Talloen P. and M. Waelkens 2005 Apollo A

APOLLO AND THE EMPERORS (II)
THE EVOLUTION OF THE IMPERIAL CULT AT SAGALASSOS*
Abstract: Part II of this contribution on the imperial cult at Sagalas-

sos deals with the establishment of emperor worship in the Pisidian
city and its evolution in time. At first glance, the imperial cult seems
to have been a late phenomenon in local religious life, the first high
priest of the emperors only appearing under the Flavian dynasty. Such
a course of events is contradicted not only by the prominent position
of Sagalassos within Pisidia where early imperial sanctuaries were
already established in neighbouring cities but also by the numer-
ous monuments for Julio-Claudian rulers in the city. The paper there-
fore contends that there was already some kind of veneration of the
new overlords using the local cult of Apollo, and that this venera-
tion gradually developed into an independent imperial cult. Once
firmly established, the frequency and intensity of the imperial cult
in the wider area of Sagalassos appears to have been closely linked to
the imperial agenda. Through solar henotheism, the emperor became
the representative of the supreme god on earth, which eventually
allowed the veneration of the imperial image to continue into the Chris-
tian era.
As the material evidence presented in Part I demonstrated, emperor wor-

ship was an institution of great importance to the provincial communities,
and one that had a central role to play in the development of the cities.
It will now be elucidated how this came about in Sagalassos, and how it
evolved through time.
1. THE EARLY IMPERIAL INTEGRATION
The diffusion of the cult of Augustus and other members of his family in
Asia Minor and throughout the Greek East from the beginning of the Prin-
cipate or the start of direct Roman rule is often held to have been very rapid,
* The present paper is the continuation of last years contribution Apollo and the Emper-
ors (I); The Material Evidence for the Imperial Cult at Sagalassos, AncSoc 34 (2004),
p. 171-216, where the abbreviations used are listed on p. 216. References to Part I are given
as supra I, p. and/or n. .
Peter Talloen is a postdoctoral fellow of the Fund of Scientific Research Flanders; Marc
Waelkens is L. Baert-Hofman professor of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology.
218 P. TALLOEN M. WAELKENS
indeed almost instantaneous1. Yet, unlike other Pisidian cities2 in par-

ticular those housing Roman settlers3 no evidence for early imperial
worship has thus far been discerned at Sagalassos, nor should we expect
to find this as its first priest of the imperial cult only dates to the Flavian
dynasty (cf. supra I, p. 207-208). This would seem to imply that, for the
whole of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, there was no official imperial ven-
eration at Sagalassos.
Considering the leading status of Sagalassos within the region and the
presence of the imperial cult in its immediate vicinity, as well as the
numerous monuments erected for members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty
in the city and the divine title given to Nero, it seems highly unlikely that
the city would not have responded to the presence of a new ruler and
resisted the widespread phenomenon of imperial veneration for almost a
century before initiating a cult, especially when the loyalty to the new order
is illustrated by the demos honouring Marcus Lollius, the conqueror and
first governor of Galatia (25-22 BC), as its patronus4.
We will therefore try to establish how the foundation of the imperial
cult at Sagalassos came about by examining closely the link between the
1
The foundation of provincial centres of emperor worship in Asia and Bithynia as
early as 29 BC acted, according to Cassius Dio, as a model for other provinces to follow
all over the Empire, and it also prompted the spread of civic or locally organised cults (Dio
LI 20.5-7; see also S. PRICE, Rituals and Power: the Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor,
Cambridge 1984, p. 80, and S. MITCHELL, Anatolia, Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor,
I. The Celts and the Impact of Roman Rule, Oxford 1993, p. 100-102).
2
In 5-4 BC, the people of the Milyas who were tribal kinsfolk of the Pisidians, in con-
cert with the Romans who did business among them, and the Thracian inhabitants of the
region, erected a large altar to the goddess Roma and the divine Augustus at a site on the
territory of the ancient city of Kormasa on the east bank of the river Lysis in Western
Pisidia, close to the line of the Via Sebaste and just south of the territory of Sagalassos
(see A.S. HALL, R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies no. 9. The Milyadeis and their Territory,
AS 36, 1986, p. 137 no. 1). The foundation of this sanctuary can most probably be related
to the construction of the Via Sebaste, which opened up the region. Furthermore, the city
of Apollonia founded an imperial sanctuary sometime between AD 14 and 19 where a
Greek copy of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti was inscribed (see MAMA IV 143), and at
Termessos a cult of Augustus was practised by the second half of the 1st century AD (supra
I, p. 210 n. 151).
3
On the role of Roman settlers in the establishment of the imperial cult in Pisidia see
P. TALLOEN, Cult in Pisidia. Religious Practice in Southwestern Asia Minor from the Hel-
lenistic to the Early Byzantine Period. A Study based on the Archaeological Research at
Sagalassos (Studies in Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology, 9), Turnhout (forthcoming);
ID., One Question, Several Answers. The Introduction of the Imperial Cult in Pisidia (see
n. 29 below).
4
H. DEVIJVER, Local Elite, Equestrians and Senators: A Social History of Roman
Sagalassos, AncSoc 27 (1996), p. 106.
APOLLO AND THE EMPERORS (II) 219
emperors and Apollo which is apparent in several of the aforementioned

witnesses to the cult.
1.1. Apollo at Sagalassos

An overview of material manifestations of the cult of Apollo illustrates
the prominent position of this deity in Pisidia, and at Sagalassos in par-
ticular. The city established a temple and games in his honour5 both
imposing in their field founded a priesthood to serve his cult and
issued civic coins with the effigy of Apollo, ranging from the late Hel-
lenistic period to the reign of Claudius II Gothicus6. All this identifies the
god as one of the main deities at Sagalassos7.
Although Apollo was previously thought to have arrived in Sagalassos
as a purely Greek god during the Hellenistic era together with the Seleu-
cid settlers8, there are several indications that he has his roots in the area.
Firstly, he was often the object of worship in extra-urban sanctuaries
founded in the indigenous tradition: there are the extra-urban rock-cut
reliefs of Apollo Sideton at Pednelissos and most probably also at Melli
(Milyas?), the rock-sanctuary of Apollo at andr in the territory of
Adada, and finally the rock-sanctuary of the rider-god Apollo Permi-
noundeon in the territory of Komama, which all clearly point to an indige-
nous origin9. Moreover, this strong rural aspect of Apollo is also recorded
5
See supra I, p. 175-177 and 201-205.
6
There are issues of civic coins depicting Apollo during the Late Hellenistic period
(BMC no. 2), the early imperial (most probably Augustan) times (IW no. 3813), the reigns
of Nerva (KM no. 8), Hadrian (SNG Paris no. 1767), Marcus Aurelius (SNG Copenhagen
no. 203), Caracalla (SNG Paris no. 1791), Diadumenianus (BMC no. 27), Elagabal (SNG
von Aulock no. 8625), Severus Alexander (SNG von Aulock no. 5182), and Claudius II
Gothicus (SNG Copenhagen no. 219 and SNG Paris no. 1865).
7
See also M. WAELKENS, Sagalassos. Religious Life in a Pisidian Town during the Hel-
lenistic and Early Imperial Period, in C. BONNET A. MOTTE (eds.), Les syncrtismes
religieux dans le monde mediterranen antique. Actes du Colloque International en lhon-
neur de Franz Cumont loccasion du cinquantime anniversaire de sa mort, Rome, 25-
27 septembre 1997 (Institut Historique Belge de Rome. tudes de Philologie, dArchologie
et dHistoire Anciennes, 36), BruxellesRome 1999, p. 206-207.
8
M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 7), p. 209.
9
For Pednelissos see G. ISIN, The Ruins at Kozan-Bodrumkaya: Pednelissos, Adalya
3 (1998), p. 117-118; for Melli see L. VANDEPUT V. KSE S. AYDAL R. ERB, Pisidia
Survey Project: Melli 1999, in 18. Aratrma Sonular Toplants, 22-26 Mays 2000,
Izmir, Ankara 2001, p. 261-262; for Adada see J.R.R. STERRETT, The Wolfe Expedition to
Asia Minor (Papers of the American School of Classical Studies in Athens, 3), Boston
1888, p. 315-317; for Perminous see G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, The Inscriptions of Cen-
tral Pisidia: including Texts from Kremna, Ariassos, Keraia, Hyia, Panemoteichos, the
for the territory of Sagalassos where the god is manifestly present, with
possible sanctuaries near the villages of Bayndr, Bgdz, Gnalan and
Hanii, as seems to be suggested by the concentration of votive dedications
in the form of altars at those locations10. Finally, his local character is also
confirmed by various epithets in votive inscriptions accompanying his
depictions on horseback and identifying them as local variants of the
deity11.
All this indicates that the deity was indigenous to the area, albeit under
another name, most probably as the solar deity Sozon12. Such an identi-
fication is based on the similarity and nature of the deities: both are solar
deities with a radiate appearance who are frequently depicted on horse-
back13. This assimilation has recently been confirmed by illegal excava-
tions at the site of the rock-cut sanctuary of Apollo at Perminous which
revealed objects dedicated to Sozon14, attesting that the deities were ven-
erated together at the sanctuary.
Although the Seleucids may not have been responsible for the actual
introduction of Apollo to the area, they might well have been responsi-
ble for the assimilation of the Greek deity with this local solar god. The
epithet Klarios is certainly not indigenous nor is it attested at Sagalassos
before the early imperial period. Therefore, it might well have been the
result of imperial propagation of the cult of that deity and the promotion
Sanctuary of Apollo of the Perminoundeis, Sia, Kocaaliler and the Deme Bogaz
(Inschriften griechischer Stdte aus Kleinasien, 57), Bonn 2000, p. 103-110.
10
M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 7), p. 207-208; M. WAELKENS et al., The 1996 and 1997
Surveys in the Territory of Sagalassos, in M. WAELKENS L. LOOTS (eds.), Sagalassos V.
Report on the Survey and Excavation Campaigns of 1996 and 1997 (Acta Archaeologica
Lovaniensia. Monographiae, 10), Leuven 2000, p. 73 and 83.
11
In general see I. DELEMEN, Anatolian Rider-Gods. A Study on Stone Finds from the
Regions of Lycia, Pisidia, Isauria, Lycaonia, Phrygia, Lydia and Caria in the Late Roman
Period (Asia Minor Studien, 35), Bonn 1999, p. 2; for Pisidia: Apollo Perminoundeon at
Perminous (G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 103 sqq.) and Apollo Elaibarios
at Isinda (D.H. FRENCH, Isinda and Lagbe, in D.H. FRENCH [ed.], Studies in the History
and Topography of Lycia and Pisidia. In Memoriam A.S. Hall [British Institute of Archae-
ology. Monograph, 19], Ankara 1994, p. 66 no. 13; S. AHIN, Die Inschriften von Perge
[Inschriften griechischer Stdte aus Kleinasien, 54], Bonn 1999, p. 196 no. 178, however,
contends that the latter belonged to the territory of Perge).
12
For a general introduction on Sozon see I. DELEMEN, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 39-41.
13
In Phrygia, Apollo was also identified with Sozon: in reliefs he is depicted on horse-
back carrying a double-axe (see T. DREW-BEAR C. NAOUR, art. Divinits de Phrygie, in
ANRW II 18.3, BerlinNew York 1990, p. 1933 no. 78).
14
G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 107-108. Dedications to Sozon have
also elsewhere been found in sanctuaries that were known to be dedicated to Apollo (ibid.,
p. 108).
of his sanctuary near Kolophon (cf. infra), although it has been suggested
that the epithet does not necessarily suggest a link with the famous ora-
cle but may refer to the agonistic Klareian games15. On the other hand,
the coin-type of Apollo seated on a throne and leaning with his left arm
on a lyre, while holding a laurel branch in his right hand, corresponds with
the cult-statue of the god at Klaros16. In addition, Sagalassos is known to
have been among the clients of the oracle in the imperial period17, which
further corroborates a link with the Ionian sanctuary.
1.2. Apollo and the emperors

