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HowtheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)affectedthelivesof
German,Italian,JapaneseandAustralianbornwomenlivinginAustralia
duringtheSecondWorldWar.
DoctorofPhilosophy
MariaGlaros
UniversityofWesternSydney
2012
P a g e | ii
Acknowledgements
ThisthesiswouldnothavebeenpossiblewithouttheassistancefrommysupervisorsJudithSnodgrass,
CarolListonandElizabethRoberts.JudithandCarolhaveguidedmethroughouttheyears,providing
invaluable support and have helped me develop my methodological approach. I would like to thank
Elizabeth for her support, encouragement and enthusiasm in the topic. All supervisors have been
patientandunderstandingthroughoutmyexperienceandforthisIammostgrateful.
Thankyoutoallmyfriendswhoprovidedtheirencouragementduringmystudy,especiallyKateGould,
RayleneDagherandPennyKaranasos.Iwouldalsoliketoexpressmygratitudetoallthewomenwho
agreedtoparticipateininterviewsandcontributedtothisresearch.Iwouldalsoliketorecognizethe
staff at the National Archives of Australia, National Library, State Library, and University Western
Sydneylibrary.
And finally, I would like to acknowledge and thank my parents who have supported me and offered
theirassistancesince I beganthis project. And most importantly, a big thank you to my wonderful,
husbandEmanuel,whohasbeenpatientandsupportivefromthestarttofinishofthisthesis.
P a g e | iii
StatementofOriginality
Theworkpresentedinthisthesisis,tothebestofmyknowledgeandbelief,originalexceptas
acknowledgedinthetext.IherebydeclarethatIhavenotsubmittedthismaterial,eitherinfullorin
part,foradegreeatthisoranyotherinstitution.
....................................................................................................
(Signature)
P a g e | iv
Contents Page
ListofTables v
ListofAppendices vi
Abbreviations vii
Abstract viii
Introduction 1
PARTI: OUTBREAKOFWAR
ChapterOne: TheRuleofLaw 38
ChapterTwo: forthegloryofgreaterItaly:ItaliancruisersMVRemoand
MVRomolo 90
PARTII: ENEMYALIENSONLAND
PARTIII: VICTIMSOFCIRCUMSTANCE
ChapterSix: Acertainwarpsychosis:GermanJewishWomenlivingin
NewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWorldWar. 263
ChapterSeven: TheWivesofEnemyAliens 313
Conclusion 351
Appendices 356
Bibliography 371
Page |v
ListofTables
Page
Table1 Registrationfiguresofenemyalien,30September1945 51
Table3 Agesof116ItalianwomenlivinginNewSouthWales
duringtheSecondWorldWar 186
Table4 Agesof151GermanJewishwomenlivinginNewSouth
WalesduringtheSecondWorldWar 268
Table5 AgesAustralianbornwomenlivinginNewSouth
WalesduringtheSecondWorldWar 315
P a g e | vi
ListofAppendices
Page
P a g e | vii
Abbreviations
ABC AustralianBroadcastingCommission
ACAC AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee
AJWS AustralianJewishWelfareSociety
ALP AustralianLaborParty
AMF AustralianMilitaryForces
ARO AliensRegistrationOfficer
ASIO AustralianSecurityIntelligenceBranch
AWAS AustralianWomen'sAuxiliaryServices
AWC AlliedWorksCouncil
BBC BritishBroadcastingCommission
BHP BrokenHillProprietyLimited
CAC CivilAliensCorps
CCC CivilConstructionalCorps
CIB CommonwealthInvestigationBranch
CPA CommunistPartyofAustralia
CPF CommonwealthPoliceForce
DSO DefenseSecurityOrganisation
IWW IndustrialWorkersoftheWorld
MPI MilitaryPoliceIntelligenceSection
NAA NationalArchivesofAustralia
NSDAP NationalSozialistischeDeutscheArbeitesPartei
POW PrisonerofWar
UELCA UnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchofAustralia
WAAFS Women'sAuxiliaryAirForce
P a g e | viii
ABSTRACT
ThroughoutAustraliashistoryxenophobicimmigrationpoliciesandsecuritymeasureshaveappeared
intimesofuncertainty.TheimplementationoftheAntiTerrorlawsin2005inspiredmetocarryout
research on important security measures introduced at the outbreak of the Second World War in
September1939.MigrantslivinginAustraliabecamesubjecttotheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)
Regulations1939(Cth)introducedbytheCommonwealthgovernment.NonBritishpersonslivingin
Australiawererequiredtoregisterasaliens;nationalsfromcountrieswithwhichAustraliawasatwar
wereclassifiedasenemyaliens.ThisincludedallGermanItalianandJapanesenationals.Inaddition,
AustralianwomenmarriedtoenemyalienslosttheirBritishnationalityundertheNationalityAct1920
(Cth)andwererequiredtoregisterasenemyaliens.
This study focuses on five groups of women affected by the legislation: Australian born women of
German descent, Italian born women, Australian born women of Japanese descent, German Jewish
refugeewomen,andAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoItaliannationals.Thesegroupswerechosen
not only to highlight the various ways in which the Regulations were applied to women of different
nationalities,butalsotoaddressagapintheliteratureonthecontrolandinternmentofalienwomen,
despitethevastamountofmaterialthatwasavailableattheNationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA).This
thesisisinlargepartbasedonarchivalresearch.Filesonover700womenwereexamined,manyof
whichhadneverbeforebeenconsulted.Ialsoconductedfiveinterviews,includingthreewomenwho
wereregisteredasenemyaliensduringthewar.
This dissertation has 3 parts. Part I provides an analysis of the Aliens Control Regulations and those
whohelpedadministerthelaws.Italsoprovidescontextontheoperationoftheselawsbydetailing
the experience of Italian women who were detained under the Regulation just moments after Italy
enteredthewar.PartIIprovidescasestudiesillustratingthediversewaysinwhichtheseRegulations
wereapplied.PartIIIshowswomenwhofellvictimtocircumstanceGermanJewishrefugeewomen
who were wrongly categorized as enemy aliens and Australian born women married to Italian
nationals,unawarethattheyhadlosttheirBritishstatus.
P a g e | ix
Thecasestudiespresentedinthisthesisshowthatwarhysteria,discrimination,isolation,racismand
victimizationwereallpartofthewartimeexperienceofthesewomenwhowerecaughtinthenetof
theAliensControlRegulations.
P a g e |1
Introduction
ThataSecurityActwasessentialtocopewithsubversiveactivities,shouldtheyarise,isobvious.That
theActwasadministeredinaglaringlycarelessandneedlesslyharshmanner,isequallyobvious.It
wasmoderationwhereittouchedproperty;itwasseveritywhenittouchedhumanfreedom.
1
(GermannationalandformerSouthAustralianMemberofParliament,HermannHomburg)
which was held at Dante Alighieri Society in Brisbane. The symposium was a great success, with
many fascinating papers on the history of Italians in Queensland. However, there was one
importantaspectthatstoodoutthatdayformenopaperwasgivenontheexperienceofItalian
womeninQueenslandduringtheSecondWorldWar.2Thisomissionwasemphasisedbythefact
thatatthesymposiumIhadmetanAustralianwoman,FrancescaMariaMerenda,borninInnisfail
innorthernQueensland,ofItalianparents.FrancescawasinternedinAustraliaduringthewarjust
after she turned eighteen years of age. Because of their Italian origin, Francesca and her family
wereclassifiedasenemyalienswhenItalydeclaredwarontheAlliesinJune1940.FrancescaandI
exchangeddetailsandorganisedameetingwhereIinterviewedheraboutherordeal.Ifoundout
thatherfatherPaoloMerendacametoAustraliain1920andworkedatInnisfailcuttingsugarcane.
Threeyearslater,Paolosfianc,Nicoletta,followedhimtoAustralia.Francescadescribeshowthey
marriedinAustralia:
DadsmatewhowentupwithhimfromInnisfailtoCairns,inthosedaysitwasabigtrip,youknow
1923Imtalkingabout.Hisfriendsaidtohim,'DontworryPaul',hesaid,..lookafteryourfiance.
SoDadarrangedtobemarriedthatdaythengotoInnisfailthenextday,wherehewaslivingand
MumsaidWheresmysuitcases?AndthefellowsaidtoDad,DontworryIputthemontherail
motor,Ivesentthemdown,youdonthavetoworryaboutthemtomorrow.Inthesuitcaseswere
1
HermannHomburgwasaformerSouthAustralianMemberofParliamentwhowasinternedduringthewarbecauseof
his involvement in German organizations. H. Homburg, South Australian Lutherans and Wartime Rumours. Adelaide:
SelfPublished1947,p.93.
2
150YearsofItaliansinQueenslandSymposium,DanteAlighieriSociety,Brisbane,17October2009.
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Mumsbridalfrock,herweddingdressandtheveil,andshecouldntputthemon.Sowhatcouldshe
do,agirlcouldnotspendthenightwithamannotmarried,sotheywentandgotmarriedinthe
clothes that she had got off the boat, and then went to Innisfail the next day, then went to the
photographeralldressedupandtheyhadtheirweddingphotostakenintheirbridalfinery,andthey
sentthemtoItalytothefamily.3
Francesca was born on 16 September 1924. Her parents anglicised her name to Francesca Mary
whentheyregisteredherasanalien.WhenItalyenteredthewar,Francescasfatherwasarrested
forassociatingwithotherItalianmenwhoweremembersoftheFascistParty.Hewasinternedin
December1941.FrancescaandhermotherwerenotinterneduntilOctober1942.Authoritiestook
theirphotosandonthenightoftheirarrest,Francescaandhermothersleptinthegaolhouse,on
thefloorwiththedrunks.4ThenextdaytheyweresenttoTatura,innortheasternVictoria,where
they would spend 16 months interned at the camp where they were reunited with Paolo. As
Francesca described the camp: we had barbed wirefences all aroundus and we had the guards
sittinguptherewiththeirguns,youknow,itwasamilitarycamp.5
Whenaskedthereasonforherinternment,Francescaresponded
TheAustralianGovernment.TheyinternedmeandIreadmypapersmanyyearslater.Iwasa'potential
spy'anda'dangertotheCommonwealthofAustralia'andIbelieve,thisismybelief,itwasbecauseI
couldspeakbothItalianandEnglishandifanyoneneededanythinginalittletowncalledTullyinNorth
Queensland,they'dgotomyfatherandhewouldsendmewiththatpersontothePolicestationorto
theeverywheretheyhadtogoandhelpthemoutwiththelanguage.6
It has been over sixtyfive years since the end of the Second World War. Yet the history of the
German,ItalianandJapanesewomeninAustraliawhowereclassifiedasenemyalienswithinthe
National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) during the war remains to be written.
3
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
4
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
5
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
6
FrancescaMerenda.PersonalInterview.10October2008.
P a g e |3
Francescasinterviewprovidesafascinatingperspectiveonhowshewastreatedduringinternment
and theracial antagonisms thatexisted during this time. Her story indicated the levelof concern
theCommonwealthGovernmenthadtowardsenemyaliensduringwartimeandhowauthorities
interned enemy aliens without any evidence to suggest that they were a potential threat to the
nationssecurity.7Indeed,itisclearfromthefilesheldattheNationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA)
thatwhileauthoritiestriedtheirbesttofindevidencetoimplicatetheMerendafamily,theirfailure
toproduceanydidnotdeterauthoritiesfromdetainingthem.
LikeothermigrantwomenwhogrewupinAustraliaduringwartime,Francescaplacednoblameon
the Commonwealth Government for her internment, especially when considering the threat of
enemy invasion.8 However, what Francesca may not have been informed of was that the
Commonwealth Government, while drafting legislation, was well aware of the ramifications
minority groups would experience as a result of the implementation of the National Security Act
1939(Cth).AsevidencedintheSecondReadingSpeech,theissueofnationalsecuritywasahotly
debatedtopicinParliament,andaswewillsee,manyarguedthatminoritygroupswouldfallvictim
tothelegislationputforward.
Historiography
The history of these German, Italian and Japanese women has been ignored far too long. Their
storiesreflectanxietiesofAustraliaspastandarevaluabletotheunderstandingofcurrentevents
in this country. The purpose of this thesis is to ensure that these stories are recognized and not
7
GermanJewish refugee Ilona Balog also believed that given the context of threat to Australias security, anyone
foreignwouldbesubjecttodiscrimination.SeeChapterSix.
8
SeeIlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
P a g e |4
forgottenbyyoungergenerations.German,ItalianandJapanesecommunitieshavecontributedto
AustraliasmulticulturalsocietyandidentifythesestoriesasameaningfulpartinAustraliashistory
ahistoryofexclusionbasedonrace.
AustralianhistorieshavetendedtofocusontheinternmentofmenduringtheSecondWorldWar.
ThisstudyfocusesonmigrantandAustralianbornwomenwhowereinternedoraffectedbyother
key aspects of the Aliens Control Regulations. Kay Saunders in her work referred to what has
alreadybeendonebythegovernmenttocomprehendthispartofourhistory,includingadinner
thatwasheldinWesternAustraliabythePremierin1990andinNewSouthWalesbyitsPremierin
1992 which only distinguished Italian internment in Australia.9 However, there has been no
acknowledgementofwidespreadinternmentandthoseaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations
bytheAustralianWarMemorial;therewasnoofficialacknowledgementorapologymadebythe
Australia Remembers 19451995 campaign; the Prigioniero Di Guerra: POW Italian migrants
ExhibitionattheLiverpoolRegionalmuseumin2005focusedonlyontheinternmentofItalianmen
during the war; and more recently, and there was no recognition of Italian women living in
Queenslandduringthewartimeatthe150YearsofItaliansinQueenslandSymposiumheldatthe
DanteAlighieriSociety,Brisbaneon17October2009.10
9
K. Saunders and R. Daniels et. al., Alien Justice: Wartime Internment in Australia and North America. St. Lucia:
UniversityofQueenslandPress,2000,p.xviii.
10
Casula Powerhouse Arts Centre and Liverpool Regional Museum. Prigioniero Di Guerra: POW Italian Migrant's
Exhibition.2005.CasulaPowerhouseArtsCentreandLiverpoolRegionalMuseum,Sydney;and150YearsofItaliansin
QueenslandSymposium.
P a g e |5
The most significant resource in this study was written by Noel Lamidey. During the early 1970s,
acknowledgement of the treatment towards migrants in Australia during the Second World War
washighlightedbyLamidey.LamideynotonlyhelpedtoadministertheAliensControlRegulations,
butalsoheadedtheAliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee(ACAC),establishedinSeptember
1942,whichaimedtoworkincloseassociationwiththeDirectorGeneralofSecurityonallmatters
affecting aliens, and to see that our treatment of them did not fall short of that of other allied
democratic countries.11 In 1974, he released three reports that documented amendments that
were made to some of the major measures taken by legislative enactment and administrative
proceduretocontrolaliensduringtheSecondWorldWar.12
Thefirstreport,writtenbyLamideyhimselfin1947,wastitledAReporttotheHonourableArthur
A. Calwell H.P. Minister for Immigration upon some Aspects of Aliens Control in Australia During
Time of War. The other two documents were included as attachments. One was a report by Mr
JusticeReed,ontheinternmentandcontrolofItaliansinAustraliaandtheotherbytheACACtitled,
InterimReportsubmittedtotherightHonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.theAttorneyGeneral
oftheCommonwealthofAustralia,writteninMarch1943.13Thesereportsaresignificantbecause
they provide an insight into the Commonwealth Governments stance toward the treatment of
enemy aliens during the war. Lamidey believedthat the purpose of the publication of the report
wouldbetoappealto
anyone sufficiently interested to seek further and deeper into the matters adverted to herein and to
appreciate some of the difficulties inherent in ensuring that even in times of national emergency the
reputationoftheCommonwealthinitstreatmentofaliensshouldnotfallbelowthestandardoffairness
11
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946.Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.4.
12
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
13
Lamidey,AliensControl.
P a g e |6
and reasonableness attained by other Allied countries, reference mustbe made to the 3 reports ofthe
AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee.14
AlthoughLamideyclearlystatedhisintentionin1943thatthereportwouldbecirculatedforpublic
discussion,itwouldnotbepublishedforanotherthirtyyears.
The date of the publication of his work is vital to our understanding of the Commonwealth
GovernmentsattitudestowardsmigrantsinAustralia.ItwasnotuntilMarch1974,whenLamidey
publishedthereportshimself,thatthepublicfinallygainedaccesstoit.Archivaldocumentsheldat
theNAAinCanberrarevealthatLamideycompletedadraftofthisworkbeforeitsrelease.Hehad
alsotriedtohaveitpublishedin1967.HesentacopytotheAttorneyGeneralsoffice,whichwas
thensenttotheDepartmentofImmigrationtobereviewed.Lamideywasanxiousforaresponse.
After two months, clearly concerned about the lack of progress, he wrote Just in case there is a
possibility that the electronic sorting machine is responsible for the absence of any reply to
myletters I write to say I am now at the printing stage and propose to go ahead as quickly as
possible.15TheSecretaryofAttorneyGeneralsoffice,E.J.HookrespondedtoLamidey,suggesting
thatheremovecertainpassagesthatimpliedthereportwasavailableforfurtherpublicscrutiny.
ThereportswerenotavailabletothepublicandauthoritiesdidnotwantLamideytorefertoany
unanswered questions which may arise in relation to the Aliens Control Regulations. Hook
responded
Whetherthesereportshadasecurityclassificationis,Iamsureyouwillappreciate,notatallconclusive
ofthequestionwhethertheymightbereleasedtothepublicWhetherthereportstowhichyourefer
shouldbemadeavailableisamatterwhichhastobedecidedbytherelevantdepartmentinthelightof
the general Commonwealth policy on access to Commonwealth archivesThe second aspect which
14
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.2.
15
LetterfromNoelLamideyaddressedtoSecretaryofAttorneyGeneralsoffice,E.J.Hook,4March1967.SeeReport
byMrNWLamideyonaliencontrolintimeofwar.A432/1661/2232,NAA,Canberra.
P a g e |7
troublesmeistheextenttowhichyourmanuscriptdiscloses,inmanyplaces,thedetailedoperationsand
conclusionsoftheCommitteeknowledgeatthetimecould,ofcourse,befreelyusedalthoughIsuggest
thatitwouldbeveryusefulifyouwereabletoindicatereferencestopublishedsources.
16
ItappearsthattheCommonwealthGovernmentavoidedthepublicationofLamideysreport.The
reportwassuppressedbytheCommonwealthGovernment,whorequestedthatcertaindetailsbe
omittedandnotdisclosedtotheAustralianpublic.Lamideydidnotpublishthereportuntilseven
years later, which happened to be the same year in which the report was made public by the
NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA).ItisquitepossiblethatLamideydidnotsharethesameviews
of the Commonwealth Government during the late 1960sand chose to wait until the reportwas
madepublicin1974.
Although he was limited to the amount of opinion he was allowed to provide, it is clear that
Lamideysconclusionsonmigrationwereinformedbythelessonslearnedfromtroubledareasof
theworld.Thelate1960ssawthewarinAsia,whichwasattractingconsiderableattentiontothe
managementoftheCommonwealthGovernmentsimmigrationpolicies.Regardinghisroleashead
of the Assimilation Division of the Department of Immigration, Lamidey wrote that these are all
valuable documents with respect to Australias wartime history and to an understanding of the
backgroundfromwhichderivedAustralianpostwarimmigrationpolicyandattitudestoimmigrants
when they arrived.17 These documents not only represent a segment of Australias history but
16
DraftletterfromtheSecretaryofAttorneyGeneralsoffice,E.J.HooktoNoelLamidey,18May1967.SeeReportby
MrNWLamideyonaliencontrolintimeofwar.A432/1661/2232,NAA,Canberra.
17
Lamidey,AliensControl,Preface,unpaginated.
P a g e |8
emphasisestoscholarsandresearcherstheproblemswhichhadtobefacedinourtreatmentofthe
AliencommunityintheturbulentyearsoftheSecondWorldWar.18
After the war ended, the Commonwealth Government considered the low population of the
country to be a security risk, and in order to protect the nation, Australia had to populate or
perish.TheACACreportthatwaspreparedforLaborpoliticianandlaterMinisterforImmigration
in 1945, Arthur Calwell, stated the need for both an increase in population through large scale
immigration,andconsequentlytheneedforaministrytooverseeit:
This was the first time in Australias history that migration had come to be regarded as of sufficient
importance to warrant Ministerial ranking in its own rightBut wehad learnt our lesson and realised
thatwithoutavastimmigrationwewouldasanationremainintheworldsbackwater;ifindeedwedid
19
notsinkaltogether.
Lamidey was always concerned about the effects of wartime legislation and issues regarding
immigrationpolicies.LamideyandhisfamilymovedtoLondonwherehetookonhisnewposition
appointedbyCalwellasChiefMigrationOfficerin1946.Inhismemoirs,Lamideywashopefulthat
what happened duringthe war would never occur again, and that Australian society would learn
frompastexperiences.20Hewroteinhisreport:
it may also in some minor manner help us all to realise that continued progress by mankind in the
searchforpeacecanbehelpedconsiderablybyincreasedknowledge,toleranceandunderstandingin
humanrelationsratherthanbydeathanddestructioncausedbythewar.21
CalwelljustifiedtheCommonwealthGovernmentsactionstocontrolaliensbyclaimingthatwhile
the war continued, the control of aliens may have been inevitable, for war as the democracies
18
Lamidey,AliensControl,Preface,unpaginated.
19
N.Lamidey,PartialSuccess:myyearsasapublicservant.HuntersHill:N.W.Lamidey,1970,p.29.
20
SeeLamidey,PartialSuccess.
21
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.5.
P a g e |9
wage it is largely an affair of improvisation, and in urgent situations which demand prompt and
effective action there islittle time to weigh the niceties ofhuman rights.22 However, Calwell did
statetheremustneverbeanotherneedforwartimemeasuresregardingthecontrolofaliens.He
argued:
Itwouldbefollytoignorethelessonsofthewaryears.Mistakesweremadeduringthoseyears,and
machinery devised in all good faith was sometimes found to be too cumbersome or otherwise
defective.AllthoughtfulAustraliansrealizethatifwearetoholdthisContinent,thepopulationmust
begreatlyincreased,andwithincreaseimmigrationmustbecomeasubjectoffirstimportance.23
Figure1:NoelLamideyasChiefMigrationOfficerin Figure2:ArthurCalwellin1940
1950
NationallibraryofAustralia,ArthurCalwell.
ImmigrationDepartmentofImmigrationofficers [http://nla.gov.au/nla.picvn3663850v].Date
NoelW.Lamidey,CMO(ChiefMigrationOfficer), Unknown.Accessed:25March2012.
London19471953,LondonProcessingSection.
A12111/2/1950/35A/1,NAA,Canberra.
22
Lamidey,AliensControl:AReporttotheHonourableArthurA.CalwellH.P.MinisterforImmigrationuponsome
AspectsofAliensControlinAustraliaDuringTimeofWar,1947,p.1.Calwellwrotein1947,Ibelievethatonthe
wholetherecordofCommonwealthintherespectofalienscontrolisverycreditable.Therestrictivemeasures
adoptedwereunderconstantconsideration,andtherelevantregulationswererevisedfromtimetotimetoremove
themoreobviousinjustices.[Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1].
23
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.2.
P a g e |10
OtherimportantworksthatfocusonAustralianwartimehistorywerewrittenbyPaulHasluck,who
wasanofficialhistorianoftheSecondWorldWar,beforeenteringtherealmofpolitics.Hebecame
GovernorGeneralin1969.HasluckwascommissionedbytheCommonwealthGovernmenttowrite
twentytwovolumesofAustraliasinvolvementinthewar.Twovolumeswerecompletedbeforehe
entered politics. In the first volume, Hasluck wrote that the most important security measure
during the first six months of war had been the internment of enemy aliens, along with other
measures which included the registration of all aliens and the restrictions on their travel and
movement.24
In spite of signalling their importance in this early work, Hasluck neglected the issue of security
measuresinsubsequentvolumes,devotingonlysixpagestoTheWartimeTreatmentofAliensas
anappendixtohisvolumeTheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941.25MichaelMcKernan,inhis
1983bookAllIn!:FightingtheWaratHome,scarcelymentionedtheAliensControlRegulationsand
argued that they had an insignificant impact on the lives of aliens living in Australia. McKernan
claimed that most enemy aliens were free to come and go as they pleased, subject to a few
restraints such as reporting their movements to local police.26 In contrast, I will argue that the
German,ItalianandJapanesewomenweresubjecttomorethanafewrestraints,andthatthese
hadanadverseimpactontheircivilliberties.
24
SeeP.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941:VolumeOne.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952
andP.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19421945:VolumeTwo.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1970.
25
SeeAppendix4Hasluck,VolumeOne,pp.59398.
26
M.McKernan,AllIn!:FightingtheWaratHome.St.Leonards:AllenandUnwin,1983,p.33.
P a g e |11
Itwasnotuntilthelastthreedecadesthattheissueofhowwartimeinternmentpolicyaffected
enemyalienslivinginAustraliabecameapointofdiscussionforhistorians.Therehavealsobeena
numberofpublishedworksoninternmentinothercountries.Comparisonswiththesestudiesare
beyondthescopeofthepresentwork.27MargaretBevegesbookBehindBarbedWire:Internment
in Australia during World War II, was one of the first to provide an account of internment in
Australia.Thereweremanycriticismsofherwork.IlmaMartinuziiOBrien,forexample,criticized
thefactthatBevegeseemstoregardinternmentasarelativelybenignexperience,onthegrounds
that the internees were not mistreated by their guards.28 Bevege has also been criticized by
AndrewMooreforprovidinglittleevidenceoflightandshadeandfewsuggestionsoffascistsbeing
confused with antifascists.29 However, Beveges work must be recognised because of the
internment studies that followed during the 1980s and 1990s, generating much interest in the
topic.
27
SeeAlinder,Jasmine.MovingImages:PhotographyandtheJapaneseAmericanIncarceration.Chicago:Universityof
IllinoisPress,2009;C.C.Aronsfeld,JewishEnemyAliensinEnglandduringtheFirstWorldWar.JewishSocialStudies
Volume18Issue4,1956,pp.27583;J.A.Bennett,JapaneseWartimeInterneesinNewZealand:FragmentingPacific
IslandFamilies.TheJournalofPacificHistory,Volume44,Issue1,2009,pp.6176;T.Kushner,Clubland,CricketTests
and Alien Internment, 193940. Immigrants & Minorities, Volume 11, Issue 3, 1992, pp. 79101; K. McAllister,
PhotographsofaJapaneseCanadianInternmentcamp:mourninglossandinvokingafuture.VisualStudies,Volume
21,Issue2,2006,pp.13356;P.Panayi,et.al,MinoritiesinWartime:nationalandRacialGroupingsinEurope,North
AmericaandAustraliaduringtheTwoWorldWars.Oxford:BergpublishersLimited,1993;D.Saunders,AliensinBritain
andtheEmpireduringtheFirstWorldWar.Immigrants&Minorities,Volume4,Issue1,1985,pp.527;K.Saunders
and R. Daniels et. al, Alien Justice; J. Stewart, Angels or Aliens? Refugee Nurses in Britain, 1938 to 1942. Medical
History,Volume47,2003,pp.14972.
28
Elkner,EnemyAliens,p.16.
29
A. Moore, when the caretakers busy taking care? Crosscurrents in Australian political surveillance and
internment,19351941inSaundersandDanielset.al.,AlienJustice,p.49.
P a g e |12
Authors that have dominated the topic of internment since Beveges publication, include Kay
SaundersandOBrien.30Mosthavefocusedonaparticularethnicityfromaspecificlocation,with
the exception of publications from Bevege and more recently, Beaumont, OBrien and Trincas
editedUnderSuspicion:CitizenshipandInternmentinAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWarwhich
coverstheexperienceofallthreeethnicities,German,ItalianandJapanese.31Thoughsimilartothe
work presented in this thesis, this edition only provides a collection of the case studies of ten
individualswhowereincarceratedduringtheSecondWorldWar.
Issues such as ethnic minorities and racial profiling in Australia have become topical due to
contemporaryevents.Mostpublicationshavediscussedbiographicalaccountsofthosewhowere
incarcerated, focusing primarily on men interned during the war, and more recently, internment
issuesthatrelatetocitizenshipandnationalsecurity.32AsChristinaTwomeyrecentlydescribedit,
30
K.Saunders,DiscoveringtheSubversiveandtheSaboteur:TheDisjuncturebetweenofficialrecordsofinternment
policyandpracticeandtherememberedexperiencesofinterneesinAustraliaintheSecondWorldWar.OralHistory
AssociationofAustraliaJournal,Volume13,1991;Saunders,WarontheHomefront;K.Saunders,Downonthefarm:
ItalianPOWsinAustralia194147.JournalofAustralianStudies,Volume19,Issue46,1995;K.Saunders,Thestranger
in our gates: Internment Policies in the United Kingdom and Australia during the Two World Wars, 101439.
Immigrants&Minorities,Volume22,Issue1,2003;K.SaundersandDanielset.,al,AlienJustice;andK.Saunders,and
H.Taylor,TheEnemyWithin?TheProcessofInternmentofEnemyAliensinQueensland193945.AustralianJournal
ofPoliticsandHistory,Volume34,Issue1,1988.
31
SeeJ.Beaumont,I.M.OBrienandM.Trinca,et.al,UnderSuspicion:CitizenshipandInternmentinAustraliaduring
theSecondWorldWar.Canberra:NationalMuseumofAustralia,2008&Bevege,BehindBarbedWire:Internmentin
AustraliaduringWorldWarII.St.Lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1993.
32
Bevege, Behind Barbed Wire; K. Saunders, War on the Homefront: State Intervention in Queensland 19381948. St
Lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1993;R.BosworthandR.Ugoliniet.al.,War,InternmentandMassMigration:
TheItaloAustralianExperience19401990.Roma:GruppoEditorialeInternazionale,1992;Y.Nagata,UnwantedAliens:
JapaneseInternmentinAustralia.StLucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1996;andBeaumont,UnderSuspicion.
P a g e |13
theissueofinternmenthasraisedquestionsofrace,citizenshipandrights.33AustralianCitizenship
did not officially exist until 1948. However, as it happened, obtaining official citizenship did not
necessarily change things. Research has shown that British citizenship status was no protection
from the label enemy alien. As OBrien shows, the absence of a separate Australian citizenship
encouragedthedevelopmentofaracialisedconstructionofBritishsubjecthoodinsomesectionsof
Australian society, and that boundaries were often drawn to exclude people from nonBritish
origin.34
There have been many cases of people naturalized as British subjects under the Nationality Act
1920(Cth)whowereinternedorplacedunderrestrictionsduringthewar.35Aswewillsee,women
who were married to Italian men, as well as Australianborn women of Japanese descent, were
subject to the Aliens Control Regulations despite their British nationality. The collection of their
stories in this study maintains the argument presented by OBrien, who claimed that Australian
citizensweredeprivedoftheircivilianlibertiesandinmostcases,incarceratedwithouttrial.36
WorkonNazismandItalianfascisminAustraliaisalsorelevanttothisthesis.EmilyGrahamTurner
and Gianfranco Cresciani have written books on Nazism and fascism that providebackground for
the experience of German and Italian women in Australia. The topic of fascism among Italians
33
C. Twomey, In the Front Line?: Internment and Citizenship Entitlements in the Second World War. Australian
JournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume53,Issue2,2007,p.194.
34
C. Elkner, I. M. OBrien, G. Rando and A. Cappello, Enemy Aliens: The Internment of Italian Migrants in Australia
duringtheSecondWorldWar.Adelaide:ConnorCourtPublishing,2005,p.17.
35
Beaumontet.al.,UnderSuspicion,p.11.
36
I.M.O'Brien,Citizenship,RightsandEmergencyPowersinSecondWorldWarAustralia.AustralianJournalofPolitics
andHistory,Volume53,Issue2,2007,p.207.
P a g e |14
residinginAustraliahasbeenlargelydominatedbyCresciani.37Verylittleworkhasconcentratedon
NazisminAustralia,however,TurnerGrahamhasproducedoneofthefirstdetailedculturalstudy
of Nazi ideology during the inter war period in Australia.38 More recently, David Brown has
publishedworkonfascisminQueensland.39TheliteratureconcerningfascismandNazismprovided
theideologicalcontextforthetreatmentofGermanandItaliancommunitiesthroughoutthewar
period. Many German and Italian women in this study were aware of fascism and Nazism. The
stories presented show that there were indeed Australian German and Italian women who
sympathizedwiththeNaziandfascistcauses.Theramificationsofthiswillbediscussedfurtherin
ChaptersTwoandThree.
AmongtheusefulprimarysourcesonGermanssettlinginAustraliaisCharlesPricesworkGerman
SettlersinSouthAustralia(published1945).Pricespecializedininternationalmigrationandethnic
minoritiesinAustralia.Heexplainedthatthepurposeofhisworkwastodemonstrate:
37
See G. Cresciani, Fascism, AntiFascism and Italians in Australia 19221945. Canberra: Australian University Press,
1980; G. Cresciani, Captivity in Australia: the case of the Italian Prisoners of war, 19401947. Studi Emigrazione,
Volume 26, 1989; G. Cresciani, The Italians in Australia. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2003; G. Cresciani,
Transfield:TheFirstFiftyYears.Sydney:ABC,2006;G.Cresciani,RefractoryMigrants.FascistSurveillanceonItaliansin
Australia 19221943. Italian Historical Society Journal, Volume 15, 2007. Other works on Nazi ideology in Australia
includeG.Gumpl,andR.Kleinig.TheRiseandFallofAustralia'sNo.1Nazi.Melbourne:BrulgaPublishingPtyLtd,2007;
andK.Neumann,ChapterSevenVictimsofunnecessaryhardshipandmentaltorture:WalterStolting,WolfKlaphake,
andotherincompatiblesinwartimeAustraliainBeaumont,UnderSuspicion.
38
See E. TurnerGraham, Never forget that you are a German: Die Brcke, Deutschtumand National Socialism in
Australia.UniversityofMelbourne:unpublishedthesis,2006.
39
D.Brown,FascismwithinthepreWorldWarIIItalianPopulationofQueensland:astudyofcommunityprocesses
andinteraction.JournaloftheRoyalAustralianHistoricalSociety,Volume93,Issue1,2007;andD.Brown,TheCaseof
theBrisbaneFascio:ThetransnationalpoliticsoftheItalianFascistParty.HistoryAustralia,Volume6,Issue1,2009.
P a g e |15
TheextenttowhichmembersoftheNaziPartydelayedtheabsorptionprocessinAustraliabyspreading
amongstAustralianbornGermanstheNaziVolksgedankethetheorythatbloodoverridesnationality
andthatallGermansabroadmustretaintheirconnectionwiththeGermanracialcommunity.40
Without any concrete evidence, Price claimed that the Nazi Party was a hindrance towards the
absorption process. My research has discovered that though there were Nazi sympathizers,
especiallyinSouthAustralia,veryfewexplicitlysupportedNaziGermany.AnAustralianbornman
of German descent, Hermann Homburg, former South Australian Parliamentarian and influential
figure among the German community in South Australia, wrote South Australian Lutherans and
WartimeRumoursinresponsetoPriceswork,arguingthatGermanorganizationswerepreserving
GermancultureandtherewasnorecordinthisStateofsabotage,treasonoranythingsubversive
byanyofitscitizens,whatevertheirancestry.41Whilemanywomeninthisstudywereconserving
Germanculture,theywereclearlyalsosupportersofNazism.Despitethisrevelation,thenumbers
ofmembersoftheorganizationweresolowthattherewasnorealthreattothespreadofNazism
amongtheremainingGermancommunity.
