.
68
Calderwood, History VII, 150151. In response to this act, Melville wrote De tribus
lupis Grampianis,indelebile charactere ad Tamesin notatis.
69
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers II:I, 9091.
70
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 173175.
71
Andrew Melville, Paraphrasis epistol ad Hebros Andre Melvini, British
Library, MS Harley 6947.9; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 463.
266 chapter seven
bishop of Bath and Wells. Later published that year under the title Two
Sermons, Downhams work defended the jure divino character of episco-
pacy and provoked a bevy of replies of which Melvilles was but one. The
fact that the tract had been liberally distributed in Scotland may account
for Melvilles initial urgency in formulating a response.72 When he was
not otherwise engaged, he spent time tutoring two of his relatives, a
nephew of his deceased brother and the third son of his nephew
James.Both boys had been named after Melville and both received from
him a thorough grounding in the ancient languages, philosophy, and
classical literature.73 Thus, when he was not writing Latin poetry, com-
posing Latin and Greek letters, drafting versions of his other literary
projects, or consulting with fellow scholars, Melville was actively
involved in serving as a classical tutor just as he had done in Poitiers,
Montrose, and Berwick.
After spending almost two years in prison, toward the end of
1608 Melville submitted to the King a collection of Latin verse he had
composed, hoping to obtain royal favor and secure his release. In con-
junction with his poetic overture and at the urging of archbishop
Spottiswoode, he also wrote a conciliatory letter to the English Privy
Council, apologizing and seeking its forgiveness for the offense caused
by his verses on the royal altar. Despite these pacific gestures, his
releasewas denied. Prior to these conciliatory efforts, an unsuccessful
attempt had been made by the Protestants of La Rochelle in late 1607 to
secure his freedom and obtain his services as professor of Divinity in
their College. Uncertain how to proceed, the King denied the request
and kept Melville under confinement.74 Archbishop Spottiswoodes sug-
gestion that Melville return to Scotland and assume a post at the
University of Glasgow was probably unappealing to both Melville and
the King though for different reasons.75 The scrutiny and oversight which
would have been imposed upon him was as much a deterrent to him as
72
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 18; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 206; Kenneth
Gibson, Downham, George (d. 1634), ODNB, Vol. 16 (Oxford, 2004), 801.
73
Melville, JMAD, xxxvii; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 213214.
74
De la Boderie, Ambassades, II, 430, 433; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 198
199. On La Rochelle during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries see Judith
Pugh Meyer, La Rochelle and the Failure of the French Reformation, Sixteenth Century
Journal, 15 (Sum., 1984), 169183.
75
Calderwood, History VII, 46.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 267
Calderwood, History VII, 153; Melville, Melvini epistolae, 78, 173. On Henri de la
77
Tour d Auvergne, duc de Bouillon see Mack P. Holt, The French Wars of Religion 1562
1629 (Cambridge, 1995), 174. Sir James Sempill was apparently involved in helping
to mitigate Melvilles imprisonment.
78
Charles G. D. Littleton, Cappel, Aaron (15601620), ODNB, Vol. 10 (Oxford,
2004), 2; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 262263.
79
De la Boderie, Ambassades, V, 517, 530533, 541.
80
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 264.
268 chapter seven
contra Danielis Tileni Silesii paraenesin. Thus, even from distant Sedan,
Melville continued to write Latin verse and maintain a correspondence
regarding the ecclesiastical politics of Scotland.81
Henris success in persuading James to release the aging scholar coin-
cided with a number of developments in both Britain and the continent,
which made the request and negotiations of the duc favorable. During
the year 1610, when Henri first applied for Melvilles release, one of
Melvilles most implacable opponents archbishop Bancroft died.82 When
George Home, Earl of Dunbar, died in January 1611 shortly after
Bancroft, the opposition, which had effectively prevented Melvilles
release, was now removed.83 Moreover, with the official reassertion of
Episcopal authority in the Church of Scotland by the 1610 Glasgow
Assembly, James may have considered the struggle over episcopacy won
and Melville no longer a serious threat. James may have also desired that
this staunch Calvinist and humanist employ his remaining energy and
efforts in combating the theology of Conrad Vorstius.84 While it is
impossible to identify any single factor as solely responsible for Melvilles
release, it is much more likely that all of these combined created an
atmosphere favorable to his liberation.
81
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 72.
82
Calderwood, History VII, 151.
83
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 262; Doelman, King James I and the Religious
Culture of England, 68.
84
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 68. On the history of
episcopacy in Scotland see D. G. Mullan, Episcopacy in Scotland: the History of an Idea,
15601638 (Edinburgh, 1986). On Vorstius see Shriver, Orthodoxy and Diplomacy:
James I and the Vorstius Affair, 449474.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 269
85
For a broader consideration of friendship in the early modern period see Alexandra
Shepard, Meanings of Manhood in Early Modern England (Oxford, 2003); Elizabeth A.
Foyster, Manhood in Early Modern England Honour, Sex, and Marriage (London and
New York, 1999); Tim Hitchcock and Michle Cohen (eds.) English Masculinities 1660
1800 (London and New York, 1999).
86
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 133; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 460. When
Melville was banished to France, James wrote the following poetic verse as a tribute
to his esteemed and beloved uncle: No marvell Scotland thow be like to tyn, / For thou
hes lost thy honey and thy wine, / Thy strength, thy courage, and thy libertie, / Went all
away, when as he went from thee. / In learning, upright zeal, religion trew, / He maister
was, but now bid all a Dieu, / Be mute, you Scottish muses: no more verse! / But sobbing
say, Le mond est lenvers.
87
Melville, JMAD, xxxiiixxxiv. Melville wrote the following in honor of James:
Chare nepos, de fratre nepos, mihi fratre, nepote / Charior, et quicquid fratre nepote
queat / Charius esse usquam; quin me mihi charior ipso, / Et quicquid mihi charius esse
queat. / Consiliis auctor mihi tu, dux rebus agendis, / Cum privata, aut res publica
agenda fuit. / Amborum meus una animo, corde una voluntas, / Corque unum in duplici
corpore, et una anima. / Una ambo vexati odiis immanibus, ambo / Dignati et Christi
pro grege dura pati. / Dura pati, sed iniqua pati, sub crimine ficto, / Ni Christum, et
Christi crimen amare gregem. / Qui locus, aut qu me hora tibi nunc dividat, idem / Hic
locus, me hc eadem dividat hora mihi. / Tune tui desiderium mihi triste relinquas? /
Qui prior huc veni, non prior hinc abeam? / An sequar usque comes? Sic, sic juvat ire
sub astra, / Tecum ego ut exul eram, tecum ero et in patria. / Christus ubi caput, ter-
nam nos poscit in aulam, / Arctius ut jungat nos sua membra sibi. / Induviis donec
redivivi corporis artus / Vestiat, illustrans lumine purpureo. / ternum ut patrem,
natumque et flamen ovantes, / Carmine perpetuo concelebremus, Io.
88
Ibid., 15.
89
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 459. James Melville wrote: O matchless Melvin,
honour of our lands! / How are we grieved and gladit with thy bands! / We grieve to
270 chapter seven
see sic men comitt as thee, / We joy to hear how constantly thou stands / Pleading the
cause of God cast in thy hands / Against this bastard brood of Bischoprie, / Whais ydle
rites, pompe, pryd and graceless glore, / Justlie thou haits; hait still, hait more and more.
/ Happie, thryse happie, Melvine, thoch in warde, / Men loves thy cause, God has it in
regarde, / No prisone can thy libertie restraine / To speak the right, but flatterie or but
faired, / Pure, plain, not mingled, maimed or impaired. No brangled titles can thy hon-
our staine, / Thy tell-treuth fervent freedom wha would blame, / Wrays but his awin fals,
faint, or servile shame.
90
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 189; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 274275.
91
The full title of the manuscript is: D. Andre Melvini epistol Londino e turri
carceris ad Jacobum Melvinum Nouocastri exulantem script, cum ejusdem Jacobi
nonnullis ad eundem. Annis supra millesim sexcentessimo octavo, nono, decimo,
undecimo. Item Ecclesi Scotican Oratio Apologetica ad Regem An. 1610, mense
Aprilis; Robert Pitcairn, Prefatory Notice in JMAD, xv. Cf. also MCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville II, 463. Correspondence with Alexander Hume, John Forbes, and Patrick
Symson are also included in this collection.
92
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 463.
93
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 107.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 271
94
J. W. Binns, The Letters of Erasmus in T.A. Dorey (ed.), Erasmus (London, 1970),
6061. By employing a conversational tone, Melville was writing in the humanistic
tradition of Erasmus who wrote: Talem oportere esse dictionem Epistolae, quales
sunt amicorum inter ipsos confabulationes. And Epistolam colloquium est inter
absentes.
95
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 243.
96
Ibid., 324.
97
Ibid., 203.
98
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 173174.
99
Ibid., 173.
100
Ibid., 175; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 266.
272 chapter seven
a man who fully experienced and conveyed to his most intimate friend
the fears and anxieties which occupied his thoughts.
A careful reading of the Melvini epistolae also reveals a man who
indulged his volatile temperament with fits of anger born out of per-
sonal offense. In contrast to McCries depiction of Melville as expressing
only wholesome and friendly anger and maintaining that on no occa-
sion was it ever excited by a sense of personal injuries, which he meekly
bore and forgave, the letters reveal a different picture.101 In a passage in
which he openly admitted that he had been injured by both the com-
monwealth and the church, Melville confessed upon seeing two of his
former students who had become advocates of episcopacy that [t]he
sight of them made my mouth water; and I poured forth my indignation
on them in my usual manner.102 Given his admission that he had been
personally injured by both the state and church and his evident feelings
of betrayal toward his former pupils who now supported episcopacy,
itis difficult to sustain the opinion that Melville always expressed right-
eous indignation and never succumbed to his baser nature. On the
contrary, Melvilles words and actions reveal a certain vindictiveness
toward those whom he felt had personally disappointed and perhaps
even betrayed him in abandoning his agenda for reform.103
If the Melvini epistolae reveal the frailties and insecurities of a man
who was infamous for his brashness and notorious for his explosive
anger and volatile disposition, then the letters also disclose a remarkable
capacity for affection, tenderness, and loving concern. After receiving
encouraging letters from Hume of Godscroft and William Welwood,
Melville exhibited the genuine bonds of affection when he wrote to his
nephew: I keep all my friends in my eye: I carry them in my bosom:
Icommend them to the God of mercy in my daily prayers. Unwilling to
involve his friends in trouble by writing to them on controversial sub-
jects, Melville exhibited an authentic concern for their well-being and
prosperity.104 After receiving the news of Scaligers death in January
101
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 325326. MCrie wrote: But his anger, even
when it rose to its greatest height, was altogether different from the ebullitions of a sple-
netic or rancorous mind.
102
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 54; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 257.
103
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 325326. Writing of Melvilles anger, he adds:
And there was always about it an honesty, an elevation, a freedom from personal hate,
malice, and revenge, which made it respected even by those who censured its violence,
or who smarted under its severity.
104
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 325; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 298.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 273
Ibid., 293, 303; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 288. McCrie suggests that
106
Myrrha referred to in this letter was the sister of the minister of Leith John Murray.
107
Melville, JMAD, 40.
108
Pitcairn, Prefatory Notice in JMAD, xxxiiixxxiv.