Besides his importance at Sagalassos, Apollo was the tutelary deity of the
new overlord Augustus18. There was a strong link between the founder
of the empire and the god, going back to his first days on the public
stage19. Augustus had made Apollo, who was his divine protector at the
battles of Philippi (42 BC), Naucholos (36 BC) and Actium (31 BC), also
the centre of his religious policy and accorded him the first place in the
Roman pantheon20. Moreover, he assimilated himself with Apollo and
wanted to pass for an incarnation of the god21. This relation culminated
in the inauguration in 28 BC of a temple dedicated to Apollo on the Pala-
tine, which was directly connected to his house there22.
15
M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 7), p. 207.
16
For a description of the cult-statue see R. LANE FOX, Pagans and Christians, Har-
mondsworth 1986, p. 172.
17
For the clientele of Klaros see R. LANE FOX, op. cit. (n. 16), p. 174. The city of
Isinda, which also organized Klareian games, claimed Ionian origin on its bronze coins
(D.H. FRENCH, art. cit. [n. 11], p. 59). Although such a claim does not necessarily reflect
a reality, but rather the sources of inspiration from which Pisidia adopted and adapted the
forms of Hellenism, it does demonstrate the existence of an association between Isinda and
Ionia, making Klaros one of the more obvious sources.
18
Generally, on the relation of Augustus and the cult of Apollo see K. GALINSKY,
Augustan Culture. An Interpretive Introduction, Princeton 1996, p. 213-224.
19
P. LAMBRECHTS, La politique apollonienne dAuguste et le culte imprial, La Nou-
velle Clio 5 (1953), p. 70.
20
P. LAMBRECHTS, art. cit. (n. 19), p. 65 and 72; P. ZANKER, Augustus und die Macht
der Bilder, Mnchen 1987, p. 57-61.
21
P. LAMBRECHTS, art. cit. (n. 19), p. 66. Similarly, Marc Antony wanted to be iden-
tified with Dionysos (see P. ZANKER, op. cit. [n. 20], p. 54-55). Once Augustus reinstated
the Republic in 27 BC all indications for a real assimilation with his patron deity ceased
(see P. LAMBRECHTS, ibid., p. 70-73).
22
Suet., Aug. 29.3. In the library of the temple a statue of Augustus habitu ac statu
Apollonis was erected (see T. PEKARY, Das rmische Kaiserbildnis in Staat, Kult und
Gesellschaft dargestellt anhand der Schriftquellen (Das rmische Herrscherbild. Abt. 3.5),
Berlin 1985, p. 102 and n. 10).
The link also manifested itself throughout the empire. In Corinth, a tem-
ple for Apollo Augustus was erected and Apollo Eleutherios Sebastos is
attested at Alabanda in Caria, while on Delos the sanctuary of Apollo was
used to honour the first emperor and his family23. Whereas before it had
only been a sanctuary of local importance, the sanctuary of Apollo Klar-
ios near Kolophon flourished during the reign of Augustus because of
the promotion of the deity by the emperor24. The cult image of Kolophon,
Apollo Kitharoidos, became the symbol of peace and reconciliation in
the aftermath of Actium25. And although none of the later emperors, except
for Nero, were so intimately associated with the god, there remained close
ties after Augustus between the members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty
and Apollo, at Klaros and elsewhere26.
1.3. Apollo and the emperors at Sagalassos

Once the imperial cult had been introduced by Titus Flavius Neon dur-
ing the Flavian dynasty, most probably under the reign of Vespasian (cf.
supra I, p. 207-208), the emperor was worshipped together with Apollo
in one and the same temple, which had probably been rededicated at the
time, as a temple-sharing deity or sunnaos theos27. Besides a temple,
the emperor and the god, in all likelihood, also shared the same festival,
namely the Klareia (cf. supra I, p. 201-205). The prominence of Apollo
at Sagalassos and his close relationship with Augustus explains why he
was selected to be associated with the emperors. A similar process can
be discerned at Selge where the imperial cult was originally housed in the
citys main sanctuary, that of Zeus Kesbelios. A dedication to the theoi
Sebastoi and the emperor Claudius or Nero was found among the ruins
23
Corinth: CIL III 534; Alabanda: CIG Add. 2903; Delos: T. MAVROJANNIS, Apollo
Delio, Atene e Augusto, Ostraka 4 (1995), p. 92-94.
24
See H.W. PARKE, The Oracles of Apollo in Asia Minor, LondonSydneyDover
(NH) 1985, p. 133-136.
25
See P. ZANKER, op. cit. (n. 20), p. 61.
26
See H.W. PARKE, op. cit. (n. 24), p. 136-137. Part of the pronaos of the temple of
Apollo was even arranged to house a cult place dedicated to Tiberius (see S. PRICE, op.
cit. [n. 1], p. 150). In Athens, the cult of the emperor Claudius was based in the sanctuary
of Apollo Patros (see A.J.S. SPAWFORTH, The Early Reception of the Imperial Cult in
Athens: Problems and Ambiguities, in M.C. HOFF S.I. ROTROFF [eds.], The Romaniza-
tion of Athens. Proceedings of an International Conference held at Lincoln, Nebraska
[April 1996], Oxford 1997, p. 193-194).
27
See also M. WAELKENS, Romanization in the East. A Case Study: Sagalassos and
Pisidia (SW Turkey), MDAI(I) 52 (2002), (n. 1), p. 335 and 346.
of the temple28, suggesting that the sanctuary was also rededicated to

house the imperial cult, as was the case at Sagalassos.
It was common practice for the emperors to be associated with leading
deities of a city in order to introduce the new imperial cult to the city29.
Sharing a temple with one of the leading deities of the city, the emperor
was the recipient of both cult and respect from the priests and the popu-
lation.
The fact, however, that the first sanctuary that housed the imperial cult
at Sagalassos, the temple of Apollo Klarios, was built during the very
reign of Augustus, at the time when the cult made its entrance into Pisidia
and resulted in the construction of imperial sanctuaries30, appears to sug-
gest something more than mere coincidence.
As already mentioned above, it seems very unlikely that Sagalassos
would have been indifferent to this ongoing introduction of the imperial
cult. We therefore contend that there was already some kind of worship,
aimed at expressing the loyalty of the city and its inhabitants towards its
new masters, and that this worship gradually developed into an indepen-
dent cult, that is, the imperial cult. For this introduction the important
local cult of Apollo was used as a catalyst. Given the reluctance of Augus-
tus to consent to deification, unless it was combined with the cult of
Roma31, the absence of Roma at Sagalassos and the far-reaching associa-
tion of Augustus and Apollo, the people at Sagalassos may have opted
to worship the emperor through his divine protector, who was at the same
time one of their ancestral deities. The construction of the temple of
Apollo Klarios may thus be seen as a local response to the establishment
of imperial shrines elsewhere in the region, and would then have been
28
J. NOLL F. SCHINDLER, Die Inschriften von Selge (Inschriften griechischer Stdte
aus Kleinasien, 37), Bonn 1991, p. 80 no. 11.
29
At Termessos the emperors were associated with Zeus Solymeus in the agones
Sebasteioi Solumeioi (TAM III 161 and 164), while at Trolatta near Sardes the theoi Sebas-
toi were again related to Apollo (K. BURESCH, Klaros. Untersuchungen zum Orakelwesen
des spteren Alterum, Leipzig 1889, p. 8-29). In several other Greek cities the goddess
Roma was one of many mechanisms of deifying Roman power during the republic, and a
predecessor of the actual imperial cult; see e.g. Apollonia where some fusion between the
cult of Roma and the worship of Augustus family had taken place (see MAMA IV 142).
This topic was the subject of a paper entitled One Question, Several Answers. The Intro-
duction of the Imperial Cult in Pisidia, presented at the colloquium Neue Zeiten neue
Sitten. Zu Rezeption und Integration rmischen und italischen Kulturguts in Kleinasien,
held at the Universitt Wien, 31 March 2 April 2005.
30
See n. 2 above.
31
Suet., Aug. 52.
intended to serve the first form of imperial worship at Sagalassos32. The

choice of the Ionian Apollo Klarios may even have been inspired by the
close relation between that sanctuary and the emperor, who played a cru-
cial role in the rise of its popularity, and whose cult-statue, which was also
depicted on the coins of Sagalassos, represented the peace and reconcil-
iation propagated by the emperor after Actium (cf. supra). Moreover, the
gentle pace at which the city embraced Roman ruler cult offers a poten-
tially sensitive barometer of local attitudes to imperial rule at the begin-
ning of the principate. The arrival of Roman rule coincided with civil
unrest and rebellion Amyntas Pisidian war and the war with the neigh-
bouring Homonadeis were followed by the installation of veterans in the
region33. This may also help to explain the shrouded nature of the initial
promotion of the cult.
Such a veiled cult may equally explicate why a festival that seems pri-
marily to have been dedicated to the imperial cult (cf. supra I, p. 201-205)
was named Klareios, and why it was already celebrated before the offi-
cial introduction of the imperial cult.
This situation appears to have continued under his Augustus Julio-
Claudian successors (cf. supra). Although they received numerous hon-
orific monuments throughout the city in which their divine status was
clearly recognised, and at this time a major religious festival was founded
interlarded with imperial elements, the status of their worship seems
unchanged.
It was to be followed by a rededication of the temple to both Apollo and
the emperors in the second half of the 1st century AD, once the imperial
cult had been introduced by Titus Flavius Neon during the Flavian dynasty,
most probably sometime during the reign of Vespasian34. The introduc-
tion of the imperial high priesthood in Sagalassos at this time will not have
been the result of the incorporation of the city in the province of Lycia-
Pamphylia under Vespasian, the reformation of which caused the estab-
lishment of the provincial cult at Perge35, because, as argued by Waelkens,
Pisidia and Sagalassos were no part of that province at the time, but
belonged at least partly to the province of Asia36. As no neocorates were
attributed within the province of Asia between the reign of Tiberius and
32
See also M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 27), p. 335.
33
See S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 70-79.
34
See M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 27), p. 346.
35
For the establishment of the provincial cult at Perge see S. AHIN, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 42.
36
M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 27), p. 325-327.
that of Domitian37, it seems unlikely that Sagalassos would have received