Suzanne Rutland and Paul Bartrop have written articles concerning GermanJewish refugees who
settled in Australia. These works highlighted the bigotry that was experienced by this last group,
theGermanJewishaliens,upontheirarrivalinAustralia.Bartropwroteabouttheflawsthatexisted
withintheprocessofalienregistration.42Thesearticlesandbiographicalexperienceshelpprovide
40
C.A.Price,GermanSettlersinSouthAustralia.Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,1945,pp.401.
41
Homburg,SouthAustralianLutherans,p.93.
42
S.Rutland,AustralianResponsestoJewishRefugeeMigrationbeforeandafterWorldWarII.AustralianJournalof
PoliticsandHistory,Volume31,Issue1,1985;S.Rutland,PostwarAntiJewishRefugeeHysteria:ACaseofRacialor
Religious Bigotry? Sojourners and Strangers, Journal of Australian Studies, Volume77, 2003; and P. Bartrop, Enemy
AliensorStatelessPersons?TheLegalStatusofRefugeesfromGermanyinWartimeAustralia.JournaloftheAustralian
JewishHistoricalSociety,Volume10,Issue4,1988.
P a g e |16
because this thesis argues that GermanJewish settlers in Australia were wrongfully classified as
enemyaliensandshouldnothavebeenaffectedbywartimelegislation.
Other resources are concerned with German, Italian and Japanese migration. There have been
countless texts on German and Italian prewar and post war migration which helped provide an
insightintothemigratorypatternsandculturalvaluesofthesewomen.43DuetothelackofAsian
population during the early twentieth century, most scholarship concerning Asian migration and
culturalpatternsfocusedonthestrictimmigrationpoliciesthatexisted.AuthorsNagata,PamOliver
and Neville Meaney have become renowned for their work on Japanese in Australia, producing
helpfulandinformativeworkonJapaneseinAustraliabeforeandafterfederation.44
43
W.D Borrie, Italians and Germans in Australia:AStudyof Assimilation. Melbourne: TheAustralianUniversity,F.W.
Cheshire, 1954; A. Diana, Italian women in Ausralia. Affarisocialiinternazionali, Volume 16, Issue 2, 1988; M.
MennickenColey,TheGermansinWesternAustralia:Innovators,Immigrants,Internees.WesternAustralia:MtLawley:
Crossprint,1993;D.O'Connor,Noneedtobeafraid:ItaliansettlersinSouthAustraliabetweeen1839andtheSecond
WorldWar.Adelaide:WakefieldPress,1996;D.Phillips,TheEffectofImmigrationontheFamily:TheCaseofItaliansin
RuralAustralia.TheBritishJournalofSociology,Volume26,Issue2,1975;Price,GermanSettlers;C.A.Price,Jewish
Settlers in Australia. Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964; N. Randazzo, and M. Cigler. The Italians in
Australia.Melbourne:AEPress,1987;
44
SeeP.Oliver,JapaneseRelationshipsinWhiteAustralia:TheSydneyExperienceto1941.HistoryAustralia,Volume
4: Issue 1, 2007; P. Oliver, Who is One of Us? (Re) Discovering the Insideout of Australias Japanese Immigrant
Communities, 19011957. Japanese Studies, Volume 22, Issue 3, 2002; P. Jones and P. Oliver, Changing histories:
Australia and Japan. Melbourne: Monash University Press, 2001; M. Auckland and P. Oliver et., al, Unexpected
encounters:NeglectedhistoriesbehindtheAustraliaJapanrelationship.Melbourne:MonashUniversityPress,2007;P.
Oliver,Citizenswithoutcertificatesorenemyaliens?Japaneseresidentsbefore1947inBeaumontUnderSuspicion;
andA.Shnukal, G. Ramsay& Y. Nagata et. al.,Navigating Boundaries:The AsianDiaspora in Torres Strait. Canberra:
PandanusBooks,2004;Nagata,UnwantedAliens;Y.Nagata,ChapterEightNativepatriotism:theinternmentofMoshi
Inagaki in Australia during the Second World War, in Beaumont Under Suspicion; and N. Meaney, Towards a New
Vision:AustraliaandJapanacrosstime.Sydney:UniversityofNewSouthWalesPress,2007.
P a g e |17
Sometimesalittleinjusticemustbesufferedforthepublicgood
ThetitleofthisdissertationSometimesalittleinjusticemustbesufferedforthepublicgood,was
taken from a comment made by Assistant Treasurer of the Menzies government, Percy Claude
Spender in the House of Representatives on 8 September 1939 regarding his support for the
National Security Bill 1939 (Cth).45 The title captures the essence of the case studies that are
provided in this thesis, which highlight the effects that the National Security Act had on migrant
women, especially German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women designated as enemy
aliens,livinginAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar.
Figure3:SirPercyClaudeSpender,1937
AdamCarr,MembersoftheAustralianHouseof
Representative.DateUnknown,
[http://psephos.adam
carr.net/countries/a/australia/membersgallery/re
psgallery1946.shtml].DateAccessed:25March
2012.
NonBritishsubjectswererequiredtoregisterasalienswhilethosewhopossessedthenationality
of a State of War with His Majesty; or being Stateless at any time possessed such a nationality
45
Commonwealth, Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 8 September 1939, 237 (Percy Claude
Spender).
P a g e |18
wererequiredtoregisterasenemyaliens.46WhenwarfirstbrokeoutGermanslivinginAustralia
were classified as enemy aliens and most men were rounded up to be interned. As the war
progressed,ItaliansandJapanesewerealsocategorisedasenemyaliens.Thegeneralrulewasthat
womenwerenottobeinterned,withtheexceptionoftheJapanese.AllJapanesemen,women,
andchildrenwereinternedafterthebombingofPearlHarbour.IwillarguethattheAliensControl
Regulations were subjectively applied, referring to the various case studies presented in this
dissertation.
The Aliens Control Regulations were formed under the National Security Act. The Aliens Control
Regulationswereimplementedtocontrolindividualsandorganizationsaffiliatedwithfascismand
Nazism that could influence nonBritish persons living in Australia and was concerned with their
travel and movement. The Executive arm of Commonwealth Government gave local authorities
control over an aliens place of residence; internment; control over their possessions and
employment;controloverassembly,andpropaganda.47However,thiswasnotthefirsttimethat
intelligenceauthoritiestargetedmigrantsandpoliticaldissidentslivinginAustralia.
PamOliversuggestedthatoneofthemainreasonswhyinnocentmenandwomenwerecaughtup
inthelegislationwasbecauseofpoorintelligencegatheringduringtheSecondWorldWar.48The
lackoforganizationinAustraliaswartimesecurityservicewasarticulatedbyLamidey:
It would be a fair comment I think to say that the Second World War caught Australia hopelessly
unprepared insofar as National security was concernedwe were without a National security
46
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell(1947),p.5.
47
SeeStatutoryRulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsduringtheyear1939.Canberra:GovernmentofAustralia,1939.
48
P.Oliver,InterpretingJapaneseActivitiesinAustralia,18881945.JournaloftheAustralianWarMemorial,Volume
36,2002.
P a g e |19
organizationthe need for a coordinate central body properly equipped to deal with all aspects of
security and intelligence at both national and international level was nonexistent. This need had
beenseenovertheyearsbymanyfarsightedpeoplesincetheterminationoftheFirstWorldWar
butbythetimetheSecondWorldWarwasuponusithadnotbeenboughtintotherealmofpractical
49
politics.
ThelackofsecurityorganizationisevidentlyattributedtotheinconsistentapplicationoftheAliens
ControlRegulationstowardsGerman,ItalianandJapanesewomen.
The Commonwealth Investigation Branch (CIB) was established within the Attorney Generals
Department in 1919, after the First World War ended, as the Commonwealth Governments sole
intelligence investigative body (See Appendix Two).50 It was not until March 1941, during the
SecondWorldWar,thatAustraliaswartimesecuritywasrevampedasamorecentralorganization.
TheCIBconsistedofinspectorswhowerelocatedineachcityacrossAustralia,responsibletothe
DirectoroftheCIB,MajorHaroldEdwardJones.AppendixThreeshowsthatJoneswasresponsible
totheSecretaryoftheAttorneyGeneralsOffice,whowasthenresponsibletothePrimeMinister
and Minister for Defence.51 The role of the CIB was to investigate alleged offences against
CommonwealthActsandmattersofdepartmentalconcern.52
49
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.28.
50
F.Cain,TheOriginsofPoliticalSurveillanceinAustralia.Melbourne:Angus&RobertsonPublishers,1983,p.xiii.
51
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.xiii.
52
C.D.CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService.DefenceForceJournal,Volume16,IssueMay/June,1979,
p.23.JonesnegotiatedarolefortheBranchasagentfortheDepartmentofHomeandTerritoriestoinvestigateand
make recommendations on all naturalization and some immigration applications. Jones was hoping that more work
wouldbeprovidedfortheBranchanditwouldprovideaccesstorecordconcerningAustraliasalienpopulation.[D.
Dutton,TheCommonwealthInvestigationBranchandthePoliticalConstructionoftheAustralianCitizenry,192040*.
LabourHistory,Volume75,1998,p.156].
P a g e |20
TheArmywasresponsibleforcensorshipmatters,butcensorshipofthepresswashandedoverto
theChiefPublicityCensorwhoreportedtotheMinisterforInformation.53In1938,asthecountry
was heading closer to war, a special squad of thirty police officers was formed under military
control and Army officers were placed in full time positions in Police Headquarters where they
directedintelligencework.ThesepositionslaterbecameknownastheMilitaryPoliceIntelligence
Section (MPI).54 The CIB handed over responsibilities for security activities to the MPI. Although
therewasnocentralsurveillanceorganizationatthetime,plansforcensorshipandtheinternment
of enemy aliens were already established while the War Book was being drafted.55 This enabled
preparationstobemadeinadvanceofwar,includingthedraftingofinitialcontrolregulationsand
orders.56 The purpose of the War Book was to facilitate the transition from peace to war, by
settlingdowntheadministrativeactionsthatwillbetakenintheearlystagesofawaremergency;
indicatingwhichDepartmentorotherAuthorityisresponsibleforactionlaiddownineachfield.57
AttheoutbreakofwarinSeptember1939,theCommonwealthGovernmentintroducedtheAliens
ControlRegulations.Themainobjectivewastoensurethataliens,residentinAustralia,enemyand
otherwise, could in noway become a dangerto the country nor impede the progress of the war
53
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.260.Themainaimofcensorshipwastopreventleakageofinformationand
toprovideasourceofinformation.[Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.260.]
54
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
55
NAA,SeriesnotesforseriesD1614.Dateunknown,
[http://naa12.naa.gov.au/scripts/SeriesDetail.asp?M=3&B=D1614.Accessed:18April2005]
56
NAA,SeriesnotesforseriesD1614.Dateunknown,
[http://naa12.naa.gov.au/scripts/SeriesDetail.asp?M=3&B=D1614.Accessed:18April2005]
57
NAA,SeriesnotesforseriesD1614.Dateunknown,
[http://naa12.naa.gov.au/scripts/SeriesDetail.asp?M=3&B=D1614.Accessed:18April2005].
P a g e |21
eitherindividuallyorinassociationwithothers.58Thedefinitionofthetermaliencapturedany
personovertheageof16yearsotherthanapersonwhoisaBritishsubjectwithinthemeaningof
theNationalityAct192036.59
The Nationality Act allowed for migrants to become British subjects through naturalization.
Naturalisation was made more difficult to obtain by nonwhite aliens, particularly Japanese
residents. The alien had to have resided in Australia for five years. Even when naturalized, they
were entitled to very few legal rights. Nonwhite British subjects were specifically denied
ImmigrationActandtheCriminalAct,thosewhowerenotborninAustraliawerestillliabletobe
deportedfortreasonlikeactivities.61Becauseoftheracistimmigrationlawsthatexisted,British
subjecthoodwasofnobenefittononwhitepeopleinAustralia.62Thiswasalsothecaseformany
naturalizedGermanandItalianmigrantsduringthewar.AsTedCantlehasargued,nationalitycan
bewonorlost,asallegianceschange,throughexceptionalcircumstances,orthroughmarriageand
58
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
59
Lamidey, Aliens Control: Aliens Classification and Advisory Committee, Interim Report Submitted to The Right
HonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.TheAttorneyGeneraloftheCommonwealthofAustralia(1943),p.5.
60
J.Chersterman,NaturalBornSubjects?RaceandBritishSubjecthoodinAustralia.AustralianJournalofPoliticsand
History Volume 51, Issue 1, 2005, p. 32. See also The Acts of Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia passed
duringtheyear1920,inportionofthefirstsessionoftheeighthparliamentoftheCommonwealth.AlbertJ.Mulleti,
GovernmentPrinteroftheStateofVictoria,1920,p.146.
61
Chersterman,NaturalBornSubjects?,p.33.
62
Chersterman,NaturalBornSubjects?,p.33.
P a g e |22
byadoptioninrespectofchildren.63DuringtheSecondWorldWar,Australianwomenwhomarried
German,ItalianandJapanesemenlosttheirBritishnationality.64
The Commonwealth approached the difficult task of trying to protect the nation from enemy
invasionwhilemaintainingtherightsofcivilians.TheNationalSecurityBillwasintroducedbyPrime
MinisterRobertMenziesasanationalresponsetoGermanysdeclarationofwaron3September:
This Bill is designed to make provision for the safety and defence of the Commonwealth and of its
territoriesduringthepresentstateofwar.Itisafarreachingmeasurewhichgivesextensivepowersto
the government and in that respect follows the model of legislation with which most honorable
membersarealreadyfamiliarTheunhappycircumstancebywhichwefindourselvesatwarmakesit
once more necessary that very great powers should be obtained in order to deal promptly and
effectivelywiththevariousproblemsthatwillarise inrelationtonationaldefencetheremustbeas
littleinterferencewithindividualrightsasisconsistentwithconcertednationaleffort.
65
Figure4: SirRobertGordonMenziesin1939
SirRobertGordonMenzies.Encyclopediaof
WorldBiography,2004.
[http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Sir_Robert_
Gordon_Menzies.aspx].Accessed:25March2012.
63
T.Cantle,CommunityCohesion:ANewFrameworkforRaceandDiversity.NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.
116.
64
SeetheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
65
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 7 September 1939, 163 (Robert
GordonMenzies).
P a g e |23
AuthorMargaretBevegewroteevenifbasiclegalrightswerepotentiallysuspendable,itdoesnot
follow that legal form was overturned with the outbreak of war. It was not the intention of the
CommonwealthGovernment,ortheMilitaryBoard,toactrepressively.66However,parliamentary
debatesregardingtheNationalSecurityBillshowthattheMembersofParliamentwereawareof
the effects that the legislation would have on minority groups. For example, Labor Member of
ParliamentJohnSolomonRosevear(Dalley,NewSouthWales)stated:
We were assured by the Prime Minister yesterday that that we were waging war, not against the
Germanpeople,butagainsttheGermandictatorshipandtheGovernment,yet,ifthisBillispassedinits
presentform,weshallalsobewagingwar,onasmallerscale,inAustraliaagainstmanypeoplewho,by
theaccidentofbirth,areGerman.Someofthesepeoplemayhavebeennaturalisedandloyalsubjects
of Australia for many years. Yet an open invitation is being offered to smash their businesses and to
deprivethemoftheirworldlygoodsmerelyofthesaysoofanyofficerwhomaybeappointedunderthe
regulationmaking power under this Bill. But the danger is not confined to enemy subjects. Many
Australian people may be deprived of their worldly goods, and their whole future may be placed in
jeopardy,merelybecausesomeofficialmayhaveasetagainstthem.
67
The election of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) in 1941 did not change the Commonwealth
Governments approach to enemy aliens despite their opposition toward the introduction of the
NationalSecurityBillin1939.TheALPsstanceagainstenemyalienswasconsistent,especiallydue
to the heightened security threat to Australias north. The Commonwealth Government was well
aware of the potential ramifications of the legislation on minority groups. The most disturbing
commentmadeduringtheSecondReadingSpeechinParliamentthatbelittledthedeprivationof
liberty was made by Member of Parliament Victor Charles Thompson (New England, New South
Wales),whoproclaimed:
WeknowfromourexperienceofthelastwarthatitisabsolutelynecessaryforthisParliamenttodelegate
agreatpartofitsconstitutionalpowers,whicharemadeconstitutionallargelybydictaoftheHighCourt,
totheExecutiveforthetimebeingIwellremembertheoperationoftheWarPrecautionsAct.Although
the legislation was irksome in some respect it did not leave any permanent scars of the feelings of the
66
Bevege,BehindBarbed,p.27.
67
Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,7September1939,173(JohnSoloman
Rosevear).
P a g e |24
people of this country. As soon as the war was over, whatever irritations had been caused by it when
forgottenbythegreatmajorityofpeople.
68
Some historians have excused the Commonwealths treatment of enemy aliens in Australia by
comparingthetreatmentofinterneestoprisonersofwaroverseas,orthehorrorsofconcentration
camps.ItalianhistorianGianfrancoCrescianiwrotethat
InternmentwasatraumabothforItalianswhowereinternedandforthosewhowereallowedtoretain
their freedom, to pursue a life which could by no means be called normal...in comparative terms, the
materialconditionsofcaptivityinAustraliawerevastlybetterthanthoseenduredbyAlliedprisonersat
Coltaro, Italy, Colditz,Chengi or Dacheu. The psychological, mental and physical stress of long years of
69
confinement,isolationandmeaninglesslifeleftanenduringmarkontheircharacters.
Yet,asCateElknerwrote
we were not as bad as genocidal dictators overseas is weak, as excuses go, andthat beneath the
generalityofnottoobadtreatmentinadistantsideshowinhistorysworstwar,realAustralianpeople
70
sufferedneedlessinjusticefrompettybureaucracyandsmallmindedsuspicion.
This injustice is evidenced in the following chapters presented on German, Italian, Japanese and
Australianborn women who were married to enemy aliens living in Australia during the Second
WorldWar.Bevegearguedthatthere
was no significant political or press campaign against aliens during World War II. The lack of public
campaign is attributable to the coolheadedness and commitment to fair play exhibited by the Prime
Ministers, R.G. Menzies and John Curtin, who never engaged in alien baiting themselves, and publicly
68
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 7 September 1939, 176 & 177 (Mr
Thompson).
69
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,pp.105and111.
70
Elkneret.al.,EnemyAliens,p.iv.TheBritishgovernmenthavealsoexcusedthetreatmenttowardsenemyaliensby
referringtothemistreatmentofaliensintheUnitedStates.T.KushnerreferredtoanreviewbyMaxBetoffofW.Mose
If one looks at the treatment by the United States of its citizens of Japanese descent, with no substantial threat of
invasion,theBritishdecisionaboutinternmentbecomeseasiertounderstand.[T.Kusher,Clubland,CricketTests,p.
79].
P a g e |25
denounceditinothers.TheyweresupportedbyseniorministerssuchasP.C.SpenderandDrEvatt.But
internmentwasnotdirectlyinthesemenshands,nordidtheirattitudemakethempopular.
71
Bevegemayhavearguedthattheinternmentpolicywasnotinthesemenshandsdirectly,butby
implementinglegislationthatpassedabsolutepowerstoinvestigativeauthoritiesduringatimeof
crisis,thesemencanbeheldaccountablefortheimpacttheAliensControlRegulationshadonthe
womenunderstudy.TheinconsistentapplicationoftheAliensControlRegulationstowardsthese
women poses many questions about the administration of justice and the intelligence officers in
charge.
Methodology
This study is based on archival research. Using the NAA online catalogue search function,
documents which were held at the NAA in Sydney, Adelaide, Perth, Brisbane and Canberra were
categorised online and randomly selected on the basis of nationality and womens names. The
majorityoffileswereexaminedinSydney.By1941,ArmyofficersandtheMPIhaddevisedarecord
systemwhichwasheldupasamodelforemulationinotherstates.72InNewSouthWalesalone,
recordsanddossierswereheldonmorethan12,000peopleandfirmswhoprovideddetailsonthe
large numbers of aliens.73 The dossiers were the responsibility of the MPI authorities until the
SecurityServicetookoverin1942.
ThefilesinthisstudyareprimarilyfromtheC123seriesheldattheNAAinSydney.Thedocuments
concern unnaturalized enemy aliens living in New South Wales. Alien Applications, Registration
71
Bevege,BehindBarbedWire,p.229
72
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
73
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
P a g e |26
cards and sensitive casefiles concerning issues of national security and membersof theNational
SozialistischeDeutscheArbeiterPartei(NSDAP)inAustraliaheldattheNAAinAdelaidewerealso
examined(D4878,D4881,andD1915series).RecordsfromtheBP913andBP25seriescreatedby
dossiers concerning internees during the war were examined at the NAA in Perth (K1171 series).
TheJapanesewomeninthisstudywereincarceratedassoonasJapanhadenteredthewar.Asa
result,therearenotmanyinvestigationdossiersthatrevealdetailsontheirlives,onlyregistration
papersandinterneeapplicationforms.However,allofthefilesexaminedprovideaninsightinto
thewaytheAliensControlRegulationswereadministeredduringthewar.
In total, over 750 files were examined for this study. Three hundred and sixty of these files had
neverbeforebeenexamined.Thedocumentsthatwereanalysedforthisstudyconsistoftranslated
copiesofletters,officialreports,memorandumsandphotographs.Thetranslationshadbeenmade
at the time of investigation and therefore reflect the information available to the authorities
making decisions. These occasionally contain grammatical errors and I have reproduced them as
recorded.Thesearchivaldocumentsandlettersreflectthecontextinwhichthesewomenlivedand
provideaninsightintothefeelingsthatwereexperiencedbythem,supplyingfacts,assertionsand
responsestoexperiencewhichcannoteasilybefoundelsewhere.74
74
D. Fitzpatrick, Oceans of Consolation: Personal Accounts of Irish Migration to Australia. Ithica: Cornell University
Press,1994,p.25.
P a g e |27
Whilethisthesisisinalargepartbasedonarchivalresearch,thiswassupplementedbyinterviews
where possible. I conducted five interviews which provided information on the context in which
these women lived and their experience of the Aliens Control Regulations. Many women who
experiencedthewaronthehomefrontarenowwellintotheir80sor90s;manyareunfortunately
no longer with us. I was fortunate to be able to include some oral testimony in this research,
however, it is important for any author to note that memorys account of the past is partial or
subjectiveandthatitsrepresentationsofthepastarecolouredbytheviewsoftherememberer.75
In this study, the rememberers were women who were growing up during the war and had
recollections of how their family was affected by the legislation. (Most responded to an
advertisementIplacedintheSydneyMorningHerald,andtheItalianHistoricalSocietyJournal,and
tolettersaddressedtoGerman,ItalianandJapanesenursinghomesacrossAustralia).
These women included Italian national Josie Ciavola who was an infant during the war when her
familywasdetainedatFremantleGaolinJune1940;YvonneKraemerwhowasbornin1940and
recollectsgrowingupduringthewarandthestoriesthatweretoldtoherbyherparents;andan
Italianborn woman who chose not to disclose her family name but described her familys
experienceduringthewartime.Threeoftheintervieweeswereactuallyregisteredasenemyaliens
duringthewar.ThesewereGermanJewishrefugeeYvonneKraemer,AustrianJewishrefugeeIlona
Balog, and Francesca Merenda Australianborn of Italian descent.76 The inclusion of interviews
helpsusunderstandhowexperienceislivedandremembered.77
75
S.Radstone,ReconceivingBinaries:theLimitsofMemory.HistoryWorkshopJournal,Volume50,2005,p.135.
76
Though this research focused solely on German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women, other women of
different nationalities were also interviewed that provided background research into the registration process. This
P a g e |28
ContemporaryRelevance
Inaddition,itisimportanttonotethatthisthesishighlightsitsrelevancetocontemporaryissues.
AshistorianEricHobsbawnhaswritten,forthegreaterpartofhistorywedealwithsocietiesand
communitiesforwhichthepastisessentiallythepatternforthepresent.78Itisimportantthatwe
learn from the mistakes of the past by recognising the stories presented in this dissertation.
LamideywroteinhisaccountofhisroleinadministeringtheNationSecurityAct,
itmayalsoinsomeminormannerhelpusalltorealisethatcontinuedprogressbymankindinthesearch
for peace can be helped considerably by increased knowledge, tolerance and understanding in human
relationsratherthanbydeathanddestructioncausedbythewar.
79
Indeed, in recent publications, scholars have related their work on internment to contemporary
issues.TheseissuesincludethatofAustraliancitizenshipwhichfollowstheintroductionofthenew
CitizenshipTest;thereleaseoftheAntiTerrorismAct2005whichaccordingtoonecommentator
hasacompletedisregardforthecivilrightsofindividualsandthepotentialforthearbitraryuseof
executive power;80 and the arrival of asylum seekers held in Australian immigration detention
centres.81ThesignificanceofthestudyofinternmentisexplainedbyBeaumontinUnderSuspicion:
included Romanian Jewish refugee Josie Lacey whose father was conscripted into labour camp during the war and
CzeckoslovakiannationalLizaGanswhoregisteredasanalien.
77
Radstone,ReconceivingBinaries,p.139.
78
E.Hobsbawm,OnHistory.NewYork:TheNewPress,1997,p.10.
79
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.5.
80
J.Hocking,AustralianTerrorLaws:AnHistoricCritique.NationalForum:TheWaronTerrorismandtheRuleofLaw.
NewSouthWalesParliament,Sydney.10November2003.
[http://www.gtcentre.unsw.edu.au/sites/gtcentre.unsw.edu.au/files/mdocs/88_JennyHocking.pdf]December2011.
81
See Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, Becoming an Australian Citizen. Date:
unknown, [http://www.citizenship.gov.au/], Accessed: 11 May 2010; I. M. OBrien, Chapter 9, The Enemy Within:
Wartime internment of enemy Aliens. M. Crotty and D.A Roberts, et. al., The Great Mistakes of Australian History.
P a g e |29
itisimportantbecauseitremindsus,intheageofGuantanamoBayandrendition,oftheeasewith
whichinternmentwithouttrialcanbeacceptedbyapublicthatisfearfulforitsownsecurity.82
Manyhistorianshavearguedthatmostoftenintimesofcrisis,thesecurityofthenationoverrides
civilianliberties.ThetreatmentofpeopleregisteredasenemyaliensduringtheSecondWorldWar
canbeperceivedasnotonlyaphenomenonthataroseinthecrisisofwar,butwaspartofamuch
deeper racist attitude towards aliens which had increased between the wars.83 According to
AnthonyBurke:
Securityhasbeencentraltotheconstructionofpowerfulimagesofnationalidentityandotherness,
andcentraltotheiruseinbitterpoliticalconflictswhichweretoooftenresolvedinviolentandanti
democratic ways. In short, security has been a potent, driving imperative throughout Australian
history,afactwhichoughttogiveusapausewhenwelookbackwardswithaneyetowhatweare,
andforwardswithaneyetowhatwemightbecome.
84
FromthedispossessionofAboriginestothepresentwaragainstterror,itisclearthatthefearof
thealienhaslongexistedinAustraliashistoryandstillexiststoday.
Australias xenophobic past was highlighted by Beaumont who wrote that the tragedy of
internment
served to assuage the anxieties of an Australian population who were already predisposed to an
exclusive understanding of citizenship and who, in the crisis of war, turned easily (if temporarily)
againstthosewhose'crime'wastheirethnicity,raceorculturaldifference.
85
Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2006, p. 154; and A. Bashford and C. Strange, AsylumSeekers and
NationalHistoriesofDetention.AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume48,Issue4,2002.
82
Beaumontet.al.,UnderSuspicion,p.4.
83
OBrien,ChapterTwoinElkneret.al.,EnemyAliens,p.23.
84
A.Burke,InFearofSecurity:AustraliasInvasionAnxiety.Sydney:PlutoPressAustraliaLimited,2001,p.xxi.
85
Beaumontet.al.,UnderSuspicion,p.8.
P a g e |30
ThisthesissupportstheargumentsmadebyBeaumont,especiallywhenapplyingthemtoGerman,
ItalianandJapanesewomen.Womenwhowereinternedshowhowfarreasonablesuspicioncan
be taken, and how the principle of proportionality can be abused by rigid minds closed with
authority.86Evenwomenwhowerenotinternedwereneverthelesssubjecttorestrictionsbecause
oftheirethnicityandconsequentlyexperiencedhardships,especiallywhenlookingafterfamilyand
familyproperties.Thisthesisdiscussestheexperiencenotonlyofwomenwhowereinterned,but
alsowomenwhowerenotinternedtoillustratehowtheAliensControlRegulationsaffectedtheir
livesduringthewar.
ChapterSummaries
Thisdissertationcoversmorethan700German,Italian,JapaneseandAustralianbornwomenliving
inAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar.Itisdividedintothreeparts.Thefirstpartconcentrates
on the Aliens Control Regulations and the impact of the outbreak of war. The second section
focuses on case studies of Australianborn women of German descent, Italianborn women and
Australianborn women of Japanese descent who were affected in various ways by the Aliens
Control Regulations. And the third part shows how GermanJewish refugee and Australianborn
women,wereaffectedbywartimelegislation.
PartIconsistsoftwochapters.ChapterOnediscussestheruleoflawthecontextandlegislation
that existed during the outbreak of war. It provides the context in which these women lived, in
particularthewarhysteriaandthereactionfromtheCommonwealthGovernmentandthepublic
towardsItalysentryintothewarin1940.AbriefsummaryonAustraliaswartimesecurityservice
86
CrottyandRoberts,TheGreatMistakes,p.155.
P a g e |31
willalsobepresented.ThefocalpointofthechapteristheAliensControlRegulations,providingan
analysisoftherestrictionsimposedbytheAliensControlRegulationsthataffectedItalianwomen
duringtheSecondWorldWarinNewSouthWales.
Germany declared war in September 1939 and German men who had been investigated by
authoritiesintheperiodleadinguptothewarwereroundeduptobeinterned.However,Italys
entry into the war in June 1940 was perceived by the media and Australian public as a more
treacherous invasion because of its unexpected entry into the war. Chapter Two focuses on the
captureoftheItalianvesselstheRemoandtheRomoloinAustralianwatersinJune1940.Verylittle
information is available on the seizure of these vessels, though my research has uncovered NAA
documentsconcerningwomenonboardthevessels,whowere,inspiteofCrescianisreportstothe
contrary,internedduringthewar.ThesewomenwerereturningtoItalyandsomeweremembers
oftheFascistParty.
Part II focuses on other women who became more isolated and experienced financial difficulty
while their husbands were interned; and some women, especially Australianborn women of
Japanese descent, real or otherwise, were interned and placed under severe restrictions based
solely on their racial appearance. German and Italian women were the largest group of aliens
residinginAustraliaregisteredasenemyaliensduringthewar.Despitethefacttherearenotmany
filesonJapanesewomenbecauseofthelowpopulationofJapaneseinAustralia,Ichosetoinclude
JapanesewomeninthestudybecauseIwantedtodrawcomparisonswiththeothergroups,and
showhowwartimepolicychangedasthewarprogressed.TheinclusionofAsiansalsoallowsthe
investigationofracistissuessuchasappearancelookingJapanese.
P a g e |32
Part II consists of three chapters that distinguish the inconsistent ways that the Aliens Control
Regulations were applied focusing on German, Italian and Australianborn women of Japanese
descent. Chapter Three draws attention to Australianborn German women who maintained the
culturalvaluesoftheirGermanheritageandinsomecaseswereardentsupportersofNazism.Itis
importanttodifferentiatethevarioustypesofGermanwomenexaminedinthischapter.Thereare
fivecategoriesofGermanthatfellundertheclassificationofenemyaliensandwereinvestigated
duringtheSecondWorldWar:AustralianbornwomenwhowereGermanbydescentandlongterm
settlers;AustralianbornwomenmarriedtoGermannationals;Germanbornwomenwhomigrated
to Australia during the years preceding the war; German Jewishborn refugees who fled Nazi
Germanyjustbeforetheoutbreakofwar;andasevidencedinChapterSix,HungarianandAustrian
born refugees were also placed under the classification of German enemy aliens due to the Nazi
occupationoftheirnativecountries.
AsnotedinChapterThree,theNAAfilesinSouthAustraliaconfirmthattherewereofficialfemale
membersoftheNSDAPwhowereplacedundersurveillancebyauthorities.Thischaptershowshow
the Aliens Control Regulations were inconsistently applied, especially when the head of the
Womens Nazi Organization in South Australia, Pauline Starke, was considered a threat to national
securitybyauthoritiesyetwasneverinternedduringthewar.TheroleofwomenintheNaziParty
activitiesinAustraliaseemedtobeneglectedinGaryGumplandRichardKleinigsrecentlyreleased
bookTheRiseandFallofAustralia'sNo.1Nazi.87Interestingly,HermannHomburgsdaughterRita
Krawinkle appears in this chapter, as one of the few women placed under surveillance by
87
SeeGumplandKleinig,TheRiseandFallofAustralia'sNo.1Nazi.
P a g e |33
investigative authorities. Nazi party membership was relatively low and most women in this
chapterassociatedwiththeNaziPartywerealsosociallyprominentintheSouthAustralianGerman
community.
Chapter Four focuses on how the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to Italian women who
were not interned, but who nevertheless suffered from the negative impact the Aliens Control
Regulationshadontheirlives.Malerelatives,whowerealsothemainincomeearners,wereplaced
ininternmentcamps.Asaresult,manywomenexperiencedsignificanteconomicdistressandwere
left to fend for themselves. Italian women were mainly involved in domestic duties and in many
cases,lefttotakecareofboththeirhomesandbusinessesformerlyrunbymalerelatives.Some
experienced loss of property due to the fact they could no longer support themselves and their
children. Other security measures these women endured under the Aliens Control Regulations
includedtherestrictionontravelandmovement,theProhibitedPossessionsOrder1940(Cth)which
placed restrictions on owning particular items, and restrictions placed on employment, assembly
andpropaganda.Legislationimpactedonthesewomensocially.Theybecameisolatedasaresultof
theirhusbandsbeinginternedandtheregistrationprocesswhichcategorisedthemastheenemy.
TheAustralianpublicandmediaintensifiedthematterwhenmaliciousaccusationswerealsomade
againstItalians.
ChapterFiveconcernsJapanesewomenandAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentwhowere
internedbecauseoftheirAsianappearance.Thoughthisdissertationdoesnotgointogreatdetail
aboutJapanesewomenduetothelowpopulationofJapaneselivinginAustraliaduringthewar,it
was clear that the Commonwealth Government found it difficult to intern them on political
P a g e |34
grounds.Therewasno'JapaneseequivalentoftheNSDAPorFascistPartythereforeanindividual's
commitmenttoJapan'swaractivitieswasnotopenlyproclaimed'.88Therewere,however,Japanese
clubsandsocietiesthatmanyJapanesewereaffiliatedwith.Duringthewar,Japanwasperceived
byAlliedforcestobearacialmenace.89Japansroleinthewarwasseenasmoreofareligiousand
culturalwarratherthanapoliticalone.90Thesignificanceofincludingthischaptershowshowrace
influencedthedecisionsmadebyauthoritiestointernJapanesebornmigrantslivinginAustralia.