109
Ibid. Melville wrote: Chare nepos, de fratre nepos, mihi fratre, nepote / Charior,
et quicquid fratre nepote queat / Charius esse usquam; quin me mihi charior ipso, / Et
quicquid mihi charius esse queat. / Consiliis auctor mihi tu, dux rebus agendis, / Cum
privata, aut res publica agenda fuit. / Amborum meus una animo, corde una voluntas, /
274 chapter seven
Corque unum in duplici corpore, et una anima. / Una ambo vexati odiis immani-
bus, ambo / Dignati et Christi pro grege dura pati. / Dura pati, sed iniqua pati, sub
crimine ficto, / Ni Christum, et Christi crimen amare gregem. / Qui locus, aut qu me
hora tibi nunc dividat, idem / Hic locus, me hc eadem dividat hora mihi. / Tune tui
desiderium mihi triste relinquas? / Qui prior huc veni, non prior hinc abeam? / An
sequar usque comes? Sic, sic juvat ire sub astra, / Tecum ego ut exul eram, tecum ero et
un patria. / Christus ubi caput, ternam nos poscit in aulam, / Arctius ut jungat nos sua
membra sibi. / Induviis donec redivivi corporis artus / Vestiat, illustrans lumine pur-
pureo. / ternum ut patrem, natumque et flamen ovantes, / Carmine perpetuo concele-
bremus, Io.
110
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 184; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 268.
111
Ibid., 78; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 222.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 275
112
David O. McNeil, Guillaume Bud and Humanism in the Reign of Francis I (Genve,
1975), 61, 78. On Erasmus letters see J. W. Binns, The Letters of Erasmus in T.A. Dorey
(ed.), Erasmus (London, 1970), 5579.
113
Rebecca W. Bushnell, George Buchanan, James VI and neo-classicism in Roger
A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603
(Cambridge, 1994), 93, 94. Sixteenth-century Scotland was a multi-lingual culture
consisting of Middle Scots, Gaelic, English, and Latin.
114
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 281.
115
Ibid., 290; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 285.
116
Ibid., 83.
276 chapter seven
117
Ibid., 295; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 287.
118
Ibid; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 287.
119
Ibid., 115.
120
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 127. Cf. Vergil, P. Vergili Maronis opera Vergil with
Introduction and Notes (Oxford, 1892), 1.
121
Ibid., 4546, 9193. Cf. Vergil, P. Vergili Maronis Opera Vergil with Introduction
and Notes, 154, 216. In James response to this letter he included lines from Buchanans
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 277
Having received 60 pounds from the King at the time of his liberation,
in April 1611 Melville was finally released from the Tower and set sail for
128
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 68; Melville, Melvini
epistolae, 188190.
129
Robert Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers and Most Eminent
Ministers of the Church of Scotland Vol. II Pt. I (Glasgow, 1834), 97; Christopher Smart,
The Works of Horace translated into Verse with a prose interpretation Vol. II (London,
1767), 93. Sibbald wrote to Boyd referring to Melville as my good master and compar-
ing himself with mater Horatiana quoted from L. 4. Ode 5 Ad Augustum in Q. Horatii
Flacci Carminum: Ut mater juvenem, quem Notus invido / Flatu Carpathii trans maris
quora / Cunctantem spatio longius annuo / Dulci distinet a domo, / Votis omnibusque
et precibus vocat, / Curvo nec faciem littore demovet: / Sic desideriis quro fidelibus,
&c. Sibbalds text differs from Smarts by substituting the word quro for icta.
130
W. Brown Patterson, James I and the Huguenot Synod of Tonneins of 1614
Harvard Theological Review, 65 (1972), 242.
131
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers, II:I, 102; H. M. B. Reid, The
Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654 (Glasgow, 1917), 133. On
Pierre Du Moulin see Lucien Rimbault, Pierre du Moulin, 15681658: un pasteur clas-
sique lage classique tude de thologie pastorale sur des documents indits. (Paris, 1966);
Brian G. Armstrong, The changing face of French protestantism: the influence of Pierre
du Moulin, in Robert V. Schnucker (ed.), Calviniana: ideas and influence of Jean Calvin,
Vol.10 (1988), 131149; Pierre du Moulin and James I: the Anglo-French programme,
in M. Magdelaine and others (eds.), De lhumanisme aux lumires: Bayle et le protestant-
isme en lhonneur dElisabeth Labrousse, (Paris, 1996), 1729.
132
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 279280. On Henry de La Tour dAuvergne see
Jacques, Marsollier, Histoire de Henry de La Tour dAuvergne, duc de Bouillon; ou lon
trouve ce qui sest pass de plus remarquable sous le regnes de Franois II, Charles IX,
Henry III, Henry IV, la minorit & les premieres annes du regne de Louis XIII / par
M. Mar (Paris, 1719).
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 279
133
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers, II:I, 105.
134
Ibid., 102.
135
Ibid. On Melvilles position regarding the views of Piscator see James Kerr
Cameron, (ed.), Letters of John Johnston, c. 15651611, and Robert Howie, c.1565-c. 1645
(Edinburgh and London, 1963), lx. Du Moulin wrote: I have seen here and have enter-
teaned Monsr. Melvil. He hath much knowledge. I have been told that he is of the opin-
ion of Piscator, but I have not sounded him in that point least I should rufle him, for he
is represented here as a little warm (un peu cholre). He is at present in Sedan. I wish he
may not be uneasy there, because of the small numbers of the scholars at present there.
It is said that the sentiments of Piscator, which he and Monsr. Tilenus hold, hinder many
students to go to Sedan, and you know the Regulation of the last Nationall Synod.
136
Ibid., II:I, 27; II:II, 86.
280 chapter seven
137
John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow,
1977), 288.
138
Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654, 5859.
During his time in St Andrews, Melville attracted students from France, Belgium,
Germany, Poland, Prussia, Italy, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and Switzerland. On the
French academies see Frances Amelia Yates, The French Academies of the Sixteenth
Century (London, 1947).
139
Nicola Royan, Johnston, Arthur (c. 15791641), ODNB, Vol. 30 (Oxford,
2004),347.
140
John Durkan, Donaldson, Walter (bap. 1574), ODNB, Vol. 16 (Oxford, 2004),517;
G. Toepke (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universitt Heidelberg Vol. I (Heidelberg, 1884), 198.
141
On Leech see Leicester Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin
Poetry 15001925 (New York and London, 1940), 163171.
142
Durkan, Donaldson, Walter (bap. 1574), 517.
143
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 280; Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan,192.
144
Ibid., 280281.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 281
for his 1613 Historia sacra et exotica ab Adamo. In these poems Melville
celebrated Cappels worth as an author and even praised King James
aslami des Muses.145 Donaldson, Smith, and Cappel were joined by
theprofessor of divinity Daniel Tilenus, who shared with Melville the
lecturing responsibilities, each lecturing three times per week. While
Tilenus lectured on the loci communes of theology, Melville delivered
lectures on the sacred literature of the canon.146
With a penchant for controversy, Tilenus, during Melvilles time in
Sedan, entered into a disputation with Pierre Du Moulin over the dual
natures of Christ.147 In addition to this controversy, Tilenus also changed
his position with regard to Arminian theology. Opposing Arminianism
earlier in his career, he later adopted it.148 In a letter dated 20 November
1611 Monsieur De Laun observed that, while Melville and Tilenus
essentially agreed on the doctrine of justification, they did not agree
on the issue concerning the absolute decree of reprobation or on the
interpretation of Romans 7.149 According to Wodrow, in addition to
espousing Arminian theology and hierarchical prelacy, he opposed
Presbyterianism. When it was discovered that Tilenus had abandoned
his Calvinism and was teaching Arminian theology instead, Melville
joined with his colleagues at Sedan in opposing him.150 After Tilenus left
145
Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan,192, 198199. Melville wrote: Clara serenati lux orta
a lampade Phbi; / Clarior a Phbi luce, Jacobe, tui. / Temporibus dum picta suis tibi
surgit ab vo / Histori antiqu fabrica structa recens: / Gesta verecundis opulentas
singula dictis; / Qu veri e sacris fontibus hausta refers, / Linguarum et rerum gnarus:
qu gnava vetustas / Prodidit innumeris pne voluminibus / Qu tibi ruspanti cunctis
potiora favissis / Gaza hc tecta diu mente manuque tua est. / Flava triumphato tibi
tempore adorea parta / Gemmea de veri luce corona venit. In the second poem he
wrote: Quo nunc , , / , veterum lecta
virum? / Quem toto nihil orbe latet: qui cognitus orbi / Vera animata loquens
Bibliotheca sibi. / Hc causa hic cur Rex hoc dingus munere tanto, et / Res tanti hc
Regis digna patrocinio? / Quin spe reque ingens, divinaque indole Princeps / Carolus
hoc ultro munere ltus ovat. On Melvilles poetry during this period see: Arthur
Johnston (ed.), Deliti Ptarum Scotorum, Vol. II (Amsterdam, 1637), 7681; McCrie,
Life of Andrew Melville, II, 310; William Duguid Geddes (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis
Arthur Johnston Vol. II The Epigrammata and Remaining Secular Poems (Aberdeen,
1895), 129; Andrew Melville, Viri clarissimi A. Melvini musae et p. Adamsoni vita et pal-
indoia (1620), 35; J. W. Binns, IntellectualCulture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England:
The Latin Writers of the Age (Leeds, 1990), 68.
146
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers II:I, 105.
147
Patterson, James I and the Huguenot Synod of Tonneins of 1614, 250.
148
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 281, 304.
149
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers II:I, 105.
150
Ibid.,106. Cf. also Daniel Tilenus, De disciplina ecclesiastica brevis et modesta dis-
seratio ad ecclesiam Scoticam (Aberdeen, 1622); Parnesis ad Scotos, Genevensis disci-
plin zelotas (London, 1620).
282 chapter seven
151
Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 72. Cf. Mellon,
LAcadmie de Sedan, 104.
152
On Tilenus see Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan, 95117.
153
Melville, Melvini epistolae, 292; Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers
II:I, 105. On 20 November 1612 De Laun wrote of Tilenus: Tilenus is in such reputation
in this place that every body who does not chim in with him in all things is reconed
ignorant.
154
Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the Reformers II:I, 107. Melville traveled to
Greenoble in Dauphin where he resided with Barsack and assumed the responsibility
of tutoring his three sons. With a salary of 150 crowns, he was given the option of going
to Die if a suitable academic vacancy was available.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 283
Arthur Johnston
The most accomplished and gifted Latin poet with whom Melville was
associated during his years in Sedan was Arthur Johnston. Known as
the Scottish Ovid159 and regarded by Samuel Johnson as second only to
155
Ibid., 53; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 304. On Heinsius see Baerbel Becker-
Cantarino, Daniel Heinsius (Boston, 1978); Paul R. Sellin, Daniel Heinsius and Stuart
England (New York and London, 1968). On Du Plessis-Mornay see Raoul Patry, Philippe
du Plessis-Mornay, un Huguenot homme dEtat (15491623) (Paris, 1933). On Gomarus
see Carl Bangs, Arminius: A Study in the Dutch Reformation (Nashville, 1971). In addi-
tion to these individuals, Melville carried on a correspondence with Robert Durie and
John Forbes of Alford.
156
Robert G. Collmer, Review: Daniel Heinsius by Baerbel Becker-Cantarino, South
Central Bulletin, 39: 1 (1979), 21.
157
William Gilbert, Review: Daniel Heinsius and Stuart England by Paul R. Sellin,
Renaissance Quarterly, 23:1 (1970), 87.
158
Baerbel Becker-Cantarino, Daniel Heinsius (Boston, 1978), 143.
159
J. W. L. Adams, Scottish Neo-Latin Poetry in P. Tuynman, G.C. Kuiper, and
E. Keler (eds.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Amstelodamensis (Mnchen, 1979), 7.
284 chapter seven
160
William Duguid Geddes (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis Arthur Johnston Vol. I
The Parerga of 1637 (Aberdeen, 1892), xv.
161
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 173.
162
James W. L. Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin in James Kinsley (ed.),
Scottish Poetry a Critical Survey (London, 1955), 90; Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 173.