its first neokoros title under Vespasian at the occasion of this reconversion
of the temple as suggested by Devijver and Waelkens38.
At that time the veiled worship of the emperor made possible by the
close identification of Augustus with Apollo was substituted for a synnaos
cult with the emperor as temple-sharing deity of Apollo. The reason why
the people of Sagalassos turned to explicit veneration during the reign of
the Flavians may perhaps be sought in the natural catastrophes that struck
the area in the second half of the 1st century AD, and in the imperial aid
that followed39, as well as in the fact that a new imperial dynasty had come
to power which did not have such obvious ties with Apollo and whose cult
was no longer implied in the worship of the Augustus patron deity. Yet,
even when the imperial veneration became established as a separate cult
with its own priesthood during the Flavian dynasty, it continued to use
the sanctuary of Apollo as its own, as is clear from the rededication of
the temple (cf. supra). The fact that the cult of Vespasian was also intro-
duced at nearby Pisidian Antioch, when a member of the local elite,
Lucius Sergius Paulus was appointed consul40, may also have influenced
Sagalassos in its decision to institute a proper cult for the emperors.
2. THE SECOND CENTURY EMANCIPATION
Once the worship of the emperors was firmly rooted in the religious life
of the city, the next step in its evolution could take place, that is, its estab-
lishment as a separate cult in a separate sanctuary. Judging by the con-
struction date of the imperial sanctuary at Sagalassos, this transforma-
tion of the religious landscape occurred sometime during the reign of
the emperor Hadrian. Also elsewhere in Pisidia the gradual establishment
of the imperial cult culminated in the construction of several imperial
37
See S.J. FRIESEN, Twice Neokoros. Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Impe-
rial Family (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 116), Leiden 1993, p. 28.
38
This is the opinion expressed by H. DEVIJVER, art. cit. (n. 4), p. 126 n. 50; H. DEVIJ-
VER M. WAELKENS, Roman Inscriptions from the Fifth Campaign at Sagalassos, in
M. WAELKENS J. POBLOME (eds.), Sagalassos IV. Report on the Survey and Excavation
Campaigns of 1994 and 1995 (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia Monographiae, 9), Leu-
ven 1997, p. 312; and M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 27), p. 346. The question of Sagalassos
neocorates will further be dealt with below.
39
See M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 27), p. 344-345
40
See W.M. CALDER, Colonia Caesareia Antiocheia, JRS 2 (1912), p. 102 no. 34.
temples, as well as several other monuments, and the erection of an

unequalled number of statues under his rule41.
Exclusively imperial religious festivals as established at Apollonia42
have thus far not been recorded at Sagalassos, but the elements of the
cult of Roman origin, namely the gladiatorial games and animal fights,
are attested from this time onwards (cf. supra I, p. 205-207).
The tie with the cult of Apollo, however, was again not completely
severed, as the combined festival seems to have persisted, judging by the
fact that statues for victors of the Klareian games were still erected within
the imperial sanctuary and that high priests of the imperial cult contin-
ued to preside over these games43.
What caused this sudden explosion of the imperial cult in the cities of
Pisidia? Firstly, there is the general religious climate. In AD 131/132,
Hadrian completed the construction and presided over the dedication of
the Olympieion at Athens, thereby appropriating to himself a share both
in the title and the temple of the god, with whom he became identified44.
Numerous cities throughout the empire responded by issuing coins like
Sagalassos (cf. supra) or erecting statues and monuments to that
extent45. Moreover, there is the related issue of Hadrians philhellenism
and his foundation of the Panhellenion in AD 131/132 in an attempt to
reinvigorate Greek feeling and love for Greek antiquities46. The Pan-
hellenion itself had few formal powers, but the status which accrued to a
city that obtained membership was considerable, further underlining the
connection between civic Hellenism, high status and imperial patronage.
The rewards which could be generated by a display of Hellenism were
clearly high, and usually expressed as gains in status or patronage for
cities and individuals, although this could be accompanied by more tan-
gible benefits, in the form of buildings, sportulae and other benefactions.
Moreover, those titles and the prominent position of a city within a region
41
See supra I, p. 179 n. 25 and p. 193 n. 68.
42
See MAMA IV 152 and 154.
43
The imperial high priest Claudius Philippianus Varus was agonothete during the 2nd
century (see K. LANCKORONSKI, Stdte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, II. Pisidien, Wien 1892,
p. 225 no. 195).
44
On the religious policy of Hadrian see S. MITCHELL, Cremna in Pisidia. An Ancient
City in Peace and in War, London 1995, p. 80-84.
45
Among them were the Pisidian cities of Termessos with no less than 4 dedications
to Hadrian Olympios, and Pogla with one dedication (see supra I, p. 193 n. 68).
46
On the Panhellenion see A.J. SPAWFORTH S. WALKER, The World of the Panhellenion,
I. Athens and Eleusis, JRS 75 (1985), p. 78-104, and A.J. SPAWFORTH S. WALKER, The
World of the Panhellenion, II. Three Dorian Cities, JRS 76 (1986), p. 88-105.
which they entailed attracted euergetai, as well as officials, traders and pil-
grims, needing services, food and lodging.
The alluring privileges connected with this organization of Greek cities
may therefore well have been a motive in the decision to construct the
first imperial temple, certainly when considering the fact that the people
of Sagalassos characterised their city as panhellenic47.
Imperial presence, on the other hand, equally appears to have been
decisive in this turn of events. Such imperial visits to the region have
already been contended for the reign of Trajan. The construction of the
honorific monument near the stadium, as well as the erection of a statue
(cf. supra), may have been instigated by Trajans visit to the region on
his way to the eastern frontier in AD 11448. Yet, Hadrians visits to south-
western Asia Minor in AD 129 and 131 appear to have been even more
important for Pisidia. According to Levick, Hadrian would have visited
several cities in the region on his way from Pamphylia to Synnada in Gala-
tia in AD 12949, but this has been refuted by evidence. The emperor is
known to have resided at Apameia in July of that year from where he trav-
elled east to Cappadocia50. He doubtless included the colony of Pisidian
Antioch in his itinerary where a monumental gate on the west side of the
city was dedicated to the emperor Hadrian and empress Sabina in AD 12951.
As this colony was the caput viae of the Via Sebaste, it is beyond doubt
that the emperor travelled along the western branch of the road system
to the city from Apameia. This will have led him through the territory of
Pisidian Apollonia, inspiring the erection of monuments to the emperor
in the latter city, but also in neighbouring cities along this route, prior to
47 An unpublished inscription from the Upper Agora recorded by M. Waelkens char-
acterizes the city as panellnie.

48
M. WAELKENS, art. cit. (n. 27), p. 347. The Traianeion at Adada is believed to have
been erected on the same occasion (see M. BYKKOLANCI, Adada. Pisidiada antik bir
kent, Gltas 1998, p. 38).
49
B. LEVICK, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor, Oxford 1967, p. 102 and n. 1
for Kremna.
50
See H. HALFMANN, Itinera principum: Geschichte und Typologie der Kaiserreisen
im rmischen Reich, Wiesbaden 1986, p. 204-206, for the reconstruction of this route.
51
For the gate see S. MITCHELL M. WAELKENS, Pisidian Antioch. The Site and its
Monuments, London 1998, p. 99. This kind of honorific gate seems to be a typical mon-
ument erected to celebrate the advent of an emperor; similar gates have been recorded at
Perge (S. AHIN, op. cit. [n. 11], p. 118-119), Attaleia (loc. cit.) and Phaselis (J. SCHFER,
Phaselis. Beitrge zur Topographie und Geschichte der Stadt und ihrer Hfen [Istanbuler
Mitteilungen. Beihefte 24], Istanbul 1981, p. 88-89), which were stops on the emperors
journey of AD 131 (see below).
and in the aftermath of his visit. This could account for the monuments
at Lysinia and Tymbriada mentioned earlier52, where he was not hon-
oured as Olympios and thus concurring chronologically with the first
visit. Some of the roadworks in the territory of Apollonia commemorated
by milestones dedicated to him may have preceded his sojourn53. The
stele erected at Parlais and possibly commemorating the attribution of
the title Hadriana to the colony, which bordered on Apollonia and Anti-
och, may equally have been the result of the emperors visit54; the same
is undoubtedly true for the foundation of Hadrianopolis, south of Lake
Burdur. The monuments to Hadrian at Sagalassos and Kremna55 may
equally have been erected or planned on this occasion, especially as sev-
eral of them predate the adoption of the title Olympios.
Hadrian is also known to have visited the coastal cities of Perge, Attaleia
and Phaselis on his return from Alexandreia to Athens in AD 131-13256,
but whether he actually visited the cities in the interior at that time is
uncertain. A number of monuments dedicated to the emperor in the adja-
cent part of Pisidia has again led some scholars to conclude that they
were the result of an imperial visit to those neighbouring cities, which
would have occurred in AD 13157. The dedications to Hadrian Olympios
at Termessos and Pogla would chronologically qualify for such a visit,
and the same can be true for the fragmentary inscription to Hadrian at
Selge (cf. supra I, p. 193 n. 68). Other cities of southern Pisidia, like Ped-
nelissos, contented themselves with the erection of a statue to the emperor
Hadrian Olympios at Perge58. It may very well have been at this time that
Sagalassos issued the aforementioned coin types honouring Hadrian as
Olympios (cf. supra I, p. 197).
If those dedications were indeed related to Hadrians travels, the visits
could explain the high visibility of this emperor received in the area, and
perhaps also the start of imperial coinage for a number of cities during
52 See supra I, p. 193 n. 68.