AfterthebombingofPearlHarbour,allJapanesewereimmediatelyinternedwithoutbeingfurther
investigated.NagataspublishedworkUnwantedAliens:JapaneseInternmentinAustraliaprovided
accountsofthewartimeexperienceofJapanesemenandwomenbasedonoraltestimoniesand
archival documents.91 The women in my study were interned not because of their ethnicity or
formalcitizenshipstatusbutbecauseoftheirJapaneseappearance.Authoritiesthoughtitbestto
internthesewomenfortheirownandforpublicsafety.Thediscriminationandtreatmenttowards
theJapanesereinforcesthenotionthatotherhistorianshaveexpressed,thattheirtreatmentwasa
reflection of what was happening overseas.92 Nagata interviewed Lamidey, who told her our
government was firm about the Japanese. As far as I remember, we interned the lot and, as a
principle,wedidn'tintendtoletanyoneout.Itwasfortheirprotection'.93
88
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin,p.23.
89
SeeJ.Dower,WarWithoutMercy:RaceandPowerinthePacificWar.NewYork:PantheonBooks,1986.
90
Dower,WarwithoutMercy,p.7.
91
Nagata,UnwantedAliens.
92
I.M.OBrien,Chapter9,TheEnemyWithin:WartimeinternmentofenemyAliensinCrotty,GreatMistakes,p.141
93
Beaumontet.al.,Undersuspicion,p.121.
P a g e |35
ThefinalchapterscontainedinPartIII,arestrategicallyplacedlasttoshowthebureaucraticfailures
and inconsistent ways in which the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to GermanJewish
Refugees and Australianborn women married to Italian migrants. Chapter Six illustrates how the
legislation impacted on the lives of GermanJewish women living in Australia during the war. It
discussesthepoorjudgementthatwasmadebypoliceandmilitaryofficerscarryingouttheAliens
Control Regulations and the inability of the government to determine who was a genuine Jewish
refugee.ManyofthesepeoplecametoAustraliafleeingNazipersecution,butwerenevertheless
classifiedastheenemyalongwiththeirenemies,theNazisympathizers.Thoughtheywerenot
prosecutedunderthelegislationliketheirItaliancounterparts,GermanJewishwomenstillendured
the same restrictions and processes as enemy aliens, and in some cases were affected by the
legislationsociallyandeconomically.Manywomenalsofellvictimtomaliciousstatementsmadeby
membersofthecommunitywhoregardedthemwithsuspicionsimplybecausetheyspokeGerman.
Onceagain,appearanceappearingtobeGermanoverroderealityandthesubtletyofidentity.
ChapterSevenisconcernedwithAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoItalianmen,unawarethatthey
hadlosttheirBritishnationalityasaresultoftheirmarriage.InordertoregaintheirBritishstatus,
thesewomenhadtoprovetoauthoritiesthattheyhadnosympathytowardsanyofthecountries
which were at war with the Allied forces, especially their husbands homeland. An amendment
made to the Nationality Act in 1935 provided the opportunity for women to retain their British
nationality. Part IV, Division 1 (18) of the Nationality Act, clearly stated that women who were
married to an alien or enemy alien could make a declaration in order to retain their British
P a g e |36
nationality if they desired to do so.94 The case studies presented in this chapter are fascinating
storiesofAustralianwomenwhowerecaughtupinwartimelegislationanditisimportanttonote
their significance of their plight in Australias history stories that have been neglected for over
seventyyears.
Conclusion
There has been a considerable amount of research undertaken on issues concerning internment
and migration in Australia. However, there has been very little research carried out on the
thousands of aliens who were notinterned. Weknow very little about the experience of women
who fall into the alien or enemy alien categories. In particular, little work has been done on the
impactoftheAliensControlRegulationsonthelivesofGerman,ItalianandJapanesewomenliving
inAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar.Thisthesisaimstofillthesegaps.
94
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
PARTI:
OUTBREAKOFWAR
Figure5:OilpaintingbyFrankNortondepictingtheItalianRomolo onfirein1942.The
ItalianCruiserwascapturedbyauthoritiesinAustralianwatersinJune1940.
F.Norton,HMASManoorasinkingmerchantvesselRomolo.Oilonhardboard,1942.
AustralianWarMemorial,[http://cas.awm.gov.au/item/ART22328].Accessed:25March
2012.
P a g e | 38
ChapterOne:
TheRuleofLaw
howevermuchwemaycherishtheRuleofLawasoneofourmostpreciouspossessions,wemust
recognizethatpermanentlibertyisoftenbestachievedonlybyatemporarysacrificeofindividual
freedom.1
(RobertGordonMenzies,1917)
Arbitraryprocesscanbecharacterizedasdifferentofficials[taking]differentviewsuponwhether
ornottheinternmentofapersonwasjustifiedinaparticularinstance.2Thefocusofthisthesisis
thearbitrarynatureoftheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)apparentinthe
variouswaysthatGerman,Italian,JapaneseandAustralianbornwomenwereaffectedbywartime
legislation. The future Australian Prime Minister, Robert Gordon Menzies, acknowledged just
beforetheendoftheFirstWorldWarthattheruleoflawwasthecompletenegationofarbitrary
power or any very extended use of prerogative right and believed that the War Precautions Act
1914(Cth)enactedduringthewarwasachallengetotheruleoflaw.3Menziesclaimedthatthe
ActwasavirtualsuspensionofoneofthefundamentalprovisionsoftheMagnaCharter.4Despite
his acknowledgement of the loss of civilian rights during wartime, the opening passage of this
chapter shows that in 1917 Menzies was conflicted over the justification of wartime legislation.
Nevertheless,overtwentyyearslater,asthePrimeMinisterofAustralia,Menziesdeclaredwaron
Germanyon3September1939andintroducedtheNationalSecurityAct1939(Cth)whichpassed
absolutepowertotheExecutive.
1
R.G.Menzies,TheRuleofLawduringtheWar.Sydney:TheLawBookCo.ofAustraliasiaLtd,1917,p.24.
2
P.McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWarAChallengetotheRuleofLaw.UniversityofNewSouthWales
LawJournal,Volume28,Issue2,2005,p.331.
3
Menzies,TheRuleofLawinMcDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.334.
4
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.332.Clause39statednofreemanshallbeimprisonedexceptby
thelawfuljudgmentofhisequalsorbythelawoftheland.[McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.332].
P a g e | 39
This chapter will provide background information on the Aliens Control Regulations that were
promulgated under the National Security Act. It will examine the Aliens Control Regulations that
affected the lives of German, Italian, Japanese and certain Australianborn women living in
Australia.Theregistrationandnaturalizationprocessprovedtobemostproblematic,especiallyfor
Australianbornwomenwholosttheirnationalityasaresultoftheirmarriagetoanenemyalien.
Otherkeyareasthatwillbeexaminedincludetheinternmentprocess,restrictionsplacedontravel
and movement, limited employment opportunities and the Prohibited Possessions Order 1939
(Cth). Changes that were made to legislation as the war progressed and the inconsistencies that
existed among officials who administered the Aliens Control Regulations will also be highlighted.
However,beforewebegin,itisimportanttoconsiderthattheintroductionoftheNationalSecurity
ActwasnotthefirsttimetheCommonwealthGovernmentintroducednationalsecuritymeasures.
TheDevelopmentofaWartimeSecurityService
Thelegaldefinitionofnationalsecurityistheprotectionofanationandofthepeopleofanation
from espionage, sabotageviolence, attacks on the nations defence system or acts of foreign
interference.5JoanBeaumontwrote
intimesofnationalcrisis,externalthreatscanrapidlybreedunitaryconstructionsofthenation.The
senseofacommunity,boundtogetherbycommonvalues,beliefsandculturalpractices,canfracture.
Societies divide along fault lines, and the consensus that holds a multicultural or pluralistic citizenry
togethercrumblesinthefaceoffear,anger,thedesireforrevengeandthedemonisingofthosewho
aredifferent.6
In times of crisis, communities often break down due to the unwarranted discrimination against
ethnic minorities that follows. This is what happened in Australia at the outbreak of the Second
WorldWar.AnAustralianpoliticianwhowaslatertobecomeImmigrationMinister,ArthurCalwell
5
P.NyghandP.Butt,ButterworthsConciseAustralianLegalDictionary.Sydney:Butterworths,1998,p.299.
6
J.Beaumont,AustralianCitizenshipandtheTwoWorldWars.AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume53,
Issue2,2007,p.172.
P a g e | 40
justifiedtheCommonwealthGovernmentsactionstocontrolaliensbyclaimingthatwhilethewar
continued, the control of aliens was necessary, for war as the democracies wage it is largely an
affairofimprovisation,andinurgentsituationswhichdemandpromptandeffectiveactionthereis
littletimetoweighthenicetiesofhumanrights.7However,theSecondWorldWarwasnotthefirst
time Australia had introduced wartime Aliens Control Regulations that affected the homefront,
wherethenotionoflawbecomesnothingotherthananexpressionofwillbyapoliticalsuperior.8
AsevidencedintheIntroduction,legislationimplementedduringtheSecondWorldWarwasjust
oneofmanypoliciesinAustraliaswartimehistorywhennationalsecurityhasoverriddencivilian
liberties.AsdiscussedbyauthorJasonByrnes:
ThemajorityofAustralianswouldbeunawareofthelonghistoricallinksbetweennationalsecurityissues
includingthethreatofterrorismandtheAFPindeed,mostofthecriticaldevelopmentsinfederalpolicing
haveoccurredeitherasaresultof,orwithinthecontextof,periodsofsignificantnationalsecuritythreats.
9
This thesis supports the argument made by British jurist and constitutional theorist, Albert Venn
Dicey, that the development of administrative agencies [was the] main threat to the rule of
law.10 Dicey, whose work was described as highly influential throughout the [British] Empire,
referredtotheleadingauthorityinconstitutionallaw,ProfessorW.HarrisonMoore,whoprofessed
thatexecutiveauthorityisnotabove,butbelowtheruleoflaw.11
TherisktonationalsecurityhasalwaysbeenavitalconcernfortheCommonwealthGovernment.
Beaumonthasarguedthatthewar:
7
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946.Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.1.
8
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.332.
9
J.Byrnes,Warwickincidentanniversary,PlatypusMagazine,Volume96,September2007,p.33.
10
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.334.
11
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,pp.331and332.
P a g e | 41
shiftsthebalanceofrightsandobligationstowardsthestateattheexpenseoftheindividual.Facedwith
external threats, the state can demand that the citizen be prepared to die in the name of the nation,
whileinvokingnationalsecurityintereststojustifyrestrictionsofcivilrightsandbasicfreedoms.
12
OneoftheperiodsofsignificantnationalthreatincludedtheFirstWorldWar.Thefirstfewmonths
oftheFirstWorldWarsawGermanyplantoretakethelostGermancolony,NewGuinea,which
would be used for the renewal of operations in the Pacific. Consequently, the Australian supply
routetoEuropeandtherestoftheCommonwealthwasthreatened.13ThefearofGermanytaking
Australiafromthenorthwasapublicconcern,andasaresult,thevisionofaninternalenemyarose
introducingtheWarPrecautionsActwhichtargetedGermanslivinginAustralia.However,Germans
werenottheonlyenemyaliensaffectedbythelegislation.
TheenemyalienpopulationalsoincludedIrishnationalists,radicalpacifistsandsocialists,unionists,
politicalandchurchleaderswhocampaignedagainstconscription,andpracticallyeverybodywho
daredtospeakoutpubliclyagainsttheCommonwealthGovernmentstotalcommitmenttowar.15
The Aliens Restriction Orders were introduced in May 1915 and in 1916. The orders were
implementedtoallowthedeportationofanunnaturalizedalienwithoutahearing.In1917,Prime
MinisterWilliamHughesbeganacampaigntodestroytheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorld(IWW)
andpassedtwoUnlawfulAssociationActswhichallowedforforeignandevenBritishradicalswho
12
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,p.171.
13
G.Fischer,EnemyAliens:InternmentandtheHomefrontExperienceinAustralia19141920.St.Lucia,Universityof
QueenslandPress,1989,p.1.
14
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.4.
15
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.75.
P a g e | 42
were not Australianborn to be expelled and deported to their country of origin.16 Kay Saunders
wrote that the alien carried the double burden of foreign birth and radicalism and refers to the
conservativetheorythatforeignersweremoredangerouslyextremethanpeoplenativeborn.17
TheFirstWorldWarsawsignificantdevelopmentinnationalsecurityoperations.Duringthewar,
theCommonwealthfearedanopendomesticrevolution,duetothepoliticaldissidentswhowere
protestingagainsttheCommonwealthGovernmentsintroductionofmilitaryconscription.Author
FrankCainwrotethatitwasinthoseyearsofsocialandpoliticalfermentthatthefactorswhichled
to the setting up of Australian surveillance organizations can best be observed and analyzed.18
Hughesfacedlargecrowdsprotestingagainstthependingreferendumontheissue.InNovember
1917,localradicals(scallywags)threwtwoeggsatHughesandknockedhishatoff.19Thiswould
eventuallybecomeknownastheWarwickincidentandpavedwayforthedevelopmentofawar
time security service. The Army was responsible for censorship in each state while the Counter
Espionage Bureau (CEB), the Commonwealth Police Force (CPF) and the State Police forces were
establishedtoassistincounteringespionageagainstBritainswareffortandcarryingoutdirections
fromtheAttorneyGeneral(SeeAppendixTwo).20
16
K. Saunders and R. Daniels et. al., Alien Justice: Wartime Internment in Australia and North America. St. Lucia:
UniversityofQueenslandPress,2000,p.30and32.
17
SaundersandDanielset.al.,AlienJustice,p.31.
18
F.Cain,TheOriginsofPoliticalSurveillanceinAustralia.Melbourne:Angus&RobertsonPublishers,1983,p.vii.
19
Byrnes,Warwickincident,p.34.
20
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,pp.ixx.
P a g e | 43
Figure6:CartoondepictingtheWarwickincident Figure7:PrimeMinisterWilliamBillyHughes
P.Donovan,ChangingtheGuard:AHistoryofthe NAA,WilliamMorrisHughesFactsheet73.
AustralianProtectiveService.Canberra:Australian http://www.naa.gov.au/collection/fact
GovernmentPublishingService,1994,p.4. sheets/fs73.aspx].Accessed:25March2012).
Atotalof6,890GermanswereinternedasaresultoftheWarPrecautionsAct.About4,500
GermansofthistotalwereresidentsofAustraliapriorto1914and700Germanswereinfact
naturalizedBritishsubjects.21RegistrationandparoleofallalienswasalsorequiredundertheWar
PrecautionsAct,andregardingotherrestrictions,itwasuptolocalpoliceofficerstoprosecute
enemyaliensastheysawfit.22
The structure within the surveillance organization continued to change throughout the interwar
period. In 1919, intelligence services were dismantled and all military responsibilities which
21
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.77.
22
Fischer,EnemyAliens,p.75.
P a g e | 44
consisted of watching over radicals were passed onto the CEB staffed entirely by civilians.23
Hostilities towards foreigners who resided in Australia continued to exist among the Australian
public. However, in 1929, the arrival of the Depression caused the economy to contract and
Australianpoliticstobecomeparalyzed.24
ItwasduringthisperiodthattheCommonwealthGovernmenthadassumedimmenseeconomic
and political powers which would eventually pave the way for the establishment of a more
centralizedsecurityintelligenceorganizationduringtheSecondWorldWar.25Securitywasseenas
an effective tool in the management of industrial populations, social order and economic
prosperity.26 The Australian Labor Partys vision was to establish an order in which domestic
reconstructionwouldmergewiththeinternationalcreationofapermanentsystemofsecurity.27
DuringtheFirstWorldWar,HugheswagedawaragainstanyonewhoopposedtheCommonwealth
Government during the conflict. Ironically, as Attorney General in 1939, Hughes held the highest
powerresponsiblefortheimplementationoftheAliensControlRegulationsinregardtotheSecond
World War. Memories of the power wielded by the Commonwealth during the First World War
impacted on later debates in Parliament. During the Second Reading Speech of the National
SecurityBill1939(Cth),MemberofParliamentHubertPeterLazzarini(Werriwa,NewSouthWales),
who was perhaps concerned by the implications the legislation would have on the Italian
23
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.41.
24
A.Burke,InFearofSecurity:AustraliasInvasionAnxiety.Sydney:Centrum,2001,p.54.
25
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.188.
26
Burke,InFearofSecurity,p.53.
27
Burke,InFearofSecurity,p.78.
P a g e | 45
community in Australia, proclaimed that no power should be given to the Attorney General,
especiallyafterHughesactionsagainstciviliansduringthepreviouswar:
We know that it will be invoked by the Government to shut up the Parliament and to govern the
country by regulation I do not want to see again in this country the turmoil that existed when the
presentAttorneyGeneral(MrHughes)wasPrimeMinisterandstruttingaboutthecountry,deliberately
made his irritating speeches, magnified the Warwick egg incident, traduced men with whom he had
beenassociatedforyearsandinvokedtheWarPrecautionsActinordertorailroadmentogaol.Noone
canforgetthat;itisembeddedtoodeeplyinthemindsofthepeople.Iamnotpreparedtogivehim
anypoweratall;heisonemanwhomIwillnottrustaninchwithanypower,becausehehasabrain
thatimmediatelybecomesinflamedbytheacquisitionofalittleauthority.Itisagoodjobthathehas
notthepowersthatHitlerhasinGermany.Ibelievethatthedemocratsofthiscountrywillreechothe
statementswhichIhavemadetoday.28
Ontheotherhand,supportfortheNationalSecurityBillwassummedupbyMemberofParliament
Victor Charles Thompson, whose statement quoted earlier in the Introduction, highlighted the
fundamentalnotionofnationalsecurityoverridingcivilianliberty:
We know from our experience of the last war that it is absolutely necessary for this Parliament to delegate
a great part of its constitutional powers, which are made constitutional largely by dicta of the High Court,
to the Executive for the time beingI well remember the operation of the War Precautions Act. Although
the legislation was irksome in some respect it did not leave any permanent scars of the feelings of the
people of this country. As soon as the war was over, whatever irritations had been caused by it when
forgotten by the great majority of people.29
MargaretBevegeclaimedthattheopeningoftheSecondWorldWarfoundAustraliaunpreparedto
dealwithquestionsofnationalsecuritybecausenonationalcorporatebodyonsecurityexisted.30
TheSecurityServicewasformedon31March1941aspartoftheAttorneyGeneralsDepartment
andwasheadedbyDeputyDirectoroftheCommonwealthInvestigationBranch(CIB),Lieutenant
ColonelE.E.LongfieldLloyd,whoestablishedhisheadquartersinnineroomsatthePatentsOffice
28
Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,8September1939,204(MrLazzarini).
29
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 7 September 1939, 176 & 177 (Mr
Thompson).
30
M. Bevege, Behind Barbed Wire: Internment in Australia during World War II. St. Lucia: University of Queensland
Press,1993,p.1.
P a g e | 46
inCanberra.31Thisorganizationtookovercivilnationalsecuritydutiesandinternalsecuritiesthat
werepreviouslycontrolledbytheArmy.32
TheArmyretainedtheresponsibilityforcensorshipandallmattersconcernedwithinternment.The
executive power to deal with subversive activities was still vested in the Attorney General, while
thecontroloveraliensrestedwiththegeneralscommandingtheMilitaryDistrictsineachstate.33In
investigatedtheideaofsettingupaDefenceSecurityOrganization(DSO).Itwasconcludedbythe
majority of the committee members that as Defence in any event required an organization to
ensure the security of defence works, efficiency and economy was best served by Army
undertaking primary responsibility.34 The War Cabinet approved the DSO on 5 June 1940 to
operate for three services under the direct control of the Chief of General staff. The DSO liaised
withtheCIB,StatePoliceandothercivilauthorities.35
The Army retained control over civil and internal security in Northern Territory and Western
Australias north (see Appendix Three for a diagram of the organizational structure of Australias
wartimesecurityserviceduringtheSecondWorldWar).36AccordingtoChrisCoulthardClark,as
the likelihood of war increased, Army officers were placed fulltime in Police Headquarters and
directed the work of the Police Commissioner [of the] Military Police Intelligence Section.37 The
31
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
32
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
33
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
34
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
35
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,pp.23and24.
36
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.24.
37
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartimeSecurityService,p.23.
P a g e | 47
role of the MPI was to enforce the Aliens Control Regulations targeted at all aliens and enemy
alienslivinginAustralia.
TheAliensControlRegulationswereintroducedasanimportantmeanstocontrolaliensandenemy
aliens.AccordingtoNoelLamidey,thelegislation
carried with it the highly contentious and difficult task of striking a proper balance between the
implementationofGovernmentinstructionstobeeverwatchfulofthesecurityofthenationandthe
feelingthatthisbedonewithaslittleoppressionorharshnessastheemergencyofwarpermitted.38
However, perhaps unsurprisingly, the Aliens Control Regulations had a negative impact upon the
carried out without due regard to humanity and social justice, while others argued that the
successfulprosecutionofthewarjustifiedanyactionthatwastaken.39
In the five years immediately before the war, over 9,000 German nationals had migrated to
Australia,alongwith10,000Italians,andabout20,000othercontinentalEuropeans,manyofwhom
were refugees from Nazi or fascist rule.40 Even at this early stage, Australians seemed unable to
understand the difference between refugees from enemy states and supporters of them. There
weresomerefugeeswhowererefusedsettlementinAustralia.Forexample,asteamerfromBerlin
that was to make a special passage to Australia was cancelled because of the unfavourable
reaction to the proposal in Australia.41 According to Saunders, once the war began Australian
societybecameobsessivelyintentuponidentifyingandpunishingthoseperceivedtobepotentially
38
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
39
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
40
P.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941.VolumeOne.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952,p.
593.
41
AustraliatoadmitJewRefugees..TheCourierMail,23November1938,p.1.
P a g e | 48
underminingnationalsecurity,thewareffortormorale.42Similartowhathadoccurredduringthe
FirstWorldWar,restrictionswerenotonlyplacedonenemyalienslivinginAustralia,butalsoon
othergroups,suchasmembersoftheCommunistPartyofAustralia(CPA)andtheAustralianFirst
Movement.43SaundersclaimedthatadominantfunctionofthemodernStateduringthewarwas
the identification, targeting and containment of groups who were perceived as threats to the
security,moraleandthephysical,moralandideologicalwellbeingandcohesivenessofthesociety
underexternalthreat.44Thiswasespeciallyevidentinregardtothealien,whorepresentedthe
embodimentofallfears,particularlythoseespousingforeignideologieslikefascism.45
The main objective of the Aliens Control Regulations was to ensure that aliens, resident in
Australia,enemyandotherwise,couldinnowaybecomeadangertothecountrynorimpedethe
progress of the war either individually or in association with others.46 When war first broke out,
Germans were registered as enemy aliens while Italians and Japanese living in Australia were
classified simply as aliens.47 For the second time round, Germans in Australia fell victim to
restrictionsplacedonenemyaliensduringwartime.
42
K.Saunders,WarontheHomefront:StateinterventioninQueensland19381948.Queensland,St.Lucia:University
QueenslandPress,1993,p.33.
43
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.19.
44
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.33.
45
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.33.
46
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.33.
47
It was not until Italy and Japan entered the war later on that Italians and Japanese living in Australia were re
classifiedasenemyaliensandfurtherinvestigatedorincarcerated.
P a g e | 49
RegistrationAct1939(Cth)
TheAliensControlRegulationsintroducedduringtheSecondWorldWartargetedminoritygroups,
categorizingnonBritishmigrantslivinginAustraliaasaliensandenemyaliens.Thispreventedany
formofassimilationformostminoritygroupslivinginAustraliaatthetime.EleanorVenableswrote
theissueofbelongingandnotbelongingisparadoxical.Whereandwhendoesanimmigrantbegin
tobelong?Thenewsocietyseemstodemandbelongingofyoubut,paradoxically,seemsalsoto
blockeachattempt.48AsevidencedinAppendixOne,eachforeignnationalwasclassifiedaseither
an alien or enemy alien. This table was recommended by the Aliens Classification Advisory
Committee(ACAC)andestablishedunderthedirectionofthenewDirectorGeneralSimpson.
TheregistrationofenemyalienswasadministeredbytheSecurityService,whotookmeasuresto
register,photographandfingerprinteveryalien.49Enemyalienswereexpectedtoregisterattheir
localpolicestationaccordingtoascheduleorganizedalphabetically.Forexample,on15September
1939,newspapersannouncedthatItalianswhosenamesstartwiththelettersK,LandMareasked
to report at the Police Station.50 In some cases, women provided their own photographs. Police
and military officers located at the local police station were responsible for enforcing the Aliens
ControlRegulation.Allalienswererequiredtocompleteaquestionnaireformintriplicateandtake
ittothenearestpolicestation.Fourphotographsofthem,oneattachedtotheapplicationform,
weretobehandedintoanAliensRegistrationOfficer(ARO),alongwithacertificateofregistration
and passport. A certificate of registration and passport was also required to be handed in to the
48
E.Venables,RecollectionofIdentity:TheReassemblyoftheMigrant.SojournersandStrangers,JournalofAustralian
Studies,Volume77,2003,p.114.
49
Lamidey,AliensControl:AReporttotheHonourableArthurA.CalwellH.P.MinisterforImmigrationuponsome
AspectsofAliensControlinAustraliaDuringTimeofWar,1947,p.6.
50
RegistrationofEnemyAliens.BarrierMiner,15September1939,p.3.
P a g e | 50
ARO.Clause5(4)oftheAliensControlRegulationsstatedthatRegulationsmayrequirethealiento
allowaprintofhisfingersorthumbs.51
There was some difficulty, however, in communicating the Aliens Control Regulations to most
enemyaliens.Thequestionnaireformsweredistributedbypoliceanditwasuptotheenemyaliens
themselves to provide completed forms and photographs to their local police stations. It was
reportedbytheBarrierMinerinSeptember1939,thatComprehensivedetailsaretakenfromthe
aliensandtheofficersworkwashamperedbythefactthatseveralofthem[aliens]haveaslight
knowledge of English.52 Though it was common knowledge that enemy aliens knew very little
English,theywerestillexpectedtofollowupontheAliensControlRegulations.Itwasreportedby
Inspector Duckworth that the public who were affected by the regulations should, in their own
interests,ascertainthepreciserequirementsoftheregulationsfromthenearestpolicestation.53
Authoritiesissuedwarningstothosewhohadfailedtoregister.On14December1939,therewasa
smallproportionofalienswhofailedtoregisterinWesternAustralia.Authoritiesannouncedthat
those who failed to report for registration, or enemy aliens who did not give their parole,
subjectedthemselvestointernment.54
Duringthewar,hundredsofaliensreportedtopolicestationswherefingerprintsweretaken.Itwas
considered necessary as a check upon the identity of the aliens in the future (See Appendix
51
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmade
underCommonwealthActsDuringtheYear1939.AlsoPerogativeOrders,etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.408.
52
RegistrationofEnemyAliens.BarrierMiner,15September1939,p.3.
53
RegistrationofAliens:WhatisrequiredundertheAct.BarrierMiner,13September1939,p.1.
54
UnregisteredAliens.TheWestAustralian,14December1939,p.18.
P a g e | 51
Four).55Aquestionnaireformonaliensandenemyalienswascompletedbyauthoritiesandthey
weretosignaparoleformagreeingtorefrainfromtakinganyactionprejudicialtothesafetyof
theBritishEmpire.56StatisticsprovidedbyLamideyshowthatby30September1945,over50,000
alienshadregisteredandofthistotal,over22,000registeredasenemyaliens.57
Japanese 15 13 28
Table1:Registrationfiguresofenemyaliens,30September194558
Italians were the largest foreign population in Australia. After Italys entry into the war in June
1940,Italianswererequiredtoregisterasenemyaliensanditwasdeterminedbyauthoritiesthat
in some districts it was apparent that aliens had settled in large numbers and could, if occasion
arose,beamenacetothesafetyandsecurityoftheCommonwealth.59
As noted in the introduction of this chapter, the Aliens Control Regulations were introduced to
resolvecertainissuesconcerningtheadministeringoftheRegistrationAct1939(Cth)thatbecame
55
AliensRegistered.FingerprintsTaken.SydneyMorningHerald,12September1939,p.10.
56
ControlRegulations.RequirementsSetOut.SydneyMorningHerald,15September1939,p.9.
57
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
58
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,AppendixApp.6971.
59
Lamidey,AliensContro:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.31.
P a g e | 52
problematicasthewarprogressed.Oneoftheseissuesconcernedtherequirementtoreporttothe
ARO every week. The ACAC concluded in 1943 that for good aliens, this could be reduced to
reporting once a month. The recommendation also emphasized that it was never intended for
aliens to miss out on any work during weekdays. Due to the shortage of manpower, aliens were
permittedtoreportanytime,includingonSaturdayandSundayevenings,andiftheAROwasnot
present,otherpoliceofficerswerealsoabletomarktheirreporting.60
Another issue concerned the age at which children were required to register. Over 6,700 alien
children were admitted to Australia between 1937 and 1941.61 Those under sixteen years of age
wereexemptfromregistration.Thechildwasrequiredtoregisterwithinthreemonthsofthechild
attaining the age of 16. However, in 1943 the ACAC recommended that the required age for
registrationshouldbechangedfrom16to18yearsold.62Onceagain,theonuswasontheenemy
alien to be aware of and comply with the law. According to Clause 5 (3) of the Aliens Control
Regulation:ifanysuchchilddidnotregisterhimselfwithinthetimeallowed,theparent,orperson
standingtohiminlocoparentis,shallbeguiltyofanoffenceagainsttheAct.63
TherewereelementsofParliamentarydiscussionthatacknowledgedthehardshipthattheseAliens
ControlRegulationsentailed.TheACACconcludedthattheprocessofregistrationhadanextreme
impact on children; such a condition was injurious to the children concerned and was likely to
60
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.14.
61
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
62
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
63
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmade
underCommonwealthActsDuringtheYear1939.AlsoPrerogativeOrders,etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.411.
P a g e | 53
frustrateeffortsmadetoeducatethesechildreninthewaysandtraditionsofthiscountry.64Itwas
alsosuggestedthatchildrenwereclearlyaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulation,andtherefore
were debarred from that freedom of movement enjoyed by other children of their age and
becamesubjectedtogravedifficultiesinseekingemploymentonproductionofacertificatewhich
classedthemasenemyaliens.65
It is important to note that children were not excluded from any educational facilities. The
educationofalienslivinginAustraliawasahighlydebatedtopicinParliament.Sevenmonthsprior
totheoutbreakofwar,MrS.A.Lloydwasexasperatedattheproposalthatfundsweretobemade
availableforthepurposeofeducatingnewlyarrivedimmigrantchildren.LloydaskedtheMinister
for Education, Mr Drummond, whether he would consider it more necessary and desirable to
providefundstoimprovetheconditionofschoolsintheConcordelectorate,tomakethemhealthy
andsufficientforthescholarsofthoseschools?66Inresponsetothis,Drummondclaimedthatit
wasimportanttoseethataliensarerapidlyassimilatedintotheordinarylifeofthecommunity.67
Hefurthernotedthatifthosestepswerenottakenquickly,subnationalgroupsmayariseinour
communitywhichmayprovetobeasgreatanuisanceandahindrancetoournationallifeasthey
areinothercountries.68
64
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
65
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.5.
66
New South Wales Parliamentary Debates (Second Series.) Session 19381940. Second Session of the ThirtySecond
Parliament.Sydney,GovernmentPrinter:ThomasHenryTennant,1940,pp.383738.
67
NewSouthWalesParliamentaryDebates(SecondSeries.)Session19381940,pp.383738.
68
NewSouthWalesParliamentaryDebates(SecondSeries.)Session19381940,pp.383738.
P a g e | 54
On 26 November 1940, the Premier of New South Wales, Mr Thomas asked Alexander Mair in
Parliament whether enemy aliens would be provided with the privileges of public education. Mr
Mairrespondedbystating:
Thereisnodiscriminationagainstchildrenofeitherenemyaliensorfriendlyaliens.Allchildrenmay
take advantage of the education facilities provided by the State. The discrimination is only against
adultswhoareunnaturalisedGermansorunnaturalisedItalians.69
ControllingTravelandMovement
Theprevioussectionmentionedtheproblemofhavingtoreporttothepoliceonaregularbasis.
However, the frequency of reporting was not the only problem for women classified as enemy
aliens. The majority of those who were not interned were forced to endure harsh restrictions
placed on their travel, movement and possession of personal items. Clause 16 (1) of the Aliens
ControlRegulationsstated,
analienshallnotchangehisplaceofabodeunlesshefirstgivesnoticetothealiensregistrationofficer
nearesttohisplaceofabodeofthedateonwhichheintendstochangehisplaceofabode,andofhis
intendednewplaceofabode.70
The Commonwealth War Book declared that the principal matters covered by the Aliens Control
Regulationswererestrictionsontheembarkationofcertainspecifiedaliensandalienstraveling
within Australia and its Territories.71 The Commonwealth War Book covered the precautionary
measurestobetakenwhenwarwasimminentandthemeasurestobetakenimmediatelyafterthe
outbreakofwar.72TheWarBookclearlystatedthatnoobstaclewillbeplacedinthewayofaliens
69
New South Wales Parliamentary Debates (Second Series.) Session 19401941. Third Session of the ThirtySecond
Parliament.Sydney,GovernmentPrinter:ThomasHenryTennant,1941,pp.113839.
70
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.410.
71
WarBookoftheCommonwealthofAustralia:CoordinationofDepartmentalActionontheOccurrenceofStrained
Relations and on the Outbreak of War. Melbourne: Department of Defence, July,1939. Part1: PrecautionaryStage,
ChapterXII.ControlofAliensandPassengerTraffic,May,1939,p.2.
72
P.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952,p.122.
P a g e | 55
of good character, and not under suspicion, leaving Australia during the Precautionary Period, if
theysodesire.73Aswewillseeinthefollowingchapters,theAliensControlRegulationswereonly
intendedtohaveaneffectonalienswhowereundersuspicionbyauthorities.However,therewere
thousandsofaliensandenemyalienswhowereclearlyvictimizedandsufferedtheconsequences
oftheAliensControlRegulations.