163
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 181.
164
Adams, Scottish Neo-Latin Poetry, 7.
165
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 181.
166
Royan, Johnston, Arthur (c. 15791641), 346347; T. D. Robb, Arthur John
ston in his Poems, Scottish Historical Review, 10 (Apr., 1913), 287; Bradner, Musae
Anglicanae, 173. The traditional year of his birth, 1587, is incorrect given his presence in
Heidelberg in 1601 and the inscription on Johnstons portrait in the possession of
Marischal College, the University of Aberdeen. T. D. Robb conjectures that he was born
in 1577.
167
Adams, Scottish Neo-Latin Poetry, 6.
168
Geddes, Musa Latina Aberdonensis Arthur Johnston I, xxi.
169
Royan, Johnston, Arthur (c. 15791641), 347.
170
Robb, Arthur Johnston in his Poems, 287288.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 285
180
Ibid., 173.
181
Geddes, Musa Latina Aberdonensis Arthur Johnston I, xvii.
182
Geddes, Musa Latina Aberdonensis II, 128131. Cf. also Robb, Arthur Johnston in
his Poems, 288.
183
Ibid., 129. Johnston wrote to Melville: Melonem sine labe dedi, Melvine, Tileno, /
Primitias horti deliciasque mei. / Te quoque consimili donassem munere, verum / Non
bene conveniunt haec melimela seni. / Cinnama sunt potius stomacho quaerenda senili,
/ Et piper, et vetulo prompta Falerna cado. / Vel quas Euganeis mittit de collibus uvas /
Villicus, et quae de matribus ova calent. / Et lepus, et perdrix, et nondum gramine pas-
tus / Hoedulus, et quae de Phaside venit avis. / Haec tibi donari debebant munera; bru-
mae / Frigora qui vincit, melo cicuta foret.
184
Ibid., 130. Johnston wrote to Tilenus: Melvino fors melo sapit, quia friget uterque,
/ Aut nimium huic friget nil, nimiumve calet. / Si tibi sunt munera nostra,
palatum / Non sapit. An nescis ?
185
Ibid. Tilenus wrote to Johnston: Non miror, tumidas si exarsit femina in iras, /
Visa tibi haud pomi munere digna, Pari. / En similem ob causam simili iecur uritur
aestu, / Quem barba, haud soboles sat docet esse virum. / Hoc miror: tu caussam aperi,
Ionstone, latentem, / Cur vocet sibi, quae mihi.
186
Bradner, Musae Anglicanae, 173.
england and france: london and sedan (16071622) 287
definitely had its limits, especially when seeking such favor meant com-
promising the ecclesiastical rights of the Kirk. Separated by approxi-
mately 34 years, Melville belonged to an older generation of humanists
and had been shaped intellectually by a different generation of
Renaissance scholars. Whereas Melville spent more than half his life
studying and teaching divinity and was actively involved in the ecclesi-
astical politics of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries,
Johnston shunned the strife of politics and theology and sought less
controversial outlets for his artistic expressions.187 Indeed, the urbanity
of his poetry has been identified as more characteristic of the eight-
eenth century than of his own troubled times.188 When viewed from
these perspectives, the two men seem an unlikely combination.
Yet there remain a number of similarities, which account for why they
were able to forge such an intimate association despite their differences.
In addition to being drawn together by their common nationality, both
men were cosmopolitan in their outlook on life, having pursued their
education abroad, enjoyed extensive travels throughout Europe, and
spent a significant portion of their life on the continent. Both men treas-
ured the classical culture of ancient Greece and Rome and actively culti-
vated the art of Latin poetry. Indeed, Johnston favored the senior
humanist with Latin and Greek poems addressed to him and in honor of
him.189 In his poem De Andrea Melvino Johnston highly extolled
Melvilles abilities and accomplishments, referring to him as the
Caledonian swan (Caledonio cygno) and maintaining that he pos-
sessed a thousand charms (Veneres mille).190 Both valued the literary
art of translating the Psalms into Latin verse. Endeavoring to improve
upon Buchanans work, Melville produced translations of only a handful
of Psalms while Johnston composed a complete translation, which has
been hailed as a mere literary tour de force.191 Both Johnston and
Melville were thorough-going classicists who looked to the ancient
models of Ovid and Vergil respectively in the composition of their own
Latin verse. Avoiding slavish imitation, both poets contributed richly to
the growing body of neo-Latin literature written by Scottish authors
during the early modern period. Indeed, it is safe to conclude that, were
187
Robb, Arthur Johnston in his Poems, 289.
188
Adams, The Renaissance Poets (2) Latin, 90.
189
Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan, 187189.
190
Geddes, Musa Latina Aberdonensis Arthur Johnston II, 54.
191
Robb, Arthur Johnston in his Poems, 289.
288 chapter seven
Conclusion
When Andrew Melville died in 1622, the Scotland he left behind was far
different from the Scotland of his youth. For one, the religious revolu-
tion known as the Scottish Reformation of 1560 had irrevocably altered
the religious and political life of Scotland, changing it from a Catholic,
pro-French state in which Protestantism was illegal to a Protestant, pro-
English government in which Catholicism had been outlawed.1 While
humanism and the New Learning had flourished to some extent in late
medieval Scotland in places like Kings College, Old Aberdeen,2 the
Reformation brought with it increased access to much of the New
Learning of the Renaissance, and Scottish scholars, like Melville, were
eager to import it from the continent. When Melville was a youth, Greek
was so little known in Scotland that even his own regents at St Andrews
were unable to read the ancient Greek authors in their original language.
When Melville died, the study of Greek in the Scottish universities had
made significant progress, in part, because of his own reforming efforts
at Glasgow and St Andrews.3 Indeed, it would be difficult to juxtapose a
more dramatic contrast than the Greekless regents of St Andrews during
the early 1560s with the accomplished Greek scholar and Aberdeen
Doctor John Forbes of Corse who was appointed Professor of Divinity
at Kings College in 1620.4
1
Alec Ryrie, The Origins of the Scottish Reformation (Manchester and New York,
2006), 110, 196204.
2
John Durkan, Early Humanism and Kings College, Aberdeen University Review,
48 (Spr., 1980), 259260; Leslie J. MacFarlane, Kings College Aberdeen: The Creation
of the Academic Community, 14951532, AUR, 56 (Aut., 1995), 211; Roger A. Mason,
Scotching the Brut: Politics, History and National Myth in Sixteenth-Century Britain
in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England 12861815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 64.
3
James Melville, The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melville ed. Robert
Pitcairn (Edinburgh, 1842), 30; John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow
14511577 (Glasgow, 1977), 263.
4
Peter John Anderson, (ed.), Officers and Graduates of University and Kings College
Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1893), 68; Edward Gordon Selwyn (trans. and ed.), The First Book
292 chapter eight
of the Irenicum of John Forbes of Corse (Cambridge, 1923), 26. For a sample of Forbess
Greek scholarship see John Forbes, Opera Omnia 2 Vols. (Amsterdam, 170203). Cf.
also Henry R. Sefton, Scotlands Greatest Theologian, AUR, 45 (Autumn, 1974),
348352.
5
Ryrie, The Origins of the Scottish Reformation, 59.
6
Marcus Merriman, The Rough Wooings: Mary Queen of Scots, 15421551 (East
Linton, 2000).
7
Elizabeth Bonner, French Naturalization of the Scots in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth
Centuries, Historical Journal, 40 (Dec., 1997), 10851086.
8
Ian B. Cowan, The Five Articles of Perth in Duncan Shaw (ed.), Reformation and
Revolution (Edinburgh, 1967), 177; David Stevenson, The Scottiswh Revolution 1637
1644: The Triumph of the Covenanters (Newton Abbot, 1973), 15.
9
For a detailed account of the early history of these medieval seats of learning see
John Durkan, The Scottish Universities in the Middle Ages, 14131560 (PhD Thesis,
Edinburgh, 1959).
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 293
10
Samuel Eliot Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, MA,
1935),128.
11
John Durkan and James Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577 (Glasgow,
1977), 276.
294 chapter eight
12
Steven John Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland: Andrew Melville and
the University of St Andrews 15601607, (PhD Thesis, St Andrews, 2008), 68.
13
J.D. Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951 A Short History (Glasgow, 1954),
65, 69.
14
H.M.B. Reid, The Divinity Principals in the University of Glasgow 15451654
(Glasgow, 1917), 1.
15
Thomas McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville Vol. II (2nd edn., Edinburgh and London,
1824),377.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 295
Saint Andrew was written for and delivered to his Scottish dining com-
panions just prior to his incarceration in the Tower of London.16 Likewise,
his epigram on the clandestine marriage of Sir William Seymour to Lady
Arabella Stuart was, in all likelihood, first circulated orally being sent to
Seymour and subsequently distributed throughout the English court.17
Intended for private reading, In aram Anglicanam ejusque apparatum, a
stinging epigram on the altar of the Church of England, was only made
public after it was surreptitiously obtained without the authors consent
and delivered to the King.18 Many other of his compositions, such as
his national epic Gathelus (1602) or his elegies on Buchanan (1582),
Arbuthnot (1583), and Smeaton (1583) not to mention his infamous
Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria (1604) were designed for a much broader
audience. Nevertheless, Melvilles poetry was intended for the enjoy-
ment and benefit of other scholars and those who had been privileged to
receive an elite education.19
Although he was not a prolific author, as a humanist in the tradition
of Beza who had first established his literary reputation by publishing
the Iuvenilia in 1548 Melville did distinguish himself as a skilled Latin
poet.20 His services in 1590 at the coronation of Queen Anne of Denmark,
in 1594 at the birth of Prince Henry, and in 1603 at the accession
of James VI to the English throne clearly indicate that he served as
a kind of unofficial Latin Laureate to James VI.21 Prior to Melvilles
, Principis Scoti-Britannorum natalia, and Votum pro Iacobo
Sexto Britanniarum Rege, Melville had established his reputation as a
young Latin poet in Geneva.22 In 1574 he had published his Carmen
Mosis, which was reportedly so well received in Protestant circles that it
James Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Cambridge,
17
2000), 67.
18
Andrew Melville, Viri clarissimi A. Melvini musae et P. Adamsoni vita et palindoia
[sic] et celsae commissionis ceu delegatae potestatis regiae in causis ecclesiasticis brevis &
aperta descriptio (1620), 24.
19
Andrew Melville, Pro Supplici Evangelicorum Ministrorum in Anglia ad Serenissimum
Regem Contra Larvatam geminate Academiae Gorgonem Apologia, sive Anti-tami-cami-
Categoria (1620); Viri clarissimi, 6; Melville, JMAD, 140.
20
Kirk Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism,
Archiv fr Reformationsgeschichte, 82 (1991), 201; Robert D. Linder, Calvinism and
Humanism: The First Generation, Church History, 44 (Jun., 1975), 170.
21
James W.L. Adams, The Renaissance Poets: (2) Latin in James Kinsley (ed.),
Scottish Poetry: A Critical Survey (London, 1955), 8182.
22
Melville, Viri clarissimi, 12.
296 chapter eight
23
P. Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan Centre dInfluence franaise a propos dun manuscrit
du xvii sicle (Paris, 1913), 155, 163, 166; Melville, JMAD, 63; McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville I, 51, 89.
24
Isaac Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni epistol (Rotterdam, 1709), 129.
25
Andrew Melville, Melvini epistolae, Special Collections, University of Edinburgh,
126133; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville, II, 230.
26
Melville, JMAD, 46.
27
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 196197.
28
Andrew Melville, Paraphrases des Psaumes IIIXVIXXXVICXXIX. MSS, Special
Collections, University of Edinburgh.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 297
29
Andrew Melville, Melvini epistolae, Special Collections, University of Edinburgh,
8790.