53
See IGR III 324 (boundary stone at apal); D.H. FRENCH, Roman Roads and Mile-
stones of Asia Minor, II. An Interim Catalogue of Milestones (British Archaeological
Reports. International Series, 392.2), Oxford 1988, p. 148 no. 389 (milestone at Byk
Kabaca) and 150 no. 393 (milestone at Gencali).
54
See B. LEVICK, art. Parlais, in RE Suppl. XII (1970), col. 990-1006, and H. BRANDT,
Parlais: eine rmische Kolonie in Pisidien, EA 24 (1995), p. 58.
55
See supra I, p. 179 n. 25.
56
See H. HALFMANN, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 204-205, 208. On the imperial visit to Perge
also see S. AHIN, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 145-147.
57
B. LEVICK, art. Pogla, in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), col. 424, for Pogla.
58
S. AHIN, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 147 no. 111.
his reign59. Or else, the cities of Pisidia may have erected their monuments
in expectation of such a visit.
It has already been noted that the large scale of the imperial sanctuary
dedicated to the divine Hadrian and his successor argues in favor of it
being the first neokoros-temple of the city60. Although not propagated on
any of the contemporary sources, this would find further corroboration in
the fact that the title first city of Pisidia appears for the first time in the
building inscription of the temple. Although Pisidia at this time was
largely part of the province of Lycia-Pamphylia61, there are several indi-
cations that at least part of the region was considered a separate adminis-
trative zone. Provinces were often divided up into a series of conventus
or koina62. A koinon was an association or federation of cities designed
to serve as a bridge between individual cities and the imperial authori-
ties63. Although elected officials at the head of such a Pisidian league,
like the Pamphyliarch and Lykiarch for the neighbouring regions are lack-
ing so far, its existence seems to be implied by the listing of districts under
59
Imperial coinage was started under Hadrian at Baris, Konana, Kremna, Seleukeia,
Selge, Tymbriada and Tityassos; see F. REBUFFAT, La prolifration des ateliers mon-
taires en Pisidie sous le Haut-Empire, CCG 3 (1992), p. 141-155.
60
We already argued above that an attribution of the first neocorate during the Flavian
dynasty as previously suggested by Waelkens is unlikely. Moreover, many major cities,
like Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Tarsus and Side, only received a second neocorate temple dur-
ing the late 2nd or 3rd century AD: Tarsus received its second neocorate from Commodus
(W. WEISER, Philippus iunior als Ehrenburgermeister von Sagalassos und Prostanna, SNR
64, 1985, p. 94) and Neocaesarea got its second from Severus Alexander (S. MITCHELL,
op. cit. [n. 1], p. 114), while cities like Ancyra and Side only received their second neo-
corates from Valerianus and Gallienus (for Ancyra see E. WINTER, Staatliche Baupolitk
und Baufrsorge in den rmischen Provinzen des kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien [Asia Minor
Studien, 20], Bonn 1996, p. 172 n. 1557; for Side see J. NOLL, Side im Altertum.
Geschichte und Zeugnisse, I. Geographie-Geschichte-Testimonia. Griechische und
lateinische Inschriften [Inschriften griechischer Stdte aus Kleinasien, 43], Bonn 1993,
p. 123). This makes it unlikely that a provincial city like Sagalassos would have obtained
both neocorates referred to in the inscription dating to the reign of Diocletian (see supra
I, p. 172 n. 6) and allegedly represented by the temple of Apollo and the temple of
Antoninus Pius (see M. WAELKENS, art. cit. [n. 27], p. 346), by the middle of the 2nd
century AD.
61
See S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 1) and M. WAELKENS, art. cit (n. 27), p. 327.
62
Several regional league organisations could exist within a given province. For the
numerous leagues within the province of Achaia see S.E. ALCOCK, Graecia capta. The
Landscapes of Roman Greece, Cambridge 1993, p. 153. On the assumption of a koinon
for each geographical region see M. SARTRE, LOrient romain. Provinces et socits provin-
ciales en Mditerrane orientale dAuguste aux Svres (31 avant J.C. 235 aprs J.C.),
Paris 1991, p. 263.
63
On koina see M. SARTRE, op. cit. (n. 62), p. 262-263, and S.E. ALCOCK, op. cit. (n. 62),
p. 165.
the authority of the governor of Galatia during the 1st century AD, which
included Pisidia, and by the titles of Sagalassos featuring in numerous
official inscriptions and on coins in the 2nd and 3rd century AD pro-
claiming it as the first city of Pisidia, thus identifying the region as an
administrative unit64. These koina were assize districts, each with a city
centre where the governor would hold court days and listen to petitions.
Of special importance here is that fact that the koinon also held annual meet-
ings at its centre for the worship of the divine emperors65. The principal
official of that cult will have been known as the chief priest of the region,
and was chosen annually at the meeting of the assembly for a one-year
term66. It is therefore probably within the context of such a regional assem-
bly that the neokoros-titles of Sagalassos, propagated on its milestones (cf.
supra I, p. 172), have to be seen.
Judging by the number of dedications to Antoninus Pius throughout the
region, this emperor appears to have been equally well regarded by his
Pisidian subjects67. Some of these sources, referring to the emperor as
swtr tv okoumnjv, may hint at the reason of Pius popularity in the
region. The monuments may well have been a response to the support
he provided early in his reign for the restoration of civic buildings and
64
For Pisidia as part of Galatia see M. SARTRE, LAsie Mineure et lAnatolie dAlexan-
dre Diocltien (IVe sicle av. J.-C./IIIe sicle ap. J.-C.), Paris 1995, p. 173-175. Besides
the dedicatory inscriptions of the temple for divus Hadrianus and Antoninus Pius and the
macellum, the title first city of Pisidia also features on the bases for the emperors Com-
modus (cf. supra I, p. 194 n. 72) and Septimius Severus (cf. supra I, p. 194 n. 73); for its
presence on civic coins see e.g. issues under Valerianus: BMC no. 40, SNG Paris no. 1832;
under Salonina: IW no. 3881, SNG Paris no.1847.
65
Provinces composed of several koina had several provincial centres of the imperial
cult (M. SARTRE, op. cit. [n. 62], p. 111).
66
See M. SARTRE, op. cit. (n. 62), p. 114-115.
67
Both at Kremna and Melli, a small temple was dedicated to Antoninus Pius, respec-
tively at the end of the street connecting agora and forum (S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 44],
p. 91-96; G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 41 no. 11), and at the city gate (G.
HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, ibid., p. 153 no. 148). A statue base found on the agora of the
latter city (G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, ibid., p. 154 no. 149) and a base recorded at the
ancient site of aykenar (SEG VI 617) characterize him as swtr tv okoumnjv. Else-
where, effigies of the emperor were set up at the colony of Komama (B. LEVICK, Two
Pisidian Colonial Families, JRS 48, 1958, p. 74), at Kodrula (SEG XLIII 1107) and by
the local authorities at Tymandos in the territory of Apollonia, the latter as benefactor of
the universe (MAMA IV 235). In the territory of Amblada, he received a dedicatory mile-
stone (A.S. HALL, Notes and Inscriptions from Eastern Pisidia, AS 18, 1968, p. 84 no. 42).
Finally, at Termessos, where he was allegedly involved in the reconstruction of the Artemis
temple (see below), there are several dedications to Antoninus Pius, one of which involves
an unidentified building (TAM III 11-12, 23).
amenities after a major earthquake around AD 141 caused widespread

damage throughout southwestern Asia Minor68. Its epicentre appears to
have been in Lycia but the adjacent areas of Pisidia will undoubtedly also
have suffered from this catastrophe. This is corroborated by the fact that
the restoration cost of the Zeus-temple at Termessos was underwritten
by an imperial subvention, most probably authorized by Antoninus69. The
benefactions towards the city for which Pius was honoured at Komama
probably refer to the same event. Moreover, the involvement of gover-
nor Voconius Saxa in the establishment of the honorific monument in
the colony, something that was generally not required, may hint at the key
role he played in organizing assistance for the stricken cities of Lycia
and Pamphylia70. Whether this alleged imperial aid also played a role in
the eventual consecration of the imperial sanctuary at Sagalassos can not
be determined.
Imperial worship reached another peak during the reign of Marcus
Aurelius. The emperor who received a statue as Caesar during the reign
of his adoptive father, Antoninus Pius, put up within the imperial sanc-
tuary, was also honoured as emperor at Sagalassos, together with his
co-regent Lucius Verus. The Roman baths were inaugurated in the spring
of AD 165, during the joint reign of the emperors to whom the complex was
dedicated by the city of Sagalassos71. In the same year, a votive milestone
68
S. MITCHELL, Greek Epigraphy and Social Change. A Study of the Romanization of
South-West Asia Minor in the Third Century A.D., in Atti del XI Congresso Internazionale
di Epigrafia Greca e Latina, Roma, 18-24 settembre 1997, Rome 1999, p. 423; G. HORS-
LEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 42; Corsten, Drew-Bear and zsait, on the other hand,
place the devastating event in AD 139 (T. CORSTEN T. DREW-BEAR M. ZSAIT,
Forschungen in der Kibyratis, EA 30, 1998, p. 48).
69
B. IPLIKIOGLU, Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium, I
(sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Sitzungs-
berichte, 575), Wien 1991, p. 10 no. 2.
70
See S. MITCHELL, Three Cities in Pisida, AS 44 (1994), p. 146 and n. 53.
71
At Termessos, the construction of an aqueduct was dedicated to the divine emperors
and to the demos (TAM III 16). Both emperors were given statues at Verbe between AD
165 and 169 (A.M. WOODWARD H.A. ORMEROD, A Journey in South-Western Asia Minor,
BSA 16, 1909-1910, p. 119 nos. 13-14). Verus was honoured with a statue at the imperial
sanctuary of Kormasa by the neighbouring city of Hadrianoi (G.E. BEAN, Notes and
Inscriptions from Pisidia, I, AS 9, 1959, p. 110 no. 80), while Marcus Aurelius was given
a statue at Lysinia (G.E. BEAN, ibid., p. 79 no. 23). After the death of Lucius Verus in AD
169, Kremna saw the consecration of another temple for the imperial cult north of the
Doric agora, dedicated to divus Verus, Marcus Aurelius and his son Commodus (G. HORS-
LEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 43 no. 12), while at Ariassos a statue for the god Verus
was erected, possibly in a Sebasteion (see G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, ibid., p. 114 who
think the base to be part of a larger monument housing statues of emperors, comparable
was erected to both emperors at Yazky in the chora of the city, undoubt-
edly where the Via Sebaste entered Sagalassian territory72. These monu-
ments may have been prompted by one of the imperial victories over
the Parthians in between AD 161 and 165/166. Yet, the dedication of the
macellum on the occasion of the imperial victory in Parthian war as sug-
gested by Devijver73 seems unlikely considering the absence of Lucius
Verus in the dedicatory inscription. The building was probably consecrated
in the second half of Marcus Aurelius rule, after the death of Verus in
AD 169.
During the 2nd century AD the skyline of Sagalassos, like that of many
Pisidian cities, came to be dominated by the imperial cult. The emperor,
whose name and image met the eye at every turn, received a striking
position in the transformation of civic space by the architecture of impe-
rial cult. The imperial festivals, spectacles and other celebrations around
which the civic calender was organized, at least in urban contexts, on the
other hand, reflected the imperial takeover of time.
The imperial presence, which was introduced during the previous cen-
tury, now came to control civic space and time.
3. THE 3RD-CENTURY CRISIS
Once it became fully embedded in daily life Pisidia, how did the imper-
ial cult cope with the so-called crisis of the 3rd century? It will be shown
to have been part of two major processes, in the field of politics and reli-
gion, namely the war in the East and the monotheistic trend.
3.1. The war effort