Clause17(1)oftheAliensControlRegulationsalsorequiredenemyalienstoreporttotheirnearest
PoliceStationinordertoobtainapermittotraveloutsidethepolicedistrictinwhichhisplaceof
abodeissituated.74PoliceDistrictwasdefinedasanareainchargeoforpatrolledbythepolice
stationed at a police station, or such other area as the Deputy Director of Security in the State
concerneddetermines.75Thiswas,inpractice,unnecessarilyrestrictive.Arestrictionwasplacedon
enemy aliens where they were only allowed to travel within a five mile radius of their police
district. Clause 19 of the Aliens Control Regulations gave the Commonwealth Government the
control over where enemy aliens resided and the authority to prohibit aliens from any place or
area.76
Therestrictionsplacedontravelandmovementandtheprocessinvolvedinobtainingpermitswas
cumbersome.Everyalienwhowasissuedwithatravelpermitwasrequiredtocarryitatalltimes.A
copyofthepermitwasfiledatthepolicestation;anothercopywasgiventothealienwhichwasto
be kept with them at all times; and a third copy was forwarded to the Central ARO. As Lamidey
73
Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941,p.122.
74
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.411.
75
Lamidey,AliensControl:AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee,InterimReportSubmittedtotheRight
HonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.TheAttorneyGeneraloftheCommonwealthofAustralia(1943),p.25.
76
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.412.
P a g e | 56
wrote, the 'general purpose of requiring enemy aliens to obtain travel permits is to restrict their
travelingasfaraspossibletothedistrictinwhichtheyreside'.77TheACACalsoacknowledgedthe
effectthatthisClausehadonaliens:
Theeffectofrefusinganalienpermissiontotravelafewhundredyards,oreventocrossthestreetifthat
streetwastheboundarylineofthepolicedistrict,topayasocialcall,todosomeshoppingortogotothe
pictureswasgenerallyinjurioustoaliensandofficialsalike.78
Asaresult oftheACACsfindings,thedefinitionofapolicedistrictwaschangedinAugust1942,
when it was extended to a radius of fifteen miles and was to become known as a metropolitan
area.ProvincialareassuchasNewcastlebecameregardedasonepolicedistrictandcountryareas
werealsoregardedasapolicedistrict.AccordingtoLamidey,thischangemeantthatalienscould
move more freely within greatly increased areas without applying for permits.79 Aliens were
permitted to use public transport and obtain a lift in a private vehicle only if it were driven by a
goodBritishsubject.80Notravelpermitwasissuedindefinitely.Anapplicationwasrequiredtobe
madeeveryfourteendayswithnotice.Medicalpractitionerswhowererequiredtotravelalsohad
toundertakethisprocess.LaterontheACACdecidedthatthepermitcouldberenewedontheday
the alien reported it, after complaints were made by enemy aliens who reported to renew the
permitafewdaysearlierthanitexpiredandtoldtoreturnontheday.81
Restrictions on travel also complicated other Aliens Control Regulations. The ACAC also
recommendedthatfamilymembersofinterneeswerepermittedtovisitthemincamp,eachcase
77
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.13.
78
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
79
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.10.
80
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.12.
81
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.14.
P a g e | 57
visitthecamptwiceamonthbutrequiredwrittenpermissionfromtheCommandantofthecamp
andatravelpermitissuedandreferredtoCentralAROfordirection.83
Further restrictions on travel were implemented in Australias north from 1942 because of the
heightened security threat in Australias north. The Queensland Curfew Order 1942 (Cth) was
introducedon12FebruarybytheMinisterofArmy;theAliensControlRegulationsmaintainedthat
enemy aliens were not permitted outside their house between the hours of 8pm and 5am.
Exemptionsweremadeforthosewhoworkedinahospitalandotheressentialserviceswhosework
hoursrequiredthemtotravelatthistime.84
InJune1943,theSecurityServicetookoverjointresponsibilityofthecurfewwiththeQueensland
Commander who was solely responsible for police officers and ARO carrying out Aliens Control
Regulations.85 Nonetheless, by September 1944, it was generally accepted that the curfew was a
failure.Lamideywrote:
Manyfeltthatwithlargenumbersofalienstransferrednorth,bothforsugarworkandasmembersofthe
CivilAliensCorps,itsretentionwasanecessity:otherstooktheviewthatnolargebodyofalienscould
reasonably be expected to be cooped up and not permitted any form of pleasure or amusement after
8.p.m.,which,ofcourse,effectivelybarred[them]frompicturehalls,dancehalls,andanyotherformof
entertainment.86
The curfew remained but the Security Service and the military amended the order. It was still in
forceinthenorthofwhatwasknownastheAlienLine,alineacrossQueenslandfromtheeast
coastwestwardtotheboundaryoftheNorthernTerritorydesignedtopreventaliensfromtaking
82
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.13.
83
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.13.
84
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
85
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
86
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
P a g e | 58
up residence north thereof.87 By 1 December 1944 Aliens residing south of the line were not
subjecttoanyrestrictions;however,thoseinthenorthwerestillboundbythem.TheAlienlinewas
abolished in 18 May 1945. A total of 94 prosecutions and fines had been executed since its
implementation.88
RefugeeorEnemyAlien
Another concern for the ACAC included the classification process. As evidenced in Chapter Six,
GermanJewish refugee women were classified as enemy aliens at the outbreak of the war and
enduredtherestrictionspromulgatedundertheAliensControlRegulations.TheACACtackledthe
issuebystatingtherewasanobviousdifficultyexperiencedindeterminingwhatwasmeantbythe
officersadministeringtheAliensControlRegulations,theACACrecommendedatableofclassified
nationalitiesbepreparedinconsultationwiththeDepartmentofExternalAffairs.
The table was completed in April 1943 and became the accepted and authoritative basis upon
whichallaliennationalswereregistered.90Consequently,GermanJewishpeopleswerereclassified
as refugee aliens. The task of assigning aliens to categories was given to the Security Service. It
wasconsideredthatwithalltheinformationanddocumentationtheyhadgathered,SecretService
and CIB would have no difficulties in classifying aliens or enemy aliens.91 There were three
classifications:
87
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.46.
88
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.47.
89
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.27.
90
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.27.
91
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
P a g e | 59
AAlienswhoseloyaltytotheCommonwealthisreasonablyopentodoubttosuchanextentthatthe
securityoftheCommonwealthcanonlybemetbytheirinternment.
BAlienswhoseloyaltytotheCommonwealthcannotbeestablishedwithsuchcertainly[certainty]that
thesecurityoftheCommonwealthcanonlybemetbytheirinternment.
C Aliens whose loyalty to the Commonwealth is not reasonably open to doubt, and on whom no
restrictionsshouldbeplaced.92
ItwasspecifiedbytheACACthatanyonewhowassubversiveandclassifiedasC,thatthedoubt
must be reasonable, and must have a real foundation, and that the principles enunciated by the
Attorney General and earlier quoted herein should be borne firmly in mind by the officers
entrusted with this duty.93 In Britain by contrast, three categories based purely on age, were
considered sufficient. Those included enemy aliens under sixteen, over sixty five and invalid or
infirm, except in highly unusual cases, where British authorities considered security needs were
sufficientlymetinthecasesoftheagedandinfirmbyrestrictionordersratherthanbyinternment
orcontinueddetention.94
Theclassificationandloyaltyofanalienwasdeterminedbylocalauthorities,whichhighlightedthe
subjectivenatureoftheAliensControlRegulations.TheACACwrote:
TheprocesshadaprofoundaffectonGermanJewishrefugeeswhowerewrongfullyclassifiedas
enemy aliens until March 1943, when the ACAC recommended that Refugee Alien become a
classification.
92
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.10.
93
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
94
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
95
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943),p.11.
P a g e | 60
Otherfactorssuchasclassandethnicitymayhavealsoattributedtothefinesthatwereacquired
by Italian women during the war. Most GermanJewish women in this thesis were not fined for
being in breach of the Aliens Control Regulations. The GermanJewish women were, in general,
from a higher social class than their Italian counterparts, educated and able to speak and
understand the English language. The majority of Italian women did not speak English and this
compoundedtheirproblemsofassimilationandawarenessoftheAliensControlRegulationswith
which they were expected to comply. The 1933 census showed that over forty three percent of
ItalianwomenlivinginAustraliawereunabletoreadorwriteEnglish.96Consequently,itissafeto
assume that the majority of Italian women were unaware of the Aliens Control Regulations that
weregazettedduringthewar.
Aswillbediscussedlater,Internmentwasthemostextrememeasureintroducedduringwartime.
The most memorable moment regarding internment in Australia was when GermanJewish
refugees were mistakenly interned. The film The Dunera Boys (1985) depicts the experiences of
GermanJewish refugees who fled Nazi persecution and sailed to Australia on theDunera.97 Over
1,600 GermanJewish refugees were arrested in Britain and transported to Australia and
immediately interned at Hay in Western New South Wales. It became known that the Australian
MilitaryForcedivisionhaddoubtsastowhomtheywereinterning.98Unfortunately,becauseofthe
wartimehysteria,manyofthepassengersofthisshipweresuspectedofbeingGermanspiesby
theBritishGovernmentandweresenttobeinterned.
96
Census of the Commonwealth of Australia, 30 June 1933. Canberra: L. F. Johnston, Commonwealth Government
Printer,1933,p.386.Outofthetotal14,068populationofItalianslivinginAustraliain1933,11,531Italianscouldnot
readorwriteEnglish.Therewere3,590Italianwomenand2,901werenotabletospeakorwriteEnglish.Censusofthe
CommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933,p.386.
97
FilmdirectedbyBenLewin,TheDuneraBoys.JethroFilmProductions,1985.
98
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p.43.
P a g e | 61
AsnotedinChapterOne,ACACconductedinvestigationsthatledtopolicychangesregardingthe
treatmentofenemyaliens.TheACACwasestablishedbytheAttorneyGeneralHerbertVereEvatt
inMarch1942andaimedtoworkincloseassociationwiththeDirectorGeneralofSecurityonall
mattersaffectingaliens,andtoseethatourtreatmentofthemdidnotfallshortofthatofother
allieddemocraticcountries.99TheACACwasheadedbyLamidey,whowrotethatcomplaintswere
made regarding the refugee issue, where many had come to Australia by arrangement with the
United Kingdom Government as refugees from Nazi oppression.100 He further wrote that the
Committeetook
theviewthatitwasbothunjustandunwisetolabelasanEnemyAlienapersonofenemyoriginwhose
hatredandoppositiontoanenemyGovernmentarisesfrombitterpersonalexperiencesofpersecution
and oppression, and that if he satisfied a prescribed authority that he is entitled to be designated as
suchheshouldbegivenanamendedstatusasarefugee.101
TheCommonwealthGovernmentrealizedtheirmistakeinclassifyingrefugeesasenemyaliens;as
Lamideynotes,afteralongandprotractedstruggletheviewsofthecommitteeprevailed.102The
ACACcompletedatableofclassifiednationalitiesinconsultationwiththeDepartmentofExternal
Affairs.103 Lamidey wrote in context it must be remembered that many thousands of aliens had
soughtsanctuaryinAustraliafromtherepressionsandinjusticesinflicteduponthembytheNazi
andFascistpowers.104
99
Lamidey, Aliens Control, p. 4. Members of the Committee included the Hon. A.A. Calwell, MP; Chairmen, Senator
WalterCooper;W.R.DoveyKC;J.V.BarryKC;andforashortwhile,MrsJessieStreetandLt.A.R.CutlerVC.[Lamidey,
AliensControl,pp.4and27].
100
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.33.
101
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.33.
102
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.33.
103
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.27.
104
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.4.
P a g e | 62
statementmadebytheDirectorGeneralofSecurityinJuly1942:
The refugees who have been given shelter in Australia from the Nazi oppression which they so
vehemently denounce and from the privations and sufferings in internments in Germany and the
indescribable humiliations and cruelties and the loss of every Jew, in Germany and Austria, and
whoseresidenceinthiscountryisofsuchrecentdate,mightreasonablybeexpectedtotoleratehere
war conditions which, in the interest of national safety, make a distinction, between good British
subjects and recent arrivals from enemy countriesand while the nation is still at the middle of a
mostdifficultperiodofwar,theymightatleast,bepatientandreasonable.105
Outofthe195filesconcernedwithGermanwomenlivinginNewSouthWalesexaminedforthis
study, 151 German women were classified as Refugee aliens in the year 194344. Many women
were unable to become naturalized British subjects because of the duration of their stay.
Foreigners were expected to reside in Australia for no less than five years before applying for
naturalization.
However,obtainingnaturalizationcertificatesdidnotnecessarilyexemptGermanJewishrefugees.
Many GermanJewish refugee men were still called up to work for the Employment Company,
whichwasestablishedtoensurethattheAustralianDefenceForcehadalargecorpusofsoldiers
dedicatedtoessentiallabouringtasks,thehardphysicallabourneededtomaintainthewareffort
andsupportthefightingforces.106TherewerethirtynineEmploymentCompaniesestablishedby
the Army during the Second World War.107 Eleven of these companies were made up of enemy
105
K.Kweit,BepatientandReasonable!TheInternmentofGermanJewishRefugeesinAustralia.AustralianJournalof
politicsandHistory,Volume31,Issue1,p.61.
106
J. Factor, Forgotten Soldiers: Aliens in the Australian Armys Employment Companies during World War II. The
BirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentreforJewishCivilisation,2008.
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf].Accessed:12March2010.
107
J. Factor, Forgotten Soldiers: Aliens in the Australian Armys Employment Companies during World War II. The
BirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentreforJewishCivilisation,2008.
P a g e | 63
aliens.ThisisreflectedinthefactthatthemajorityoftheGermanJewishwomeninthisstudywere
marriedtoenemyalienswhowereconscriptedtotheEmploymentCompanies,wheretheywere
directed to factories for packing and transporting goods.108 As a result of their husbands
employment conscription, many women were granted exemption from the Aliens Control
Regulationsin1943.
The husbands of many GermanJewish women in this study continued to be treated as enemy
aliensundertheNationalSecurity(AliensService)Regulations1943(Cth).Manywerecalledupby
the Civil Alien Corps which was affiliated with the Allied Works Council, to work in labour camps
becauseoftheshortageofmanpowerduringthewar.AccordingtoLamidey,thecontinuationof
this practice and an anomaly which it raised when viewed against the Aliens Control Regulations
undoubtedlywasthecauseofmuchresentment.109Asaresult,manywomenbecameexemptfrom
theAliensControlRegulationsbecauseauthoritiesnotedthattheirhusbandswereworkingforthe
EmploymentCompany.
ProhibitedPossessionsOrder
Restrictionswerenotonlyplacedonthetravelandmovementofenemyaliens.Womenwerealso
affected negatively by the Prohibited Possessions Order introduced on 7 November 1940. The
Prohibited Possessions Order was introduced under Clause 22 of the Aliens Control Regulations.
Among other stipulations, an enemy alien needed a permit to possess a wireless receiving
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf].Accessed:12March2010.
108
J. Factor, Forgotten Soldiers: Aliens in the Australian Armys Employment Companies during World War II. The
BirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentreforJewishCivilisation,2008.
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf]
109
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.34.
P a g e | 64
apparatusduringthewar(SeeAppendixFive).Thisrequiredalettertoauthoritiesthataskedfor
permission,alongwithanapplication.TheSecurityServicewasresponsibleforissuingthepermits
andDistrictCommandantsweredirectedthatrefusalshouldnotbemerelyonthebasisofalienage
but rather on the assessment of the security risk involved.110 This reinforces the notion that the
enforcement of legislation enacted during wartime was an arbitrary process. Not only did the
broadcast listeners licenses to enemy aliens had ceased and officers revoked the license from
thosewhohadobtainedoneinthepast.111
Lamidey argued that the Aliens Control Regulations empowered the Minister to prohibit the
possessionorusebyaliensornaturalizedBritishsubjectsofenemyoriginofanythingsspecifiedin
theOrder.112Heexplainedthat
Anenemyalien[could]notpossessoruseanywirelesstransmittingapparatusorwirelessreceiving
apparatusexceptwiththewrittenpermissionofthePostmasterGeneraloranofficerauthorizedin
writingbyhim.113
The measure was directed at preventing access to overseas broadcasts. In regards to an Italian
womanobtainingpermissiontopossessoruseawirelessreceivingapparatus,theDeputyDirector
ofSecurityforNewSouthWalesrespondedbystatingthat:
a person of enemy nationality is not prohibited from the possession or use of any wireless receiving
apparatusdesignedfor,orcapableofreceptiononlywithinthemediumwavebroadcastingbandof550
1600 kilocycles (545188 meters). Provided, therefore, the receiver which you propose to use is only a
broadcastbandreceivernowrittenpermissionisnecessary.114
110
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.35.
111
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
112
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
113
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
114
Response from Deputy Director of Security for New South Wales, 2 February 1944. See Bertacco, Maria (Italian)
[box61].C123/12771,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 65
Thatis,inhisview,in1944,therewasnoproblemwithpeoplelisteningtolocalradiobroadcasts.
prohibitalmostentirelythepossessionofwirelessequipmentbyenemyaliens.115Lamideywrote
that
advice was tendered that any efficient valve receiver with one or more valves was capable, under
goodconditionsandwithanoutsideaerial,ofreceivingprogrammesfromstationsinotherlocalities:
expertsfromradiomanufacturingcompanieshadstatedtheeasewithwhichareceivingsetcouldbe
convertedtoatransmittingsetwithaneffectiverangeandthatcontactwithavesseloffthecoast
couldbemadebysuchaconvertedsetusingmediumwaves.Thesedangerswereregardedassoreal
astocausetheadministrativeproceduretobeamendedtoprovideforabsoluteprohibitionpending
furtherconsultationwiththeServiceauthoritiesmostvitallyinvolved.116
AccordingtoLamidey,
Allthatcouldbedonewastoexamineeachcase,includinganexaminationoftheenemyaliensattitude
andhisreliabilityasassessedbySecurityofficersandtoissue,infavourablecases,apermittoenable
himtolistentolocalreceptiononly.Undernocircumstancewaspermissiongivenforthepossessionofa
shortwavereceiver.117
The Prohibited Possessions Order was amended on 18 February 1944. Reception was allowed
withoutpermissiontoagreaterlocalmediumbandandby15December1945,afterthewarhad
ended,theProhibitedPossessionsOrderbecamelessstringentandnopermitswereissued.118
WhoadministeredtheAliensControlRegulation?
TheinconsistenciesthatexistedwithintheCIBwerescrutinizedinlate1941,whentheAttorney
General became concerned with the structure and operation of the Security Service. Victorian
Police Commissioner, Alexander Duncan, was appointed to investigate the Security Service and
115
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.37.
116
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.38.
117
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.38.
118
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.39.
P a g e | 66
releasedhisreportinJanuary1942,whichbecameknownastheDuncanReport,andtookonlyfour
months to complete.119 Duncan concluded that there were a number of unsatisfactory features
andadvocatedachangeofpersonnel,includingtheappointmentofaDirectorGeneralofSecurity
inCanberraandtheappointmentofvariousPoliceCommissionerasStateDirectorsinplaceofthe
existingStateSecurityOfficers.120
Figure8:VictorianPoliceCommissioner,Alexander
Duncan
NationalLibraryofAustraliaDigitalCollections.
[http://nla.gov.au/nla.picvn4769959].Accessed:25
March2012
119
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
120
C. D. CoulthardClark, Australias Wartime Security Service. Defence Force Journal, Volume 16, Issue May/June,
1979,p.24.
P a g e | 67
The Director of Military Intelligence, Colonel C.G. Roberts, was critical of Duncans findings and
believed there was no need for this position if the Security Service was to continue to function.
RobertsfavoredtheorganizationbeingdistantfromtheArmy,butstillcooperatingwithit,while
theSecurityServicewouldhavefullexecutivepower.Hebelieveditwouldbeofnogoodtochange
the structure especially with the Japanese invasion so close to home. Roberts criticized the
suggestionthattheNewSouthWalesCommissionerofPolice,WilliamJohnMackay,beappointed
totheposition,claiminghewasunsuitablefortherole.121
The Chief of General Staff, Lieutenant General V.A.H. Sturdee claimed that too many authorities
were involved, and Duncans recommendations would do nothing towards combining executive
121
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
P a g e | 68
and investigatory powers in one body or organization.122 What Sturdee wanted to see was the
Armysprimaryroledefinedintermsofbeingpreparedtofighttodefendthecountry;theSecurity
ServicetomoveawayfromtheArmytotheAttorneyGeneralsdepartment;andtheCommandant
oftheRoyalMilitaryCollegeatDuntoon,BrigadierB.Coombes,toreplacetherecommendationof
Mackay as Director General of Security. Coombes was responsible for prewar security
arrangementsandsecuritythroughoutthefirstfourteenmonthsofwar.TheMinisterfortheArmy,
FrancisMichaelFordewantedaruthlessyefficientandquickmovingbodywhichwouldcounter
the danger walling up around Australia and inside Australia, although he felt such a centralized
organizationshouldstillbewithintheambitofhisowndepartment.123
In early March, a report by J.C. Kevin of the Department of the Army claimed that too much
attention had been concentrated on leftists and enemy nationals such as Italians of mediocre
intelligenceandrefugeestothedisregardofotheraliensandBritishelementsofFascistandnear
Fascist proclivities.124 It was recommended that a better trained staff of professionality minded
people[be]directedbyahighlycapableleader.125Timedidnotallowforthefullimplementation
of the Duncan report. However, what was concluded at a conference with the Attorney General
andministerswasthataDirectorGeneraloftheSecurityServicewastobeappointed.126Mackay
wasappointedtotheposition on 17March1942,andaccordingtoLamidey,wasnotwelcomed
wholeheartedlybyvariousserviceintelligenceorganisations.127
122
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
123
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.24.
124
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.288.
125
Cain,OriginsofPoliticalSurveillance,p.288.
126
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
127
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.51.
P a g e | 69
AlthoughtheAustralianFederalPolicewasnotestablisheduntil1979,theSecondWorldWarsaw
anincreaseinthepowerexecutedbytheCommonwealthovertheStateGovernments.AsDirector
General,Mackayhadbothexecutiveandinvestigativeauthoritywhichincludedcontrolover
surveillance,prosecution,restriction,internment(hostile,alien,subversiveandpacifistindividualsor
organizations), sabotage, administering Aliens Control Regulations, control of passport and visa
issuance,controlofpassengersandcrewsofshipsandaircraftlandinginAustralia,personnelvetting,
securityoffactoriesandestablishmentsengagedinwarproduction,allwharvesandshipsalongside,
security of information and prevention of harmful rumors and collation of security information
decidedabroad.128
Mackaylaterassumedthecontrolofallradiosecuritymeasuresanddirectionofradiointerception
for security purposes.129 It was clear that a decision was made to keep military and national
securityfunctionsseparate.
The Security Service was reconstituted on 1 April 1942 as a new organization and it was decided
that it should be considered and built up as a permanent and not merely as a wartime
organization.130However,AttorneyGeneralEvattrefusedbecauseitwastooexpensive.MacKays
new organization was to include representatives of the United States Federal Bureau of
Investigation,BritishMI5representativesandtheUnitedStatesForcesinAustralia.
Towards the end of the year, MacKay eventually established the Security Service, Australian
IntelligenceCorps,amajorpartofthestaffofwhichweremilitarypersonnel.Formanymonths,
MackayaskedtheArmyforaloanofpersonnelforanindefiniteperiod,however,Commanderin
Chief, General Sir Thomas Blamey, opposed the idea of military personnel being seconded to
civilian authorities. Eventually, Mackay was permitted to establish his new organization because
theArmydidnotwanttheresponsibilitiesoftheSecurityServiceandtheydidnotwanttheState
128
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
129
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
130
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
P a g e | 70
Policetoobtainthemeither.Therewere,however,problemsregardingtheArmypersonnelwho
comprised most of the Security Service staff. Army personnel were working full time in civilian
clothingfortheSecurityService,butwerestillpartoftheArmyunit.Thismeanttheywerebeing
paidandtrainedbytheArmy.131
Mackayenvisagedanewpoliceempire.HewantedStateCommissionersofPolicetohavepowers
as deputies of Deputy General to launch prosecutions under the Aliens Control Regulations.
Director of Naval Intelligence, Commander Rupert Basil Michel Long, feared that if the whole of
theSecurityServicesveryextensivepowerswereputinthehandsofthepolice,anunscrupulous
government could impose Gestapostyle control over the country.132 This Gestapostyle control
was what the opposition feared before the National Security Act. During this time, Member of
Parliament,JohnAlbertBeasley(WestSydney,NewSouthWales),statedinParliament
Myownpersonalfeelingsinregardtothemilitaryaspectcomesintomyconsideration.Irealizetheneedfor
discipline, but I have never felt that I could accept the form in which military discipline is exercised. The
military life does give rise to a form of dictatorship because whatever is said by the men on top, even
thoughitmaybeobviouslywrong,isthelaw.133
ThoughtheAustralianLaborPartyopposedtheimplementationoftheNationalSecurityAct,once
ingovernmenttheycontinuedtoadministertheAliensControlRegulationsuntiltheendofthewar.
One Labor politician who was willing to put principles above party was Maurice Blackburn.
BlackburnwantedtoforcethePartytoreviseitspoliciesduringwartime.Hewasexpelledfromthe
Partyin1941becausehewasinvolvedintheVictorianCounciloftheMovementAgainstWarand
131
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
132
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.26.
133
SecondReadingSpeech,MrBeasley,p,208.
P a g e | 71
Fascism. 134AustralianLaborPartymembersontheleftwerehopinghewouldreturntohelproll
backthetideofsectarianconservatismengulfingtheVictorianbranchoftheParty,andkeepthe
FederalPartyonatrueLaborcauseasitfacedthechallengesofgoverninginwartime.135Duetoill
health,BlackburnwasunabletofightagainstpoliciesimplementedbytheCurtinGovernment.136
Figure11:PortraitofLaborPolitician
MauriceBlackburn
State library of Victoria, Painting of
Maurice Blackburn. Printed 1942.
[http://www.slv.vic.gov.au/pictoria/b/2/8/do
c/b28694.shtml]. Accessed: 25 March 2012.
Despite the criticism that Mackay received, the responsibilities of the Security Service remained
unchanged. Attorney General Herbert Vere Evatt went overseas and left Forde in charge of
administering the new Security Service until August 1942. Forde ruled that Director General
representatives in each State were to be Federal officers and not State Commissioners of Police.
Between April and August 1942, the CIB was restricted to departmental investigations and
confidential enquiries outside the security field. Due to the growing tension between the State
134
S.B.Abeyasekere,AustralianDictionaryofbiographyMauriceBlackburn.Dateunknown.
[http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/blackburnmauricemccrae5258].Accessed14March2012.
135
C.Rasmussen,TheLoneWolfinSheepsClothing?MauriceBlackburn,TheAustralianLaborPartyandtheLimitsto
Mateship.HistoryAustralia,Volume3,Issue2,2006,pp.40.640.7.
136
Rasmussen,TheLoneWolf,p.40.7.
P a g e | 72
police and the Army, MacKay was replaced by Brigadier William Ballantyne Simpson on 23
September.
Mackaywaswellknownforhisuncompromisingmanner.Lamideywrote:
ThereisnodoubtMackaywasadriver.Hewasalsoanauthoritativebureaucratwhocouldnotadapt
himselfwitheasetothewiderhorizonsoftheFederalSphere.Acompromiseuponmattersuponwhich
hehadalreadymadeuphismindwasalwaysdifficulttoobtain.Thisperhapscouldhavebeenavoided
insomemeasurehadhesurroundedhimselfwithofficialswhocouldhavegivenhimsoundadviceon
aspectsofprincipleandpolicywhichweresomewhatoutsidethescopeofhisformerexperienceasa
highlycompetentPoliceadministrator.Buthehadnotprovidedforthisandhisangerattimesknewno
boundsonwhatheeloquentlydescribedasbeingstrangledwithbloodypaperwork.137
It was well known that Mackay achieved the relaxation of the rigor on travel and movement on
aliens, implementing changes such as redefining the term police district which was discussed
earlier.
Figure12:NewSouthWalesCommissionerof
Police,WilliamJohnMackay
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25.
137
Lamidey,PartialSuccess,p.51.
P a g e | 73
Figure13:DirectorofNavalIntelligence, Figure14:BrigadierWilliamBallantyne
CommanderRupertBasilMichelLong Simpson
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25 CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.25
LoyaltytotheBritishEmpire
ThoseexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulationswerepersonswhowereBritishsubjectswithin
the meaning of the Nationality Act 1920 (Cth), Section 18A of which declared that they were
entitled,whileinAustraliaoranyTerritoryoftheCommonwealth,toallpoliticalandotherrights,
powers and privileges to which a naturalborn British subject is entitled.138 The Aliens Control
Regulations, which Mackay and other officials helped administer, proved to be problematic for
German,Italianand,Japanesewomen,aswellastoAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoanenemy
alien,orofGerman,Italian,orJapanesedescent.Intheory,beingdesignatedaBritishsubjectunder
theNationalityActexemptedanindividualfromtherestrictionsoftheAliensControlRegulations.
During the early twentieth century, Australian history was in actual fact a very British history.
Loyalty to the British Empire ultimately transcended and was superior to that of the nation.139
Australiancitizenshipdidnotexistofficiallyuntil1948withtheimplementationoftheNationality
andCitizenshipAct1948.140Consequently,Australiancitizensbefore1948wereconsideredBritish
subjects.AustraliahadadoptedthelegalandconstitutionalframeworkoftheBritishEmpirewhich
made no reference to Australian citizenship. The term citizen was specifically avoided in the
AustralianConstitutionof1901infavorofsubjectoftheBritishEmpire.141
TheNationalityActprovidednocolourbartopreventaliensfromseekingnaturalization.However,
becoming a naturalized British subject did not translate into full acceptance ofmembership
138
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,p.405.
139
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,p.171.
140
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,pp.17172.
141
C. Elkner et. al., Enemy Alien: The Internment of Italian Migrants in Australia During the Second World War.
Melbourne:ConnorcourtPublishing,2005,p.209.
P a g e | 75
[into]the national community.142 Anyone who spoke a foreign language or subscribed to any
foreignlanguagepublicationsorhomelandappealssuchastheItalianRedCrosswasregardedas
suspicious and potentially disloyal to the British Empire.143 While the Aliens Control Regulations
stated that naturalization offered protection, in practice this was not guaranteed. As witnessed
earlierinthischapter,andaswillbefurtherdiscussedinfollowingchapters,naturalizationdidnot
guaranteeexemptionfromtheAliensControlRegulations.TheMerendafamilyandAustralianborn
women examined in this study, were subject to harsh restrictions despite the fact they were
naturalizedBritishsubjects.
The introduction of the Nationality Act did nevertheless promote assimilation by providing an
opportunity for aliens to acquire British subject status in Australia. If the applicant showed that
they had resided in Australia for five years, were of good character and could speak English
adequately, then they were entitled to the rights of a national born British subject.144 The
NationalityActwassupposedlybeneficialforGermans,ItaliansandJapaneselivinginAustraliafor
more than five years, unfortunately, for most women, this was not the case. The majority of
women in this study, particularly GermanJewish women, arrived here between 1938 and 1940,
andthereforewerenoteligibletoapplyfornaturalizationbythetimewarwasdeclared.
Parliament was clearly aware that loyal Germans would be negatively affected by legislation. Mr
Hughsaid:
142
I. M. O'Brien, Citizenship, Rights and Emergency Powers in Second World War Australia.Australian Journal of
PoliticsandHistory,Volume53,Issue2,2007,pp.210,211.
143
O'Brien,Citizenship,RightsandEmergencyPowers,p.211.
144
J.Chesterman,NaturalBornSubjects?RaceandBritishSubjecthoodinAustralia.AustralianJournalofPoliticsand
History,Volume51,Issue1,2005,p.32.
P a g e | 76
Theyshouldbegiventhelibertyofwhichweprofesstobesoproud.Idonotproposetociteindividual
cases, but many Germans in Australia have played a most important part in its development and
particularlythosemenwhowerebroughttoAustraliabythelateMrGeorgeFifeAngasabout100years
ago. Descendants of many of those early settlers are now spread all over Australia and are rendering a
veryvaluableservicetothecommunity.145
LaborpoliticianJohnSolomonRosevearalsostated
We are being asked, among other things, to grant power to certain officials to search premises without
warrant.Wehavevividrecollection[of]whatwasdoneinthiswayunderWarPrecautionsActpassedjustat
the outbreak of the last war. Trade union premises and even Government offices in Queensland, were
raidedat[the]timebyanoverzealousofficialunderinstructions[of]thepresentAttorneyGeneral.146
The loyalty of naturalized Germans was questioned by authorities because Germany did not
recogniseanynaturalizationunlessitwasobtainedwiththeconsentoftheGermanauthorities.147
In order to prove their loyalty to Australia, many Italian men opposed Mussolini publicly and
enlistedintheAustralianDefenceForces.Thosewhowerenaturalizedwereacceptedforservice.
However, the applications of unnaturalized Italians were rejected and then referred to
Intelligence.148
TheassistantresearchofficeroftheLaborCouncil,MrS.Jordan,claimedthatmenborninAustralia
ofItalianparents,whohadbeennaturalized,werebeingvictimizedbyemployersbecauseoftheir
Italian names. He argued that this was most unfair because these men were liable for military
serviceinthedefenceofAustralia,likeyoumenofBritishparentage.149TheNationalityActstated
thatthosewhobecamenaturalizedwereentitledtothesamerightsasaBritishsubject.However,
145
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 8 September 1939, 19899 (Mr
McHugh).
146
Commonwealth,HansardSecondReadingSpeech,HouseofRepresentatives,7September1939,173(Mr
McHugh).
147
McDermott,InternmentduringtheGreatWar,p.352.
148
ItaliansEagertoEnlist.TheArgus,12June1940,p.5.
149
AustralianbornItalians.Unfairtreatmentalleged.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
P a g e | 77
thisdidnotnecessarilymeannaturalizedsubjectswereexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulations
ordiscriminationfromthecommunity.
LoyaltytowardstheBritishEmpirewasdeterminedbythenationalitytheindividualwasofficially
identifiedwith.However,TedCantlehasobservedthatnationalitycanbewonorlostasallegiances
children.150ThemostsurprisingrevelationforAustralianwomenwhomarriedGerman,Italianand
Japanese men was that they unknowingly lost their British nationality upon marriage and were
required to register as enemy aliens. An amendment made to Part IV, Division 1 (19) of the
NationalityAct,madeitmoredifficultforwomentoregaintheirBritishstatus:
thewifeofaBritishsubjectshallbedeemedtobeaBritishsubject,andthewifeofanalienshallbe
deemedtobeanalienAwomanwho,havingbeenaBritishsubject,hasbyorinconsequenceofher
marriagebecomeanalien,shallnot,byreasononlybydeathofherhusbandorthedissolutionofher
marriage,ceasetobeanalien.151
The Nationality Act did however provide the opportunity for such women to retain naturalized
Britishsubjects.152PartIV,Division1(18)clearlystatedthatwomenmarriedtoanalienorenemy
aliencouldmakeadeclarationinordertoretainherstatusasBritishsubjectshouldherhusband
150
T.Cantle,CommunityCohesion:ANewFrameworkforRaceandDiversity.Newyork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.
116.
151
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,inportionofthefirstsession
oftheeighthparliamentoftheCommonwealth.AlbertJ.Mulleti,GovernmentPrinteroftheStateofVictoria,1920,p.
146.