30
John Row, The History of the Kirk of Scotland, from the Year 1558 to August 1637
(Edinburgh, 1842), 236.
31
Melville, JMAD, 42.
32
Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship
Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 126127.
33
Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni epistol, 129, 253254. Melville, JMAD, 120; Grafton,
Joseph Scaliger, 126127; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 258260.
34
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, 14 April 1572, Bodleian, Smith MS. 77,
2728; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 15; Georgi Buchanani Opera Omnia Vol. I
ed. Thomas Ruddiman (Edinburgh, 17141715), 21; McFarlane, Buchanan, 240; Melville,
JMAD, 45, 48, 120.
298 chapter eight
35
Cornelius Bertram, Comparatio grammatic Hebraic & Aramic (Geneva,
1574).
36
Andrew Melville, De vita et obitu Clarissimi Viri Domini Henrici Scrimgeri,
Jurisconsulti ac Philosophi peritissimi, Bodleian, Cherry MS. 5.
37
Pierre de Nolhac, Un Pote Rhnan Ami de la Pliade: Paul Melissus (Paris, 1923),
27; Melissi schediasmatum poeticorum, pars tertia. Secundo recognita, atque edita (Paris,
1586), liber vii, 226.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 299
38
James K. McConica, Humanism and Aristotle in Tudor Oxford, English Historical
Review, 94 (Apr., 1979), 303; W. W. Fortenbaugh, Review: John Rainoldss Oxford
Lectures on Aristotles Rhetoric ed. and trans, L. D. Green, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 109
(1989), 235.
39
Casaubon, Isaaci Casauboni epistol, 129.
40
Mark Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614 (Oxford, 1892), 441, 455.
41
Melville, JMAD, 120; Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of
Classical Scholarship Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 126127;
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 258260.
42
Pattison, Isaac Casaubon 15591614, 441.
300 chapter eight
43
Alan R. MacDonald, Best of Enemies: Andrew Melville and Patrick Adamson, c.,
15741592 in Julian Goodare and Alasdair A. MacDonald (eds.), Sixteenth-Century
Scotland Essays in Honour of Michael Lynch (Leiden and Boston, 2008), 276. MacDonald
does not sufficiently appreciate that it was Melvilles European humanism which made
this relationship possible.
44
William Duguid Geddes (ed.), Musa Latina Aberdonensis Vol. II (Aberdeen, 1895),
115135.
45
Melville, JMAD, 3132, 56, 6465; MacDonald, Best of Enemies: Andrew Melville
and Patrick Adamson, c. 15741592, 261.
46
Leicester Bradner, Musae Anglicanae: A History of Anglo-Latin Poetry 15001925
(New York and London, 1940), 173.
47
Geddes, Musa Latina Aberdonensis II, 54, 128131; Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan,
186189.
48
W. Brown Patterson, James I and the Huguenot Synod of Tonneins of 1614
Harvard Theological Review, 65 (1972), 250; Wodrow, Collections Upon the Lives of the
Reformers II: I, 105106; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 281, 304.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 301
McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 15131625 (Glasgow, 1962), 291;
I.D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London, 1981), 78158.
50
Reid, Education in Post-Reformation Scotland, 43.
302 chapter eight
integral part of his intellectual culture, his choice was neither ususual
nor remarkable. His decision not to correspond in the vernacular but in
Latin simply underscores the pround depth to which his mind had been
conditioned by the culture of the northern European Renaissance.
Considered from the vantage point of European humanism, the titles
the Scots Melanchthon52 and the Beza of Scotland,53 provide some
insight into Melvilles distinctive contribution to the Renaissance in
Scotland. Drawn largely from the ways in which European humanism
shaped Melvilles thought, values, methods, and literary productions, he
has been portrayed as accomplishing in Scotland what Melanchthon
and Beza achieved in Germany and Switzerland respectively. Their phil-
ological study and classical training, university service, and Latin poetry
have provided sufficient grounds for such comparisons. All three of
these humanists played a significant role in the flowering of the Renais
sance and the development of the Reformations in their respective coun-
tries. At Wittenberg, Geneva, Glasgow, and St Andrews, all three held
influential positions in their respective institutions and conveyed the
fruits of the New Learning in their instruction. Having been trained in
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, each modeled for their students an impres-
sive mastery of these languages and instilled in their pupils their value in
understanding both sacred and profane literature.
While a young student under the educational influence of John
Reuchlin, Melanchthon had made rapid progress in Latin and especially
Greek, reading Aristotle in the original. Following his studies at the
University of Heidelberg, at the University of Tbingen he continued to
read Greek and Latin literature, publish some of his classical studies,
teach Greek grammar and literature, and study Hebrew.54 In a number of
respects, Melanchtons academic interests, training, and experience mir-
ror that of Melville himself. Likewise, Bezas early philological study and
cultivation of the art of Latin poetry resembles Melvilles earlyhuman
istic development.55 His study of Greek under Melchior Wolmarandjuris
prudence at Orlans, as well as his continued perusal of classical
literature, is strikingly similar to Melvilles own interests and course of
52
James Bass Mullinger, The University of Cambridge: From the Royal Injunctions of
1535 to the Accession of Charles the First (Cambridge, 1884), 365.
53
G.D. Henderson, Religious Life in Seventeenth-Century Scotland (Cambridge,
1937),32.
54
John Schofield, Philip Melanchthon and the English Reformation (Aldershot, 2006),
34.
55
Linder, Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 170.
304 chapter eight
56
Henry Martyn Baird, Theodore Beza: The Counsellor of the French Reformation
15191605, (New York, 1899), 96.
57
Manfred P. Fleischer, Melanchthon as Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry,
Sixteenth Century Journal, 20:4 (1989), 561.
58
Eckhard Bernstein, Review: Petrus Lotichius Secundus: Neo Latin Poet, SCJ, 15:4
(1984), 511.
59
Fleischer, Melanchthon as Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry, 561.
60
Ibid., 561563.
61
Summers, Theodore Bezas Classical Library and Christian Humanism, 201;
Linder, Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 170; Anne Lake Prescott,
English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams: The Uses and Abuses of Poetry, SR, 21
(1974), 84.
62
Prescott, English Writers and Bezas Latin Epigrams, 85, 87, 96, 101102,
108109, 112.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 305
63
Adrian Damman, Schediasmata Hadrianus Dammanis A Bisterveld Gandavensis
(Edinburgh, 1590); Melville, JMAD, 279; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 302303,
465; Doelman, King James I and the Religious Culture of England, 60.
64
Fleischer, Melanchthon as Praeceptor of Late-Humanist Poetry, 561, 563; Linder,
Calvinism and Humanism: The First Generation, 179; Baird, Theodore Beza, 341;
Andrew Melville, Viri Clarissimi A. Melvini Musae et P. Adamsoni Vita et Palindoia
(1620).
65
On Melanchthons Confessio Augustana and Apology of the Augsburg Confession see
Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert (eds.), The Book of Concord The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church (Minneapolis, 2000), 27294; F. Bente, Historical Introduc
tions to the Book of Concord (St Louis, 1965), 1547.
66
Heiko A. Oberman, Luther Man between God and the Devil Trans. Eileen Walliser-
Schwarzbart (New Haven and London, 1989), 8, 123; Schofield, Philip Melanchthon and
the English Reformation, 15.
67
Paul-F. Geisendorf, LUniversit de Genve 15591959 Quatre sicles dhistoire
(Genve, 1959), 20; Charles Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve: LAcadmie de
Calvin 15591798 (Genve, 1900), 638; Jill Rait, Theodore Beza 15191605 in Jill Rait
(ed.), Shapers of Religious Traditions in Germany, Switzerland, and Poland, 15601600
(New Haven, CT, 1981), 92.
306 chapter eight
68
Charles P. Finlayson, Clement Litill and His Library: The Origins of Edinburgh
University Library (Edinburgh, 1980), 17; J.H.S. Burleigh, A Church History of Scotland
(London, 1960), 198; Caroline Bingham, The Making of a King: The Early Years of James
VI and I (London, 1968), 149; John Hill Burton, The History of Scotland: From Agricolas
Invasion to the Revolution of 1688 (Edinburgh, 1870), Vol. V, 404, 469.
69
Joseph H. Summers, George Herbert: His Religion and Art (London, 1954), 55.
70
Alexander Gray, The Old Schools and Universities in Scotland, Scottish Historical
Review, 9 (Jan., 1912), 120.
71
Samuel Eliot Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, MA, 1935),
132.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 307
73
Ronald Gordon Cant, The New Foundation of 1579 in Historical Perspective
St Johns House Papers, No. 2 (St Andrews, 1979); J. K. Cameron, The Refoundationofthe
University in 1579, Alumnus Chronicle of the University of St Andrews, 71 (1980), 310.
74
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 15601641, 35.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 309
Melville found value in Ramus and Talons writings and should be rec-
ognized as the first to provide a place for Ramist literature within the
university curriculum in Scotland. While there is insufficient evidence
to support the claim that Melville advocated a Ramist aproach to all
subjects75 and while the extent of his Ramism is unclear, his selective
and critical use of Ramist literature is illustrative of his pioneering labors
to introduce into the Scottish university system some of the latest schol-
arly trends from the continent.
Although the sheer breadth of subjects Melville taught at Glasgow
discloses his penchant toward Renaissance polymathy and his leader-
ship as a forward-looking humanist, there remain other subjects which
he neglected entirely to introduce. Despite having devoted more than
three years of his life while on the continent to the study of jurispru-
dence, surprisingly there is a conspicuous absence of legal studies in
Melvilles own university reforms. Nor is there any place for the study of
medicine despite Melvilles own efforts in investigating this field of
inquiry. These lacunae in Melvilles reforming scheme, rather than inti-
mating that he held little interest76 in these fields, may indicate his own
limitations in providing adequate instruction, insufficient funds to sup-
port faculty in these areas, and a desire to remain focused on the
Universitys primary purpose of providing well-educated, orthodox can-
didates for the ministry. Whatever the precise reason for these omis-
sions, we know from his university study in Paris, Poitiers, and Geneva
that, as a humanist, he found great value in these disciplines. The deci-
sion to omit instruction in jurisprudence and medicine not only repre-
sents a break with the medieval past and the conception of a studium
generale, but it also reveals Melvilles practical and ecclesiastical orienta-
tion. It is worth noting that even when Glasgows fortunes had been
reversed, there is no indication that Melville had any plans to introduce
instruction in either jurisprudence or medicine. At this point, this rep-
resents a significant departure from the Genevan Academy as envisioned
by Beza who desired to have from its inception chairs in both medicine
and law.77 Thus, Melvilles ambitious plans for reform, while possessing a
Ibid., 44.
76
77
Charles Borgeaud, Histoire de lUniversit de Genve: LAcadmie de Calvin 1559
1798 (Genve, 1900), 52, 92, 638; Karin Maag, Seminary or University? The Genevan
Academy and Reformed Higher Education, 15601620 (Aldershot, 1995), 2527; Gillian
Lewis, The Geneva Academy in Andrew Pettegree, Alastair Duke, and Gillian Lewis
(eds.), Calvinism in Europe, 15401620 (Cambridge, 1994), 49.
310 chapter eight
78
Cosmo Innes (ed.), Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis Vol. I (Glasgow,
1854), 108109.
79
Melville, JMAD, 49.