It has already been amply demonstrated that the renowned 3rd-century
crisis did not have the same impact on Pisidia as on other regions of
the empire. Although dominated by the threat of war, the 3rd century
in shape to the early 3rd-century imperial monument of Sia [see below]. This alleged
Sebasteion was situated on the Roman agora of the city). The homonoia-coins of Adada
and Selge depicting both emperors shaking hands were undoubtedly also part of these hon-
ours (Adada: von Aulock Pisidien I no. 52; Selge: SNG Copenhagen no. 277).
72
SEG XLIII 957. For a detailed description of the course of the Via Sebaste in the
territory of Sagalassos see M. WAELKENS et al., art. cit. (n. 10), p. 175-176.
73
H. DEVIJVER, art. cit. (n. 4), p. 117.
was even a period of great prosperity for the whole region, including its
secondary towns74. This prosperity translated in architecture, coinage,
games and senators75.
Throughout the 3rd century military activity on Romes Eastern fron-
tier increased. The region acquired great strategic importance in the
Parthian and Persian wars and thus became the focus of imperial atten-
tion. Men and supplies were moved to the eastern frontiers along its roads.
The Roman allies were firstly involved in the logistics of the army:
upkeep of roads, provision of draft animals, nursing and housing of
troops. These amenities mainly affected cities along the great traffic-lines,
such as the Via Sebaste. Yet, since Pisidia was not only a transit area for
the Roman armies, but also a major supplier of goods, cities off the major
routes equally contributed to the war effort, according to their resources
and abilities, with grain, weapons and men.
Tax revenue could be extracted from the provinces in the form of
grain requisitions. It was required that the cities, as part of their tax
obligations, transported agricultural produce from the place where it was
grown to a destination required by the state76. Such grain deliveries also
emerge from the civic coins of Sagalassos. They display an ear of corn
on issues which coincide with major campaigns or troop movements
under Claudius II Gothicus77. The coin minted under the latter emperor
represents through hands in dexiosis the homonoia between the city and
Rome, and illustrates its role in the victory of the Romans by depicting
a wreath over the name of the Romans and a ear of corn over that of its
citizens78.
74
See S. MITCHELL, art. cit. (n. 68).
75
For the Roman senators from the Pisidian cities see H. HALFMANN, Die Senatoren
aus den kleinasiatischen Provinzen des rmischen Reiches vom 1. bis 3. Jahrhundert (Asia,
Pontus-Bithynia, Lycia-Pamphylia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia), Tituli 5 (1982), p. 603-
650. See also below.
76
S. MITCHELL, The Cities of Asia Minor in the Age of Constantine, in S.N.C. LIEU
D. MONTSERRAT (eds.), Constantine. History, Historiography and Legend, LondonNew
York 1998, p. 63-64.
77
See P. WEISS, Pisidien: eine historische Landschaft im Lichte ihrer Mnzprgung,
in E. SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Pisidien (Asia Minor Studien, 6), Bonn 1992,
p. 159-161; SNG von Aulock nos. 5208-5209 (Claudius II).
78
For this interpretation of the coins see J. NOLL, Colonia und Socia der Rmer.
Ein neuer Vorschlag zur Auflsung der Buchstaben SR auf den Mnzen von Antiocheia
bei Pisidien, in H.H. SCHMITT C. SCHUBERT K. BRODERSEN U. HUTTNER (eds.), Rom
und der griechische Osten. Festschrift fr Hatto H. Schmitt zum 65. Geburtstag, Stuttgart
1995, p. 364-365.
Grain was not the only requirement of the troops. Other necessary sup-
plies included armaments. As established by Noll, civic coin types
depicting Hephaistos manufacturing arms for the goddess Athena (in her
presence or not) symbolize the equipping by the cities of the Roman
armies for their struggle against the enemy79. For Sagalassos this was the
case under Gallienus and Claudius II Gothicus80.
A final contribution was the provision of recruits. Pisidia was renowned
for its supply of men to the Hellenistic and early imperial armies81. There
are indications that this continued later on. The region made a consider-
able contribution to the creation of two new legions, I and II Parthica
in AD 19382. The title friend and ally of the Romans, a formula carried
by cities like Sagalassos, may well imply military assistance83. At Saga-
lassos civic coins minted under Gallienus depict two hands in dexiosis,
while their legends again proclaimed the city as friend and ally of Rome,
symbolising, according to Noll, the fidelity to Rome and expressing the
willingness to fight alongside it84.
We may now ask how the primordial role of Pisidia in accommodating
and supplying the Roman army on its way to and on the eastern border
related to the imperial cult in this period.
Cities wanted to surpass their neighbours in loyalty and support to
the empire in order to obtain privileges and honorific titles from Senate
79
See J. NOLL, Athena in der Schmiede des Hephaistos. Militr-, wirtschafts- und
sozialgeschichtliche Implikationen von Mnzbilder, JNG 45 (1995), p. 61-63. In urbanised
regions of the Empire weapons were less frequently manufactured by soldiers, as they
were by civil metal workers, whose production was then bought by the military adminis-
tration (ibid., p. 70).
80
KM nos. 26 and 28. Elsewhere such production is numismatically attested at Seleu-
keia under Elagabal and Gordianus III (IW no. 3899 and von Aulock Pisidien II no. 2013)
and at Selge under Traianus Decius (IW no. 3980).
81
See H. DEVIJVER, art. cit. (n. 4). For legionary soldiers from Pisidia also see H. BRANDT,
Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Pamphyliens und Pisidiens im Altertum (Asia Minor Studien,
7), Bonn 1992, p. 165-166.
82
See S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 19, and J. NOLL, art. cit. (n. 78), p. 366.
83
See J. NOLL, art. cit. (n. 78). Sagalassos held the title as early as the reign of Anton-
inus Pius (see K. LANCKORONSKI, op. cit. [n. 43], p. 224 no. 188) and propagated it on
its coins minted under Traianus Decius (SNG Paris no. 1825) and Gallienus (SNG Paris
no.1847). Elsewhere in Pisidia, Selge is also known to have bore the title, from the
middle of the 3rd century onwards (see J. NOLL F. SCHINDLER, op. cit. [n. 28], p. 80
no. 12).
84
SNG Paris nos. 1844 and 1847 (Gallienus). See J. NOLL, Oriens Augusti. Kaiser-
panegyrik und Perserkriegspropaganda auf Mnzen der Stadt Side in Pamphylien unter
Valerian und Gallienus (253-268), JNG 36 (1986), p. 130, and J. NOLL, art. cit. (n. 78),
p. 356.
and emperor, and the imperial cult presented itself as the means to do so.
Their eagerness to show loyalty and support was enforced by an increas-
ingly more frequent phenomenon, the imperial adventus. Since no major
campaign could take place without the emperors presence, the latter
appeared with increasing frequency in the cities of the eastern provinces,
usually leading armies to the front. As already indicated above, the pres-
ence of an emperor in a particular region influenced the material output
of the imperial cult. The repetitive character of these visits transformed
the imperial cult which previously devised forms of worship to honour
an absent but universal and all-powerful ruler, but now also came to cel-
ebrate the actual arrivals and departures of the emperor, generally with
games and festivals, but also with the erection of commemorative mon-
uments and the issue of coins carrying representations of victorious
emperors and of course their own contributions to the war85.
Many manifestations of emperor worship in Pisidia under the Severi
were apparently linked with the celebrations of Roman victories or
epinikeia86. Based on the parallel at Kremna, such a link with the Severan
85
See J. NOLL, art. cit. (n. 84), p. 128-129 and S. MITCHELL, art. cit. (n. 76), p. 65.
86
See J. NOLL, Selge. Historisch-numismatische Bemhungen um die Kultur einen
untergegangenen pisidischen Stdt, in B. KLUGE B. WEISSER (eds.), XII. Internationalen
Numismatischer Kongress Berlin 1997. Akten, I, Berlin 2000, p. 710. One of the civic coin
types issued by Selge during the reign of Septimius Severus (SNG Paris no. 2051) depicts
on the reverse the podium-like sanctuary of Zeus and Herakles decorated with flags and
three objects, a bull, a lion, and a trophaion. While the bull and lion can most probably
be associated with Zeus and Herakles, the trophy, according to Noll, is a gift from the
Severan dynasty, related to the victory feast or Epinikeia. This was celebrated all over the
empire after the victory over Parthia in AD 198, and was used by Severus to promote Cara-
calla to emperor and Geta to Caesar. The coin, depicting Caracalla and Geta on the obverse,
was therefore most probably issued by Selge, as ally of the Romans, on the occasion of
this celebration. By representing this trophy in the central sanctuary of the city, the Roman
alliance and the imperial success are translated in tangible images (ibid., p. 710). This
image again underlines the link between Zeus and the emperor, already manifest in the
agones Kaisareioi Kesbelioi and the presence of the emperors in the sanctuary (see above).
The involvement of the civic deities in the political interaction between the city and Rome
is often represented. The same is true for Adada where the civic games celebrated in hon-
our of the city-goddess Tyche, the themis Tycheios, most probably received the title
Epineikios at this occasion (J.R.R. STERRETT, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 299 no. 420). Caracalla and
Geta were honoured on the coins of Amblada as the new Ares, a leading local deity, undoubt-
edly to commemorate their victory (Caracalla: von Aulock Pisidien I nos. 132-133; Geta:
von Aulock Pisidien I nos. 141-142), while the image of emperor Severus standing in a biga
and holding a sceptre can also be identified as a victory-issue (von Aulock Pisidien I no. 136).
The colony of Kremna also saw the output of dynastic coins at this time depicting the empress
Julia Domna as Leto carrying the divine twin Caracalla and Geta (von Aulock Pisidien
II nos. 1167, 1191, 1199-1201), as well as an eagle with spread wings with the busts of
Geta, Severus and Caracalla above (von Aulock Pisidien II nos. 1189-1190).
victory over Parthia has been suggested for the construction of the mon-
umental triple gateway erected at a major street crossing north of the
Roman baths at Sagalassos in this period. The same is perhaps true for the
nymphaeum reconstructed at the citys lower agora at the same time, since
two statues of the goddess of victory, Nike, were part of the original sculp-
tural decoration of the structure (cf. supra I, p. 188). Other honorific mon-
uments at Sagalassos erected to the Severan family and listing the victory
titles may equally have been put up on the occasion of the Epinikeia.
The emperor Caracalla was honoured as son of the emperor Severus and
Parthicus Maximus by the polis with a statue base erected to the west of
the sanctuary of Apollo Klarios, while a votive milestone in honour of the
whole Severan family, also mentioning the conquests, was placed along
the imperial highway at Yarkoy87. Perhaps the honorific inscription put
up to the emperors Septimius Severus and Caracalla, and to Geta and the
empress Julia Domna by an unidentified priest of the imperial cult at San-
dalion in the eastern part of Sagalassian territory belongs to the same
series (cf. supra I, p. 194-195)88.
Although it may have peaked at such celebrations, the erection of mon-
uments within the frame of emperor worship was surely not limited to
these occasions. The dedication to Severus at the imperial sanctuary of
Sagalassos, for example (cf. supra I, p. 194), most probably predates the
imperial victory over Parthia since the accompanying inscription does
not mention the victory titles89.
Numerous monuments honouring the emperor Caracalla have been
recorded throughout Pisidia90. The sheer number of dedications in the
region, the second largest after those for Hadrian, as well as in neigh-
bouring Pamphylia again led Levick to suggest the possibility of an impe-
rial visit, as part of his journey through Asia Minor on the way to Syria
in the spring of AD 21591. This route has been refuted by Halfmann in
87
See D.H. FRENCH, op. cit. (n. 53), p. 112 no. 297.
88
Elsewhere in Pisidia, statue bases for Septimius Severus as Parthicus Maximus are
also known at Anabura (MAMA VIII 351), and Termessos (TAM III 43). The latter was
erected in the local theatre and can probably be connected with the institution of a birth-
day celebration for the emperor in the same building.
89
Similar dedications to Severus (and Julia Domna) have been registered at Ilyas
(J.R.R. STERRETT, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 417 no. 613), at Konana (J.R.R. STERRETT, ibid., p. 339
no. 473), at the city-site of Melli (G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 155 no.
150), and at Mulassos in the territory of Zorzela (IGR III 384).
90
See supra I, p. 195 n. 76.
91
B. LEVICK, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 33-34.
favour of the military highway over Ancyra92. Moreover, the few specif-
ically dated imperial monuments, such as the statue on the Upper Agora
at Sagalassos (AD 212) (cf. supra I, p. 195), are too early to coincide with
such a passage93. That said, there are signs that again may point to an
involvement in the imperial warfare. Several civic issues, for example,
allude to an impending military campaign94. The emperor Caracalla was
characterised by the Sagalassians as Herakles Romaios on the coins where
he is also depicted with a lions skin over his head (cf. supra I, p. 197),
recollecting the image of that other conqueror of the East, Alexander the
Great, his great example95. The high profile of the emperor at Sagalassos
can perhaps also be explained by the close relation between the emperor
and Lucius Gellius Maximus, a citizen of Sagalassos who became his per-
sonal physician96.
The short reigns of Macrinus and Elagabalus are characterised by a
complete absence of monuments to the imperial cult anywhere in Pisidia.
Severus Alexanders campaign in the East in AD 231-23397 has equally
been connected with the erection of several monuments, such as the
construction of a triumphal arch at the entrance to Ariassos, paid for by
92
H. HALFMANN, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 227-229.
93
Other examples have been noted at Kormasa (AD 211-212; G.E. BEAN, art. cit.
[n. 71], p. 110 no. 79) and Ariassos (AD 213/214; G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 9],
p. 115 no. 110).
94
Bronze issues of Ariassos depict Caracalla wearing an aegis, which undoubtedly
refers to his military activity (von Aulock Pisidien I nos. 427-429). The dexiosis-type emit-
ted during the reign of Caracalla at Adada may indicate that the city carried the title of
symmachos (J. NOLL, art. cit. [n. 78], p. 363 n. 81). Support from the colony of Komama
may have acquired it the title of Prima Fida (see S. MITCHELL, art. cit. [n. 68], p. 427 and
n. 39 for further references), undoubtedly referring to its contribution to the war effort.
95
See R. TURCAN, Le culte imprial au IIIe sicle, in ANRW II 16.2, BerlinNew York
1978, p. 1041. Furthermore, the issue of autonomous coins at Apollonia featuring the
effigy of Alexander as ktistes (von Aulock Pisidien II nos. 14-33) may have taken place
not only in honour of a local elite family who had been carrying the name of Alexander
for several generations and who figuratively had refounded the city through their benefices,
but also as a response to the imperial propaganda promoting Caracalla as the pacator orbis
or fundator pacis (F. REBUFFAT, Alexandre le Grande et Apollonie de Pisidie, RN 28, 1986,
p. 65-71), a title which he carried in AD 212-213 and which can be translated as ktistes,
possibly in an attempt to re-establish the world empire realized by Alexander the Great
(A. MASTINO, Le titolature di Caracalla e Geta attraverso le iscrizioni, Bologna 1981,
p. 72). This link with Caracalla would place the issue in 212 rather than 202 as suggested
by Rebuffat (art. cit., p. 69). It is probably in the same light that the inscription on the
monument at Ariassos hailing Caracalla as master of the whole land and sea has to be
seen (cf. supra I, p. 195 n. 76).
96
See H. DEVIJVER, art. cit. (n. 4), p. 140-143.
97
H. HALFMANN, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 231-232.
Dioteimos, the local imperial high priest, has generally been related to
his military campaigns in the East against the Sassanids98. Whether the
double base erected at Sagalassos along the colonnaded street by the priest
of the imperial cult Aurelius Meidianus Attalianus to the last member of
the Severan dynasty together with his mother (cf. supra I, p. 195) should
also been seen in this light, is difficult to assess.
After this relative abundance of imperial monuments during the Severan
age followed a period of almost thirty years with hardly any monumental
sign of public imperial veneration, anywhere in Pisidia. Only at Ariassos
was a statue erected to the emperor Gordian III99. Other cities appear
to have limited their involvement in the ongoing struggles to issuing coins
with emblems of imperial triumphs or local support, thus conveying a
propagandistic message100.
98
See G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 118-122. A Selgian coin minted
under Severus Alexander seems to commemorate a similar Epinikeia-feast as celebrated
there under Septimius Severus (see above), since beside the trees two columns are depicted
carrying respectively an eagle with a wreath in its beak, and a Nike holding a wreath (KM
no. 406.27; for this interpretation of the coin see J. NOLL, art. cit. [n. 86], p. 710-711).
This can perhaps be related to the triumph held in the imperial capital in AD 233 (see
H. HALFMANN, op. cit. [n. 50], p. 232). Other celebrations in honour of the emperor took
place at the colony of Olbasa, namely the agon Severios Augusteios Kapetoleios penta-
terikos poleitikos of which the title Severios was most probably added during the reign of
Severus Alexander (see N.P. MILNER, An Epigraphical Survey in the Kibyra-Olbasa Region
conducted by A.S. Hall [British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, Monograph 24], Hert-
ford 1998, p. 65 no. 144). At that time several contests were given the title Severeia in hon-
our of the dynasty and these were often held in cities situated along military supply routes
(L. ROBERT, Discours douverture du VIIIe Congrs international dpigraphie grecque et
latine Athnes, in Actes du VIIIe Congrs international dpigraphie grecque et latine
(Athnes), I, 1982, p. 39). At Oinoanda, the Severeia Alexandreia Euarestia were founded
at this time (see A.S. HALL N.P. MILNER, Education and Athletics. Documents illustrating
the festivals of Oenoanda, in D. FRENCH [ed.], Studies in the History and Topography of
Lycia and Pisidia, in memoriam A.S. Hall [British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.
Monograph, 9], London 1994, p. 29). The same will probably also have been true for
games (re)founded in his honour at Verbe by Aurelius Vibius Petronianus Lucius, an impe-
rial high priest and priest of Herakles: the agon Severeion Alexandreion Herakleion Euse-
beion Eutycheion (A.M. WOODWARD, Inscriptions from western Pisidia, ABSA 17, 1910-
1911, p. 209 no. 6).
99
G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 122 no. 115.
100
The scene of Maximus in a quadriga on the coins of Kremna can most probably
be related to the triumph he held for his victory over the Germans in AD 236 (von Aulock
Pisidien II nos. 1341-1344), while the Victoria writing on a shield, depicted on the colo-
nial coins during the reign of Gordian III, doubtless refers to a similar fait (von Aulock
Pisidien II no. 1373). Bronze issues at several other cities show Gordian on horseback
(Andeda: von Aulock Pisidien I nos. 219-222; Panemoteichos: von Aulock Pisidien I
no. 1139, reverse), carrying a shield (Amblada: von Aulock Pisidien I no. 145), or wearing
an aegis and carrying a spear (Panemoteichos: von Aulock Pisidien I no. 1139, obverse),
At Sagalassos and Prostanna, the title of demiourgos or eponymous