152
Anyonewhoappliedfornaturalisationwasobligatedtoswearanoathofallegiance:I,A.B.,swearbyAlmightyGod
thatIwillbefaithfulandbeartrueallegiancetoHisMajesty,KingGeorgethefifth,hisHeirsandSuccessors,according
tolaw.SeeTheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,inportionofthe
first session of the eighth parliament of the Commonwealth. Albert J. Mulleti, Government Printer of the State of
Victoria,1920,p.153.
P a g e | 78
ceasetobesoduringthemarriage,althoughshewouldneedtobeawareoftheActandtakethe
initiativeofmakingtherequireddeclaration
ItwasalsoprovidedthataBritishbornwomanmarriedtoanenemyaliencouldapplytoretain
herBritishnationality;however,theonuswasonthewomantobeawareoftheneedtodoso,
and to make the declaration. She could then be given a certificate of naturalization at the
discretionoftheGovernorGeneral.Thatis,itwasnotanautomaticprocess.Thedefaultbylaw
waslossofcitizenship.154
Theprocesswasaseriousundertaking.Inorderforawomanclassifiedasanenemyalientoregain
herBritishnationality,anapplicationformwascompletedandsenttotheCIB(SeeAppendixSix).
The Department of Interior then responded with the completion of a general report and the CIB
informed the alien whether there was any security objection.155 The report, together with the
aliensapplicationwasthenforwardedtotheCIBHeadquartersinCanberra.TheSecurityService
would then advise the CIB in writing, either if there was no security objection raised to the
applicationorwhethertherewaslikelytobeaSecurityobjection,wheredetailswouldthenhave
beentransmittedtotheDirectorGeneral.156Iftherewasnosecurityobjectionraised,therewasno
needforareporttobesubmitted,andtheapplicationproceededfromtheCIBtotheDepartment
of the Interior.157 If there was a security objection raised, a detailed report was transmitted
153
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
154
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.146.
155
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
156
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
157
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
P a g e | 79
immediatelytotheHeadquartersoftheSecurityServiceandtheCIB.158Mostwomeninthisstudy
acquired naturalization towards the end of the war between 1943 and 1945. This was most
probably as a result of the recommendations of the ACAC and the war situation beginning to
improveinAustralia.
Naturalizationdidhowever,includechildrenundertwentyoneyearsofage,whowereincludedin
acertificateofnaturalizationgrantedtohisparent.159Ifthechildwasovertwentyoneyearsold,
he or she was not included, as Italian migrant Rita Contore discovered. Rita had been living in
Australiaforsixteenyears,andbecausebothherparentswerenaturalized,shebelievedthatshe
too was included in the certificate that was issued to her parents. However, authorities deemed
thisfactinsignificantandrejectedherappealtobeexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulations.160
The Commonwealth Minister for the Interior, Senator H.S. Foll, publicized the opportunity for
women to retain their British nationality when he found out that many women were suffering
unnecessaryhardshipthroughthealienregistrationprocess.161PriortoMarch1942,asageneral
principle,allapplicationsfornaturalizationwererejectedfromallenemyaliens.Withoutproviding
anyevidenceandmerelystatingaSecurityobjection,theMinisterfortheInterior,JosephCollings
inMay1942,feltthathewasentitledtosomeevidencetosupportanobjectionwasrequired.162
Asaresult,recommendationswereforwardedtotheMinisterfortheInteriorinDecember1942to
158
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.59.
159
TheActsofParliamentoftheCommonwealthofAustraliapassedduringtheyear1920,p.140.
160
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 30 August 1940. See Zadro
[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
161
M. Bevege, Behind Barbed Wire: Internment in Australia during World War II. St. Lucia: University of Queensland
Press,1993,p.31.
162
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.55.
P a g e | 80
reviewexistingrestrictionsthatwereconsideredtoosevere,particularlyinthecaseofthosewho
hadgivenevidencethattheywereopposedtotheregimeoftheirnativecountryandtothosewho
haddemonstratedtheloyaltytotheAllincause.163
Preventinginjurytothewareffort:Internmentasameasureofcontrol
Although the registration proved to be obstructive for most women in this study, many had to
endurethemoststringentAliensControlRegulationsinternment.Thefollowingillustrationtaken
fromtheNAAwebsiteshowstheinternmentcampsthatwereestablishedacrossAustraliaduring
theSecondWorldWar.Figure17showsthatthedistributionofcampswashighlyconcentratedin
Australiassouthandsoutheastbecauseofthehighpopulationofmigrantswhosettledinthose
areas.
AccordingtoPaulHasluck,itwasageneralrulethatwomenwerenottobeinterned,butwhenthe
interest of public safety demanded it they would be kept in custody.164 Saunders argued that
accordingly,theAliensControlRegulationsassumedthatonlyEuropeanmaleenemyalienswerein
any way politically active, women being concerned only with their narrow domestic
responsibilities.165 Despite this general rule, several women were interned on the basis of their
politicalaffiliationsorracialappearance.ByNovember1940,1,726Germans,ItaliansandJapanese
menandwomenwereinternedacrossAustralia.AsSaundersandDanielshaveargued,wartime
policyreflectedtheAlliesdefeatsonthebattlefieldratherthanacalculatedriskassessmentofan
individual.166ThisisevidentwheninternmentfiguresofItaliansclimbedto4,727inMarch1944.167
163
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.56.
164
Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,p.593.
165
Saunders,WarontheHomefront,p.38.
166
Saunders,andDanielset.al.,AlienJustice,p.114.
P a g e | 81
Figure17:InternmentCampsacrossAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWar
NAA,InternmentcampsinWorldWarII.
[http://www.naa.gov.au/collection/snapshots/internment
camps/WWII/index.aspx].Accessed:25March2012.
TheDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberraandtheDeputyDirectorofSecuritywithineachstate
was responsible for internments during the war. Clause 20 of the Aliens Control Regulations,
declared:
IftheMinisteroranypersonauthorizedbytheMinistertoactunderthisregulationisofopinionthat
itisnecessaryorexpedientintheinterestsofthepublicsafety,thedefenceoftheCommonwealthor
the efficient prosecution of the present war to detain any enemy alien, he may warrant under his
hand,ordertheenemyalientobedetainedinsuchplace,undersuchconditionsandforsuchperiod
astheMinisterorpersonsoauthorizeddetermines.168
167
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.52.
168
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules,p.412.
P a g e | 82
ItwasstatedintheWarBookthattheincarcerationofenemyalienswasnotintendedtointernall
civilianenemyaliensimmediatelyontheoutbreakofhostilities.Internmentshouldberestrictedto
the narrowest limits consistent with public safety and public sentiment.169 The Military was
responsibleforinternmentandorcompilinganinitiallistofthosetobeinterned.170
AttorneyGeneralandMinisterforExternalAffairs,Dr.HerbertVereEvatt,whowastobecomea
prominent figure in Australias history in his campaign against the Communist ban in the 1950s,
madetotheHouseofRepresentatives
1. Theaimandsolejustificationofallrestrictionsuponindividuallibertyistopreventinjurytothewar
effortofthecountry,notto[punish]theindividualThesolegroundforrestrictinglibertyisthatthe
individual, if left unrestricted, might prejudice the successful defence of this country against the
enemy.
2. Thesecondprincipleisthatindividuallibertyistoberestrictedonlyifthereisarealdangerthatthe
individual will act in a way that prejudices the war effortfull internment being reserved for cases
wherethepossibilityofinjurytothenationisundeniable.171
Internment was justified by Evatt as a preventative measure. Such a restriction appealed to the
majority of the Australian public. Sydney resident F.A. Keen wrote a letter to the editor of the
SydneyMorningHerald,inwhichheexpressedtheviewthataslongasalienswhowereinterned
receivedthethreebasicessentialsoflife,food,clothingandshelter,therewasnocomparisonto
the harrowing accounts we read and hear over the air of the unfortunate people who were
prisoners of war in German concentration camps.172 Similarly, on 25 June 1940, the Minister for
169
WarBookoftheCommonwealthofAustralia:CoordinationofDepartmentalActionontheOccurrenceofStrained
RelationsandontheOutbreakofWar.Melbourne:DepartmentofDefence,July,1939,p.2.
170
WarBookoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,p.2.
171
Lamidey,AliensControl:InterimReport(1943), p.4.
172
TheAliensQuestion.SydneyMorningHerald,7August1940,p.10.
P a g e | 83
Transport, Michael Frederick Bruxner, claimed that the Commonwealth Government was too
lenientinthetreatmentofenemyaliens.HestatedthatWeareaskingouryoungmentoenlist,
and at the same time we are allowing enemy subjects to remain free.173 Although there were a
largenumberofenemyalienswhowerealreadyinterned,itwasclearthatMrBruxnerschargeof
Federal laxity was unlikely to convince the public that official action was sufficiently wide and
vigorous.ItwasreportedintheSydneyMorningHeraldtwodayslaterthatexperienceabroadhas
amplydrivenhometheneedforustotaketheproblemofenemysubversionmoreseriouslyand
realistically, and greater vigilance is now imperative in the paramount interest of the national
security.174
Figure18:AttorneyGeneralHerbertVere
Evatt
FlindersUniversity,HerbertVereEvatt.
[http://library.flinders.edu.au/resources/colle
ction/special/evatt/evattbiog.html].Accessed:
2012
Hasluck wrote that the total of local internments rose to a wartime maximum of 6,780 in
September1942 (including 1,029 Germans, 3,651 Italians and 1,036 Japanese), but thereafter, as
thewarsituationbegantoimprovefortheAllies,thesefiguressteadilydeclineduntilSeptember
173
InternmentDemand.EnemyAliens.StateMinistersConcerned.SydneyMorningHerald,26June,1940,p.11.
174
EnemyAliens.SydneyMorningHerald,27June1940,p.6.
P a g e | 84
1944,thetotalwasdownto1,380(including704Germans,135Italiansand480Japanese).175At
theendofthewar,fortysevenItalians,564Germansand587Japaneseremainedinternedandin
December 1945, the Judge of Supreme Court of Canberra was appointed as a Commissioner to
examine whether they should be deported.176 Japanese figures of internment remained constant
andapartfromthosefewreleasesongroundsofhumanitarianism,duetoextremeinfirmityofage
or health no releases were effected.177 As noted in Chapter Five, many Japanese nationals were
deported.Fromtheevidencepresented,itisclearthattheirtreatmentduringthewarwasbased
ontheheightenedsecuritythreatinAustraliasnorthandtheirJapaneseappearance.
ChallengingInternment:TheAliensTribunal
Internmentmeasures could, with great difficulty, be challenged by internees. The Aliens Tribunal
wasestablishedinNovember1940tohearobjectionsmadeagainstinternment.TheMinisterfor
theArmywasresponsibleforappeals.Thetribunalconsistedofachairmanandtwomembers,who
heard the appeal, and presented its recommendations to the Deputy Director of Security. The
process also included an Advisory Committee which was established in each state and present
during the hearing. If the Deputy agreed to release the enemy alien, he would act on the
recommendation.Ifhedisagreed,thematterwaspassedontotheDirectorGeneralofSecurity.178
AswewillseeinChapterFive,AustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentwhofoundthemselves
incarceratedduringthewarbattledauthoritiesthroughmanyappealsinthisTribunal.
175
Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople19391941.VolumeOne,p.594.
176
Lamidey,AliensControl,Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,pp.524.
177
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.54.
178
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.51.
P a g e | 85
TheissuesdiscussedattheTribunalincludedsuchquestionsas:onwhatgroundswasanyresident
interned?Whodecided?Wasinternmentsimplyadeprivationoflibertyanddidthisconstitutede
facto imprisonment? In whose interests did this selection occur?179 The Chief of Military
Intelligence for Southern Command, Lieutenant Colonel Sydney Whittington informed the Aliens
TribunalHearingNumberthreeinFebruary1941,thatInternmentisnotapunishment;wemerely
UnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchofAustralia(UELCA),PastorJ.J.Stolzsawitdifferently.Ashe
protestedthatindividualswereinternedWithoutahearinginanopencourt;withoutevenbeing
told the charge laid against them; without permitting their lawyer to know the accusation raised
againstthemtheyweredeprivedtheirliberty.181
ThethreattoAustraliasnationalsecurityescalatedwhenJapandeclaredwarontheAlliedforcesin
December1941.JapansaggressiveadvancedownthechainofislandstoAustraliasnorthandthe
bombing of Darwin in February 1942, led to the incarceration of all Japanese residents living in
Australia,alongwithlargenumbersofItaliansinternedinQueensland.Itisimportanttonotethat
Japanese residential numbers were low due to restrictions that had been placed on immigration
during the first half of the twentieth century. It was recorded that 587 of 600 Japanese living in
AustraliawereincarceratedasaresultofJapansentryintothewarinDecember1941.182
179
K.Saunders,InspiredbyPatrioticHysteria?:InternmentpolicytowardsenemyaliensinAustraliaduringtheSecond
World War in P. Panayi et al., Minorities in wartime: National and Racial Groupings in Europe, North America and
AustraliaduringtheTwoWorldWars.AnnArbor,MI:E.B.EdwardsBrothers,1993,p.295.
180
Saunders,InspiredbyPatrioticHysteria?inPanayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.294.
181
Saunders,InspiredbyPatrioticHysteria?inPanayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.294.
182
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.53.
P a g e | 86
Manpowerandemployment
The treatment of enemy aliens was also informed by wartime manpower concerns. The
Commonwealth Government was forced to address the problem of how to make further use of
Australianwomen,bothintheservicesandinindustryestablishingasignificantlabourforceina
war economy.183 As a result, the Manpower Directorate, anew system of industrial conscription,
wasintroducedinOctober1942.TheManpowerRegulations1942(Cth)calledupwomenandmen
forservicesandcontrolledwhereallmenandwomenwouldwork.Manywomenwerecalledupto
work in occupations that were previously dominated by men, such as munitions factories and
warehouses.
In comparison to internment figures recorded during the First World War, those interned during
the Second World War were significantly lower. This could be a result of both shortage of
manpowerandenemyaliensbeingcalleduptoworkinlabourcamps.Internmentwasexpensive,
costing the Commonwealth Government 3 every week for eachinternee.184 Similarly, the Aliens
Control Regulations also controlled the employment of all aliens, which prohibited the
employment(exceptwiththewrittenpermissionofanauthorityspecifiedintheorder)ofaliens,or
anyindividualalien,inanyoccupationspecifiedintheorder.185
FollowingJapansentryintothewar,alienslivinginAustraliawerecompelledtoundertakesome
form of national service. In February 1942, all aliens over the age of 18 years were required to
183
J.PenglaseandD.Hunteretal.,WhenthewarcametoAustralia:MemoriesoftheSecondWorldWar.Sydney:Allen
andUnwin,1992,p.38.
184
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.54.
185
SeeNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRuleno.88of1939,Regulation23.NationalSecurity
(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule,p.413.
P a g e | 87
registerfornationalservice.Inthefollowingmonth,theWarCabinetdemandedthatalienlabour
shouldbemadeavailabletotheAlliedWorksCouncil(AWC)whichcoordinatedandimplemented
themassivepublicworksanddefenceinstallationsthatwereneededtolaunchAlliedoffensivesin
thePacific.186TheCivilConstructionalCorps(CCC)wasastrictcivilianorganizationthatundertook
war related construction projects and operated under the AWC between February and June in
1942.Atotalof53,518menwereemployedbytheCCC.Inearly1942,theCivilAlienCorps(CAC),a
subsidiary of the CCC was established, where the bulk of enemy aliens were conscripted into
labour. Due to the competition that existed between the Manpower authorities and the AWC,
enemy aliens who were considered as lowrisk internees were released from incarceration to
contributetotheAlliedwareffortinremoteregions.187
It was clear that GermanJewish refugees were wrongfully classified as enemy aliens at the
outbreakofwar,howeveraftertheywerereclassifiedasrefugeealiensandexemptfromtheAliens
ControlRegulations,theCommonwealthGovernmentcontinuedtoconscriptthemintheirlabour
force. This unjust action was acknowledged by Lamidey, who wrote the continuation of this
practice and the anomaly which it raised when viewed against the Aliens Control Regulations
undoubtedly was the cause of much resentment.188 The stories of GermanJewish women who
wereaffectedbythelegislationarehighlightedinChapterSix.
186
Panayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.312.
187
Panayi,MinoritiesinWartime,p.312.
188
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.34.
P a g e | 88
Theendofthewar
ByAugust1944,thewarinEuropewasnearinganendandGeneralBlameyrequestedthatthe312
Army personnel (seconded to the Aliens Control department) return to their military duties.
Simpson, as the new Director General in Canberra, responded by saying he needed to retain the
Armypersonnelinorderforthedepartmenttostaystable.Hearguedthat
althoughAustraliassecuritypositionhadeasedasthetideofthewarwentagainstGermanyandJapan
newsecurityproblemshadarisenorwereanticipated,andhecouldnotanswerforAustraliasinternal
securityifBlameysrequestwasgranted.189
Simpson did however release 75 Army personnel to Blamey. On 24 October 1945, Simpson was
appointed Justice of Supreme Court and resigned as Director Generalof Security. Longfield Lloyd
became the new Director General of Security until 15 December 1945 when Secret Service was
disbanded and activities and records were taken over by Security Section of the CIB. Former
Director of Military Intelligence at Army Headquarters, Brigadier Charles Chambers Fowell Spry
became the new Director General in 1949. Spry was later to head the Australian Security
IntelligenceBranch(ASIO).
Eventually,theNationalityandCitizenshipActwaspassedandcameintoeffecton26January1949.
MinisterforImmigration,ArthurCalwell,claimedthattheNationalityandCitizenshipActwasnot
designed to make an Australian any less a British subject, but to help him express his pride in
citizenshipofthisgreatcountry.190However,notmuchhadchangedwiththeintroductionofthe
newNationalityandCitizenshipAct.JohnChestermanwrotethatthedivisionbetweenaliensand
subjects was a welldefined one. Aliens had to go through naturalization processes to acquire
Australiancitizenship,whilenonAustralianBritishsubjectshadmerelytoregistertoachievecitizen
189
CoulthardClark,AustraliasWartime,p.27.
190
Beaumont,AustralianCitizenship,p.181.
P a g e | 89
status.191 The Nationality and Citizenship Act changed the status of married women under the
former Nationality Act and removed limitations imposed on women and enabled them to make
theirownchoiceasfarastheirnationalstatuswasconcerned.192
Conclusion
ThischapterfocusedonthebureaucraticsystemsthatwereimplementedduringtheSecondWorld
War. It highlighted the inaccuracies that existed within Australias intelligence organization and
showedhowunpreparedtheCIBwasattheoutbreakofwar.Thestoriespresentedinthefollowing
chapters illustrate how the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to German, Italian, Japanese
andAustralianbornwomen.TheirstoriesreflecttheinconsistentwaysinwhichtheAliensControl
Regulations as were applied, highlighting confusion among officialdom concerning Aliens Control
Regulationsandthexenophobicattitudesexpressedtowardssomewomen.
191
Chesterman,NaturalBornSubjects?,p.34.
192
K. Tsokhas, Making a nation state: cultural identity, economic nationalism and sexuality in Australian history.
Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,2001,p.14.
P a g e | 90
ChapterTwo
forthegloryofgreaterItaly:Italiancruisers
MVRemoandRomolo
OhLordabovelookdown
withlove
Uponourlittleship
Pleasedoyourbest
Toendthisdeadlytrip,
Whereactionyellsand
Ringingbells
Wontmakeuscurseand
Swear
Ashalfasleepfrombed
Weleap
Tofindnoraiderthere1
On26May1940,nineteenyearoldLilianaGiacosa,apassengeronboardtheItalianMVRomolo,
confessedtoherdiarythat
Everyone is worried because it seems that they want to keep us prisoners in case war breaks out any
minute.Thisisoneofthosecriticalmomentswhichoccurwithanaverageoftwiceayear.Themoment
seemsveryblacknowandallnewspapersdeclarethatItalywillgotowar.Ofcoursethereisalwayshope
but things look pretty dark now. Mother says it would be better to be interned here in Australia than
caughtoutatsea.Everyonehasthejitters.Isupposeitwillsoonpassjustasothermomentsofcrisishave
passed.
2
Liliana and her family were looking forward to returning to her homeland in Italy; however, the
RomolowasinAustralianwaterswhenItalydeclaredwaragainsttheAlliedforces.TheAustralian
1
OneofthecrewmembersonboardtheRomoloreportedlyvoicedtheirfeelingstowardsthehorrificordealthatwas
experiencedbycrewandpassengers.CrewmembersonboardwereorderedbytheFascistgovernmentinItalytoalter
itscourseandsetthecruiseronfire.ThepassagewaspublishedintheNavyNewsalmost19yearsaftertheeventand
described the fear expressed by crew and passengers on board the ship. [See Hounded down Romolo. Navy News,
Friday,January9,1959,p.2].
2
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 6 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Melbourne.
P a g e | 91
MVManoorawassenttocapturetheItalianvessel.PassengersonboardtheRomoloreturnedto
Australia, and endured the Commonwealth Governments enforcement of the National Security
(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)duringtheSecondWorldWar.
By early June 1940, the Commonwealth Government was expressing growing concern over Italy
becominginvolvedinthewar.ItiswellknownthatItalians,especiallythoselivinginQueensland,
were subjected to a consistently high degree of racially inspired antagonism as well as political
suspicion.3ThischapterillustrateshowtheCommonwealthGovernmentkeptaclosewatchover
ItalianslivinginAustralia,especiallythoseonboardItalianvesselswhichwereeventuallyseizedin
Australianwaters.
GianfrancoCrescianiwrotethatthefirstItalianPrisonersofWarandinterneesduringtheSecond
World War were sailors and passengers on board Italian vessels, and that the eight female crew
membersonboardbothvesselswerenotinterned.4RichardBosworthandRomanoUgoliniclaimed
thatonlytwoItalianwomenwereinternedfromtheFremantlecommunity,MrsFunazziandMrs
Travia.5 This chapter argues otherwise, presenting new research concerning female crew and
passengers on board the vessels who were interned during the war based on their political
affiliations. Unlike German women involved in Nazi activities presented in the following chapter,
therewasnoevidencetosuggestthatthesewomenhadanactiveroleinfascistorganisationsin
Australia.However,insomecases,itwasclearthatwomenwerepoliticallyinvolvedtosomeextent
3
K.Saunders,andH.Taylor.TheEnemyWithin?TheProcessofInternmentofEnemyAliensinQueensland193945.
AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume:34,Issue1,1988,p.20.
4
SeeG.Cresciani,CaptivityinAustralia:thecaseoftheItalianPrisonersofwar,19401947.StudiEmigrazione,Volume
26,1989,p.196;andG.Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia.Melbourne:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003,p.100.
5
R.BosworthandR.Ugoliniet.al.,War,InternmentandMassMigration:TheItaloAustralianExperience19401990.
Roma:GruppoEditorialeInternazionale,1992,p.81.
P a g e | 92
duringthewar.Thischapterdepictsthewartimehysteriaandracialantagonismthatexistedwithin
Australia when Italy entered the war by presenting case studies of Italian migrants who were
returningtoItalyduringtheoutbreakofwar.
nationalismwithaFascistlabel:AbriefoverviewofItalianfascisminAustralia
The most prominent element of fascism was patriotism. Don Luigi Sturzo described fascism as
nationalism with a Fascist label.6 David Brown referred to Italians in Queensland who perceived
fascismasaforcethatwasrestoringtheintegrityofItalyanddefendingnotonlyItalianhonoursat
homebutalsotherightsofItaliansabroad.7InOctober1922,afterviolentbattlesonthestreets
and political chaos in Italy, Mussolini, also known as the Duce of Fascism, came to power.8
NewcomerstoAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930swhohadwitnessedthebirthoffascisminItaly
had emigrated to avoid fascism. Italians residing in Australia were perceived as a threat by the
CommonwealthGovernment.
MostItalianwomeninthisstudystatedontheirquestionnaireformstheiroppositiontothefascist
regimeinItaly.However,somewomenwereinvolvedinfascism.AngelaDianawroteinherarticle
that generally, Italian women who were members of a fascist organisation were not involved in
political activities, and those who were members, had been pressured by their family and peer
groupstojoin.9Womendidoccasionallyjoinfascistorganisationsforsocialcontact,butthisdidnot
meantheywerenotfascists.Forexample,ItalianbornRosinaLazzarini,senthergoldweddingring
6
D.Brown,FascismwithinthePreWorldWarIIItalianpopulationofQueensland:astudyofcommunityprocessesand
interaction.JournalofRoyalAustralianHistoricalSociety,Volume93,Issue1,2007,p.24.
7
Brown,FascismwithinthePreWorldWarII,p.24.
8
G.Cresciani,ItalianslivinginAustralia.Melbourne:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003,pp.7677.
9
Diana,ItalianwomeninAustralia,p.77.
P a g e | 93
totheItalianconsulinsupportofthefascistcausewhichsignifiedthestrongidealcommitment
thatsomewomenhadfortheregime.10ManywhosettledinAustraliaweremilitantlyopposedto
fascismandpreferredtosettleinagriculturalareasinAustralia,includingareassuchasGriffithand
LismoreinruralregionsofNewSouthWales.11
The Italian threat in Australia was considered to be more acute compared to Germanys
involvementinthewar.Before1920,therewereapproximately8,000ItalianslivinginAustralia.
ThisnumbersignificantlyincreasedwhenItaliansmigratedtoAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930s,
fleeingtheoppressiveregimethatMussolinihadintroducedtoItaly.WilliamA.Douglasswrotethat
MussolinihadrestoredItalyameasureofnationalprideandridherofdeepseatedcivilreligious
strife.12 Douglass also argued that Mussolinis drive for national glory in Europe was translated
intoapotentialsourceofethnicprideforItaliansoftheemigrantdiaspora.13Thiswasespecially
evident for Italian communities established within Australia. Former public servant Noel Lamidey
statedthatthe:
FascistPartyhasdoneitsbesttotakeadvantageofthepatrioticsentimentsofItalianswhohavesettled
here,andtoturntoaccounttheloveofcountryandattachmenttothemotherlandthataresostrongly
implantedintheItalianheart.14
TheCommonwealthGovernmentconsideredItalianfasciststobealmostfanatics,andifAustralia
had been invaded, they would have done their utmost to assist the enemy.15 However, from the
10
Diana,ItalianwomeninAustralia,p.77.
11
Cresciani,ItalianslivinginAustralia,p.79.
12
W.Douglass,A.FromItalytoIngham:ItaliansinNorthQueensland.StLucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,1995,p.
204.
13
Douglass,FromItalytoIngham,p.204.
14
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReedontheinternmentand
controlofItaliansinAustralia(November1943).Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.75.
15
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.76.
P a g e | 94
filesexaminedinthisstudy,itisclearthatmanyItalianwomenwerefleeingtheoppressivefascist
GovernmentinItaly.
LamideyreferredtoanItalianinterneefromQueensland,whowasprobablyanaturalizedBritish
subject,andwasfoundinpossessionofamapofAustraliashowingthedistributionofitsvarious
partsamongsttheAxispowers.16Therealityofthethreatseemedgreatlyexaggeratedwhenthe
CommonwealthGovernmentimmediatelysuggestedthatit
maythereforebeacceptedasbeyondquestionthatthefascistGovernmentwashopingtoobtaina
slice of Australia, and that it was endeavoring through the fascist organizations, and by means of
otherfascistinfluencesinAustralia,topromoteasbestitcouldtherealizationofthathope.Fromthe
pointofviewthereforeofthepotentialriskofanyItalianwhomightbeinanywayassociatedwiththe
Fascistpartyoranyofitsactivities,therewasundoubtly,andstillistoalesserdegree,theelementof
risktoourownsecurity.17
BecauseItalianshadsettledinlargenumbers,especiallyinQueensland,thethreatoffascistrevolt
seemedimminent.GovernmentofficialsbelievedthatifAustraliawasinvadedbytheAxisforces,
ItaliansresidinginAustraliahadtheopportunityofjoiningupwiththeAxispowers,andwhenin
numbersandnotlikelytohavetodoanyrealfighting,theywilldoastheyaretoldbyanyonein
authorityoverthem.18QueenslandhadthelargestItalianbornpopulationinAustraliawith8,500
Italians in 1933, the majority residing in the northern sugar cane region between Mackey and
Cairns.19 Fascist organisations in Australia were able to influence on Italians lifestyle, especially
sinceitwasconsideredasculturallydrivennationalism.Brownwrotethatwithinashorttimethe
ItalianFascistPartywasabletoconstructasophisticatednetworkofpoliticalorganisations,social
clubsandeducationalinstitutionsthatbroughtamajorityofItaliansinQueenslandintoitssphere
16
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.78.
17
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.78.
18
Lamidey,AliensControl:AppendixB:AReportbyMr.JusticeReed(November1943),p.78.
19
D.Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio:ThetransnationalpoliticsoftheItalianFascistParty.HistoryAustralia,
Volume6,Issue1,2009,p.5.4.
P a g e | 95
of influence.20 Brown argued that the cultural activities associated with these occasions were
arguably more important than political ideology.21 For example, Australian Military Authorities
sawtheattendanceatfascistorganisedcommemorationsofItalysvictoryinAbyssiniaasevidence
proving Italians in Australia did not have loyalty to their country of residence but allegiance to
Imperial Italy.22 However, similar to their German counterparts, membership of fascist groups in
Australiawaslow,whichmeanttherewasanegligiblepoliticalimpactonItalians.23
ItisalsoimportanttonotethattheoppositiontothefascistregimeinAustraliawasaforcebyno
means negligible.24 The antifascist groups in Australia were established by Italians who had
witnessed the birth of Fascism in Italy and were militantly opposed to it.25 The Italians involved
werepredominantlyindustrialandagriculturalworkerswhohadbeencompelledtoemigrateafter
its coming to power.26 A drive to increase the countrys population and the United States
restrictionontheintakeofItaliansbetweentheworldwarssawItalianfiguresinAustraliaclimbto
approximately38,000.27
Italyentersthewar
The Commonwealth Government was deeply concerned about the implications and activities of
Italian fascism. At the outbreak of war, Mussolinis Italy stayed neutral and it was not until June
20
Brown,FascismwithinthePreWorldWarII,p.35.
21
Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio,p.6.
22
Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio,p.11.
23
Brown,TheCaseoftheBrisbaneFascio,p.5.5.
24
G.Cresciani,Fascism,AntiFascismandItaliansinAustralia,19221945.Canberra:AustralianUniversityPress,1980,
p.98.
25
Cresciani,Fascism,AntiFascismandItaliansinAustralia,p.98.
26
Cresciani,Fascism,AntiFascismandItaliansinAustralia,p.98.
27
J.Church,PerLAustralia:theStoryofItalianMigration.Melbourne:theMiegunyahPress,2005,p.5.
P a g e | 96
1940, when France was besieged by the Germans that Italy decided to declare war against the
Allies.On16June,Francesurrenderedandimmediatelyaskedforanarmistice.28Forthisreason,
Italys entry into the war was perceived by many as treacherous. Richard Bosworth wrote that
ItaliantroopsstabbedinthebackagaspingFrancewhenshealreadylayprostratedbytheGerman
BlitzkriegsweepingtoParisandtheChannelcoastMussolinihadwon...aftertheenemyhadbeen
defeatedelsewhere,bysomebodyelse.29
TheperceptionofwomeninfascistItalyiscrucialtounderstandingthetreatmentofItalianwomen
inwartimeAustralia.ThefascistregimeinItalyredefinedthefemalerole,makingwomenvictims
and at the same time protagonists of the states key activity.30 Mussolini outlined the effects on
fascistItalyifwomenweretoundertakepaidwork:
Withworkawomanbecomeslikeaman;shecausesmansunemployment;shedevelopsindependence
andafashionthatiscontrarytotheprocessofchildbirth,andlowersthedemographiccurve;manis
deprivedofworkanddignity;heiscastratedineverysensebecausethemachinedepriveshimeitherof
hiswomenorofhisvirility.31
RobinPickeringIazziclaimedthattheregimeconstructednewapparatusesintheformsofpolicies,
programs, and institutions designed to cultivate and manage a patriarchal agenda for the female
whichrepresenteddevotiontothefamilyandhomeandmaternalcaretowardsfathers,husbands
28
R.Stromberg,EuropeintheTwentiethCentury.NewJersey:PrenticeHall,1997,p.246.
29
R.J.B.Bosworth,BenitoMussoliniandtheFascistDestructionofLiberalItaly,19001945.Adelaide:TypecraftPtyLtd,
1973,p.89.
30
R. PickeringIazzi, Mothers of Invention: Women, Italian Fascism, and Culture. Minnesota: University of Minnesota
Press,1995,p.40.
31
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,p.40.
32
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,p.41.
P a g e | 97
andoffspring.33InItaly,Mussolinibelievedthattheroleofawomanwastobeanexemplarywife
andmotherwherewomanmaybestexpresshernaturalgenius.34
Catholicism also played an important role in regards to the position of women in Italy. Lesley
Caldwell argued the Catholic Church always displayed a discursive preoccupation with sexuality
and the relation between the sexes, and its position affected debates about the place of women
andthefamilyinItaly.35Bythe1940s,theprimaryfocuswasonthebondbetweenthemotherand
thechildevidentinspecialistaccountsaswellaspublicstatementsthatweremadebytheState
andtheChurch.TheCatholicpositionwasthatwomensdualroleinsocietyandthefamilycould
onlyeverbeachievedatthecostofthefamilyanditsmembers,andthatwomensdutydemanded
theirfamilyallegiancefirstandforemost.36
Criticism towards Italians was not only expressed by the Australian Catholic church, but also the
generalAustraliancommunity.ItwasreportedintheWestAustralianfourdaysafterItalydeclared
war against the allies that the internment of all enemy aliens was strongly advocatedwhen
allegations were made that Italians as a whole were disloyal.37 The support for war against Italy
was overwhelming. It also exacerbated feelings that already existed towards Italians that were
previouslybasedontheirrace.PrimeMinisterRobertGordonMenziesdeclaredthatAustraliawas
atwarwithItaly.HeproclaimedIhaveneverreallybelievedinmyheartthatBritishpeopleneedto
sustainthemselvesonadietofhate,butifIfeltdisposedtostandupandsingahymnofhateitis
33
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,pp.4041.
34
PickeringIazzi,MothersofInvention,p.xv(Introduction).
35
L.Caldwell,ItalianFamilyMatters:Women,PoliticsandLegalReform.London:MacmillanAcademicandProfessional
Ltd,1991,p.8.
36
Caldwell,ItalianFamilyMatters,p.22.
37
EnemyAliens.AllegationsofDisloyalty.InternmentAdvocated.TheWestAustralian,15June1940,p.12.