80
Durkan and Kirk, The University of Glasgow 14511577, 253; Melville, JMAD,
48,67.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 311
was his daily practice of table talk with his regents, students, or with
sic as war present efter denner and supper.81 His informal, daily discus-
sions during and after meals became the venue in which he displayed his
erudition as a classical scholar and provided a dynamically personal
dimension to his instruction. This informal table talk became, accord-
ing to the testimony of Patrick Sharpe, master of the grammar school in
Glasgow, the most illuminating and enlightening forum for the discus-
sion of classical authors.82
When Melville encountered a similar allegiance to Aristotle at
St Andrews, he openly confronted the medieval Aristotelianism of his
colleagues and provoked a controversy which lasted over a year. Scath
ing attacks, bitter disputations, and threats of violence characterized
this period of controversy at St Andrews and Melville found himself at
the center of it.83 In addition to presenting his criticisms of Aristotle dur-
ing the ordinary course of his lectures, he also delivered extemporane-
ous replies to those students who took the opportunity at their
graduations to respond to Melvilles criticisms in their own Theses philo-
sophicae.84 Although James Melvilles report of his uncles unqualified
success amounts to little more than partisan fanfare, Melville was suc-
cessful to a certain extent in inculcating many of the humanist values of
the Renaissance, such as original language study, philology, and an his-
torically sensitive and critical approach to textual interpretation.
Challenging his students to go ad fontes and read Aristotle in the origi-
nal, Melville experienced success as some of his opponents fell to the
Langages, studeit thair Artes for the right use, and perusit Aristotle in
his awin langage.85 Both in his persuasive efforts with Peter Blackburn
at Glasgow and with the regents Andrew Duncan and John Malcolm at
St Leonards, Melville could never have succeeded had he not cultivated
a relationship in which a respectful, thoughtful, and at times vigorous
dialogue could occur. Over a period of two years, Melville reasoned with
the regents and students of St Leonards, discussing these and related
Ibid., 4950.
82
83
Cant, The University of St Andrews: A Short History, 62; McCrie, Life of Andrew
Melville Vol. I, 170.
84
Melville, JMAD, 123124. Cf also Ronald Gordon Cant, The St Andrews University
Theses 15791747: A Bibliographical Introduction, Edinburgh Bibliographical Society
Transactions, 2.2 (1941), 105150; Supplement to the St Andrews University Theses,
EBST, 2.2 (1941), 263273; J. F. Kellas Johnstone, Notes on the Academic Theses of
Scotland, Records of the Glasgow Bibliographical Society, 8 (1930), 8198.
85
Ibid., 124.
312 chapter eight
issues, his nephew tells us, in publict and privat perhaps suggesting
that his successful practice of table talk was continued at St Andrews.86
Melvilles labors as a university reformer yielded mixed results. The
reversal of Glasgows fortunes under Melvilles leadership was nothing
short of dramatic, while the same cannot be said at either St Andrews or
Sedan. Admittedly, since the circumstances surrounding each institu-
tion were markedly different from those of Glasgow, comparative evalu-
ations of Melvilles impact remain difficult to assess. His success in
leading the transformation at Glasgow within the span of six short years
remains unparalleled in his career and unsurpassed during this period
at either Aberdeen or St Andrews. James Melvilles remark that ther was
na place in Europe comparable to Glasgw for guid letters, during these
years, while hyperbolic, nevertheless affirms that a dramatic change had
occurred at Glasgow under Melvilles leadership.87 By way of contrast,
Melvilles labors as Principal of St Marys College and rector of the
University of St Andrews yielded much more modest results. The pecu-
liar political dynamics of St Andrews coupled with his own controver-
sial role within the University and town significantly hindered Melvilles
own efforts at reform. From the very beginning of his time there, he was
embroiled in mikle fighting and fascherie with the former provost of
St Marys, Robert Hamilton, the former regent of St Marys, John
Caldcleugh, the St Leonards regents, John Malcolm and Andrew
Duncan, James and William Lermont, David Russell, and the provost,
ballies, and town council of St Andrews.88 Had he enjoyed the relative
peace and tranquility he experienced at Glasgow or at least had been
able to navigate successfully his way around these controversies, his
influence and success at St Andrews might have been far greater.
Similarly, Melvilles presence at Sedan, while certainly enhancing the
intellectual stature of the University, appears to have done little more
than stabilize a tenuous situation created, in part, by the controversial
teaching of Daniel Tilenus.89
Melvilles influence as a humanist and university reformer continued
well beyond his death in the unlikely Episcopalian stronghold of
Aberdeen. Aberdeen at the time of the Reformation was notoriously
slow in conforming to the new faith and became something of a center
86
Ibid.
87
Ibid., 4950.
88
Ibid., 122127.
89
On Tilenus see Mellon, LAcadmie de Sedan, 95117.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 313
90
On the reformation in Aberdeen see Bruce McLennan, The Reformation in the
burgh of Aberdeen, Northern Scotland, 2 (197475), 119144; C.H. Haws, The Diocese
of Aberdeen and the Reformation, Innes Review, 22 (1971), 7284.
91
Anderson, Officers and Graduates, 3; McLennan, The Reformation in the burgh of
Aberdeen, 137.
92
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 8.
93
On the conservative north and the reformation at the University of Aberdeen see
Gordon Donaldson, Scotlands Conservative North in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
Centuries in Scottish Church History (Edinburgh, 1985), 191203; Aberdeen University
and the Reformation, NS, 1 (1974), 129142; John Durkan, George Hays Oration at the
Purging of Kings College, Aberdeen, in 1569: Commentary, NS, 6 (1984), 97112.
94
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 63.
95
R.G. Cant, The University of St. Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews, 1992),
61,67.
96
G.D. Henderson, Religious Life in Seventeenth-Century Scotland (Cambridge,
1937),36.
314 chapter eight
97
Melville, JMAD, 170; W. G. Sinclair Snow, The Times, Life, and Thought of Patrick
Forbes Bishop of Aberdeen 16181635 (London, 1952), 29.
98
Stevenson, Kings College, Aberdeen, 61.
99
Ibid., 68.
100
Ibid., 81.
101
William L. Davidson, The Universitys Contribution to Philosophy in
P.J. Anderson (ed.), Studies in the History and Development of the University of Aberdeen
(Aberdeen 1906), 7374.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 315
even Aristotle evolved over the course of his career, Melvilles distinctive
influence may be seen in the bishops introduction of specialization by
the regents.102 The abolition of the medieval system of regenting and the
replacement with specialists had been a hallmark of Melvillian reform
since the 1570s. Forbes endorsement of specialist instruction reveals
the deep intellectual impression Melville left upon him. As evidence of
the profound impact Melville had upon Forbes one need only recall that
approximately twenty-five years after he had studied under him at
Glasgow and St Andrews, he sent his son John to the University of Sedan
to complete his education under Melville.103
Viri Reverendi Joannis Forbesii Corse, Vita Exterior in Opera Omnia Vol. I ed.
103
105
Acts and proceedings of the general assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland from the
M.D.LX. Part Second M.D.LXXVIII-M.D.XCII ed. Thomas Thomson (Edinburgh, 1840),
xviii, 548, 685; III, 819; Melville, JMAD, 6162, 128129; David Calderwood, The History
of the Kirk of Scotland ed. Thomas Thomson (Edinburgh, 1843), Vol. III, 398, 598, 622;
Vol. IV, 615; Vol. V, 307.
106
Calderwood, History III, 385, 410, 427, 443, 463, 473, 515, 57677, 622, 675, 705,
731; IV, 549, 649, 682; V, 87, 100, 104, 133, 156, 240, 367, 394, 629; BUK, I, 381, 392; II,
xviii, 413, 418, 427, 449, 463, 473, 522, 548, 576, 585, 612, 626, 646, 646, 685, 703, 729,
745, 767, 779, 786; III, 795, 819, 846, 857, 913.
107
Duncan Shaw, The General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland 15601600
(Edinburgh, 1964), 138.
108
BUK, II, 548, 576. Having served as moderator of the April meeting of the general
assembly in 1582 held at St Andrews, Melville served again as moderator at the June
meeting held in Edinburgh during the same year. Melville continued as moderator over
this second and distinct assembly.
109
John Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland Vol. III (Edinburgh,
1850), 58; Shaw, General Assemblies, 139140; BUK, I, 93; III, 913.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 317
Appointed by His Majesty George IV for Visiting the Universities of Scotland. Volume
III. University of St. Andrews (London, 1837), 197.
111
Calderwood, History V, 651, 68284; Melville, JMAD, 440.
112
Melville, JMAD, 436437; Calderwood, History V, 681.
113
Shaw, General Assemblies, 139.
114
Calderwood, History III, 622. Calderwoods editor renders guillie as knife.
115
BUK, II, 703; III, 846; Calderwood, History IV, 649; V, 367.
116
Shaw, General Assemblies, 136, 15758. Shaw helpfully observes that the modera-
tor possessed no status between assemblies nor did he even have the power to call a
subsequent assembly. John Knox, of course, is the only individual who was granted the
power to call a general assembly.
318 chapter eight
117
Melville, JMAD, 24546. Melville also exerted an indirect influence upon the
synod of Fife in 1586 when he counseled his nephew to exercise the prerogative of the
previous moderator and preach to the synod. Heeding his uncles advyse, James
preached on the scriptural warrant of ecclesiastical discipline and refuted what he called
the contrarie corruptiones, namlie, of the humane and devillishe bischoprik.
118
BUK, I, 381, 392; II, 413, 418, 427, 449, 463, 522, 585, 626, 703, 729, 767;
Calderwood, History III, 378, 385, 410, 427, 443, 46364, 473, 57677, 675, 731; IV, 649,
682; V, 104.
119
Ibid., II, 626644, 645ff; MacDonald, Best of Enemies, 271. The general assembly
did not convene during the years 1584 and 1585. The last meeting of the general assem-
bly in 1583 was held in October in Edinburgh at the New Kirk while the subsequent
meeting was held in the Ovir Tolbuith in Edinburgh in May 1586. As MacDonald
observes by an act of parliament in May 1584 presbyteries and general assemblies were
effectively abolished and the supremacy of bishops under the crown was asserted. Cf.
Gordon Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England 15848, Records of the
Scottish Church History Society 14 (1963), 6780; Melville, JMAD, 245.
120
Calderwood, History III, 515.
121
Ibid., III, 378, 385, 410, 427, 443, 46364.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 319
131
Arthur Johnston (ed.), Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum (Amsterdam, 1637), 9092.
132
BUK, II, 43435.
133
Ibid., 62425.
134
Ibid., III, 811; I.D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London, 1981), 444445; Anderson,
Officers and Graduates, 326; Calderwood, History, III, 707; Stevenson, Kings College,
Aberdeen, 3132, 35.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 321
The Second Book of Discipline, ed. James Kirk (Edinburgh, 1980), 4546.
135
140
Calderwood, History IV, 607.
141
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 335, 339.
142
Calderwood, History V, 339.
143
Ibid., 119.
144
Ibid., 261268.
145
Robert Sangster Rait, Andrew Melville and the Revolt Against Aristotle in
Scotland, English Historical Review (April, 1899), 257; T. Angus Kerr, John Craig,
Minister of Aberdeen, and Kings Chaplain in Duncan Shaw (ed.), Reformation and
Revolution: Essays Presented to the Very Reverend Principal Emeritus Hugh Watt, D.D.,
D.Litt. on the Sixtieth Anniversary of His Ordination (Edinburgh, 1967), 110. Cf. Maurice
Lee, Jr., James VI and the Revival of Episcopacy in Scotland: 15961600, Church
History, 43 (Mar., 1974), 55.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 323
146
One notable exception to this may be found in Alan MacDonalds essay Best of
Enemies. Although it is not the stated purpose of the article to explore Melvilles labors
as an ecclesiastical statesman, there is some exploration of this in the context of Melvilles
relationship with Patrick Adamson.
147
Melville, JMAD, 36970.
148
Ibid., 142, 370, 679; Calderwood, History IV, 320; V, 439441; VI, 591.