magistrate, was awarded to Philip II (cf. supra I, p. 198-199). According
to Weiser, the emperor accepted such local magistracies in provincial
cities because they offered him the opportunity to identify with his provin-
cial subjects101. The choice of the crown prince rather than the emperor
himself would establish the continuity of interest of the dynasty. A more
historically founded explanation, however, may be found in the fact
that coins from Sagalassos issued under Philip between AD 247 and 249
also displayed an ear of corn, the symbol of the annona. Furthermore,
they coincide with major campaigns or troop movements102. The acceptance
of the eponymous magistracy could then be interpreted as a sign of impe-
rial recognition for the citys engagement in the war effort.
The involvement of Pisidia in the war effort even increased when Side
in neighbouring Pamphylia became the main supply-base, after the destruc-
tion of the Cilician harbours by the Sassanids during the reign of Valeri-
anus and Gallienus. It is not at all surprising then that these were the emper-
ors who re-emerged out of the dark in the shape of honorific monuments
such as the pedestal on the colonnaded street at Sagalassos dedicated to the
emperor Gallienus and his wife Salonina (cf. supra I, p. 196), since it was
during their reigns that the cities came to play an even more important role
as suppliers of the eastern armies103. Like Hadrian before them, Gallienus
images which can all be related to his campaigns in the East. Seleukeia, on the other hand,
commemorated its contribution to those imperial achievements with a Hephaistos-issue
(cf. supra). In Etenna a coin minted under Philip I depicts a equestrian statue of the emperor
on top of a honorific arch that may refer to a victory monument in the city (von Aulock Pisi-
dien II nos. 641-645). Like his predecessor, the emperor is depicted on horseback at Andeda
(von Aulock Pisidien I no. 223), and wearing an aegis at Panemoteichos (von Aulock Pisi-
dien I no. 1142), representations held to be militarily related, while a trophy depicted on
the coins of Philip II at Amblada can most probably likewise be related to alleged mili-
tary successes in the East (von Aulock Pisidien I no. 170). Under Traianus Decius, Kremna
showed its loyalty by issuing dynastic coins similar to those of the Severan age, depicting
an eagle with spread wings with the busts of Hostilianus, Decius and Etruscus above, as
well as the Roman wolf feeding the twins (von Aulock Pisidien II nos. 1464-1473), while
on Selgian coins minted then Hephaistos is depicted forging a shield (IW no. 3980).
101
W. WEISER, art. cit. (n. 60), p. 96.
102
See P. WEISS, art. cit. (n. 77), p. 159-162.
103
A honorific milestone was dedicated to Gallienus and his father Valerianus at
Kremna (G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 46 no. 14) and the former also
received a statue in the sebasteion at Sia (ibid., p. 149 no. 143), while dedications to his
wife Salonina were recorded at Verbe (A.M. WOODWARD H.A. ORMEROD, art. cit. [n. 71],
p. 119 no. 12) and possibly at Selge (G.E. BEAN, Inscriptions from Selge, Anadolu
Arastrmalar 2.1-2, 1965, p. 56 no. 1; This is rejected by Noll and Schindler in favour
of a dedication to Julia Domna (op. cit. [n. 28], p. 79 no. 10).
and Salonina were conspicuous for their philhellenism and were fre-
quently honoured for this in the Greek East104. At this time, soaked in a
new vogue of Hellenism, Pythian games were founded in imitation of the
games at Delphi105. Yet, Sagalassos issue of civic coins during their reign
advertising the homonoia between Rome and the first city of Pisidia, and
symbolising through hands in dexiosis its fidelity to Rome and expressing
the willingness to fight alongside it, as well as the provisionment of grain
and arms by the city as represented by the ears of corn and the Hephaistos-
types (cf. supra) suggest that something more fundamental lay at the base
of this upsurge in monuments and games in the region.
The milestone dedicated to Gallienus successor, the emperor Claudius
II Gothicus, in the territory of Sagalassos, again at Yarky along the Via
Sebaste106, may equally be related to the supply of goods to the Roman
troops in this period since the homonoia-issues, which now also illustrated
the citys role in the victory of the Romans by depicting a wreath over
the name of the Romans and an ear of corn over that of its citizens,
continued during his reign, when Sagalassos also minted coin types
depicting Hephaistos forging a shield107.
This climax of Sagalassian bronze coinage displaying the citys loyalty
to Rome, demonstrated its position in the empire at that time. The city
had styled itself as a loyal subject and ally (flj ka smmaxov Rwmawn)
since the middle of the 2nd century, a commitment to the imperial cause
which it stepped up in the 3rd century by providing the armies in the
East with supplies and men (see above). Rather than a period of relative
decline, Sagalassos undoubtedly preferred to call it her finest hour108.
104 See C.P. JONES, Some New Inscriptions from Bubon, MDAI(I) 27-28 (1977-1978),
p. 293.
105
L. ROBERT, art. cit. (n. 98), p. 39. This was the case at Perge (P. WEISS, Auxe Perge.
Beobachtungen zu einem bemerkenswerten stdtischen Dokument des spten 3. Jahrhun-
derts n.Chr., Chiron 21, 1991, p. 365-367). The Pythian games at Konana dating to the
reign of Gallienus (J.R.R. STERRETT, op. cit. [n. 9], p. 338 no. 472) and those attested at
Baris (J.R.R. STERRETT, ibid., p. 408 no. 600) may be the result of this imperially promoted
movement (see f.i. the Valeriana Pythia at Aphrodisias (C. ROUECH, Performers and Par-
tisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods. A Study based on Inscrip-
tions from the Current Excavations at Aphrodisias in Caria (Journal of Roman Studies.
Monographs, 6), London 1993, p. 3-4).
106
D.H. FRENCH, op. cit. (n. 53), p. 113 no. 299.
107
KM nos. 26 and 28.
108
This period, the second half of the 3rd century, was also the heyday of Side (see
J. NOLL, Epigraphische und numismatische Notizen, EA 10, 1987, p. 101-106) with which
Sagalassos had concluded a homonoia-treaty between AD 251 and 253 (SNG Paris
no. 1830).
Within this context of strategic importance, it would not be out of the