P a g e | 98
today.38ItalianslivinginAustraliawerealreadyclassifiedasaliensandwhenItalyenteredthewar,
they were reclassified as enemy aliens and further investigated. Police put their plan for the
internmentofItalianaliensintoaction.TheSydneyMorningHeraldreportedonthedaythatpolice
lefttheirheadquartersinHunterStreetinthecity,andcalledupondriverstomeetatthehomesof
enemyaliens.Otherpolicestationsandthemilitarywereinformedandinstructedtoactuponlists
ofnameswhich,inmostcases,hadbeenpreparedmonthsinadvance.39
AsstatedintheIntroduction,MargaretBevegeconcludedthattherewasnosignificantpoliticalor
presscampaignagainstaliensduringWorldWarII.Thelackofpubliccampaignisattributabletothe
coolheadednessandcommitmenttofairplayexhibitedbythePrimeMinisters,MenziesandJohn
Curtin, who never engaged in alien baiting themselves, and publicly denounced it in others.40
However,itisarguablethatthiscoolheadednessandcommitmentoffairplaywasnotexhibited
towardsItalians.41RegardlessofhowlongtheyhadlivedinAustralia,thereweremanyItalianswho
foundthemselvestobepotentialsuspectsandwereroundeduptobeinterned.42
Italians who associated with the Italian Club or any other Italian organisation were immediately
suspected of being involved in the potential risk to the nations security. Francesca Merendas
38
EnteredWarforLoot.ItalysDecision.MrMenziessSpeech.SydneyMorningHerald,12June1940,p.15.Robert
MenziesrespondingtothenewsofItalyenteringthewarataweeklyluncheonwiththemembersoftheLegacyClub.
39
PoliceActQuickly:RoundUpofItalianAliens.SydneyMorningHerald,11June1940,p.9.
40
B.Bevege,BehindBarbedWire:InternmentinAustraliaduringWorldWarII.St.lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,
1993,p.229.
41
Bevege,BehindBarbedWire,p.229.
42
B.Bunbury,RabbitsandSpaghetti,CaptivesandComrades:Australians,ItaliansandtheWar,19391945.Fremantle:
FremantleArtsCentrePress,1995,p.14.Whilethemenwereroundedupbyauthorities,thewives,frightenedthat
lettersornewspapersoverlookedbythesearchingpoliceofficerscouldbeused,iffound,toincriminatetheirhusbands,
tookpainstodestroyeverythingthatwaswritteninItalian.[SeeG.Cresciani,TheItaliansLivinginAustralia,p.100].
P a g e | 99
father,PaoloMerenda,whofeaturedintheIntroductionofthisthesis,waswellknownamongthe
ItaliancommunityofthesmalltownTully,approximately140kilometressouthfromCairns.Despite
therebeingnoevidencetoimplyhehadanyinvolvementinfascism,hewasinternedbasedonthe
factthattheItaliansheassociatedwithweremembersoftheFascistParty.
ItaliansnotonlyhadtocontendwiththeAliensControlRegulations,butalsothediscriminationand
racismthatwerebroughtonbythewar.TheCommonwealthGovernmentdecidedtocloseshops
that were leased or rented to Italians who were interned. It was understood that the
Commonwealth Governments decision to close these shops was prompted by fears that, if they
wereallowedtoremainopen,disturbancesmighthaveoccurred.43Itwasalsodecidedthatclosing
shopsownedbyItalianswouldmakeitcleartothepublicthatforeignersrunningothershopswere
notenemyaliens.44
Such disturbances relating to Italian migrants were witnessed in Sydney soon after Mussolini
declaredwaragainsttheAlliedforces.On13June1940,theSydneyMorningHeraldreportedthat
at least 20 shops had been smashed by youths during the previous two days. According to the
report,youthswereseenrunningawayandlatercastironandleadballsandasmallbarofiron
were found inside the windows. Jagged pieces of iron and old parts of motor car engines were
thrown through other windows.45 However, there was some appeal made by authorities to the
43
WhyShopsWereClosed.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
44
Why Shops Were Closed. Sydney Morning Herald, 13 June 1940, p. 11. There were also cases of employers who
dismissedItalianworkerstoavoidindustrialdisputes.InorderforItalianstoobtainemployment,manyclaimedthey
wereofSwissorGreekdescent.AnumberofGreekmenweremistakenbyAustraliansforItaliansandasaresultwere
beatenup.SoonaftertheseincidentsGreekshopsdisplayedsignsproclaimingthenationalitytoavoidconfrontation.
SeeJ.Beaumont,AustraliasWar,193945.St.Leonards:AllenandUnwin,1996,p.57.
45
YouthsBreakWindows.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
P a g e | 100
publicnottogiveventtotheirfeelingsbydamagingproperty.46Thereasonbehindtheirpleawas
laterexplainedbythepolice,whopointedoutthatwhenthewindowsweresmashedtheItalian
occupantoftheshopdidnothavetopaythecostofrepairs.Thisexpensehadtobebornebythe
ownersofthebuildingsorbyaninsurancecompany.47
PrizeofWar:TheCaptureoftheMVRemo
OtherissuesconcerningItalysentryintothewarthatwerehighlypublicizedinthemediaincluded
thecaptureofItalianshipsinAustralianwaters.CrescianicontendedthatthefirstItalianprisoners
ofwarinAustraliaweresailorsoftheItalianshipsberthedatAustralianportsorsailinginterritorial
waters.TheRemo,forexample,wascapturedon12June1940inFremantleafteritsdeparturehad
beendelayedfordaysbyAustralianauthoritiesonvariouspretexts.48ItwasreportedintheSydney
MorningHeraldonthedayofitscapturethatCustomsofficialsandtheNavycooperatedinevery
way possible to ensure that if Italy did declare war this vessel would be seized as a prize.49
Interestingly,whathasneverbeentoldbeforeisthestoryofItalianwomenwhowereonboardthe
vessel during its capture. Cresciani writes that women on board the Remo and Romolo were not
46
YouthsBreakWindows.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.
47
YouthsBreakWindows.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11.Anotherdisturbancethatwasreportedinthe
SydneyMorningHeraldoccurredinKingStreet,Cityon12June,1940.Itwasreportedthat15policeweresenttothe
scene. A woman had brought fruit in a shop conducted by naturalized Italians. As she was about to leave the shop
another woman pushed the bag out of her hands saying, Why do you patronize Italians? Someone then seized a
basketofberryfruitandhurledthecontentsabouttheshop.Intheexcitementwhichfollowed,thetwowomenwere
almostknockeddownandtheirscreamsandtheshoutsoftheItalianscausedadensecrowdtocollect.Itwassome
time before the police were able to clear the footpaths and road to enable pedestrians and vehicles to pass.
[ExcitementoutsideShop.SydneyMorningHerald,13June1940,p.11].
48
Cresciani, Italians in Australia, p. 99. After the capture of the Remo, the ship was altered and used by the
Commonwealthduringthewarforgeneraltransport,transportingbeerandothergoodstoIndiaforBritishservicemen
underthenewnameReynella.[FormerItalianShipArrives:Remoservedthroughoutthewar.TheArgus,9October
1945,p.5].
49
ItalianShipSeized.ValuablePrize.SydneyMorningHerald,12June1940,p.15.
P a g e | 101
interned.50However,Ihavediscoveredthatwomenandchildrenwereimprisoneduponcaptureat
FremantleGaol,atRottnestIsland,locatedoffthecoastofWesternAustralianearFremantleand
latertakentoaboardinghouseduetothepoorconditionsontheIsland.
OneofthefemalepassengersonboardtheRemowasoneyearoldJosieCiavola.FrancescoCiavola
wasmarriedtoGiovanna(nee`Laluna)andarrivedwiththeirdaughterJosieinAustraliaon6June
1940. Although Josie was too young to remember her journey to Australia, she does recall her
parentstellingherthattheirshipRemowasdetainedatFreemantlewhenitarrivedthereandall
crew and male adult passengers were interned on Rocknest [Rottnest] Island and women and
childrendetainedonboardforatimeandthenashoreforacoupleofweeks.51
Thoughthereislimitedinformationavailabletoresearchersonthepassengersandcrewwhowere
detainedatRottnestIslandthereis,however,aninvestigationdossierheldattheNationalArchives
ofAustralia(NAA)inMelbournethatshowsauthoritiesatRottnestIslandwerenotpreparedforthe
Italianinternees.AreportwrittentoWesternCommandshowshowunpreparedtheywere:
Ihavetoreportthaton11/6/40,12Germanand38ItaliansInterneeswereadmittedhere.
Iwasnotinformedofthetotaltoexpect.Iwasinformedtoexpectabout25ItaliansexRemoabout3pm
thatday.Allarrangementsweremadeforthereceptionandfeedingof25men,butinallwereceived50
interneesthatday.Wereceived23menfromthem.vRemoatabout1730hours.Theteahourhereisat
1630hours,andasihavenocontroloverthatmealtime,anditisnotpossibletoorderfurtherfoodfrom
theCivilPrison,whosupplythemeals(theirkitchenbeingclosedat1630hoursandkitchenstaffbeing
prisonersarelockedupatabout1650hours).TheRemocontingentbroughtalargequantityofItalian
Sausage,Milk,TinnedFish,TinnedFruitandAeratedWaters.Wesuppliedthemwithbreadfromourown
mess, and they made their evening meal from this. When they had finished, they left a considerable
quantityonthetable.ThreeoftheRemocrewdidsleepwithoutastrawmattressthatnight,butthe
three were issued with extra blankets. We did not have the equipment on hand, butthis was rectified
50
Cresciani,CaptivityinAustraliaandCresciani,ItaliansinAustralia.
51
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.RottnestIslandwaslocatedinWesternAustraliaandwasused
asaprisonerofwarcampduringtheFirstWorldWar.AttheoutbreakoftheSecondWorldWar,theislandwasusedto
houseItalianinterneesduring1940.[SeeNationalArchivesFactSheet:RottnestIsland,WesternAustralia(191415and
1940).[http://www.naa.gov.au/whatson/online/featureexhibits/internmentcamps/wwii/rottnestisland.aspx,20
June2009].
P a g e | 102
nextday.The23Remointerneesbrought40blanketswiththemfromtheship.Fromthenontheywere
providedwithallnecessarybedding,utensilsandfood.Theyhavebeenmadeascomfortableaspossible
under the circumstances. Hot showers are available, and they purchased from their own monies,
stretchers,mattressandpillows.Thefood,althoughperhapsnotwhatsomeofthemhavebeenusedto,
issufficientformenwhodonotwork,andthevisitingMedicalOfficerhasattimesinspectedit.Iamnot
responsiblefortheirinternmenthere.Therewere92inmatesherethatday,andIwasnotpreparedin
anywaytoreceiveinternees.52
AcomplaintwasmadebytheCaptainoftheRemo,GuiseppeDani,whowrote
somewerecompelledthatnighttosleeponthebarefloorforlackofstrawmattresses.Onthefirstday
foodwasnotprovidedtothem.Alltheofficerswereandaretreatedascommoninterneesregardlessthat
betweenthemaretheMasterwhoisnearsixtyyearsoldandtheRoyalCommissionerwhois63yearsold,
notingoodhealthandnotbelongingtothecrewoftheRemo,buthewasarepresentativeoftheForeign
MinistryofItalyonboardthesamevessel.Thefoodinthisprisoniseverydayworse.53
AuthoritiesatFremantleGaolweresurprisinglysympathetictotheircause.TheCateringSupervisor
recommendedimprovementstobemaderegardingtheconditionsoftheprison:
Acting on instructions issued by Western Command, I visited the Internees quartered at the Fremantle
Goalat1130hourson13/8/40andinconnection,Ihavetoreportthat:
The food as issued in the Fremantle Goal to the internees in my opinion is disgraceful and that the
complaints lodged are well foundedSample of menu as supplied for eight days is attachedIt is
recommendedthatanimmediateactionbetakentocontrolthefoodsuppliesoftheseinterneesThiscan
be achieved by the appointment of an N.C.O as Q.M. from Provost staff for controlling rations and
supplies similar to the method adopted at Rottnest. The erection of Fowler and Sawyers Stoves for
cookingpurposes,andthetransferoftwoItaliancooksfromRottnestIsland(nameshavebeensubmitted
byCapt.OfRemo)andinformationforwardedtoO.Cinterneescamp,RottnestretransferofInternees.54
Eventually, the Ciavola family were transported to their destination, Melbourne, Victoria, on the
shipDuntroon.ThefamilysettledinaruralareainVictorianearKooweerupinSouthGippsland,
where Josies father Francesco leased a farm and grew potatoes, onions and milked cows. Josie
remembered her parents having to attend the police station every week to register as [enemy]
52
CopyofreporttoWesternCommandfromO.CDetentionBarrack,19July1940.SeeAliens,Internees,Prisonersof
WarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
53
MemorandumbyDirectorofPersonalServicestoWesternCommand,July1940.SeeAliens,Internees,Prisonersof
WarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
54
CopyofMemorandumtoD.A.D.S.andTfromCateringSupervisor,WesternCommand,13August1940.SeeAliens,
Internees,PrisonersofWarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 103
aliens.Shealsorecalledagreatdealofdiscriminationparticularlyatschoolandintryingtorunthe
farmre[regarding]workers,transporttomarkets.55
JosiehighlightedhowfortunateherfamilywasaftertheyhadsettledinVictoria:
My father and grandfatherwere not interned as they were primary producers and essential to the
war effort and since not formally educated were not considered influential or a risk to national
security.Wedidnotsufferlikethefamilieswhosemenwereinternedandbecauseweweremoreor
lessselfsufficientonthefarmwealwayshadfreshfoodetc.Aswellasgrowingfoodmymotheralso
preservedfruitsandvegetablesandkeptchickensaswellasraisingasheepandapigeachyearwhich
wouldbeslaughteredtoprovidemeat.Shealsomadeallourclothes,sheets,clothsetc.56
Josieattributesapertinentpointregardingtheissueofemploymentduringthewar.Fortunately,
duetotheshortageofmanpowerduringthewar,theCiavolafamilywasnotconsideredathreatto
nationalsecuritybecausetheywerecontributingtothewareffortasprimaryproducersduringa
timewhenfreshproducewaslimited.57
Personnelspiteandvindictiveness:FemalecrewmembersoftheRemo
Asnotedearlier,theAliensControlRegulationsgeneratedagreatersenseoffeartowardsItalians
which consisted of a high degree of racially inspired antagonism as well as political suspicion.58
FortyfiveyearoldItalianbornMariaRiverawasacrewmemberonboardtheRemo,workingasa
stewardess. All female crew members on board the Remo were considered as prohibited
immigrantsandweregrantedCertificatesofExemptionforonemonth.Sinceherarrivalfromthe
captureoftheRemo,MariastayedataboardinghouseinFremantleownedbyMrandMrsFunazzi,
whowereaskedbypoliceon22June1940toaccommodatefemalecrew.AustralianbornofItalian
55
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.
56
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.
57
CorrespondencefromJosieBlack,4November2008.
58
K.SaundersandH.Taylor,TheEnemyWithin?,p.20.
P a g e | 104
parents,MrsFunazzididaccommodatethewomen,butfounditdifficulttoreceiveassistancefrom
theCommonwealthGovernment:
Sofar,MrsFunazzihasreceivednopaymentwhatever.Shehasappliedtovariousdepartmentsbuttodate
hasreceivednosatisfaction.Shehasnointentionofturningthemoutbutnaturallyhopestoreceivesome
remunerationatanearlydateandhaswrittentotheDepartmentoftheInterior,Canberra,inthis
connection.59
The investigation dossier concerning Maria held at the NAA in Perth has never been examined
before.Mariasfiledoesnotcontainmuchinformationaboutherjourneyasacrewmemberofthe
Remo,butitdoesgiveusanaccountofherlifefrom1942onwards.Duringthewar,Marialivedin
Fremantle,sheknewverylittleEnglish,wassingleanduponarrival,Mariaworkedasacookatthe
StLouisJesuitSchool,atClaremount,WesternAustralia.SheexplainedthatherfamilyinItalywas
involvedinastoragebusinessandassuredauthoritiesthatshewasfinanciallystable.60
InOctober1940,authoritiesbecameconcernedthattherewerenophotographsofMariaonher
registration papers. Authorities interviewed her and conducted a search of her premises, where
nothingdetrimentalwasfound,onlypersonallettersthatMariahadwrittentoherfriendVittoria
Causa,anothercrewmemberontheRemo.61
59
MrsFunazziencounteredherownproblemswiththeAliensControlRegulations.AccordingtoBosworthandUgolini,
Mrs Funazzi represented a challenge to the Intelligence officers. She was well spoken and was highly regarded in
FreemantlesItaly.DuringtheEthiopianwar,MrsFunnaziraisedfundsfordisabledItalianfamiliesandbecauseofthis,
authoritiessentherandotherwomenfromFreemantleprisontoasmallcountrytown,forthreemonthsbeforeshe
wasallowedtoreturnhome.ShepersistedthatherinvolvementinItalianactivitieswassocialratherthanpolitical.
[BosworthandUgolini,War,InternmentandMassMigration,p.81]
60
Doctors made note that her illness was presumably change of life. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian internee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
61
SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 105
In March 1942, three statements were made to authorities against Maria by people who were
working with her as cooks in the kitchen. Michael Garrity was a steward attached to St. Louis
College,Claremount.Michaelwrote
ThedayDarwinwasbombed,IwasworkinginthekitchenwithVictoria[Vittoria]andMariatwo
Italian girls. A Tradesman came to the kitchen and told them that Darwin had been bombed. They
became quite excited over the news and talked together for some time. It was quite obvious they
wereverypleasedattheJapanesebombing.TheyveryseldomspeakEnglishandarealwaystalkingto
oneanotherinItalian.MariaisdefinitelyproItalianmoresothanVictoria[Vittoria].62
Thesestatementswerecommonduringwartime.Australianneighboursorworkcolleagueswould
act upon their personnel spite and vindictiveness in order to prove to authorities that Italian
womenweredangerous.
AnotherstatementwasmadebythepantrymaidattheAdelphiHotel,Perth,MaryCoralOrchard,
whostated:
UntilrecentlyIwasemployedasadomesticatSt.LouisCollege,Claremount.Onaccountoftheanti
British attitude of two Italian girls named Maria and Victoria [Vittoria] I left the College. About a
fortnightagowewereseatedatdinnerinthekitchen.TherewerethetwoItaliangirls,MrsBennettand
amannamedMichael.MariesaidtousallWemustsurrendertotheJaps.MrsBennettandmyself
saidWecertainlywillnotsurrender.BothMarieandVictoriasaidtheywillbequitewillingtomarry
Japanesewhentheycamehere.OnedayMariewenttoFremantletoseeafriend.Shewasawayabout
3hours.Whenshereturnedsheinformedmethattherewere13AmericanshipsinFremantle.Atthe
timeitpuzzledmehowMariehadobtainedtheinformationreshipping.63
Finally,MargaretBennettclaimed
Iamamarriedwomanresidingat25St.QuintinAve.,Claremont,andamemployedasahousemaidat
St. Louis College, Claremont. About 10th February I was seated having breakfast when another
employee whom I knew as Maria an Italian girl who arrived here on the Remo said to me, You
people want to surrender to Japan oryouall will be killed. I replied, There is no surrender with us
British people. If Australia surrenders Japan and Italy will share this country and British dogs down,
62
Statement made by Michael Garrity, 4 March 1942. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian internee]. K1171/RIVERA M,
NAA,Perth.
63
StatementmadebyMaryCoral,6March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,
Perth.
P a g e | 106
replied Maria. Onaccount of her anti British attitudesI have not spoken toher since. Maria isde
finitelysympathetictowardsItalyandisalwayspleasedwhennewsofBritishreversesispublished.64
Basedonthestatementsgivenbyhercolleagues,ReverendFatherPerrett,whowasincharge
ofstaffatSt.LouisCollege,terminatedtheemploymentofbothMariaandVittoria.HestatedI
considerthatbothgirlsaredangeroustobeatlarge,andtheonlymeasuretotakeistoplace
theminaninternmentcamp.Itisratherpuzzlingthatthesetwofemales,whowereattachedto
theRemo,shouldbeatlargewhenallmembersoftheRemocrewwereinternedwhenthe
boatwasseizedatFremantle.65
Consequently, Maria Rivera was arrested on 18 March 1942, and taken to Woodmans Point
detention centre, located on the west coast of Western Australia, for subversive conduct. It was
statedbyauthoritiesthatowingtoherantiBritishutterancesandattitude,shecausedillfeeling
amongstotheremployees.66SergeantH.T.Nevinwrotethatbasedonhisinterviewswiththestaff
from the College who made the above statements against Maria and Vittoria, he believed that
becauseshewas100%Italian,bothgirlsaredangeroustobeatlarge,andtheonlymeasureto
takeistoplacethemininternmentcamp.67Priortoherarrest,authoritiessearchedthroughher
possessions and gave her the documents regarding the warrant for her internment.68 There was
64
StatementmadebyMargaretBennett,4March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,
NAA,Perth.
65
Memorandum to inspector Read from Special Bureau in Perth, 13 March 1942. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
66
ReporttoInspectorReadfromSpecialBureau,10March.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERA
M,NAA,Perth.
67
ReporttoInspectorReadfromSpecialBureau,10March.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERA
M,NAA,Perth.
68
Memorandum to inspector Readfrom Special Bureau,20March 1942. SeeRIVERA Maria (277) [Italian internee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 107
onlyoneproblemregardingthestatementmadeagainstMaria.Itwasclearfromthedocumentsin
herfilethatMariahadnoideawhyshewasarrestedandbecauseshecouldspeakverylittleEnglish
shecouldnotunderstandwhyshewasinterned.69
Mariawasunabletocommunicatewithotherstaff,therefore,itissafetoassumethatMariawas
interned because she was 100% Italian, rather than a potential threat to nations security. As
Helen Andreoni has pointed out, the colour of Italians was always an issue. During the 1890s,
Italianswereseentobenotthesamecolorasthedecisionmakersnorindeedweretheyseenas
Europeans.70ItwascommonformanyItalianmigrantstobeunawareoftherequirementsofthe
69
SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
70
H.Andreoni,OliveorWhite?TheColourofItaliansinAustralia.JournalofAustralianStudies,Volume27,Issue77,
2003,p.81.
P a g e | 108
Aliens Control Regulations. During the war, news on the Aliens Control Regulations was found in
parliamentarydebatesandlocalnewspapers.Aswillbediscussedfurtherinthefollowingchapter,
many Italian women did not know how to speak or read English therefore, were unaware of the
legislation.
The following day, Maria made a strong appeal. She wrote two letters in Italian to the Most
IllustriousMinistryforWar.Inthefirstletter,shewrote
1) ByadocumentgiventomebytheCustomsHouse,Iunderstand,Iamtogoaboutasafree
citizenwithalltherightsgiventoimmigrants.
2) Yesterday,the20thMarch,aboutHr.1500adetectivecameattheSt.LouisCollege,whereI
wasworkingforaboutamonth,tookmeandbroughtmeheretoaconcentration[internment]
camp.
3) I,myselfthink,indeedIamcertainIhavetherighttoknowhow[why]Iwasinterned.
4) MyconductinAustraliahasbeenoneofextrememodesty,becauseapartfrommycondition
moralandphysical,IleadalifeofworkandprayerleavinghomeonlyofaSaturdayandSunday
to go to Church. That is the whole truth on my honour. I made no acquaintances with the
exception of the Seminars family which I found to be a mirror of virtue. Mr Seminars, Mrs
Seminars and the children, excellent Australians all with pure English sentiments. The other
Italians who came in contact with me I detest because they belong tosuch a low class, that
theyareadisgracetoItaly.
5) WhythishonourableCourtbeforeinterningapersonsoeasily,putsinjeapody[jeopardy]and
togreatsufferingsphysicalandmoralpersonswholeadanexemplarylife?
6) ThereisnooneabsolutelywhocouldsaythatIhaveinterestedmyselfinpolitics,because,I
repeat,IamunabletospeakorreadEnglishandmuchlessIdontknowanybodywithwhomI
couldspeakbecauseforalongtimenowIamlivingwithEnglishpeople.
7) I beg of this honourable Court strongly, to call me and I will give by word of mouth the most
amplesatisfaction.
8) IagainaskofthecourttotakeintoconsiderationwhatIamaskingandtodealwiththematter
justly.71
71
TranslatedcopyofAppealtotheMostIllustriousMinistryforWar,21March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 109
Inherletter,MariahighlightedthedifferentkindsofItalianswhohadsettledinAustralia.Cresciani
wrotethatthereweretwosocietiesandtwodifferentculturesthatrepresentedItaliansmigrating
to Australia. One was a minority of educated middleclass Italians and the other group, the
overwhelming majority, was of peasant migrants who were illiterate or semiliterate.72 Maria
consideredherselftobeofahigherclasstothemajorityItalians,isolatingotherItaliansfromher
kind. This discrimination amongst Italians was common, and as Cresciani explained, the poorer
Italians found themselves estranged from the Australian community and from the Italian
Establishmentinexactlythesamewayasintheirvillagesathometheywerealienated.73
Mariassecondletter,writtenon21March1942,soughttoproveherinnocence:
I, Maria Rivera and Vittoria Causa friends ex the Remo and fellow workers, we are here in the
concentrationcampandweareunabletounderstandthereasonforit,unlessitisduetofalseand
vileshanderwhich,vary[very]probablyasuspectcamefromthecookofSaintLouisCollegeMrsGina
Marantelli and who uses Mrs Bennett as a tool (she also works at the College looking after the
dormitories)
From the first day, I, Maria Rivera started work at the College St. Louis, the cook, Gina Marentelli
startedtakingtomeandstronglybeggedofmenottospeaktoVittoriaandtotreatherbadly,and
perhaps that could be the only way to make her leave the college, I, Rivera, did not reply to such
suggestions. For two, three days and every day, Gina kept repeating the same phrases. One day, I
Riverafedup,IsaidtoherGinaitisimpossibleformetodothatandfromthatdayGinaMarantelli
turned against me. But that made no difference because I am of a very proud, strong and upright
character.MrsBennettisaveryintimatefriendofGinaMarantelli,somuchsothatateverymealshe
had specialdishes and veryoften specialcakes for the afternoon tea.As I sayagain the Bennett is
veryintimatewithGinaandsheactstheinformerwithgreatskillandcunning.
ThereisnodoubtaboutthatforafewdaysafterBennettstoppedspeakingtomeRivera,anddidnot
comenearthetableagainsayingthatIandVittoriaweretakingaboutthewar.
We Rivera and Vittoria took no notice of it and as a matter of fact gave it no importance at all,
becauseitisabsolutelyuntrue.Somuchso,becausealsothereverendfathershadtoldusnot[to]
absolutelyspeakaboutthewar.ItwasBennettwhoeverydaywasreadingthepaperandbringingthe
radionewsandmakinglongandvariousdiscussionswithGinaduringthedayandImyselfneverdidI
wanttoknowanythingandIwassayingtoGinanottotalktomeaboutit.GinaMarentelliisBritish
subject,wellIamtellingyouandaloudsheisabadaverybadBritishsubject.Sheonlywishesforthe
72
Cresciani,ItaliansinAustralia,p.55.
73
Cresciani,ItaliansinAustralia,p.55.
P a g e | 110
momentwhenthoseuglyyellowfacescomehere,todestroythewholeofAustraliaandmanyother
thingsthatwewillexplaintoyoubywordofmouth.74
AswewillseeinChapterFive,thewaragainstJapanwaspursuedmoreaggressively.AfterJapan
enteredthewar,theJapanesewereportrayedbytheAlliedforcesduringwarasaracialmenace,
aswellasaculturalandreligiousone,andasevidencedinMariasletter,itisinterestingtonote
thatbecauseofthisportrayal,MariaasanItaliannational,consideredherselfasasuperiorraceto
thatoftheJapanese.75
On26April1942,Mariawrotealetterfromhospitalsufferingfromabadcaseofindigestioncaused
byherdietduringherinternment.Whilehospitalized,authoritiesappointedtwomatronstoguard
her.76 The letter was addressed to the camp Commandant and she wrote that she was having
problemswithhereyes,generalweaknessandstomachproblems.Shewashoweverexcitedabout
herappeal,statingthatshesentanexcellentreportthatwaswellsetoutandiftheyexamineit
withclearconscienceandthejudgejustlytheymustsetmefree.Ifnot,themoralehereishighand
withgreatpatienceandresignationIwillputupwitheverything.77Itwasreportedthreedayslater
that Maria was suffering from an acute appendicitis for an immediate operation, condition
serious.78
74
TranslatedcopyofletterfromMariaandVittoriaCausa,21March1942.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
75
J.W.Dower,WarWithoutMercy:RaceandPowerinthePacificWar.NewYork:Pantheonbooks,1986.
76
ReporttoSwanBarracks,Perth,1April1942.SeeAliens,Internees,PrisonersofWarSeizureofMVRemo.K1214/
241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
77
Translated copy of letter from Maria to the Camp Commandant, 26 April 1942. See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
78
Report to Swan Barracks, Perth, 29 April 1942. See Aliens, Internees, Prisoners of War Seizure of MV Remo.
K1214/241/3/82,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 111
The Aliens Tribunal refused Marias appeal one month later. In August she was transferred to
TaturacampinVictoriaandinOctober,MariawrotealettertotheConsulofSwitzerlandappealing
tohimforhelp.Shewroteabouthowsherequiredaspecialdietinorderforherstomachtoget
betterandstatedthatwhileshewasinPerthhospitalshereceivedgoodcare.AtTaturathough,
Mariastatedthatthedoctorsdidnotvisitherandthattheyrefusedtogiveherthedietthatshe
askedfor.Instead,authoritiestoldhertobuyandcookthefoodatherownexpense.Mariawrote
Doesthisappearjustandfairtoyou?Canathinglikethisgoonforever?WhatIamwritingtoyou
is the truth.79 She then asked for medical references to be sent to her officers from doctors in
Perthhospitaltoprovethatshehasamedicalconditiontotreatherstomach.80
Thatsamemonth,MariawroteanotherlettertotheSwissConsul:
Iwasvisitedbythedoctor,hesaidnothingtome,IaskedifIcouldhaveaChartmadeformydiet,that
is to say, a small piece of meat and boiled vegetables, in such a way that my food will have no rich
sauce.IdelayedwritingtoyouthesefewdaysbecauseIawaitedtheresult,butuptilltodaynothing.As
I have already written toyou I,alas, suffer very badly with my stomach andyoucan have the fullest
satisfactionfromtheMilitaryAuthoritiesandtheNuncipalhospitalatPerth,W.A.,whereIhavebeen
foralongtime.Icannotunderstandwhyevertheyhavenotdeliveredthisdiet,andIhavecontinually
saidthatIhavegreatsuffering.Doesitappeartobejustandhumanetoyou?81
Thetranslatorwentonfurthertonotethat,exceptfortwopeople,theItaliansinthecampareofa
verylowclass.82ItisunclearfromherNAAfilewhetherMariaeverreceivedherspecialdiet.What
wedoknowisthaton19February1944,theDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,wrotetothe
DeputyDirectorofSecurityinPerththathewaspreparedtoreleaseMariafrominternmentunder
79
SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
80
Translators comments copy of letter from Maria to Consul of Switzerland in Melbourne, 3 November 1942. See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
81
Translators comments copy of letter from Maria to Consul of Switzerland in Melbourne , 21 October 1942. See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
82
Translators comments copy of letter from Maria to Consul of Switzerland in Melbourne , 21 October 1942. See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 112
the condition that she be employed under adequate supervision in a Catholic hospital or similar
institution.83 What is most interesting to note is that the staff at the St. Louis Jesuit School,
includingtheRectorKelly,madeanapplicationforMariasreturntowork.HewroteWeshallbe
verygladofherservicesinthedomesticworkoftheschool,whereshewasemployedpreviously
andwithgreatsatisfactiontoall.84Thiswascertainlyacontradictiontowardsthestatementsmade
bythecollegestafftwoyearsearlier,highlightingtheparanoidnationalismthathadlongexisted
against nonBritish subjects as a result of the White Australia Policy (WAP), which exacerbated
duringwartime.85On6March1944,Mariawasreleasedandtwelvedayslater,severerestrictions
wereplacedonhertravelandpossessions.86
Oneyearlater,Mariahadreportedtoauthoritiesthatshehadlostherrestrictionorderanddidnot
understandit.Inawrittenstatement,shewroteinItalian:
Since my release from internment I have reported my movements to the Police authorities and the
ManpowerAuthorities, andthought bydoing so I hadcompleted myobligations infull. I cangive no
explanation as to why I did not know the contents of the Restriction Order that I signed for. When I
receiveditIwasinabadmentalstatebuthavereceivednomedicalattentionsincemyreleasefrom
internment. I regret my error through my ignorance of the terms of the RestrictionOrder, but I now
understandandwillcomplyinfuture.87
83
MemorandumfromDirectorGeneral,W.B.SimpsontoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinPerth,19February1944.See
RIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
84
Copy of letter from Reverend Kelly to Authorities, February 1944.See RIVERA Maria (277) [Italian
internee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
85
TheconceptofparanoidnationalismwasadaptedtomorerecenteventsbyauthorScottPoyntingwrotethatyou
cannothaveapoliticsoffearunlessyouhaveacultureofparanoia;aparanoiabuiltintoanationsanxietiesaroundits
racialandethnicdimensionsbutderivingfromarangeofwidersocial,economicandpoliticalfactors.[S.Poyntinget
al.,BinLadenintheSuburbs:criminalisingtheArabother.Sydney:SydneyInstituteofCriminology,2004,p.213]
86
MemorandumfromDirectorGeneralofSecurity,W.B.SimpsontoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinVictoriaandPerth,
29February1944.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
87
TranslatedStatementmadebyMariaRiveratoAuthorities,2March1945.SeeRIVERAMaria(277)[Italianinternee].
K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 113
The Security Service in Perth informed Maria that she would most likely be prosecuted for this
breach and informed her that the whole thing was caused through her carelessness in not
familiarising herself with important papers she had actually signed for and received.88 It is
unknownwhethershewasfinedforthisbreach,howevertherestrictionswererevokedon7March
1945.
ThefactthatrestrictionswereplacedonMariaRiverauponherreleasefrominternmentin1944
clearlyshowedthatItalianwomencontinuedtobevictimizedevenafterItalyhadsurrenderedin
September 1943. Marias case shows there was no evidence to prove she was involved in any
subversive activities during the war. Yet, because of her Italian origin and the suspicion that was
generatedbytheAustralianpublicagainstItalians,Mariawaswrongfullyinterned.