149
Melville, JMAD, 42; Anthony T. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of
Classical Scholarship Vol. I Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 126127, 289.
150
Ibid., 120.
324 chapter eight
151
Calderwood, History IV, 48990. The editor renders warried as denounced.
152
Melville, JMAD, 369; Calderwood, History V, 439.
153
Calderwood, History V, 327.
154
Ibid., 37677.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 325
155
Melville, JMAD, 31819; Calderwood, History V, 35356.
156
Calderwood, History IV, 717.
157
Melville, JMAD, 325; Calderwood, History V, 378.
158
Ibid., 48.
159
BUK, II, 581; Melville, JMAD, 133; Calderwood, History III, 631.
160
Melville, JMAD, 133.
161
BUK, II, 59496.
326 chapter eight
162
Calderwood, History IV, 653; V, 138, 159, 21516, 255, 33031, 37677.
163
Ibid., V, 238.
164
Melville, JMAD, 325.
165
Calderwood, History IV, 491.
166
Melville, JMAD, 5354.
167
Ibid., 45.
168
J. D. Mackie, The University of Glasgow 14511951 (Glasgow, 1954), 66.
169
Melville, JMAD, 54; Calderwood, History III, 369.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 327
behalf of the ailing university, he lobbied the regent behind the scenes
via his friend at court, Adamson. Melville called upon Adamson to use
his influence with the regent at court to secure the parsonage and vicar-
age tiends of Govan for the University of Glasgow.170
Similarly, in 1578 Melville worked in concert with Thomas Smeaton
both in the Kirks judicatories and at court to erect a college of divinity
at St Andrews. James Melville remarks that both his uncle and Smeaton
war the first motioners of a Anti-Seminarie to be erected in St Androis,
to the Jesuit Seminaries, for the course of Theologie; and cessit never, at
Assemblies and Court, till that wark was begoun and sett fordwart.171
Recognizing the need for both ecclesiastical and political support for the
establishment of a divinity school which could counteract the problem
created by the Jesuit seminaries, Melville and Smeaton employed what-
ever leverage and persuasive techniques were at their disposal to secure
the needed support in both the Kirk and court. Smeaton himself had
frequently worked through unofficial channels to warn and counsel
members of the nobility regarding the dangers of Catholicism. In addi-
tion to publiclie and privatlie warning ministers and scholars of these
religious dangers, James Melville reports that Smeaton, desiring to
know the relligion and affection of noble men, spent time with mem-
bers of the nobility in order to caution them regarding the dangers of the
evill companie of Catholics and admonishing them nocht to send
thair berns to dangerus partes of Europe where they might fall prey to
such errors.172
While Melvilles diplomatic interactions with the King proved on
more than one occasion to be ultimately self-defeating, not all of his
persuasive efforts were unsuccessful. On some occasions the King con-
ceded certain points and adopted particular measures, in part, because
of Melvilles ecclesiastical diplomacy. During the Kings visit to the North
in 1594 to confront the rebels, a significant number of the entourage
favored sparing the property of the Catholic recusants at Strathbogie.
Melville, along with the assistance of Lord Lindsay and Capteans of
horsemen and futmen, persuaded the King to go contrar to the graitest
part of the Counsall and to demolish the house as well as the houses of
Slains and Newton belonging to the earl of Erroll and one of the Gordons
170
MacDonald, Best of Enemies, 263264; Mackie, The University of Glasgow, 66.
171
Melville, JMAD, 76; Calderwood, History III, 407.
172
Ibid.
328 chapter eight
173
Ibid., 319; Calderwood, History V, 357.
174
Calderwood, History V, 15960.
175
Ibid., 255.
176
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 229.
177
Donaldson, Scottish Presbyterian Exiles in England, 15848, 72; McCrie, Life of
Andrew Melville I, 228229.
178
Calderwood, History IV, 36871.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 329
David Hume, The History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus Vol. II
180
185
Duncan Glen, Scottish Literature: A New History from 1299 to 1999 (Kirkcaldy,
1999), 26; Ker, James Melville, 505506.
186
James Kirk, John Knox and the Historians in Roger A. Mason (ed.), John Knox
and the British Reformations (Aldershot, 1998), 12; Gordon Donaldson, Knox the
Manin Duncan Shaw (ed.), John Knox: A Quartercentenary Reappraisal (Edinburgh,
1975), 18.
187
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 324, 327328. McCrie wrote of the heroic
courage and firmness which he [Melville] uniformly displayed in the hour of danger
and of his great intrepidity and invincible fortitude which made his spirit incapable
of being tamed by threats or violence.
188
Donaldson, Knox the Man, 23.
189
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville II, 325326.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 331
Ibid., 86, 124126. On one occasion having removed a placard written in French
191
and Italian from the College gate and knowing the author, Melville once again used his
position from the pulpit to rebuke openly James Lermont, heir-apparent of Balcomie.
Toward the end of his sermon with Lermont present, Melville produced the placard and
is reported to have thundered, Thow Frencheist, Italianist, jolie gentleman, wha has
defyled the bed of sa manie maried, and now bosts with thy bastonados to defyll this
Kirk, and put hands in his servants, thow sall never enjoy the fruicts of mariage God
sall bastone thie in his righteous judgments!
192
Ibid., 142, 370. Cf also Calderwood, History IV, 1011.
193
Ibid., 679.
194
Donaldson, Knox the Man, 23.
195
William Arbuckle, A St Andrews Diarist: James Melville 15561614, (Edinburgh
and London, 1964), 25.
196
James K. Cameron, Andrew Melville in St Andrews in D.W.D. Shaw (ed.), In
Divers Manners: A St Marys Miscellany (St Andrews, 1990), 64; R. G. Cant, The Univer
sity of St Andrews: A Short History (St Andrews, 1992), 61.
332 chapter eight
197
Melville, JMAD, 42. One might also cite Melvilles deception at the gates of Geneva
where he led the guards to believe that they possessed the financial means to support
themselves when in fact thair was but a crown to the fore betwixt tham bathe.
198
Hilary J. Bernstein, Between Crown and Community Politics and Civic Culture in
Sixteenth-Century Poitiers (Ithaca and London, 2004), 158159.
199
Melville, JMAD, 40.
200
Ibid., 43.
201
On the St Bartholomews Day massacres see Robert M. Kingdon, Myths about the
St. Bartholomews Day Massacres 15721576 (Cambridge, MA and London, 1988).
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 333
John Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland, Vol. II, (Edinburgh,
203
1850), 309. Spottiswoode reports that the ministers were declaring that Melville com-
pelled for safety of his life to quit the kingdom had left the country.
204
McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 204.
205
Kirk, John Knox and the Historians, 1718.
334 chapter eight
206
Melville, JMAD, 40.
207
Ibid., 5051.
208
Ibid., 289.
209
Letter of Andrew Melville to Peter Young, 14 April 1572, Bodleian, Smith MS 77,
2728; I. D. McFarlane, Buchanan, (London, 1981), 255256.
210
Melville, JMAD, 40, 51.
211
Reid, The Divinity Principals, 57.
212
Melville, JMAD, 51. James Melville described by this as the heaviest newes that
ever I haid hard befor in all my lyff.
213
Spottiswoode, History II, 237; McCrie, Life of Andrew Melville I, 220.
andrew melville and the renaissance in scotland 335
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Bordeaux, 61, 86, 131, 263265, 301 Caldcleugh, John, 196197, 312
Borgeaud, Charles, 8, 106 Calderwood, David, 67, 243,
Borthwick, John, 333 317318, 324
Bothwell, earl of, 236 History of the Kirk of Scotland, 7
Bourges, university of, 63, 9193, 113, The Parasynagma Perthense et
120121, 126, 136137, 157, 170, 174 iuramentum ecclesi Scoticanae, 24,
Bowes, Robert, 214, 325, 329 101, 215, 243, 335
Boyd, James, archbishop of Glasgow, 92, Calvin, John, 3, 9, 19, 73, 9192, 9596,
157, 188, 294 102104, 114, 118, 126, 141, 144, 147,
Boyd, Robert of Trochrig, 260, 264265, 193, 245, 305
278279, 288 Calvinism, 5, 178, 281
Hetacombe Christiana, 265 Calvinist, 11, 96, 113, 122, 156157,
Boysson, Jean de, 91 228, 268
Brahe, Tycho, 133 Cambridge, university of, viii, 19, 55, 62,
Braid, laird of, 192 101, 112, 119, 124, 210, 214215, 217,
Braidfut, William, 57 243, 247, 298, 314
Britain, 268 Cameron, John, 263, 279, 288
Bruni, Leonardo, 78 Campbell, Alexander, bishop of
Bruce, Robert, 38, 63, 208209, 234235, Brechin, 146, 151, 155
316, 328 Campbell, Dougal, 164
Bucer, Martin, 245 Canons and Decrees of the Council of
Buchanan, George, viii, 3, 17, 21, 2227, Trent, 54
29, 32, 52, 5556, 59, 62, 63, 8291, Canterbury, archbishop of, 214, 258, 334
9495, 97, 98, 99, 103, 122123, Capell, L., 263
128129, 131, 141142, 145146, 148, Cappel, Aaron, 267
152156, 158160, 166167, 171, Cappel, Jacques, 280
174176, 179181, 186, 221, 224, Historia sacra et exotica ab
227229, 231, 233, 237, 239241, 244, Adamo, 281
249, 261, 268, 276, 284, 285, 287, 293, Carleton, George, 102, 214215
295297, 301, 306308, 316, 319320, Carmichael, James, 213214, 328
325, 328, 333334, 336 Cartwright, Thomas, 10, 108, 124126,