ordinary for the first city of Pisidia to improved on this status and
receive her second neocorate as mentioned on the milestone dedicated to
Diocletian (cf. supra I, p. 172), at a time, generally characterised by the
inflation of neokoros-titles and other privileges109, when the other leading
cities of the provincia Lycia-Pamphylia were also granted one110. Although
the attribution of the neocorate generally marked the foundation of a new
temple dedicated to the provincial imperial cult111, such a temple has not
yet been located at Sagalassos. However, the inflation of neokoros-titles
during the later 3rd century may have brought about the end of the link
between obtaining the title and building an imperial temple, and the award
of a neocorate to a city was now more emphatically associated with new
ecumenical games112.
After the reinstatement of the Cilician bases, the evidence for the impe-
rial cult in Pisidia gradually peters out. The sequence of statues erected
at imperial sanctuaries and other locations within the urban centres of
Pisidia came to a halt with Gallienus in most places and civic bronze
coinage ceased in most cities at this time113.
109
See E. WINTER, op. cit. (n. 60), p. 171.
110
See S. PRICE, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 271-272. Side, for example, gets a second neocorate
between AD 253 and 256, and her third under Valerianus-Gallienus (J. NOLL, op. cit.
[n. 60], p. 123-124).
111
S.J. FRIESEN, op. cit. (n. 37), p. 25 and n. 74.
112
See S. MITCHELL, Festivals, Games, and Civic Life in Roman Asia Minor, JRS 80
(1990), p. 192; E. WINTER, op. cit. (n. 60), p. 171-172.
113
Civic coinage came to a halt under Gallienus at Apollonia, Adada, Ariassos, Etenna,
Isinda, Kodrula, Konana, Panemoteichos, Pednelissos and Pogla, and under Claudius II
Gothicus at Sagalassos and Prostanna (see F. REBUFFAT, art. cit. [n. 59]). A brief resur-
gence occurred under the emperor Aurelianus, when the imperial attention focused on
Kremna. The colony not only obtained permission to stage elaborate gladiator games, it
even received a new sacred agonistic festival (von Aulock Pisidien II nos. 1574-1612;
J. NOLL, Kaiserliche Privilegien fr Gladiatorenmunera und Tierhetzen. Unbekannte und
ungedeutete Zeugnisse auf stdtischen Mnzen des griechischen Ostens, JNG 42-43, 1992-
1993, p. 69-73). Since the creation of new games always seems to coincide with a citys
show of loyalty to the emperor or to reward it for the support which it provided in the wars
(S. MITCHELL, art. cit. [n. 112], p. 192), this should probably be linked with the presence
of Roman troops in the city that probably served as a regional basis of operation against
Zenobia of Palmyra whose rule had briefly extended as far as Ancyra (S. MITCHELL, op.
cit. [n. 1], p. 224 and art. cit. [n. 68], p. 160). Afterwards, the city was the scene of another
imperial dedication related to military activity, though in less favourable conditions as it
was set up to the emperor Probus by the governor Terentius Marcianus, native of Sagalas-
sos (S. MITCHELL, op. cit. [n. 44], p. 208-210), undoubtedly at the conclusion of the siege
of the city occupied by the rebel Lydios. An imperial priest equally involved in the oppres-
sion of the local insurgence served at Termessos under the emperor Carus and the caesares
Carinus and Numerianus (SEG XLI 1390).
The overview of evidence reflects how, during the 3rd century, the
regions hopes for success were indivisibly bound up with the fortunes of
the reigning emperors. We see how the resources of Pisidia, including man-
power, arms and food supplies were increasingly mobilised against the
Parthians and the Sassanians, and how this practical support offered by the
cities was matched ideologically through the erection of monuments, the
celebration of festivals and the issue of local bronze coinage commemo-
rating the emperors and their victorious campaigns. This was answered
from the imperial side with new festivals and ringing civic titles. Conse-
quently, it was during the 3rd century that the interests of the region and
of the Roman state became aligned and that the Pisidian communities
became Romanized114. The manifestations of the imperial cult in the shape
of buildings, festivals and coin issues which echoed imperial propaganda,
were the means to embody a public recognition of this new alignment.
3.2. Imperial syncretism

Occasional relations between emperors and deities such as Augustus and
Apollo, Nero and Helios, Hadrian and Zeus Olympios manifest in Pisidia
have already been mentioned above. 3rd-century issues of cities such
as Sagalassos depicting the emperor wearing a radiate crown and the
empress with a crescent behind her shoulders (cf. supra I, p. 198) illustrate
that such an association between the imperial couple and the personified
heavenly bodies became a regularity in the imperial cult of that century.
This relationship can be seen in the context of the growing tendency
towards monotheism in Graeco-Roman religion115, but also as a local
response to imperial religious initiatives. This can be deduced from the
fact that the solar imperial effigy appears on civic documents from the
reign of the emperor Elagabalus onwards116, the priest of the homony-
mous sun-god from Emesa in Syria, who introduced the cult in Rome
and placed it at the head of the Roman pantheon117. According to Turcan,
114
See S. MITCHELL, art. cit. (n. 68), p. 421.
115
See in general P. ATHANASSIADI M. FREDE (eds.), Pagan Monotheism in Late
Antiquity, Oxford 1999.
116
In Pisidia, Elagabalus is depicted wearing a radiate crown on the coins of Isinda (von
Aulock Pisidien I nos. 815-821), Olbasa (H. VON AULOCK, Kleinasiatische Mnzsttten,
VIII. Die rmische Kolonie Olbasa, Jahrbuch fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 21,
1971, no. 21), and Palaiopolis (von Aulock Pisidien I nos. 1107-1108).
117
See R. TURCAN, The Cults of the Roman Empire, Oxford 1996, p. 176-183; M. BEARD
J. NORTH S. PRICE, Religions of Rome, I. A History, Cambridge 1998, p. 256.
this association can also be related to the imperial doctrine of the eter-
nity of the emperors established during the Severan period, in which the
sun and moon are conceived as the two eyes of Zeus, who invested the
emperor with imperial power118. After the Severan dynasty, the association
with the imperial couple not only endured as indicated by numerous civic
issues minted throughout the region119, it also seems to have promoted the
cult of the heavenly bodies in the Pisidian cities120. Under the emperor
Aurelianus the association between the figure of the emperor and the
personified sun became complete as he made Sol Invictus, the living and
invincible light, the state-deity and himself the representative of the supreme
god on earth121.
As was illustrated above, the imperial cult certainly continued well into
the second half of the 3rd century. Despite the sharp fall-off in temple
building throughout the region, the imperial sanctuaries were updated
with the images of the new emperors up to the reign of Gallienus and also
the imperial festivals and celebrations only faltered towards the end of this
period.
This was to change from the last decades of the 3rd century onwards
when nearly all types of evidence disappear122. Except for the poorly exe-
cuted stelai erected at Melli and Panemoteichos123, monuments to the
imperial house under the Tetrarchy were limited to dedicatory milestones
which were still widespread124. That the honourings of the emperors were
118
R. TURCAN, art. cit. (n. 95), p. 1043-1044.
119
For Gordian III and Tranquillina at Sagalassos see n. 92-93; for Philip I and Octa-
cilia at Apollonia see von Aulock Pisidien II nos. 151-156.
120
Judging by the local bronzes, a shrine of Luna was established at Kremna during
the reign of Gordian III (von Aulock Pisidien II nos. 1374-1377), while an open-air sanc-
tuary consisting of altar on a platform surmounted by a crescent depicted on the coins of
Adada in the reign of the same emperor (von Aulock Pisidien I nos. 97-99) appears to have
been dedicated to her Greek counterpart Selene. Helios and the previously absent Selene
were represented as a couple on the civic coins of Sagalassos under Trebonianus Gallus
(SNG von Aulock no. 5195).
121
R. TURCAN, art. cit. (n. 95), p. 1072.
122
See S. PRICE, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 59.
123
G. HORSLEY S. MITCHELL, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 113 no. 107 (Panemoteichos) and p. 158
no. 155 (Melli).
124
Besides the milestone mentioned previously (supra I, p. 172 n. 6), similar markers
dedicated to Diocletian and Maximianus have been recorded in the territory of Sagalassos
at Aglasun and Dver (D.H. FRENCH, op. cit. [n. 53], p. 101 no. 264 and p. 105 no. 275),
while Maximinus, Constantine and Licinius were honoured with a milestone again at
Dver (ibid., p. 105 no. 276). Elsewhere in Pisidia, such dedicatory markers have been
recorded at Apollonia (ibid., p. 148 no. 388 and p.151 no. 396: Constantine and Licinius),
liable to the economic circumstances is suggested by the steles and mile-

stones which stand in sharp contrast with the temples and bronze or mar-
ble statues erected during the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Although this sharp
decline in the traditional forms of worship may very well reflect the eco-
nomic pressures on the cities during this period, it was for the greater
part due to the diminution in the role of the cities, which were now fully
subordinated to the ever-increasing imperial bureaucracy. The reasons for
the long-term vitality of the imperial cult laid in its capacity to exploit
the competitive values of the urban elite125. As a result of the reforms the
imperial cult lost its roots in those competitive forces of cities and local
elites, and the vigour of the city which had been responsible for the rise
of the cult had finally been sapped126.
Yet, one of those modest memorials to the Tetrarchy does mention
Sagalassos as dis neokoros (cf. supra), titles which the city had obtained
and continued to cherish. These monuments, however paltry, confirm the
persistence of the imperial cult, both on local and regional level.
4. THE LATE ANTIQUE CHRISTIANIZATION
There are hardly any sources relating to the fate of the imperial cult at
Sagalassos during the later imperial period, which suggests a certain
decline. Nevertheless, under Constantine, the idea of the emperor as rep-
resentative of the sun god installed by Aurelianus (see p. 216) contin-
ued127. Moreover, imperial worship prevailed after the introduction of
Christianity. This can be gathered from the fact that Sagalassos contin-
ued to display her neokoros-titles on the milestones dedicated to the
emperor and his sons, demonstrating that the imperial cult also contined
on a regional level. At this time the worship of the emperor was altered,
but not completely secularised. The first Christian emperors who actively
Hadrianopolis (A.S. HALL, art. cit. [n. 2], p. 140 no. 2: Diocletian and Maximianus), Ilyas
(D.H. FRENCH, op. cit., p. 106 no. 280: Maximinus, Constantine and Licinius), Konana
(D.H. FRENCH, ibid., p. 153 no. 401: Constantine and Licinius), Lysinia (G.E. BEAN, art.
cit. [n. 71], p. 80 no. 24: Diocletian and Maximianus), Olbasa (D.H. FRENCH, ibid., p. 101
no. 265: Maximinus, Constantine and Licinius) and Termessos (ibid., p. 73 no. 191: Dio-
cletian and Maximianus).
125
S. PRICE, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 62. Cf. supra I, p. 213-216.
126
S. PRICE, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 60.
127
This is illustrated by the statue erected by Termessos that adopted an openly pagan
approach in its worship of the emperor by honouring him as the all-seeing sun (TAM
III 45).
supported the cult, prohibited sacrifice to satisfy their Christian con-

sciences, but officials still kept the title of priests and gladiatorial com-
petitions continued to be held. It is equally certain that the temples
remained as the centres of worship. Overall, the conversion of Constan-
tine and the subsequent reassessment of the imperial veneration only
meant the elimination of sacrifice, but the strength of the cult in the pre-
vious centuries had always lain in the festive games and in the celebra-
tion of the emperors divine image128. The altars and altar ceremony had
to be abolished since the Christian emperor could not receive offerings
and sacrifice in the same sense as his pagan predecessor could. But the
sacredness invested in the person of the emperor as divina majestas, and
his position in the centre of the universe did not change129. The emperor
remained Gods special representative on earth, who was to be regarded
by his subjects as the visible image of God, and whose authority thereby
gained a heavenly sanction. His statue retained cultic honours, which
were legitimate and not questioned by Christian writers130.
Constantines militant Christian son Constantius II received similar
honours at Sagalassos where two statues were consecrated to him by the
city as metropolis (cf. supra I, p. 196)131. The title metropolis was origi-
nally a mark of honour singling out one city from among the many that
might aspire to preeminence within the province. As such, a single province
could have more than one metropolis132. From the late 3rd century
onwards, the title was held by the provincial city at which a governor
resided and became the undisputed legal and administrative capital of the
region133. For a while, though, the two usages honorary and adminis-
trative survived together134. Given the fact that Sagalassos was never
a provincial capital, the city undoubtedly used the title honorifically. Since
128
G.W. BOWERSOCK, The Imperial Cult: Perceptions and Persistence, in G.W. BOWER-
SOCK (ed.), Studies on the Eastern Roman Empire. Social, Economic and Administrative His-
tory, Religion, Historiography (Bibliotheca eruditorum, 9), Goldbach 1994, p. 333-334.
129
See F. YEGL, A Study in Architectural Iconography: Kaisersaal and the Imperial
Cult, ABull 64.1 (1982), p. 29.
130
S. PRICE, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 203. Within this context Constantine was honoured with
a statue at Malos (SEG XXXV 1405).
131
At Termessos, Constantius II was honoured both as caesar and as emperor (TAM
III 46 and 13).
132
C. ROUECH, art. Metropolis, in G.W. BOWERSOCK P. BROWN O. GRABAR (eds.),
Late Antiquity. A Guide to the Postclassical World, Cambridge (Mass.) 1999, p. 577.
133
P. BROWN, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire,
Madison 1992, p. 11.
134
C. ROUECH, art. cit. (n. 132), p. 577.
the title appears to be a new acquisition, not used previously by Sagalas-