TheSinkingoftheRomolo
Compared to the capture of the Remo, the seizure of the Romolo was a much more publicized
event.TheRoyalAustralianNavyMVManooraseizedtheRomolo,whichwasheadingnortheastin
direction, and rescued the crew and passengers after the vessel was set on fire by the crew and
scuttled220milessouthwestofNauru.TheRomolosailedfromBrisbaneonthe5June1940,but
waslocatedbyManoorasevendayslater.TheManoorascaptureoftheRomolowasportrayedby
the media as a heroic act. Even nineteen years after the event, the Navy News published an
accountoftheincident:
With Italys entry into the war she [Manoora] was sent to hound down the Romolo, which had
escapedfromanAustralianport.Ontheseconddayoutonthehighseasinthischase,theManoora
sighted the Italian escapee and fired over her bows. Refusing surrender, the Romolo put on a
scuttlingact.H.M.A.S.Manoorasettledherdowninthesea,andreturnedhomewithAustraliasfirst
ItalianP.O.Ws.ForweeksthenshedriftedasthewatchmanoftheseasinthePacificalertforarmed
88
Copy of Memorandum to Captain Masel from Security Service in Perth, 2 March 1945. See RIVERA Maria (277)
[Italianinternee].K1171/RIVERAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 114
ThescuttlingoftheRomolomayhavebeenapopularnewsstoryinthepress,however,verylittle
information exists concerning the female crew and passengers onboard the Romolo. However,
whatisknownisthattheofficers,crewandpassengers,includingtwoItalianmigrantsonboardthe
ItalianvesselwerereturningtoItalyandwerenottheescapeestheNavyNewsportrayedthemto
be.90
Asnotedearlier,LilianaGiacosaandherfamilywitnessedtheevent.AcopyofLilianasdiarywas
found in a Naval Intelligence file concerning the Romolo incident. Lilianas diary was taken by
authorities because it gave an interesting account of the capture and subsequent sinking of the
Romolo.91Thisisindeedtrue.ThediaryentriesdescribehertimeinAustralia,herdesiretoreturn
toherromanticinterestEnzoinItalyandthedisastroustripontheRomolo.Italsoshowsthatthe
Romolosdeparturewasdelayedanumberoftimesthroughoutthefirstfewmonthsof1940,due
to fear surrounding Italys involvement in the war. On Sunday, 20 May 1940, the Consul sought
permissiontoleavefromtheCommonwealthGovernment,whichwaseventuallygranted.92
Although the Romolo departed on Wednesday 5 June, there were a few moments when Liliana
fearedthatItalyhadalreadydeclaredwar:
89
HoundeddownRomolo.NavyNews,Friday,January9,1959,p.2.
90
TheRoyalAustralianNavywerealsoactiveintheMediterraneanwiththesinkingoftheItaliandestroyerEsperoby
theSydneyandtheItaliancruiserBartolomeoColleonion19July.[MckernanandBrowne,p.230].
91
Confidential report from Intelligence Officer to Naval Staff Office, Brisbane, 19 September 1940. See Romolo
SinkingbyHMASManoora[22pages].B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
92
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 20 May 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 115
wesaweighteensailorsoftheBritishNavy,fullyarmedwithbayonetsintheirhandsmarchingbehind
anofficerwhowasholdingapaperinhishand.Mumwentwhiteanddesertedusforthecabinwhere
we found her packing fathers clothes. We all got a fright but then what else could we do, it was
obvious,wethought,Italyhasthisminutedeclaredwarandtheyhavecometotaketheship.Well,they
hadntThesemenweresenttotakecareoftheship,andtoseethatitlefttheBrisbanecanalsafely.
Thatwasverykindofthem,buttherealthingbehinditwasthattheywereafraidthecaptainwould
sink the ship at a narrow point in the canal, and so block itWe got into open sea, and I can see all
heavedatremendoussigh,butIdontthinkallisfinishedyet.93
Once the vessel was out at sea, the crew and passengers were aware that they were being
followed.Theirjourneywasdescribedbythepress:
InstructionswereissuedtothemerchantcruisertoshadowtheRomolowhensheleftBrisbaneon
June5.HercommanderbythedaykeptfarasternwiththemeninthecrowsnestsightingtheItalian
linersmast,whichwasjustvisibleoverthehorizon.Atnight,withalllightsout,sheclappedonspeed
andracedaheaduntilshespottedtheItalianslights,atdawnagaindroppingawayfarastern.The
nextnighttheRomolo,withalllightsout,turnedsoutheast,intothePacificin,accordingtoCaptain
R.L.Harry,aTorresStraitpilotwhowasstillaboardher,alastminuteefforttoracetoaneutralport.
Orders had been received by the leader of a Fascist junta aboardan authority which was able to
overrideallthecaptainsdecisions.94
Those on board became aware that they were being pursued, and that they were on a different
path.Lilianawroteon8June:
Thereisstillashipfollowingus,itfollowedusallduringthenight,itwillbefollowingusalot
morenowuntilwegettosomeJapaneseIslandIonlyhopewardoesntbreakoutduringthe
following week, otherwise, we shall be seeing Australia again and I dont want that to
happenWe had a blackout again last night, and will be having them as long as we are
watched.95
OnMonday10June,thecrewandpassengersonboardpaintedthecolouroftheshiptogreyto
looklikeacruiser.Thenextday,LilianawrotethatsheWokeupthismorningandwastoldbymy
auntythatwarwasdeclaredbyItalyonFrance.Nowalltheshipisgreyandeveryoneisveryexcited
93
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 27 May 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
94
Cruisers Long Chase. Sinking of the Romolo. Dogged for a Week. Race to help Freighter. TheWest Australian, 19
June1940,p.9.SeeMSRomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomonIslands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
95
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 8 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 116
lestwesightsomeship.IfallgoeswellwehopetoreachsomeJapaneseislandinsafety.96Though
morale was high, this was soon to change. The Manoora caught up, seized the vessel and as
reported in the news, once their capture seemed imminent, under the orders of the fascist
GovernmentinItaly,thecrewonboardsetthevesselonfire:
DuringthemorningofWednesday,June12,athickcolumnofsmokewassightedandastheAustralian
ship raced towards it, the officers realised it was the Romolo burning fiercely amidships as she heeled
slightlyintheflattropicalcalm.Standingoffoutofrangeoftheintenseheatweresixlifeboatscrammed
offindeepwater,andslippedhermotorpinnaceovertheside.Weweredarnedimpressedbytheway
yournavywentaboutthings.97
Lilianadescribestheordealinherdiary:
Thechiefstewardcameroundandtoldustogetallwecouldandgotothelifeboatswithourbeltson.He
badeuskeepcalmforthegloryofgreaterItalyWeputourlifebeltsonandsoonwewereinthelaunches
inthesea.IhadmanywoollensonandMotherhadherthickcoatonandwiththeheatwewereallred
andirritated.Wegotdownthelaunchesandtheheatwasterrific.Whenallthelauncheshadleftwesaw
acolumnofsmokerisingfromthetopdeckoftheRomolo.Wecontinuedsoinseaandlastlyweneared
theManoorawhichhadreachedus.Pandolfirandownthestepstohelpupthewomen.Auntyalmost
fell into the sea but I managed well and everyone got on board safely. Our launch was the last one to
reach the boat except for the captains launch. Of course during this time we didnt have a chance to
realisewhatwashappening.Withtheheat,theexcitement,andthesightoftheburningshipwecouldnt
speakoract,butoncewewereinthesaloonoftheManooraweallhadtobreakoutanddosomething.
Wewerefairlywelltreatedandtheshipspursuergavethewomenacabineach.About4.30on12/6/40
theyfiredsevenshotsattheRomolotosinkitallthemorequickly.Thenoise,ofcourse,wasdreadful
and that, of course, added to our discomfort. They were kind and offered us some hot tea, which, of
course, helped to give us more strength. The Romolo burned for a considerable time and finally it
disappearedbelow the water at6.20 and the captain ofthis boat hasbeenkind. At6.p.m. we went to
tablebutmustadmitthefoodisterrifichowever,wecantcomplain.98
It was reported that the Italian Captain made a kind gesture towards the crew members of the
Manoora:
AlltheItalianpassengersandcomplementoftheRomoloweretakeninabarricadedtrainunderarmed
guardtointernmentsomehoursaftertheshipberthed.AremarkablegesturewasmadebytheItalian
captain, who presented his chronometer to the commander of the Australian vessel, asking him to
96
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 10 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
97
Cruisers Long Chase. Sinking of the Romolo. Dogged for a Week. Race to help Freighter. 19 June 1940. See MS
RomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomonIslands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
98
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 12 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 117
accept it in recognition of the courteous and honourable treatment he and his officers had been
given.99
Figure21: GiacosaFamily
GuglielmoGiacosa,RosinaGiacosa,LilianaGiacosaandRosemary
Giacosa[familyphotographattached][Box50].
SP244/2/N1950/2/5574,NAA,Sydney.
99
Cruisers Long Chase. Sinking of the Romolo. Dogged for a Week. Race to help Freighter. 19 June 1940. See MS
RomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomonIslands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 118
Figure22: MapoftheRomolovoyage.
MSRomolodepartedBrisbanesinkingoffNESolomon
Islands.PP227/2/1939/W1,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 119
Figure23:Romolosetonfirebythecrewin
theSouthPacificOcean12June1940.
AustralianWarMemorialCollection,
[http://cas.awm.gov.au/item/002007].
Accessed:15April2008.
Figure24:CrewandpassengersescapingtheRomolo
andbeingtakenonboardtheManoora.
AustralianWarMemorialCollection,
[http://cas.awm.gov.au/item/128067].Accessed:15
April2008.
Figure25:HMAS
Manoora.
AustralianWarMemorial
Collection,
[http://cas.awm.gov.au/it
em/P00041.030].
Accessed:15April2008.
P a g e | 120
After Liliana was safely on board the Manoora, Liliana watched the sinking of the Romolo. She
wroteWiththeRomolowentdownallourbelongings.Idontregretitofcourse,becausebetter
likethisthanknowitisinthehandsoftheEnglish.100TheRomolocrewdidtheirutmosttoprevent
their capture which could have been perceived as disloyal to the British Empire. However, the
CommonwealthGovernmentdidgranttheirleaveandthereisnomentionofherfamilyhavingany
fascist sympathies in her diary. The NAA files concerning the Giacosa family do however suggest
otherwise.
AllcrewandpassengersfromtheRomolowereboughttoTownsville,Queensland.Eventually,all
Italianmalesweretransferredtotheprisonerofwarandinternmentcamplocatedoutsideofthe
town of Hay in the Riverina district of southern New South Wales.101 Lilianas father, fascist
GuglielmoGiacosa,whoaccordingtoinvestigationofficerswasamemberoftheFascistParty,was
oneofthemanyonboardinterned,firstatGaythorneinternmentcamp,beforebeingtransferred
toHayinternmentcamp.GuglielmowasborninAlba,ProvinceGuneoon9July1897andwasan
agriculturalengineer.GuglielmoswifeRosinaGiacosaandherchildrenLilianaandRosemarywere
notinterneduponarrivalbecause,asnotedinpreviouschapters,itwasageneralrulethatwomen
were not to be interned. Rosina moved to Brisbane to be closer to her husband and after a few
months,whenherhusbandmovedtoHay,again,Rosinatookherchildrenandfollowedhim.102
100
Copy of Liliana Giacosas diary entries, 12 June 1940. See Romolo Sinking by HMAS Manoora [22 pages].
B6121/211E,NAA,Melbourne.
101
Cresciani,ItalianslivinginAustralia,p.99.
102
InterneeServiceandCasualtyForm.SeePrisonerofWar/Internee:Giacosa,Guglielmo;Dateofbirth09July
1897;NationalityItalian.MP1103/1/Q7199,NAA,Melbourne.
P a g e | 121
Similartotheircounterparts,therewerefemalemembersoftheFascistPartywhowerenotonly
politicallyinvolved,butmoresociallyorientated.FromanumberofinterviewswithItalianwomen
wholivedinAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930s,AngelaDianaconcludedthatthemainaimsof
TheWomensFasciowerewelfareoriented,humanitarianandsocialaimsofassistingtheneedy,
where they untiringly organized balls, charities and receptions for every fascist celebration.103
Fromherfindings,itwasconcludedthatItalianwomenwhowereinvolvedinfascistactivitieswere
educatedandmanytaughtchildreninschoolsandclubs.Itwasclearthatwomendidnotseemto
haveanindependentactiveroleinapoliticalsense.104Theyseemedtohavefollowedtheirmen,
where no real power seems to have been in their hands, except in dealing with children and
functions.105Thisdidnotnecessarilymeanthatwomenwerenotpoliticallyinvolvednorthattheir
activitiescouldbeseenaspolitical.Therewerealsosomewomenwhoexpressedtheirsupportto
the fascist Government in Italy by sending gold jewellery overseas.106 Diana wrote the fact that
women migrated from Italy in proportionately high numbers from 1925 to 1940 also meant that
they would have had some experience of fascism in Italy.107 In order to express support for the
fascistGovernment,womenwouldsendweddingringsoranyothergoldtheymightpossesstothe
fascistcampaign.108
RosinaGiacosawasanexampleofthemanywomenwhovolunteeredtoorganizedancesandballs.
Rosinasnamewasdetectedbytheauthoritiesonafascistcircularwhichreferredtofunctionsthat
werebeingheldbyfascistorganizationsinJune1939.ThoughthecircularaffirmedthattheFascist
103
A.Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia.Affarisocialiinternazional,Volume16,IssueNo.2,1988,p.76.
104
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.76.
105
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,pp.76and77.
106
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.77.
107
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.73.
108
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.73.
P a g e | 122
character is voluntary and constant, the Secretary of the Fascist Group, Dr. I. Fanelli ordered
womentobepresentinevergreatnumbersatourfunctionswhichbytheirvariedcharacterare
able to satisfy the spiritual and worldly needs of our entire colony.109 As a result, authorities
decidedinviewoftheFasciomembershipandherdisregardoftheNationalSecurityRegulations
her internment is recommended.110 Authorities also referred to the fact that Rosina arrived in
Australiaonthe3March1931,butdidnotregisterasanalienuntil19June1940,thusshowing
utterdisregardtoNationalSecurityRegulations.111
DetectiveConstable,NormanH.Spryinterceptedabooktitled,FascioLuigiPlatonia(ItalianFasci
abroad)whichhadasubscriptionindexofmembersoftheSydneyFasciofromtheperiod9January
to7May1940.112ItmentionedRosinaandbothherchildren,andonthisbasis,authoritieswere
forced to place restrictions upon the family. Rosina admitted to being a member of the Fascio
Femminili,butalsoclaimedthatshedidnotattendanyofthemeetings.ThereasonRosinagaveas
to why she was a member of the fascist organization was given on her registration papers. She
claimedthatmanywomenwhoownedpropertyoverseaswererequiredtobecomeamemberof
theFascistParty.113
109
Copy of a translated circular that was taken from the file of Antonio Panella, 22 May 1939. See Giacosa, Rosina
(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
110
SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
111
ApplicationforDetentionOrderNationalSecurity(General)RegulationsSection20,4April1941.SeeGiacosa,
Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
112
ReportbyDetectiveConstableNormanH.Spy,4December1940.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/1
5085,NAA,Sydney.
113
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 13 August 1940. See Giacosa,
Rosina (Italian) [Box 147]. C123/1 5085, NAA, Sydney.. See Giacosa, Rosina (Italian) [Box 147]. C123/1 5085, NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 123
The question of whether Rosina should have been interned was discussed by the Director of
Military Operations and Intelligence to Eastern Command, Army Headquarters to the Eastern
CommandinVictoria,whoclaimed:
Where to place these women? Women can be suitably interned where the course is considered
essential,withemphasisonthewordessential.ButExternalAffairswouldregardwithgraveconcern
anythinglikeamassinternmentoranyinternmentswhichwereotherwiseindiscriminate.Suchaction
might have unpleasant consequences for Australian women in enemy territory and it was obviously
desirable to avoid any retaliatory action by Germany or Italy. Each case should be given the closest
scrutiny to enable us, if any internment is queried through diplomatic channels, to say clearly and
definitelythattheinternmentiswarrantedonsecuritygrounds.114
Theincarcerationofwomenwasclearlyalastresortforauthorities.InRosinaGiacosascase,the
Eastern Command was required to give details of the recommendation for her detention. The
Military Board was required to consider whether Rosinas involvement in the Fascist Party was
sufficient for her internment. The Director of Military Operations and Intelligence of Eastern
Command,ArmyHeadquartersinVictoriaoutlinedtherequirementsthatwerevitalfortheMilitary
Boardtoconsider:
The case consists of little more than Fascio membershipandthere is nothing to show why Eastern
Commandconsidersherinternmenttobeessential.IsitintendedtotreatFasciomembershipofitself
asagroundforinterningenemywomen?Ifso,shallwenotbefacedwithsomethinglikeawholesale
internmentofItalianwomen?WhatistheparticulardangerwhichEasternCommandfearfromher?
WhatsubversiveactivitycanshecarryonatHay?Wouldnotrestrictionsasdistinctfrominternment
besufficient?DoesEasternCommandthinksheissodangerousthatweshouldinternherevenatthe
riskofapossibleretaliatoryinternmentofAustralianwomeninItaly?115
It was eventually decided that on 10 July 1941, Rosina and her 6 year old daughter, Rosemary,
wouldbeinternedatTatura.116Rosemarywasreleasedfrominternmentforschoolingon11March
114
ReportfromDirectorofMilitaryOperationsandIntelligencetoEasternCommand,ArmyHeadquarters,Victoria.See
Giacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
115
Report from the Director of Military Operations and Intelligence of Eastern Command, Army Headquarters in
Victoria.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
116
ReportonInterneebyCampCommandment,L.B.McLeod,11July1941.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].
C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 124
1943.117 Rosina and her children Rosemary and Liliana, along with her husband Guglielmo, were
eventually released from internment in November 1944.118 No evidence was presented to prove
thatRosinaandherfamilywasdangeroustothenationssecurity.AsSaundershasarticulated,the
status of enemy alien, in addition to their political beliefs caused the government to suspect
foreignersaspotentially,thoughnotspecificallysubversive.119
ThecrewmembersoftheRomolowerealsoinvestigatedbecauseoftheirpoliticalaffiliations.Elena
GiovenaleworkedasanurseontheItalianvesselandafterherarrivalinAustralia,residedinEast
Sydney where she found employment at Lewisham Hospital. According to Intelligence, Elena
confessed that she was a fascist and was suspected of being a messenger for other fascists.120
national,WalterGeiringer.TheletterreferredtotheChiefOfficeroftheRomolo,TullioTamiand
stated that Elena was to get in touch with the SubLieutenant of the Manoora, H. Tyrell if at
anytimesheneededassistance.121Despitetherebeingnoevidencetosuggestanyinvolvementin
subversiveactivities,authoritiesconcluded:
AsthisselfconfessedFascistis,onherownadmission,actingasagobetweenforTamiandGeiringer,
theformerclaimingtobeaNavalOfficeroftheItalianMerchantFleetweareoftheopinionthatthis
woman should be interned, as it is evident that her sympathies are with Italy, and her freedom
constitutesadangertothiscountry.122
117
Memorandum from Custodian of Records, W.S. Chenoweth, 25 October 1944. See Giacosa, Rosina (Italian) [Box
147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
118
Memorandumdated6December1944.SeeGiacosa,Rosina(Italian)[Box147].C123/15085,NAA,Sydney.
119
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin,p.19.
120
ReporttoInspectorWilson,8April1940.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
121
NotewrittentoInspectorWilson,7April1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
122
ReporttoInspectorWilson,7May1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 125
Consequently,Elenawasconsideredtobearisktonationalsecurityandauthoritiesrecommended
hertobeinterned.123
Due to the economic climate and the shortage of manpower, Elena was interned at Lewisham
HospitalwheresheworkedunderthesupervisionofherMotherSuperior.Therewassomeconcern
overallowingElenatobeinternedatthehospital.EasternCommandwroteinareport:
Fromasecuritypointofviewrestrictionofthiswomanwithinthehospitalinwhichsheisemployed
would not be satisfactory in view of the volume of patients and visitors which pass through the
building. Such a restriction could not of course be adequately policed and she still could, if she so
desired,actasagobetween.124
Nevertheless, their decision to intern Elena at the hospital was most probably influenced by the
shortage of labour during the Second World War. Internment can be perceived as an effective
measuretocontrolenemyaliens,butasnotedinChapterOne,itwasalsoanexpensivemeasure
fortheCommonwealthGovernment,costingthe3perweek,perperson.Towardstheendofthe
war the Commonwealth Government realised that enemy aliens could work in labour camps to
alleviate manpower shortage and contribute to the war effort, while the Commonwealth
Governmentstillcontrolledtheiractions.125
While Elena was interned at Lewisham Hospital heavy restrictions were placed on her travel. In
orderforElenatoleavethehospital,anapplicationtotheauthoritiesbyherMotherSuperiorwas
required.InApril1942,Elenasoughtpermissiontoaccompanythenursingsistersintotownbycar
to do her own personal shopping. Authorities did not object as long as she was accompanied
123
ReporttoInspectorWilson,7May1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
124
Report titled Application for Ministerial Authority to Intern from Eastern Command, September 1941. See
Giovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
125
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.54.
P a g e | 126
duringtheentireperiodbyatleasttwonursingsistersandthatalettersupplyingthenamesofthe
places that Elena had planned to visit was sent to authorities.126 Elena was also not to have any
contact with anyone except the shop assistants with whom she is conducting her business.127
Restrictions were lifted in September 1943, after authorities received a letter from a naturalized
GermanbornMaxFrederickRaasch,whoaskedforElenasreleasetomarryher.Noobjectionwas
raisedandtheyweremarriedon27November1943.128Asaresultofhermarriage,Elenabecamea
naturalizedBritishsubjectwhichmeantshebecameexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulations.
AnyonewhoElenaassociatedwithwasalsosuspectedofbeingafascistsympathiser.Both38year
oldMariaCebinand46yearoldGuiliaPonzellettiworkedasastewardessontheRomoloandlived
inEastSydneyafterthevesselwasseized.AuthoritiessearchedMariaCebinshouseaftershewas
seen visiting Elena in May 1941. A letter written in Italian and a book which showed prominent
personages under Nazism and their counterpart under Fascism were found in her possession.129
Authoritieswrotethat:
As this woman does not speak the English language and associates with known Fascistscombined
withthefactthattheNaziFascistBookwasfoundinherpossession,perhapsconsiderationcouldbe
givenastowhetherornotthispersonisafitsubjectforinternment.Ifthisactionisnotconsidered
warranted,perhapssuitableactionmaybetakentorestricthermovementsandpreventhercontact
withknownFascists.130
126
LetterfromMotherSuperior,S.M.BonifacetoLietenantGeneral,GeneralOfficerofEasternCommanfinVictoria,
H.D.Wynter,13April1942.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
127
Letter from to Lieutenant General, General Officer, Commanding Eastern Command in Victoria, H. D. Wynter to
MotherSuperior,S.M.Boniface,April1942.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
128
MemorandumfromDirectorGeneralofSecurityW.B.SimpsontoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,23September1943.
SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
129
ReporttoInspectorWilson,6May1941.SeeCebin,Maria(Italian)[box64].C123/12830,NAA,Sydney.
130
ReporttoInspectorWilson,6May1941.SeeCebin,Maria(Italian)[box64].C123/12830,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 127
Though authorities considered that Maria should have been interned,it was laterfound out that
shewasexemptfromtheAliensControlRegulationsbecauseofhermarriagetonaturalizedBritish
subject, Alberto Bernardini.131 It is important to note that Italian women who were married to
Australian men were naturalized through marriage. That is, they took on the nationality of their
husbandandbecameBritishsubjects.BothElenaandMariabecamenaturalizedthroughmarriage
and were therefore exempt from the Aliens Control Regulations. The ramification of the
naturalizationprocessisfurtherexplainedinChapterSeven.
Figure26:MariaCebinsregistrationphoto,
1940.
MariaCEBINNationality:ItalianArrived
TownsvilleperMVMANOORA18Jun1940
[Box30].SP11/5/CEBIN,MARIA,NAA,
Sydney.
GuiliaPonzeletti,anothercrewmember,wasfortunateenoughtohavenotbeeninternedduring
thewar.AfterlivinginEastSydneyforafewmonths,shemovedtoMelbourne.Guiliacouldspeak
onlyafewwordsofEnglish.Shewasconsideredharmlessbyauthorities,butinFebruary1941,it
was alleged that she made antiBritish statements and claimed to have been working for a well
knownfascist,MarioVigano,ownerofaMelbourneCafcalledMarios.Itwasrecommendedthat
131
MemorandumfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityforNewSouthWalestoDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,8
July1943.SeeCebin,Maria(Italian)[box64].C123/12830,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 128
itmightbedeemedadvisabletohavehermovementswatchedandrestricted.132Fortunatelyfor
Guilia,shewasnotsubjecttoarestrictionorderanditwasstatedthatshecouldnotbecompelled
toreturntoSydney.133
Conclusion
In conclusion, wartime policy introduced during the Second World War can be perceived as a
reactiontowardstheimminentthreattothenationssecurity,creatingtheenemywithin.Italian
bornwomenwereclassifiedasenemyaliensandjudgedontheirethnicityandpoliticalaffiliations
rather than the individual risk to national security. This chapter concludes the first part of this
thesis,illustratinghowtheoutbreakofwarheightenedthecontroloverenemyaliensinAustralia.
ThefollowingchaptersconcerntheeffectsthattheAliensControlRegulationshadonAustralian
bornwomenofGermanbackground,ItalianbornwomenandAustralianbornwomenofJapanese
descent all of whom resided in Australia during the Second World War. It shows how the Aliens
ControlRegulationswereappliedtoeachenemynationalindifferentways,leadingtoconclusions
that factors such as political and racial aspects influenced the way in which these Aliens Control
Regulationswereadministered.
132
Memorandum,21February1941.SeePonzeletti,Guilia(Italian)[box66].C123/2863,NAA,Sydney.
133
Copy of Memorandum from Deputy Director of Security, NSW to DeputyDirector ofSecurity, Melbourne, 31 July
1944.SeePonzeletti,Guilia(Italian)[box66].C123/2863,NAA,Sydney.
PARTII:
EnemyAliensonLand
Figure27:PictureofSwastikafoundinthe possessionofAustralianbornIlmaBohlmann
IlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.
D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 130
ChapterThree:
GermanatHeart
Thetragic,andoftenshameful,discriminationagainstAustraliansofGermanoriginfosteredduringthe
World Wars had many consequences. No doubt, some of you carry the emotional scars of injustice
duringthosetimesaspartofyourbackgroundsorfamilyhistories.LetmeasGovernorGeneral,sayto
allwhodohowprofoundlysorryIamthatsuchthingshappenedinourcountry.1
On 14 February 1940, after authorities obtained a warrant. A search of the premises at number
fortyeightDixonSt,ClarenceParkinAdelaide,confirmedittobetheaddressoftheleaderofthe
Auslande), Pauline Mathilde Johanne Starke. Pauline was born in Southern Germany and arrived
withherfamilyinAustraliaon15March1929.Shewasdescribedasbeingstout,andhavingblue
eyeswithdarkhairwithatingeofgreyontheside.Paulinewassixtytwoyearsoldandawidowof
German national Paul Emil Starke, keeping her husbands ashes in a casket located in her sitting
roomdecoratedwitharedSwastikaoneachcorner.AmongherfriendsweretheGermanConsul,
MrsMathildeHeinleandIlmaBohlmannwhoseinvolvementintheNaziOrganizationwillbefurther
discussedbelow.2
DuringthesearchofPaulineshouse,Nazisympathizer,OttoSternberg,whowasstayingwithher
at the time was taken away to be detained by authorities. It is clear that Pauline was an ardent
supporter of Hitler. This was illustrated through her active leadership of the Womens Nazi
1
TheGovernorGeneral,SirWilliamDeanespokeattheopeningoftheAustralianconferenceonLutheranEducationat
theGoldCoaston26September1999notedinP.McDermott,InternmentDuringthegreatWarAChallengetothe
RuleofLaw.UNSWLawJournalVolume28,Issue2,2005,p.330.
2
See Starke, Ernst Emil Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes
photographs].D1915/SA15103,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Adelaide.
P a g e | 131
OrganizationinSouthAustraliaandtheSwastikasandphotographsthatdecoratedherhouse.The
searchalsorevealedthatPaulinehadawirelesssetwhichwasoperatingandtunedintoastation
inBerlinalongwithseveralmapsofGermany.3 ApolicestatementrecordedPaulinesayingJews
arethetroubleforthepresentsituation.ItisnotHitlerthatwantstoruletheworldbuttheJews.
WhenHitlerconquersPolandthewarwillfinish.4
Figure 28: (Left) Passport
photoofPaulineStarke
andFigure29:(Right)
PictureofPaulBeckmann
foundinPaulines
possessionbypolice,15
June1944.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.
There was evidence that Pauline was aware that members of her organization were kept under
closescrutinybythepublicandauthorities.InaletterwritteninGermantoafriend,MrsM.Weich,
that was translated by authorities, Pauline wrote Please dont say anything about what I told
youIt might be repeated incorrectly, and there might be gossip which we as National Socialists
3
LetterfromWirelesslicenceInspector,M.W.BrosnantoSeniorRadioInspector,6September1939.SeeStarke,Ernst
Emil Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
4
Statement made by authorities, no date. See Starke, Ernst Emil Robert [deportation to Germany together with his
mother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 132
(Nazis) must avoid at all costs.5 Other Nazi affiliations recorded by authorities included Paulines
son Ernst Emil Robert Stark, an ardent Nazi supporter who was interned. It was clear from
correspondencethatshealsokeptincontactwithGermanConsul,PaulBeckmann.6
As a result of Germanys declaration of war on 3 September 1939, many German women like
Pauline were placed under suspicion because of the large German population in South Australia,
where there were many activities and organizations that first, second, and third generation
Australians of German descent became involved in. However, there are also files that suggest
surveillance was undertaken before the outbreak of war. Hermann Homburgs frustration was
expressedwhenhewrotethefollowingaboutGermanLutheranslivinginSouthAustraliain1947:
Itwillhardlybedisputedthattheyshouldnotevenintimeofstressandforracialreasonsonlybe
separatedfromtherestofthecommunity,bemadethebuttoflocalpropagandaandbesingledoutfor
odium and suspicion. If a century and more of residence in this land does not entitle them to be
regardedasAustralians,thenhowmuchlongermusttheysojournherebeforetheyare?7
ActivitiesthatpreservedGermancultureinSouthAustraliawereconductedbymanyorganizations.
On7February1935,forexample,theGermanAustralianCentenaryCommitteewasformedbythe
South Australian German Historical Society, and its main purpose was to urge the restoration of
historicalnames,suchasKlemzig,theplacewherethefirstoftheseimmigrantssettledupontheir
arrival from Germany in 1838.8 Another instance was when the Historical Society honored the
5
Copy of letter intercepted by authorities written by Pauline to Mrs M. Weich in Tanunda, 10 November 1939. See
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
6
LetterfromPaulineStarketoMrBeckmann,4February1940.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
7
H.Homburg,SouthAustralianLutheransandWartimeRumours.Adelaide:SelfPublished,1947,p.7.
8
BooklettitledtheUnveilingofMonumentinhonourofFirstGermanLutheranPioneersatKlemzigon29August,1936
at3p.m.SeeGermanHistoricalSocietyofSA.D1915/SA18743,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 133
foundingleaderofthevillageofKlemzig,PastorAugustLudwigKavel.Theyheldaceremonyand
Homburgunveiledamonument.ThemonumentwasdedicatedtoDanishCaptainDirkMeinhertz
Hahn. It was placed in the German settlement, originally known as Hahndorf. It was known as
AmblesidebetweentheFirstandSecondWorldWar,butthenamewaschangedbacktoitsoriginal
nameHahndorfduringthelate1930s.9
Figure30:HermannHomburgattheunveilingofthe
CaptainHahnmemorialatHahndorfinSouthAustralia.
GermanHistoricalSocietyofSA.D1915/SA18743,NAA,
Adelaide.
9
PhotographofHermannHomburgattheunveilingoftheCaptainHahnmemorialatHondorfS.A.1936.SeeGerman
HistoricalSocietyofSA.D1915/SA18743,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 134
At the outbreak of war, authorities rounded up all German men who were immediately
incarcerated. This chapter focuses on German women and Australian women of German descent
who were targeted by intelligence officers because they were German at Heart, a notion that
represents women who maintained their German cultural values and language throughout
settlementdespitetheirstatusasBritishcitizens.Itprovidescasestudiesofthesewomenandhow
theywereaffectedinvariouswaysbytheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth).
Some of the women were ardent supporters of Nazism and socially prominent in German
communities within South Australian and New South Wales.10 This study focuses on German and
AustralianwomenofGermandecentwhosettledinareasofSouthAustraliaandNewSouthWales
due to the vast amount of files available at the NAA in each state. Over seventy five Australian
women of German heritage were examined. Most files were held at the National Archives of
Australia(NAA)inSydneyandAdelaide.
Theirexperienceisnotonlyrecordedinarchivaldocuments,butalsophotographsthatdepictthe
realityofthesestorieswhichareheldattheNAA.DespitetheirsupportforNazism,itisclearfrom
the files that they posed no real threat to the nations security and that the Aliens Control
Regulationswereinconsistentlyappliedbecauseofthesubjectivenatureofthelegislationandthe
officialdom responsible for administering it. This Chapter highlights the significance of Homburgs
question:Ifacenturyandmoreofresidenceinthislanddoesnotentitlethemtoberegardedas
Australians,thenhowmuchlongermusttheysojournherebeforetheyare?11Thestoriesillustrate
thelackofcitizenshiprightsthatthesewomenhadduringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.
10
PhotographsthatdepictthesocialeventsthatmostGermansparticipatedinaredepictedonpages146150.
11
Homburg,SouthAustralianLutherans,p.7.
P a g e | 135
RiseoftheNaziPartyinAustralia
There were many German women living in Australia who had Nazi sympathies, most located in
Tanunda, South Australia. However, this did not mean that the women presented in this chapter
whowereNazisupporterswererepresentativeofmostGermansettlerswithintheSouthAustralian
community during the war. According to Charles Price who was formerly an intelligence officer
during the war, in 1939, approximately 26,000 people of German background were living in
Australia, 19,000 assimilated while the remainder retained their German cultural values and
language.12Pricesmainargumentrevolvedaroundwhathebelievedtobethechiefproblem.This
was
the extent to which members of the Nazi Party delayed the absorption process in Australia by
spreadingamongstAustralianbornGermanstheNaziVolksgedankethetheorythatbloodoverrides
nationality and that all Germans abroad must retain their connection with the German racial
community.
13
However,asHermannHomburghasdescribedit,Pricesworkwas
intended to throw doubt upon the loyaltyof Lutherans and support the action of security to intern
those whom its officers singled out for suspicion, and provide material for the justification of the
actionsofhisfellowofficers.14
ThereisnoevidencetosupportPricesargumentthatthosewhomaintainedtheirGermanvalues
preventedassimilation.Infact,NaziPartymembershipinAustraliawasrelativelylowandhadno
influence over the majority of German settlers in Australia. It is more acceptable to support
HomburgsassertionthatPrice,likemanyotherAustraliansduringwartimehysteria,joinedinthe
huntforsuspects.15
12
C.Price,GermanSettlersinSouthAustralia.Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,1945,p.4.
13
Price,GermanSettlers,p.40.
14
Homburg,WartimeRumours,p.48.
15
Homburg,WartimeRumours,p.48.
P a g e | 136
Figure31:Mapof
TanundaandtheBarossa
Valley
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub.
FormerpublicservantNoelLamideyexplainsinhisreportthatattheoutbreakofwar,therewasa
needforinvestigation,surveillance,prosecution,restrictionandinternment.Hewritesthiswasall
in line with accepted and acknowledged procedures deemed essential to protect the civil
community and the country itself then on a war footing.16 Despite low numbers of Nazi Party
membership,LamideyclaimedthatmembershipofNaziandfascistorganizationswereoneofthe
main reasons these security measures were introduced. Homburg wrote that whatever efforts
were made by persons, either from here or abroad, to influence residents in the State [South
Australia] towards Nazism, failed miserably.17 Over 170 German newspapers were published in
16
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.3.
17
Homburg,WartimeRumours,p.68.