Baptistes, 26 148, 321
De iure regni apud Scotos dialogus, 24, Carr, John, 194
26, 29, 90, 122 Case, John, 216
De Sphaera, 27 Caskieben, 284
Franciscanus, 24, 174 Casimir College, 284
Genethliacon Jacobi sexti regis Catherine, sister of Henri of Navarre, 220
Scotorum, 24, 237 Catholicism, 56, 63, 169, 208209,
Jepthes, 26 215217, 224, 227, 245, 252, 264, 291,
Opinion, 186 298299, 313314, 318, 322, 327, 329
Rerum Scoticarum historia, 26, 83, Catholic recusancy, 313
158, 240 Catullus, 46, 137140, 234; Catullan style
Buchanan, Thomas, 316317, 319320, of poetry, 46, 129
322323 Casaubon, Isaac, 118, 131, 149, 225227,
Buckeridge, John, 254 230, 248, 264, 288, 293, 296300
Bucolics, 110, 139 Cassander, George, 153154
Bud, Guillaume, 25, 42, 52, 62, 66, Castoll, Jean, 213
6970, 113, 136, 225, 275, 293, 302 Cecil, Robert, first earl of Salisbury, 260
De studio, 70 Ceres, Fife 174175
Bullinger, Heinrich, 108109 Chapel Royal, Windsor, 255
Byzantium, 120 Charpentier, Jacques, 6768, 99, 104
Charpentier, Pierre, 103, 107, 121
Caesar, Julius, 90, 110, 134, 154155, 244, Charteris, Andrew, 333
Commentarii (Commentaries), 154 Charteris, Henry, 164
364 general index
Charles IX, king of France, 68, 75, 152 Copenhagen, university of, 3943
Charles of Lorraine, 75 Copernicus, Nicolaus, 4647, 133
Chtellerault, 96 Cordier, Mathurin, 102
Cheke, John, 119 Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 215
Chevalier, Antoine-Raoul, 105, 116 Coss, Timolon de, 27, 97
Chrestien, Florent, 88, 112, 222 Couplet, elegiac, 90, 124, 224, 283
Christison, William, 319 Cowper, John, 213
Christopher, Count Palatine, 108 Craig, John, 316, 319, 321
Chronology, 39, 47, 133, 183; Craig, Sir Thomas, 65, 223
Greek, 134; Oriental, 134; Cranston, William, 113, 176
Roman, 134 Crescas, Hasdai, 78
Church, of England, 255, 257, 295, 335; Cujas, Jacques, 6970, 9192, 120,
(Kirk) of Scotland, 4, 616, 18, 2021, 157, 170
23, 28, 162, 166169, 175, 188189, Cunningham, David, bishop
205206, 208209, 211, 219, 230, 244, of Aberdeen, 64
251252, 256, 260, 271, 274, 277, 286, Cunningham, James, 164
287, 305307, 315328, 331, 335336
Cicero, 43, 48, 7172, 75, 78, 110112, Dagleish, Nicol, 203, 205, 207, 316,
137138, 144, 153, 161, 165166, 320, 322
183184, 188, 204, 234, 310 Damman, Adrian, 234235
De Amicitia, 110 Dampierre, Jean de, 138
De oratore, 112 Daneau, Lambert, 17, 102, 107, 112,
De fato, 72 119120, 122123, 126127, 142,
De legibus, 153 147148
De officiis, 161, 166 Ad Petri Carpenterii Petri Fabri
De Senectute, 110 responsio, 122123, 142
Epistles ad Terentiam Dans, Pierre, 66, 130
In Catilinam (Catilinarian Daniel, book of, 211
orations), 75, 165166 Darroch, Robert, 164
Letters, 110 Davidson, John, 158, 208, 213, 218
Orations, 110111 Davison, Francis, 213
Paradoxes, 110, 161, 166 Davison, William, 213214
Speeches, shorter, 110 De Laun, 279, 281
Tusculanae disputationes, 161 Demosthenes, 71, 110, 144
Cinqarbres, Jean de, 25, 32, 72, 74, 99, Olynthiacs, 110
105, 160, 167, 293 Philippics, 110
De re grammatica Hebrorum opus, 74 Denmark, 22, 39, 4142, 220, 224,
Ciris, 261 233235, 280, 285, 295
Classicism, 111, 144, 232 dEtaples, Jacques Lefvre, 78, 136
Clenard, 154155 de Thou, Jacques-Auguste, 131
Greek grammar, 154155 dialectic, 57, 7576, 78, 8182, 109110,
Clermont, Collge de, Paris, 64, 176 121, 153, 160, 165, 183, 185, 195
Cockburn, Alexander, 63 Dieppe, 61, 152
Coimbra, 86, 184, 301 Digges, Thomas, 46
Coinage, Roman, 121 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 130
Colchester, 177 Dionysius Periegetes, 161
Coligny, Admiral Gaspard de, 9798, Orbis terrae descriptio (De situ
120, 124, 332 habitabilis orbis), 161
Collace, William, 57, 152154 Discipline, First Book of, 19, 54, 56,
Collge Royal (or Collge de France), 180182, 186, 192, 307308; Second
Paris, ix, 19, 26, 28, 32, 49, 6175, 81, Book of, 12, 79, 19, 168, 306, 321
85, 93, 99, 101, 105, 107, 117, 119, Distich, Ovidian, 231, 284
126, 132, 135, 183 Donaldson, Walter, 279280
collegium trilingue, 49, 192 Doneau, Hughes, 120, 148
general index 365
Fife, kingdom of, 12, 174175; provincial 205206, 316320, 324, 326, 328;
assembly of, 205; synod of, assessor to the moderator, 14, 167
317318, 322 Geneva, ix, 17, 21, 2526, 41, 58, 6364,
Fin, Oronce, 6667 7475, 81, 83, 98, 151, 155, 157, 167,
Flamino-Spinula, 89 175, 177, 200, 207, 213, 225226,
Fontenay, 96 228229, 248, 263, 295, 297298, 321,
Forbes, John, of Corse, 291 332; academy of, 1920, 28, 32, 3536,
Forbes, Patrick, bishop of Aberdeen, 11, 70, 73, 93, 99; 101149, 155, 167, 169,
213, 218, 286, 313 225226, 263, 279, 293, 301, 303304,
Forcadel, Pierre, 67, 72 306, 308309 Calvinist, 11;
Forsyth, Alexander, 213 consistory, 321; tradition, 9
France, 23, 27, 32, 35, 39, 49, 6199, Genevan colleagues, 157, 226, 299;
101102, 106, 111112, 132, 135, discipline, 3, 253, 321; polity, 321
142143, 146, 159, 172, 174177, 181, Germany, 21, 3943, 55, 61, 112, 119,
187, 193, 199, 221, 228229, 248, 261, 280, 284, 303305
267269, 278288, 293, 332, 336 Gesner, Conrad, 137
Franche-Comt, 151 Gibson, James, 213
Franconia, 129 Gien, 126
Franois I, king of France, 63 Gilbert, George, 40
Franois II, king of France, 62 Girard, Simon, 112
Frankfurt, 19 Glamis, master of, 219
French humanism see humanism Glasgow, 157, 159, 163, 165, 176, 298,
French, 23, 4749, 67, 110, 130, 193, 331; 311; archbishop of, 92, 157, 265, 294;
court, 264, 267; galleys, 19; assembly, 251, 267, 277; university
Hebraist, 73; Huguenot, 2223, 95, of, ix, 1, 3, 13, 15, 1718, 21, 28, 37,
97; play, 141; poet, 2223, 138; 49, 53, 61, 7981, 86, 94, 99, 144, 146,
poetry, 141; monarch, 62, 152; 151189, 191, 193194, 198, 201,
Protestantism, 122; Reformed 205208, 219, 221, 246247, 263266,
Church, 96, 111; Renaissance, 17, 20, 279, 282, 289, 291292, 294, 297,
27, 32, 58, 62, 65, 9192, 116, 172, 181, 301310, 313, 315, 320321, 324, 327
200, 212, 248, 293; wars of religion, 35, Gledstanes, George, archbishop of St
97, 113, 134, 213 Andrews, 14
Frendraught, 285 Glencairn, earl of, 210
Fugger, Ulrich, 114 Gomaer, Franois (Franciscus
Fullerton, Hugh, 164 Gomarus), 282
Fullarton, Sir James, 164 Googe, Barnabe, 45
Gordon, George, 4th Earl of Huntly, 313
Gaelic, 48, 275 Gordon, John, 23, 57, 257
Gagnay, Jean de, 90 Gordon, William, bishop
Galacia, 242 of Aberdeen, 313
Galland, Pierre, 7677 Goupyl, Jean, 68
Galloway, 265 Gouveia, Antoine de, 76
Galloway, Alexander, 51 Govan, benefice of, 168; incumbent
Galloway, Patrick, 209, 213, 219, 234, of, 165; parish of, 20, 165166, 168,
316, 328 189, 206, 321, 326; parsonage and
Gask, 176 vicarage tiends of, 169, 179, 327
Gathelus, x, 27, 231, 234, 239243, Gray, Robert, 51
248249, 295 Gray, William, 152
Gathelus-Scota myth, 240 Greece, 87, 148, 242, 270, 286287
Gellibrand, Edward, 214 Greek, ix, 21, 3132, 4344, 4853, 55,
general assembly, 4, 15, 1819, 80, 85, 5859, 66, 68, 7072, 7980, 99, 103,
144, 155, 168170, 176, 178, 185, 189, 105, 107110114, 116119, 130,
199, 203, 208210, 230, 252, 313; 132133, 138, 149, 151, 156, 160161,
moderator, ixx, 14, 167, 170, 181183, 186187, 193, 195, 196, 202,
general index 367
216217, 226, 247, 275, 278, 280, 291, lexicon, 26, 155, manuals, 26;
294, 299, 302303, 305, 308; poetry, 88; Psalter, 226, 299
Christian, 225, 299; correspond- Hebrews, epistle to the, 265, 288
ence, 288, 302; grammar, 110, Hegate, William, 223
154155, 165, 302303; histories, 110; Heidelberg, 280; university of, 230, 303
idimos, 225 lexicon, 118, 132; Heinsius, Daniel, 282283
literature, 3031, 65, 98, 110, 112, 115, Nederduytsche Poemata, 283
129, 137, 144, 151, 153, 165, 180, Helmstedt, university of, 230
203204, 213, 216217, 222, 226, 247, Henri de la Tour d Auvergne, duc de
280, 302303; New Testament, 44, Bouillon and Marchal de France, 267
299; philosophers, 7778; plays, 43; Henry I, duke of Guise, 95, 97
poet, 110111, 129, 132, 275, 302; Henry II, king of France, 71, 75
poetry, 129, 133, 132, 287; Henry III, king of France, 68
pronunciation, 297, speeches, 183, Henri IV, king of France (Henri of
263, 302; texts, 55, 71, 133, 198, 200, Navarre), 62, 112, 220
225, 247; tutor, 213; verse, 298, 300 Henry VIII, king of England
Greeks, 104, 133 and Ireland, 292
Greifswald, university of, 39 Henry, Stewart, prince of Wales
Grosart, 243 (Henry IX), 233
Groulart, Claude, 134 Herbert, George, 23, 160, 244245, 256
Guidacerio, Agazio, 66 Musae responsoriae, 23, 160, 244245
Guyenne, Collge de, Bordeaux, 86, 131 Hercules, 242; Scottish, 330
Hermogenes, 118
Haddington, 20 Herodian, 110
Hall, Joseph, 257, 263 Herodotus, 71
Halyburton, James, 85, 152 Hesse, Eobanus, 8990
Hamilton, Archibald, 178 Hesshus, Tilemann, 140
Calvinianae confusionis Hesiod, 43, 160, 165, 283, 302, 304, 310
demonstratio, 178 , 165
De confusione Calvinian, 178 Hippocrates, 68
Hamilton, Gavin, 265 Prognostics, 68
Hamilton, James, 213 Hippocratis Magni Coacae
Hamilton, John, archbishop of St Praenotiones, 68
Andrews, 54 Historiography, 67, 240241
Hamilton, Patrick, 40 Hog, Archibald, 57
Hamilton, Robert, 196197, 312 Home, George, earl of Dunbar, 268
Hampton Court Conference, 243244, Homer, 4243, 71, 106, 110, 118, 132,
251, 256, 262 137139, 160, 165, 198, 204,
Harvey, Gabriel, 220221 221222, 234, 302, 304, 310
Hay, Alexander, 57, 85, 152 Illiad, 165, 222
Hay, Andrew, 157158, 187, 209, 213, Honter, Johann, 161
316, 319320 De cosmographiae rudimentis, 161
Hay, Archibald, 52 Horace, 48, 71, 154, 160, 204, 234,