sos, these imperial statues may indicate the citys continuing policy of
rewarding the emperors grant of privileges through the erection of some
monument. The city may have received the title of metropolis around the
middle of the 4th century to compensate for the loss of the neocorate
titles which had up to then shone on the official documents (cf. supra),
but disappeared in the course of Constantius reign, possibly as part of
the Christianization-process taking place at the time.
The small base dedicated to Julianus Apostata found in Aglasun (cf.
supra I, p. 196) is one of the few known dedications to the last pagan
emperor and, together with the possible reconstruction of the library under
his rule135, might attest to his popularity at Sagalassos and perhaps illus-
trates an attempt to restore paganism and the imperial cult in their former
glory. The emperor is known to have been venerated by pagans, possibly
as a pagan saint in the same way as Christian martyrs and saints were136.
Evidence for imperial veneration at Sagalassos ends with a dynastic
monument to the late Roman/early Byzantine imperial family erected on
the Upper Agora, usurping an early imperial honorific canopy roof mon-
ument tentatively identified above as a Tychaion (cf. supra I, p. 188-191).
The reason for the eventual rededication of the monument to Flavia
Eudoxia may be related to the Isaurian raids of that period and the result-
ing building activity at Sagalassos, namely the construction of fortifica-
tion walls, which was often financed by imperial officials in this period137.
Considering her involvement in the destruction of the sanctuary of Zeus
Marnas and the construction of the cathedral at Gaza, the honours for the
militant Christian empress Eudoxia on the citys Upper Agora may also
hint at a Christianization-process with imperial support at Sagalassos138.
The empress would thus replace the goddess Tyche who originally
appears to have inhabited the monument, as protectress of the city.
135
See M. WAELKENS et al, The Sagalassos Neon Library and its Conservation, in
M. WAELKENS L. LOOTS (eds.), Sagalassos V. Report on the Survey and Excavation
Campaigns of 1996 and 1997 (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia. Monographiae, 10), Leu-
ven 2000, p. 435-437.
136
See G.W. BOWERSOCK, art. cit. (n. 128), p. 336-337. Julian was still being honoured
as a god in Side (J. NOLL, op. cit. [n. 60], p. 327 no. 50).
137
H. DEVIJVER M. WAELKENS, Roman Inscriptions from the Upper Agora at Sagalassos,
in M. WAELKENS J. POBLOME (eds.), Sagalassos III. Report on the Fourth Excavation Cam-
paign of 1993 (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia. Monographiae, 7), Leuven 1995, p. 119.
138
On the involvement of Eudoxia at Gaza see F.R. TROMBLEY, Hellenic Religion and
Christianization c. 370-529, I (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 115.1), Leiden 1993,
p. 218-219.
Afterwards further secularization of the imperial cult occurred. This is clear

from an ordinance of Theodosius II in AD 425 in response to excessive adu-
lation of the imperial images displayed at contests, stating that worship in
excess of human dignity shall be reserved for God, and thus limiting the wor-
ship of the imperial image139. It is probably in the context of this ordinance
that the closure of the imperial sanctuary at Sagalassos has to be situated.
Recent soundings in the northwestern part of the sanctuary revealed that the
complex was given over to reuse sometime in the first half of the 5th century
when the temple was partly dismantled and its architectural elements reused
in encroachments built in the northern portico of the sanctuary. Also the local
stadium must have gone out of use at that time as illustrated by the construc-
tion of a Christian basilica within it in the second half of the 5th century140.
Consequently, with the exception of a statue to the emperor Zeno the
Isaurian (AD 474- 491) at Sagalassos, perhaps in return for financial benefits
allocated by the emperor to the region neighbouring his homeland, no further
monuments for the worship of the emperor were recorded anywhere in Pisidia.
CONCLUSION
The material remains of the imperial cult at Sagalassos illustrate the

attempt of its inhabitants to relate their ruler to their own dominant sym-
bolic system, by using the traditional forms of worship: temples, effigies,
and festivals.
As the overview of the evidence for imperial worship demonstrated, the
impact of imperial architecture on the urban centre resulted in a complete
transformation of civic space. The two temples of the imperial cult formed
only a part of the range of civic architecture honouring the emperor.
Within the same context two honorific arches and four other honorific
monuments, a bath-complex, a food-market, and possibly also a stadium
and a nymphaeum were erected, in short the conspicuous buildings that
stood at the centre of every day life. The gradual increase of constructions
focussed on the person of the emperor, including new and typically
Roman building types such as baths and macella, reflects the changing
economic fortune of the civic communities who wanted to express their
gratitude in (increasingly) ambitious building programs. The urbanization
139
Cod. Theod. XV 4.1. T. PEKARY, op. cit. (n. 22), p. 151; G.W. BOWERSOCK, art. cit.
(n. 128), p. 335-336.
140
M. WAELKENS P. TALLOEN, art. Sagalassos, in P.C. FINNEY (ed.), Encyclopedia
of Early Christian Art and Archaeology, Grand Rapids (Mich.) (forthcoming).
of the region thus gained impetus from the imperial cult. Beside these major
interventions in the aspect of the urban centre, more modest representations
of imperial power in the shape of imperial effigies adorned public squares
and thoroughfares, and the local currency.
The imperial cult had its most profound influence on daily life through
the main religious festival, the Klareia, which was shown to be related
to imperial worship, and in other festivities such as gladiatorial shows
and animal fights, held in the local stadium. It was on such occasions that
the entire populace participated in imperial veneration.
The organisation of the cult was the concern of leading families of the
city. Not only did they establish it and provide the high priests, they were
also involved in all aspects of the cult, such as the construction of the
sanctuaries and other buildings related to imperial worship, the erection
of imperial statues, and the organisation of the festivals.
The mechanisms of the imperial cult were thus linked to the centres of
religious, political, social and economic life, weaving the rule of Rome
into the fabric of the urban society.
Although the establishment of the imperial cult is generally hard to deter-
mine archaeologically, this article has attempted to clarify how it came to
be introduced at Sagalassos. At first glance, the imperial cult appears to
have been a rather late phenomenon of local religious life, with the first
high priest of the emperors only appearing during the Flavian dynasty. Such
a course of events is not only contradicted by the prominent position that
Sagalassos held in Pisidia where early imperial sanctuaries were already
erected in the neighbouring cities but also by the numerous monuments
erected in honour of the Julio-Claudian emperors within the city. We have
therefore contended that there was already some kind of veneration directed
at expressing the loyalty of the city and its inhabitants towards its new mas-
ters, and that this veneration gradually developed into an independent impe-
rial cult. As Price has shown, the imperial cult in Asia Minor was created
and sustained as a way of negotiating between local traditions and the facts
of imperial power, and what better way to do so at Sagalassos than by using
the one element that both had in common the cult of Apollo. The city
appears to have broken the imperial news more gently to its populace,
possibly in response to local attitudes to imperial rule at the beginning of
the principate, which would explain the shrouded nature of the initial pro-
motion of the cult. The cult of Apollo was thus established as a kind of
veiled imperial cult during the Julio-Claudian dynasty, something that only
changed under the Flavians. Then the temple dedicated to the citys patron
deity made room for the emperors and the members of their families, and
his festival became a celebration of the conjoint worship of the god and the
emperors. Grafted on an existing religious core the imperial cult worked
itself into the religious system of the community.
After this formative period during the 1st century AD, the imperial
cult came to play an increasingly important role in the religious land-
scape from the early 2nd century onwards. Throughout Pisidia, the tem-
ples of the civic deities harbouring the imperial cult were now matched
by new temples dedicated to the emperors alone, as well as a whole range
of other buildings and monuments, while celebrations were now also held
in sole honour of the divine ruler. The establishment of these more ambi-
tious forms of emperor worship occurred during the reign of Hadrian
and appears to have been prompted by his presence in the region. Their
emancipation may therefore have been the result of increased visibility.
From this time onwards the imperial cult became the major focus of build-
ing activity, religious and otherwise. The material evidence demon-
strates the omnipresence of the emperor, as the exponent of Roman rule.
The imperial cult was thus fitted into all civic centres of the Greek city.
Once properly introduced, the frequency and intensity of the imperial
cult appear to have been closely linked to the imperial agenda. The mate-
rial manifestations of the cult during the 3rd century show how closely
it followed the historical events. The spread of imperial monuments and
festivals accelerated all over Asia Minor, but especially in the regions
which were frequently visited by the emperors and their troops, or con-
tributed to the war-effort such as Pisidia. The crisis of the 3rd century
which put the region as a whole in the spotlight, will have led its com-
munities to fully embrace the cult as a privileged way of negotiating
between local and imperial interests.
Through the solar henotheism propagated by the emperors Elagabal,
Aurelianus and Constantine, the emperor became the representative of
the supreme god on earth. This allowed the veneration of the imperial
image to continue in the Christian empire, having been in principle shorn
of its pagan, divine connotations. The entire iconography of architecture
and the language of symbols that had developed over centuries around the
notion of the ruler cult were placed at the service of the new Christian
emperor as Gods elect and were assimilated into the Christian context.
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APOLLO AND THE EMPERORS (II)

THE EVOLUTION OF THE IMPERIAL CULT AT SAGALASSOS*

Abstract: Part II of this contribution on the imperial cult at Sagalas-

As the material evidence presented in Part I demonstrated, emperor wor-

1. THE EARLY IMPERIAL INTEGRATION

indeed almost instantaneous1. Yet, unlike other Pisidian cities2 in par-

emperors and Apollo which is apparent in several of the aforementioned

1.1. Apollo at Sagalassos

1.2. Apollo and the emperors

1.3. Apollo and the emperors at Sagalassos

of the temple28, suggesting that the sanctuary was also rededicated to

intended to serve the first form of imperial worship at Sagalassos32. The

that of Domitian37, it seems unlikely that Sagalassos would have received

2. THE SECOND CENTURY EMANCIPATION

temples, as well as several other monuments, and the erection of an

47 An unpublished inscription from the Upper Agora recorded by M. Waelkens char-

acterizes the city as panellnie.

52 See supra I, p. 193 n. 68.

amenities after a major earthquake around AD 141 caused widespread

3. THE 3RD-CENTURY CRISIS

3.1. The war effort

At Sagalassos and Prostanna, the title of demiourgos or eponymous

Within this context of strategic importance, it would not be out of the

3.2. Imperial syncretism

liable to the economic circumstances is suggested by the steles and mile-

4. THE LATE ANTIQUE CHRISTIANIZATION

supported the cult, prohibited sacrifice to satisfy their Christian con-

the title appears to be a new acquisition, not used previously by Sagalas-

Afterwards further secularization of the imperial cult occurred. This is clear

The material remains of the imperial cult at Sagalassos illustrate the

B3000 Leuven Peter TALLOEN Marc WAELKENS

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