Hay, Edmund, 6364 278, 282, 302, 310
Hay, George, 52, 321 Epistles, 48
Hay, James, 41 Hortin, Michel, 112
Hay, William, 51 Hotman, Franois, 17, 25, 32, 6970,
Hebrew, 21, 32, 43, 4849, 6566, 7073, 9192, 99, 107, 112, 119122124,
88, 99, 112, 114, 116117, 132133, 128129, 142, 148, 297
149, 160161, 163164, 167, 173174, Anti-Tribonianus, 121
181182, 186, 187, 193194, 196, 216, De furoribus Gallicis, 124
226, 246247, 275, 278, 280, 299, Francogallia, 142143, 145
302303, 308, 319; Bible, 74, 105, 212, Gasparis Colinii Castellonii magni
226; grammar, 74, 154,; kings, 232; quondam Franciae amiralii vita, 124
368 general index
Howie, Robert, 173, 232, 260 James VI, king of Scots, later James VI &
Huguenots, 95, 97, 122123, 143 I of Great Britain, ixx, 23, 1213,
Humanism, 1, 13, 25, 27, 3032, 4142, 18, 22, 24, 32, 62, 64, 85, 97, 105, 112,
58, 6970, 90, 98, 144, 146, 181, 191, 115, 158, 163164, 175, 179, 185, 197,
203, 217, 261, 271, 275, 289, 291306; 210, 221, 223224, 228, 230231,
Christian, 30; classical, 31; encyclope- 233234, 248249, 292, 295296, 323,
dic, 69, 71; European, 39, 48, 99, 116, 325, 328
246, 300301, 303, 333; French, 1617, Basilikon Doron, 220, 236
23, 25, 2729, 33, 98, 139, 160, 304, Essayes of a Prentise, in the Divine Art
336, 288, 336; German, 42; humani- of Poesie, 220, 224, 236
sta, 30; His Maiesties Poeticall Exercises at
humanismus, 30,; studia Vacant Houres, 220
humanitatis, 30 legal, 17, 25, 32, 69, Jesuit Seminaries, 327
92, 121; Protestant, 4243, 304; Jews, 73, 132
Renaissance, 30, 38, 4142 Johnston, Arthur, 27, 279281, 283288,
Hume, Alexander, 270, 288 298, 300,
Hume, David, of Godscroft Ad Andream Melvinum, de melone ad
(Theagrius), 213, 227, 231, 234, 248, Tilenum misso, 286
269, 272 De Andrea Melvino, 287
Aselcanus, 228, 231 Delitiae poetarum Scotorum, 27, 36,
De unione insulae Britannica (The 85, 90, 119, 123, 127, 134, 147, 155,
Bonds of the British Union), 229 157, 171, 178, 224, 281, 285, 320
Lusus poetici, in tres partes Encomia urbium, 284285
distincti, 228 Epigrammata, 8, 280, 285
Poemata omnia, 228 Nicrina, 285
Hume, Sir Patrick of Ayton, 270 Parerga, 284285
Hundred Years War, 61 Penitential Psalms Paraphrase, 285
Hunter, Andrew, 213 Psalm Paraphrases, 285
Huntley, Marquis of, 313 ad principem
hypostatic union, 144 Ludovicum comit. Palatinum, 285
Querelae Saravictionis et Biomeae, 285
Iberia, 242 Song of Solomon Paraphrase, 285
Iberian, Aristotelianism, 77; Johnston, John, 27, 36, 157, 173, 197,
empires, 239; enemies, 27; 230232, 239, 248, 269, 272, 273,
forces, 237; home, 242; 275, 317, 319
Peninsula, 22; peoples, 240; Encomia Urbium, 232
powers, 238; pride, 237 Inscriptiones historicae regum
Icones, 138 Scotorum, 231
imitatio veterum, 275 Richardus Melvinus, 36
induction, 153 Jonah, 142
Ireland, 242, 292 jure divino, 254, 266, 288
Ireland, John, 52 Juris Orientalis, 120
Ireland, Robert, 94 jurisprudence, new, 92, 99, 104, 115,
Irland, 93 117, 119120, 148, 171
Isocrates, 110, 138, 160, 165, 302, 310 Julius III, pope, 141
Hortatory Speeches, 110 Jupiter (Jove), 237238
Parnesis ad demonicum, 165 Justinian, emperor, 69, 92, 120
Italy, 30, 39, 55, 61, 112, 114, 129130, Code, 120121
132, 147, 177, 280, 284285 Institutiones, 69
Pandects, 120
Jack, Thomas, 86 Juvenal, 137
James III, king of Scots, 52, 211
James IV, king of Scots, 50, 52 Kennedy, Gilbert, 97
James V, king of Scots, 40, 5051 Ker, Sir Andrew, of Fadounside, 192
general index 369
Presbyterianism, 13, 910, 1415, 125, 247, 264, 268, 275276, 287289, 291,
214215, 229230, 246, 254, 281, 314, 301, 303, 308, 315, 333; English, 45;
323, 325, 334 European, 1617, 25, 2728, 33, 58,
Presles, Collge de, Paris, 75 87, 9899, 146, 148, 180183, 185, 195,
Privy Council, English, 258259, 266, 203, 247, 273, 288, 293, 301303, 305,
331; Scottish, ix, 105, 164, 188, 307308, 336; French, 1617, 20, 23,
211212, 294 27, 32, 49, 58, 62, 65, 9192, 116, 172,
Propertius, 138139, 234 181, 200, 212, 248, 293; Italian 119;
Protestantism, 1819, 33, 38, 4042, northern European, 16, 25, 27, 33, 48,
5354, 56, 64, 9697, 175, 291, 314, 58, 148, 185, 272, 293, 301, 305,
332; French, 96, 122; Reformed, 95, 307308, 336; polymathy 70, 98, 133,
106, 163, 177, 179, 203, 227, 264, 279, 159, 187, 301302, 309; Scottish, 3, 5,
283, 288289 15, 22, 24, 2729, 3233, 37, 50, 191,
Psalms, 26, 89, 129, 141, 261, 285, 248, 288, 303, 306, 329; values, 230,
287, 296 288, 311
Ptolemaic view, 27 respublica scholastica, 55, 104
Puritans, Elizabethan, 216 Reuchlin, Johannes, 43, 119, 155, 303
Pythagoras, 160, 310 Hebrew lexicon, 155
Rimini, 44
Quadrivium, 81 Robertson, James, 213
Quintilian, 7879 Robertson, John, 193
Rollock, Hercules, 87, 123, 223224, 234
Raban, Edward, 285 Epithalamium, 224
Rabelais, Franois, 92, 139 Panegyris de pace in Gallia, 223
Rainolds, John, 102, 215, 245, 247, 298 Rollock, Robert, 164, 193, 196, 201, 208,
Rait, David, 173 223, 264, 316
Ramism, 172, 184185, 188, 194, 196, Rome, 22, 44, 62, 87, 129, 148, 245, 254,
198, 200201, 309 270, 286287, 289
Ramist literature, 183185, 188, 299, Ronsard, Pierre, 128
309310 Ross, John, 164
Ramus, Petrus (Pierre de la Rame) Rostock, university of, 63, 173, 230
Arithmetic Libri Tres, 160 Rouen, 97, 278
Advertissements sur la rformation de Rough, John, 333
luniversit de Paris au roy, 81 Rough Wooings, 38, 292
Aristotelicae animadversions, 76, 78 Row, John, 7, 316, 319321
Commentaries on the Christian Roy, Hugues, 107
Religion, 173 royal supremacy, 1415, 253
Dialectic Libri Duo, 160, 185 Russell, David, 196, 312
Dialecticae partitiones, 76 Russell, Francis, 55
Dialectique, 160 Rutherford, John, 198
Geometriae, 82, 160 Ruthven Castle, 325
Lectures on Mathematics, 173 Ruthven Raid, 210211, 228, 329
Promium Mathematicum, 160 Ruthven, William, 1st earl of
Studies on Dialectic, 78 Gowrie, 210, 325
Redman, John, 119 Rye, East Sussex, 152
Reformed theology, 175, 215
Regent Mar, 146 Saint Pierre, parish of, 127
Rgnier, 93 Sainte-Marthe, 93
Reid, Thomas, 180 Salisbury, earl of see Cecil, Robert, 260
Renaissance 1, 13, 17, 20, 23, 2932, Sallust, 22, 154, 220, 296
3839, 4145, 47, 50, 57, 64, 66, 71, De coniuratione Catilinae, 154
7778, 84, 88, 90, 94, 99, 101, 130, 136, Sassoferrato, Bartolo da, 91
144, 154,156, 159, 160, 163, 177180, Salinacus, 7273
184, 187, 199, 216, 218, 227, 231, 235, Sapphic meter, 245
general index 373
Saumur, academy of, 112, 265, 278, 282 207208, 269, 294295, 316,
Savile, Thomas, 217, 247 319320, 327
Scaliger, Joseph Justus (Joseph della Epitaphium Metellani, 177
Scala), 25, 29, 52, 62, 66, 71, 89, 102, orthodoxa responsio, 178
107, 112, 120, 123, 128129, 131136, Smith, John, 280
148, 199200, 225, 227, 235, 268, 273, Smith, Thomas, 119
274, 283, 293, 297, 323 Sodales, 138
Coniectanea, 133 Sophocles, 71, 118, 138, 142
De emendatione temporum or Treatise Solon, 275
on the Correction of Chronology, 133 Song of Songs, 141, 285
Manilii quinque libros astronomicon South Esk, 37
commentarius Castigationes, 135 Spain, 61, 237238
Thesaurus temporum or Treasure House Spanish Armada, 141
of Dates, 134 Spottiswoode, John, archbishop of
Scaliger, Julius Caesar, 128, 131132, St Andrews, 3, 67, 164, 170171,
134, 136, 231232 177, 244, 259, 265, 266, 333
Poemata, 134, 136 St Andrew, 258
schola private, ix, 19, 36, 93, 103, St Andrews, 12, 18, 20, 40, 175176,
105113, 118, 146148, 151, 167 205207, 211, 223, 300, 312, 316, 322,
schola publica, 36, 103106, 108109, 331, 335; university of, ix, 13, 1516,
111112, 125, 134, 225 1821, 2324, 28, 37, 4849, 5359,
Scot, John, of Scotstarvet, 286 6164, 7980, 82, 8687, 90, 99, 107,
Scot, William, 4, 7 113, 115, 125, 144, 153154, 157159,
Apologetical Narration, 4, 7 167170, 174, 179180, 184187, 189,
Scota, 240242 191249, 279, 288, 291292, 294, 296,
Scotism, 77 298, 301, 303, 305308, 311315, 320,
Scoti TOU TUXONTOS paraclesis 324, 327; St Leonards College, 17, 24,
contra Danielis Tileni Silesii 36, 53, 57, 7980, 86, 106, 152154,
paraenesin, 267, 282 174175, 184, 191192, 195196,
Scots Confession, 54 198200, 202, 204, 246247, 311312;
Scrimgeour, Henry, 103, 107, 113, St Marys College, ixx, 1718, 24, 49,
146, 148, 298 5355, 57, 64, 79, 106, 108, 146, 157,
Scrimgeour, Isobel, 38, 113 159, 163, 167, 170, 172176, 179, 185,
Scipio Africanus, 275 187, 191192, 196197, 201202,
Sedan, x, 19, 32, 109, 251289, 298, 300; 205206, 210, 219, 223, 228, 230,
university of, x, 21, 28, 46, 256, 246247248, 253, 254, 260, 289, 305,
263, 267, 270, 278282, 284, 312; St Salvators College, 38, 176,
289, 312, 315 192193, 195, 198, 202203, 246
Semitic cognates, 336 St Bartholomews Day massacres, 76,
Seneca, 142, 275, 283 102, 113, 120, 122, 126, 134, 152,
snchausse court, Poitiers, 93 156157, 177, 332
Serres, Jean de, 112, 147 St Edmund Hall, Oxford, 214
Severus, Sulpicius, 277 Stewart, Esm, Duke of Lennox, 210, 228
Seymour, Sir William, 262, 288, 295 Stewart, James, earl of Arran, 97,
Sharpe, Patrick, 163, 311 210, 325
Sibbald, George, 278 Stewart, William, 211
Simson, Andrew, 57 Stirling, 40, 85, 157158, 208, 219, 325
Simoni, Simon, 103104 St George, 259
Slains, house of, 327 St Johns College, Cambridge, 55,
Sleidan, 160 215, 253
De Quatuor Summis Imperiis St Machars Cathedral, Old
Libri Tres, 160 Aberdeen, 170, 313
Smeaton, Thomas, ix, 6364, 157, 169, St Marcean, Collge of, Poitiers, 93
171, 174, 176178, 185, 188, 194, 203, St Marthe, Collge Royal de, Poitiers, 93
374 general index