P a g e | 137
Australia and only a very few supported Hitlerism.18 It was clear however, that among German
settlers in South Australia, a policy emerged of maintaining the language and culture of their
ancestorsand,toacertainextent,theirpoliticalloyaltytoGermany.19
Itwasageneralrulethatwomenwerenottobeinterned,butwhentheinterestofpublicsafety
demanded it they would be kept in custody.20 Saunders argued that these Aliens Control
Regulations assumed that only European male enemy aliens were in any way politically active,
women being concerned only with their narrow domestic responsibilities.21 However, women
involved in Nazi or Fascist organizations were considered to be a threat to national security. Ian
Harmstorf believed that this admiration for Hitler was common for women in their advanced
age.22 Frances Wells experienced this first hand. She claimed that her grandparents who had
visitedrelativesinGermanynotlongbeforethewarbeganwerenaturallyaffectionatetowardsthe
old country and they returned to Australia convinced that the Fhrer was doing much good.23
Harmstorfwrotethat
SouthAustraliansofGermandescentwereabletobaskintheknowledgeaswellasreflectedglorythat
inthenewGermanyunderHitler,lawandorderhadbeenrestoredandcommunistinsurgentscrushed.
18
Price,GermanSettlers,p.77.
19
Price,GermanSettlers,p.75.
20
P.Hasluck,TheGovernmentandthePeople,19391941:VolumeOne.Canberra:AustralianWarMemorial,1952,p.
593.
21
K.Saunders,WarontheHomefront:StateInterventioninQueensland19381948.St.Lucia:universityofQueensland
Press,p.38.
22
F.Wells,ATanundaChildhoodduringWorldWarII:SunshinebeneathShadows.
[http://www.history.sa.gov.au/chu/programs/history_conference/History%20Conf%2007/A%20Tanunda%20Childhood
%20during%20World%20War%20II%20Sunshine%20beneath%20sha.pdf]Accessed:14January2009,p.3.
23
I.Harmstorf,SouthAustraliasGermans.
http://www.thegermanclub.com.au/aboutus/germanhistoryinSA.php#WWIISAGermans.
PaperdeliveredataSymposiumonWorldWarII,ConstitutionalMuseum,1987.Accessed5January2010.
P a g e | 138
Germany had once again become resepectable, at least in the eyes of conservative western
governments.
24
IntheviewofsomeAustralianauthorities,theGermanNaziPartyconvertedAustraliancitizensand
British subjects to German ideology and as a result, many people of German background
subsequentlysufferedfortheirbeliefs.25
AccordingtoColinDoxford,theNaziPartydidnotlargelyinfluenceGermanslivinginAustralia.At
itspeakinthelate1930s,totalmembershipconsistedof180GermansresidinginAustralia.26The
firstlocalbranchoftheNSDAP(NationalSozialistischeDeutscheArbeiterPartei)wasestablishedin
Tanundabyamedicalpractitioner,DrJohannesBecker,whoarrivedintheBarossaValleyin1927.
The second branch was established in Sydney by a delicatessen shop owner, Joannes Frerck, in
KingsCross.OtherbranchessoonfollowedinAdelaide,MelbourneandBrisbane.27Asdescribedby
Jurgen Tampke, there was a small but very active Nazi movement in Australia.28 The Nazi Party
andtheiractivitieswerestronglysupportedbytheGermanConsul.However,inSydney,itmade
little progress with attempts to win over the local German community.29 For example, the
ConcordiaClubsuccessfullyresistedthespreadofNazismamongstitsmembers.30
24
I.Harmstorf,SouthAustraliasGermans.
http://www.thegermanclub.com.au/aboutus/germanhistoryinSA.php#WWIISAGermans.
PaperdeliveredataSymposiumonWorldWarII,ConstitutionalMuseum,1987.Accessed5January2010.
25
J.Vondra,GermanSpeakingSettlersinAustralia.Melbourne:CavalierPressPtyLtd,1981,p.80.
26
SeeJ.TampkeandC.Doxford,Australia,Willkommen:ahistoryoftheGermansinAustralia.N.S.W,Kensington:New
SouthWalesUniversityPress,1990,p.221.
27
TampkeandDoxford,Australia,Willkommen,p.221.
28
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney.SydneyJournal,Volume1,Issue1,March2008,p.69.
29
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
30
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
P a g e | 139
Support for Nazism among Australian men and women of German descent were not surprising
givenfavorablepoliticalclimatetowardsNazismpriortothewar.31TheNSDAPwasalsopopular
because it promoted a particular kind of pronationalist responsibility for women of the correct
racial stock.32 The National Socialist Womens Association was a subdivision of the NSDAP. The
highestadministrativedepartmentwastheReichsWomensLeadership.Themainresponsibilities
werestatedintheNaziPartysmembershipbook
Asawomansresponsibilitiesathomeandwiththefamilyarevitalforournation,allwomenshould
share the knowledge of how to raise a great nationthe functions of the Womens Organization are
structured as follows: Department of Motherservice, Department of National Economy and Domestic
Economy, Department of Assisting Services, Department of Culture, Education and Training,
Department of Youth Teams, Department of Children Teams, and Department of Neighbouring and
ForeignCountries.33
As evidenced above, womens role in the Nazi Party revolved around domestic and maternal
responsibilities.InaccordancetotheNaziPopulationPolicy,Hitlerencouragedwomentocarefor
numerous children in order to proliferate the Aryan race.34 He emphasized that Man is the
organizer of life, woman is his helper and his executive agent.35 L. J. Rupp notes that Hitlers
oppositiontothepoliticalparticipationofwomenandhislowestimationofwomensabilitiesare
wellknown;womenwere,forHitler,unimportantexceptasbreedersoffuturegenerations.36They
31
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
32
SeeJ.Stephenson,TheNaziOrganisationofwomen.London:CroomHelm,1980;I.Guenther,Nazichic?:fashioning
womenintheThirdReich.NewYork:Berg,2004;andD.Reese,GrowingupfemaleinNaziGermany.AnnArbor:
UniversityofMichiganPress,2006.
33
R.Cowdery,IchKampfe(IFight).HongKong:LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData,2007,pp.13334.
34
L. J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda 19391945. New Jersey: Princeton
UniversityPress,1978p.17.
35
A.M.Sigmund,WomenoftheThirdReich.Canada:NDEPublishing,2000,p.11.
36
Rupp,MobilizingWomenforWar,p.15.
P a g e | 140
weretoactasmotherstotheirownfamiliesbutalsotothecommunityasawholeandthustothe
entirerace.37
Germans living in Australia became subject to the Aliens Control Regulations, where they were
classifiedasenemyaliensandroundeduptobeinterned.AustralianresidentMargaretBurtonfrom
Adelaide,SouthAustralia,recalledtheGermanslivinginherarea:
MostofthemwereintheBarossaValleyandofcoursetheywereterriblyloyaltoAustraliaandthiswas
the sad thing. The ones that I believe werent loyal were ones that had families whod recently
emigratedinthelate1930s.ButmostoftheGermanscameoutinthe1860s,1850sandtheywerethird
orfourthgenerationAustralianandhadnoconnectionatallwithGermany.Ithinktheyweretoohard
onthemreallybuttheydidntknowwhowerespiesandwhowerent.38
PaulineStarkeandAssociates
Nazi propaganda emphasizing thewomans role in the new Germanyin some respects was quite
popularamongtheGermanwomenpresentedinthischapter.AfterresidinginAustraliaforeleven
years, Pauline Stark told authorities how she became involved in the Frauenschaft (National
SocialistWomensLeague)
IfirstbecameassociatedwithitwhenIheardthatGermanwomenwereurgedtocometogethertodo
some good work for the homeland. That was from Queensland, and it was advertised in the
Queensland HeraldI told my husband that I wanted to do something for my country, as I was a
Germanwoman.
39
In1940,complaintsweremadeagainstPaulineStarkescharacterbytheresidentsinTanunda.A
statement below by local resident, E.J. Pohl shows the division between other German residents
andPaulineStarke:
37
E.TurnerGraham,TheGermanwomanhastheinnerenergytoworkforGermaness:Race,GenderandNational
SocialisminInterwarAustralia'.Lilith,Volume15,2006,p.104.
38
J.PenglaseandD.Horner,WhentheWarcametoAustralia:MemoriesoftheSecondWorldWar.NewSouthWales,
St.Leaonards:Allen&Unwin,1992,p.17.
39
ReportonPaulineStark,NoDate.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 141
IhaveheardoftheFRAUENSCHAFT,andIbelievetherewassomethinglikeitinAdelaide.MrsSTARKE
wasinit.WhilewewerestayinginGermanyayoungrelation,whocametoseeus,said,Doyouknow
somebody called Pauline Starke? My wife said, Yes, the mother or stepmother of Ernst Starke. She
goes to the German Club. He then pulled out a paper called the Schwarzekorps, the Black Storm
Trooperspaper,andtherewasalongarticleinitsignedbyPaulineStarke.ItwasallaboutAustralia
and how their hearts here were true to the Fatherland, and how hard they worked to overcome the
misunderstandingofNazismwhichwastakingplaceinforeigncountries.40
A statement was also made by Richard August Sadilek, who was interviewed by Lieutenant W.A.
LangfordandW.O.Haleon13May1944.Sadilekclaimed,Mywifetoldmethatacoupleofweeks
ago,somechildrencamearoundcollectingwastepaper,andwhentheyaskedMrsPaulineStarke
shesaidWinthewarIburneverypaper.Idontgiveanythingtowinthewar.41
PaulinesclosestfriendsincludedtheNaziPartymembersMathildeHeinle(aGermannational)and
AustralianbornIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann.Mathildewassixtyfouryearsold,borninHomburg,
GermanyandlivedwithPaulineattheClarenceParkaddress,aninnersouthernsuburbofAdelaide,
whileherhusbandwasinternedatTatura.ThedateofherarrivalinAustraliaisunclear,thoughshe
waswellknowntoauthoritiesforpraisingHitlerandconstantlystatinghowshedespisedthearrival
ofJewsinAustralia.42IlmawaswellknowntoIntelligenceofficersfororganisinggatheringsather
house that were attended by the most prominent Nazi supporters living in Adelaide, including
Pauline.
40
ExtractfromreportofInterviewwithE.J. PohlbySgtC.P.R.TrezonaandLieut.C.A.Price,22November1943.See
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
41
StatementmadebyRichardAugustSadilek,13May1944.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
42
Questionnairecompletedbyauthorities,12February1940.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,
Adelaide.
P a g e | 142
Before the outbreak of war, in June 1938, Mathilde wrote a letter that was intercepted by
authoritieswhichdescribeshowcloseshewastotheFrauenschaftorganizationanditsmembers
IhavelearnedwhatourWomensOrganisationreallymeansinthetruesenseofthework.Whatgood
purposescanbefilledbyit,whenthewillandsenseofcomradeshipalsohelps,hasbeenverywellproved
inm[my]sickness,alsoallourcomradeswereverygood,thoughtfulandeagertoserve.Theyvisitedme
inhospitalandpresentedmewithsmallgiftsandflowers,abeautifulfeelingforasickperson.Iwillnever
forget it, it shall be myzealous endeavour to workgladly for theWomensOrganisation as soonas my
strengthwillallowitagain.
ToholdtogetherandcooperateforourFehrerandFatherland,shallbeourresolve.Heisthemanwhich
bookshaveprophesiedtousIlookuponhimaspartofGod,onlythroughhimwillGermanybegintolive
again; he works for his people, the Nation helps him, so that we will rise again and make honour for
Deutschlandlied.
Allthesemanyyearswewereforgottenbyourfatherlandandlefttoourselvesinaforeignland,anot
respected personality. Through the N.S.D.A.P. and the Womens Organisation we, after all, have a little
Germanyforourselvesabroad,afeelingofwellbeingatmeetings,mayweabletoretainitandGodkeep
ourFuehrer.
HeilHitler43
Asevidencedabove,interestinGermanculturewasthrivingbeforeandduringthewar.Therewas
very little membership in the Party before the war even began. Two months before the war, a
reportintheDieBrucke44appearedoncelebrationsoftheSolsticeFestivalanddiscussedPaulines
involvement:
43
CopyofletterfromMathildeHeinletoMrsSchmidt,June1938.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,
NAA,Adelaide.
44
DieBrukewasaweeklymagazinefoundedin1934,andwastheorganoftheLeagueofGermansinAustraliaand
New Zealand, and of the GermanAustralian Chamber of Commerce, also maintained a steady stream of Nazi
propagandaandappealedfortheunificationofpeopleofGermandescentonaculturalbasis.[W.D.Borrie,Italians
andGermansinAustralia:AStudyofAssimilation.Melbourne:TheAustralianUniversity,1954,p.213].ThetermsDie
Brucke were chosen as the title of the GermanAustralian newspaper which, from its inception, was to confront its
essentially assimilated GermanAustralian audience with increasingly inflammatory material sourced mainly from a
nationwithwhichAustraliahadhad,atbest,adifficultrecentpast.ThenewspaperwasdescribedbyEmilyGraham
TurnerasafactseekingtoemulateseveraloftheGermanAustraliannewspapersalreadyinexistenceandthusclaim
for itself an air of familiarity from its potentially apprehensive GermanAustralian. [GrahamTurner, The German
Woman,pp.97and98].
P a g e | 143
Figure32:AclothwiththeSwastikasymbol
embroideredonthetoprightcorner(inset)found
amongMathildeHeinlespossessions.
HEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,
The room was decorated with flowers and greens, the singing group opened [for] the Leader, Mrs
STARKE, gavean addressThe Festival was alreadycelebratedbyourforefathers asthe prototypeof
power.About20yearsagoaperiodbegan,inwhichitwasbelievedtodoawaywitholdcustomssoas
togivethepeoplesomethingnew,thedecaysetinAsGermanswehavearighttocelebratesucha
P a g e | 144
Festival.Also,indoingthis,inanothercountry,wedonotoffendagainstloyalty,buthelpinthebuilding
upofaGermanCulture.45
Althoughitmayseemthatmanywomenjoinedtheseorganizationstoexpresstheirloyaltytothe
Fuhrer, membership was also a means of social networking. There was also a fear that many
GermanswerebecomingnaturalizedBritishsubjectswhichwoulddecreasePartymembership.A
reportfromintelligenceauthoritiesshowsthatPaulinewrote:unfortunatelylatelyanotherfamily
has become naturalised, so that an increase in the membership number can hardly be reckoned
withinthenearfuture.46
ThemajorityoftheNationalSocialistgatheringswereheldatIlmaBohlmannsresidencelocatedat
twentysevenHarveyStreet,WoodvilleinSouthAustralia.IlmawasawellknownNazisympathizer
inherlocalcommunityandwasbornatMitcham,SouthAustralia.BothherparentswereGerman
born. Ilmas husband, Stanley George Bohlmann was Australianborn, though his father was
Germanborn and his mother English. During the war Stanley worked as a manager of a wharf.
Stanley was considered to be delivering information on ships entering Adelaide to his wife. Even
beforethewarbrokeout,thereweremanycomplaintsmadebyworkersandlocalsagainstStanley
workingonthewharfandhiswifeIlmafororganizinggatheringsforNazisympathizers.
45
Copy of article in Die Brucke, Adelaide, 8 July 1939. See HEINLE Ludwig and Mattilda. D1915/SA15128, NAA,
Adelaide.ParanoiawithinthePartyalsoexisted.PaulinewroteaboutaPartymemberwhoshedespisedIwouldonly
liketoknowwhyshemustberegardedasamember?Sheneitherpaysacontributionnordoessheanywork,tothe
functionsalsodoesntcome,issheaspy,somethingisntright,becausesheleadsapeculiarlife.Mathildewasasked
byPaulinetokeepaneyeonthisparticularmember.[CopyofletterfromPaulineStarketoMrsSchmidt,20December
1938.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,Adelaide].
46
CopyofreportthroughtheN.S.D.A.P.LocalGroupAdelaidefromPaulineStarke,28July1939.SeeHEINLELudwig
andMatilda.D1915/SA15128,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 145
InastatementmadebyMargaretPriestinAugust1939,Ilmawasnotedasbeingmostunpopular
in Woodville re [regarding] her political activities, including sewing and collecting clothes to
importantGermanpeopleandforantiBritishpropagandaandliterature.47Thisfurtherreinforces
the notion of being German at heart. Despite being Australianborn, Ilmas loyalty lay with her
parents and husbands mother country. This was shown in an opinion piece written by Ilma to a
local newspaper sometime in September 1938 (along with her association with intelligence
agencies)
TotheEditor,
Now that Germany has again become a great Power and considering that there are some 85 million
Germans and about 69 million Britons, would it not be wise for their countries to come together as
friends?HerrHitleroftenexpresseshisdesireforpeace,butheissomisrepresentedthatheappearsto
thepeopleasafearsomeogre.Thosewhointimatelyknowhimknowhowfantasticthisideais.Before
Hitler came to power in 1933 Marshal Vorishiloff boasted (1930) that the U.S.S.R. had the most
formidablearmyintheworld.IsitsurprisingthatGermany,underHitler,setupanarmedbulwarkagainst
this formidable combination? Prior to the war I was responsible for the Rhodesian intelligence service
(military). I never received a single report unfavorable to the German Administration in German East
Africa.NotasingleAskari(nativesoldier)desertedduringthewarfromgeneralvonLettowVorbecktothe
British sidea sufficientproof of the satisfactionof thenative inhabitants with German rule,Germany
Speaks, a book by 21 leading statesmen, should be read by all concerned in modern international
affairs.48
DetectiveCharlesTrezonainterviewedIlmaandinhisstatementexpressedhisdismayonthestate
of the house. Trezona stated the whole length of the house is in a bad State. It has not been
completedandallmannerofjunkisstrewnaboutit.Thewholepropertyhadanuntidyappearance
whenIvisitedthepremises.49Authoritiesplacedherhouseundersurveillanceandmadealistof
thosewhohadvisitedtheBohlmanns.ThoseonthelistincludedPaulBeckmann,andprominent
47
CopyofStatementmadebyMargaretPriest,29August1939.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorge
Bohlmanninvestigationsandinternment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
48
OpinionletterwrittenbyIlmaBohlmannpublishedinunknownnewspaper,titledWorldPeace:AngloGermanAmity
Desired,datedaboutSeptember1938.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations
&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
49
StatementmadebyDetectiveCharlesP.R.Trezona,16November1939.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&Stanley
GeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 146
Nazisympathizers,Dr.Seith,ExGermanConsulDrSeger,CarlHeerdt,ErnstStarke,TheoBay,Kurt
HundermarkandSecretarytotheGermanConsulMargaretBole.50
It was concluded by authorities that the Bohlmanns were in the Nazi Party because of their
expensive gatherings with Nazi sympathizers which was quite inconsistent with their small
income.51OnSaturday,13January1940,DetectiveTrezonaapproachedStanleyandhiswifeIlma
andissuedthemwithaDetentionOrder.IlmarespondedbywritingalettertotheCommandantat
Keswick, an internment camp located in the innersouth western suburb of Adelaide. Ilma
emphasizedherBritishidentityinordertoremoverestrictionsimposeduponher:
I wish to appeal against the restrictions placed upon meI am a Britishborn subject. I have always
carriedouttherulesandregulationsofthecountry.Ihavegiventhebestofmyabilitytothewelfare
andinterestsoftheStateandhavealwaysworkedveryhardtoobtainthebestresults.Icanneither
speak, read or write the German language, so I cannot understand why these restrictions should be
placeduponme.52
In spite of this, Ilma and Stanley were eventually taken to Tatura internment camp. Upon Ilmas
arrest,astatementwasissuedbyherarrestingpoliceofficer,IsabelOttaway,whostatedthatIlma
said:
I am a hundred percent German. By that I mean I was born of German parents and you could not
expect me to renounce them altogether. I am sure no Australian in Germany would be treated like
thisIf people think I am disloyal, the reason for it is this. I have always taken an active part in
Governmentaffairsandmyletterstothepresshavebeenmisunderstood.Myreasonsforwritingwas
to try and bring together the German andBritish nations with a view if possible of preventing war.I
expect some of my letters have been intercepted, because I have written to Germany, but there is
nothinginthem.Idefyanyonetosayso.53
50
StatementmadebyDetectiveCharlesP.R.Trezona,16November1939.SeeIlmaCarolaAmaliaBohlmann&Stanley
GeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
51
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.265.
52
CopyofletterfromIlmaBohlmanntotheCommandant,MilitaryForces,Keswick,25January1940.SeeIlmaCarola
AmaliaBohlmann&StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
53
Statement made by Woman Police Officer, Isabel Ottaway, date unknown. See Ilma Carola Amalia Bohlmann &
StanleyGeorgeBohlmanninvestigations&internment.D1915/SA5734,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 147
IlmaandStanleywerenotreleaseduntil15May1945.
Figure33: Anotherphotoof
apicnicorganizedbythe
GermanWinterReliefFund.
Authoritieslabeledtheabove
asfollows:2.SenrStarke;3.
PaulBeckmann;4.Ernest
EmilStarke;5.Ilma
Bohlmann;and9.Pauline
Starke.
GermanWinterReliefFund.
D1915/SA21866,NAA,
Adelaide.NAA,Adelaide.
Figure34:Germanmembers
oftheGermanWinterRelief
Fundonapicnicactivities
thatGermanwomensuchas
PaulineStarkwereinvolved.
GermanWinterReliefFund.
D1915/SA21866,NAA,
Adelaide.
P a g e | 148
Figure35:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure36:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure37:
1. PaulBeckmann
2. MathildeHeinle
3. LudwigHeinle
Photographofcamping
activitiesheldbyGerman
organizationsinSouth
AustraliaduringtheSecond
WorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 149
Figure38:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure39:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure40:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 150
Figure41:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure42:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure43:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 151
Figure44:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure45:Photographof
campingactivitiesheldby
Germanorganizationsin
SouthAustraliaduringthe
SecondWorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
Figure46:Germannationals
theMethseiderFamily.
Photographofcamping
activitiesheldbyGerman
organizationsinSouth
AustraliaduringtheSecond
WorldWar.
GermanWinterRelief
Fund.D1915/SA21866,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 152
InternedonthebasisoftheirproGermanviews
Another woman who was open about her sympathies toward Hitler was Australianborn Manda
GertrudeThiele.MandawasthirdgenerationAustralianofGermandescentlivingwithherparents
onthefarminLoxton,onthesouthbankoftheRiverMurrayinSouthAustralia.Heronlyfriend
was the Lutheran Pastor of Loxton, Carl Wilhelm Julius Meier, who was interned during the war.
Mandawasapoliticalactivistandwroteanumberoflettersconcerningthewar,includingaletter
thatwaswrittentoMrsTraegerinTanundasupportingHitler,thoughitisinterestingtonotethat
sheidentifiedherselfasbeingAustralian:
Wellwhatdoyouthinkofthewarnews?ImgametotakeonabetasImsureofwiningitthatPrime
MinisterChurchillwillbethemosthatedmanintheworldverysoonandAdolfHitlerthebestloved,its
nearly that far now, I knew that already when I spoke to you in hospital but I knew you did not yet
understand but youll be on my way of thinking quite soon now. France will now stick by Germ
[Germany], I well knew that Hitler would be as fair [as] it was possible to be to those unfortunate
nationsdeceivedbytheirleaders,andthathehasprovedtobe.Ourleadersareheadingforacrashtoo.
WearethelaughingstockoftheIndiansandtheIrisheventheSth[South]Africansaretryingtogetout
ofthismesswerein,thoughawickedlotofgangstersgivingordersfromBritain.Theyhavebrought
ourcountrydowntowhatitisnowandledusintothewartofightfortheirfinancialinterestsandwe
could stoop to the gutter doing it, and theyd just think,stupid lot of fools, we can do anything with
themrightdownslaughteringthosetryingtocrushourgame.IcouldtellyoulotsthatIknowbutmust
closenow.54
When interviewed by authorities, Manda admitted that these were her true beliefs, along with
claiming that Churchill was nothing but a puppet of the English bankers.55 Officer S.G. Eyles
cautioned and warned Manda of her position and that she may be interned for expressing her
sentiments. It is recorded that her answers were given in a defiant manner and she replied that
shefullyunderstoodherpositionandshedidnotcareis[if]shewasinterned.56Mandasaidtothe
officersthatthebankersstartedthewarandChurchillismoretobepitied,ourpoliticiansareto
54
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
55
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
56
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 153
be blamed for the war.57 Eyles responded by saying Did not Hitler cause the war when he
marchedintoandbombedPoland?58MandarepliedWellhavenottheEnglishinvadedIran?He
said But the English occupation is a peaceful one. She said That is what you think.59 Eyles
conversationwithMandaisdescribedfurtherinhisreport
Isaid,DoyouthinkthatHitlercouldbethemostlovedmaninEuropeafterhisactionsinregardtothe
shootingofthehostagesinFrance.Shesaid,Doyoubelievethat?Isaid,Ido.Shesaid,Idont.I
said,DontyoubelieveGermanyisaggressiveandcruel?Shesaid,No,Idonot.CaptainHillsaid,
AreyouproudofyourGermanblood?Shesaid,Yes,Iam.Isaid,Dontyoubelievethenewsinour
papers?Shesaid,No,Idont,thatiswhereyoumakethemistakebelievingit.IlistentotheWireless
foroverseasnews.60
DuetoherpoliticalopinionsandantiBritishviews,itwasrecommendedthatrestrictionsbeplaced
onManda.Itwasnotedthatthefactthatsheisanintelligentdeterminedtype;andresidesina
Germandistrict,makeshercontinuedfreedomadefinitedangertotheNationalSecurity.61
Thereishowever,evidencetosuggestthatauthoritieswerereluctanttointernheronthebasisof
herpoliticalopinions.AdocumentwrittenbytheDirectorofMilitaryIntelligencereportedthat
TheMinisterhesitatestointernherontheevidencegivenunlessitcanbeshownthatherviewsare
influencingherfamilyandthelocalresidents,orthatshecouldbeamenacetooursecurityHealso
thinks that Japanese intervention may have altered her views and that she might be further cross
examinednowbeforehisfinaldecisionisgiven.Pleaseactaccordingly.
62
57
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
58
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
59
SecretreportwrittenbyS.G.EylestotheInspectoratCIBinAdelaide,4November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwife
MandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
60
Secret report written by S.G. Eyles to the Inspector at Commonwealth Investigation Branch (CIB) in Adelaide, 4
November1941.SeeVOGELAugustandwifeMandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
61
RecommendationmadebyBrigadier,Commandant,4thMilitaryDistrict,Nodate.SeeVOGELAugustandwifeManda
Gertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
62
ReportwrittenbytheColonel,whowasDirectorofMilitaryIntelligencetoSouthernCommand,January1942.See
VOGELAugustandwifeMandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 154
In response to this, authorities investigated her family and found she had five brothers and two
sisterswhoallsharedthesameviewasManda,andrefusedtoregisterformilitaryservice.Areport
madebypoliceofficersstationedatLoxtonrevealedMandasfamilyhavebeenageneraltopicof
conversation in Loxton since the start of the war because of their flagrantly hostile attitude
towardsourEmpire,andwe,incommonwithallloyalresidentsofLoxton,arefullyconvincedthat
these people should be interned.63 On 20 March 1942, Constable Margaret Ottoway arrested
Manda.WhentheConstablepresentedMandawiththewarrantforherinternment,MandasaidI
have been expecting something like this; in fact, I have had my suitcase packed for about two
weeks.SoyouseeIamnotatallsurprisedatyourvisit.64Mandaandherchildrenweredetained
untiltheorderwasrevokedon7May1945.65Evidently,herhostileattitudetowardstheBritishand
herproGermanviewsandcommunitypressureledtoherincarcerationduringthewardespitethe
factthereseemedtobenorealsecuritythreattothenationandinspiteofherBritishcitizenship.
Iaskforyourreconsideration:TheKrawinkels
The case of Rita Krawinkel, along with many of the other stories presented in this chapter,
demonstrates how women with full local citizenship were affected by the Aliens Control
Regulations on the basis of their political affiliations. Rita was born in Australia of parents of
Germandescent,andwasexceedinglywellconnectedinSouthAustralianGermansocialcircles.She
wasmarriedtothePresidentoftheSouthAustralianGermanHistoricalSociety,HeinrichKrawinkel,
63
Statement made by Police stationed at Loxton, 30 January 1942. See VOGEL August and wife Manda Gertrude.
D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
64
Statement made by Constable Margaret Ottoway, March 1942. See VOGEL August and wife Manda Gertrude.
D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
65
SeeVOGELAugustandwifeMandaGertrude.D1915/SA12900,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 155
who was accused of associating with prominent Nazi figure Dr Johann Becker.66 Her father was
Hermann Homburg, who was a prominent figure within the South Australian community. It was
found out many years later that Homburg was interned because of his close affiliation with Dr
Becker;however,HomburgandDrBeckeractuallydespisedeachotherduringthewar.Hermann
wasnotreleaseduntilDecember1942andeventhenhewassubjecttovariousrestrictions.67
In1934theGermanClubinAdelaidehadpassedaresolutionwhichrefusedtheadmissionofthose
belonging to foreign political organizations such as the Nazi Party. Though the German Club
claimednottohavebeenpoliticallyaffiliated,itwasarguedbyGaryGumplthatintheearly1930s,
keymembersoftheClub,includingRitashusbandHeinrich,assistedNazioperativesbyhavingthe
Gumpl, the door had been opened to Nazi infiltration which continued to increase in the years
immediatelyprecedingtheWar.68HeinrichadvisedDrBeckertomovetoTanundabecausethere
wasnodoctorinthatarea.Beckerdidso,andsetupamedicalpractice,buthealsoestablishedthe
Nazi Party in South Australia.69 Becker later established a library that emphasised Nazi literature
calledDeutscheFortbidongsverein.70ItwasduringthisperiodthatAustraliansecuritynoticedanti
Jewish propaganda being distributed. Dr Becker had a strong belief that the Reich Government
would send Nazi operatives to assist the Nazi cause in Australia.71 It was in 1935 that the
66
HeinrichKrawinkelwasamemberofthegermanClub,theConstitutionalClub,theCommonwealthClub,theRoyal
GeographicalSociety,theRotaryClub,theRoseParkBranchoftheLiberalandCountryLeagueandtheKlemzig
CemeteryTrust.[Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.169].
67
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,pp,166and140.
68
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.141.
69
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.81.
70
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.143.
71
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.82.
P a g e | 156
Commonwealth Investigation Branch (CIB) became aware of Nazi Party activities increasing in
Tanunda.72
RitashusbandHeinrichwasinternedinMay1940,becauseofhisassociationwithDrBecker,but
successfullyappealedtotheTribunalAdvisoryCommitteeandwasreleasedinAugustofthatyear.
However, he was interned again in October 1941. He appealed for a second time but was
unsuccessful. While her husband was interned, authorities ordered Rita to disconnect her phone
becauseherfatherwasanexinterneelivingnextdooratthetime.AuthoritiesstatedInviewof
this, and the fact that the subject has undoubted proGerman sympathies, coupled with her
husbandsknownproNaziviews,itisstronglyrecommendedbythisServicethatthetelephonebe
disconnected and cancelled indefinitely.73 Rita appealed to authorities to keep her phone
connection
IaskforyourreconsiderationMyhusband,asyouknow,isinVictoria.Ilivewithmythreechildrenwho
help to maintain the household. My eldest daughter (21) holds a responsible position at the Bank of
N.S.W.,myseconddaughter(19)isnursing,myson(15)isastudentatP.A.C.butduringholidaysworks
for wages on a farm. The telephone is mainly used by my three children to communicate with their
friends.Ihavenohelpeitherinthehouseorinthegarden.ThechildrenandIdoallthework.Iusethe
telephone occasionally to ring tradespeople for orders. My last telephone account was 4/17/ which
includes2/18/rent,fromwhichyouwillseehowsparinglythephoneisused,butyetitisaconvenience
to usall. Thephone is never used to speak with strangers. We rarelyhave visitors. We livequietly and
almostexclusivelytoourselves.Iaskthatyoureconsidertheorderoratleastsuspendsametoenableyou
to further investigate the necessity of enforcing the order in view of the convenience the phone
principallyaffordsmydaughters.74
72
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.142.
73
MemofromDeputyDirectorofSecurity,SouthAustraliatoDirectorGeneralofSecurity,Canberra,7January1943.
See Krawinkel, Mrs Rita [restriction order under National Security (General) Regulations]. D1915/SA113, NAA,
Adelaide.
74
CopyofletterfromRitaKrawinkeltoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,Adelaide,21January1943.SeeKrawinkel,MrsRita
[restrictionorderunderNationalSecurity(General)Regulations].D1915/SA113,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 157
Figure47:AphototakenofHeinrichsbarnonthewaytoTanunda.Itwasnotedbyauthoritiesthat
theSwastikasignswerelaterpaintedoutandwerereplacedwithlargewhitecircleswithasmileyface
representingthesun.Largeletteringwasalsoadded:TheSunWillShineAgain.
[NaziactivitiesinSouthAustraliaduringWorldWarIIcontainsonephotographsaidtodepict
membersoftheGermanNaziParty,Tanunda,SouthAustralia].D1918/S35,NAA,Adelaide.
Despiteherpleas,RitawasrefusedatelephoneconnectionuntilOctober1944.Herhusbandwas
finallyreleasedunderarestrictionorderinDecemberthatyear.75AccordingtoGumpl,therewas
norealproofthatHeinrichwasinvolvedinNazism.Oneinterneewhowasinterviewedbecausehe
was a Party member believed that Heinrich wasnt a Party member, but was committed to
Germanismandanythingelsethatwouldmakehimabitmoreillustrious.76
WhywasntPaulineStarkeinterned?
PaulineStarkewasnotonlyanactivemember,butalsoleaderofFrauenschaft,theaffiliatedbody
towhichthefemalePartymembersbelongedinTanunda.77DespiteheropennessaboutherNazi
75
See Krawinkel, Mrs Rita [restriction order under National Security (General) Regulations]. D1915/SA113, NAA,
Adelaide.
76
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.175.
77
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.211.
P a g e | 158
sympathies, Pauline was never interned during the war. In fact, Pauline made complaints to
authoritiesclaimingthattherestrictionsimposeduponher,whichincludedreportingdailytothe
police station in her area, were too harsh. Pauline claimed she was suffering both mentally and
bodily under this harsh treatment.78 The only time Pauline was exempt from reporting daily to
Goodwood Police Station was in late September 1940, when she fell ill and needed time to
recover.79
Inasecretdocumentconcerningthecomplaint,authoritieswrotethattherestrictions
placeduponMrsStarkearethereverseofharsh.Sheisextremelyfortunateinthatsheisnotinterned.I
knowofnowomaninthisStatewhohasdonemoretofurtherthecauseofNazismthanshehas.Sheis
almost fanatical on the subjectI regard Mrs Starke as a distinct menace and it would not be in the
interests of security to in anyway relax the restrictions now imposed upon her. In fact, my personal
opinionisthatsheshouldbeinterned.
80
As a result of her complaint, Paulines restriction was reduced to reporting twice a week to her
localpolicestation.WhyPaulinewasnotinternedisnotclearfromherNAAfile,thoughonecan
speculate that perhaps she was used as bait by intelligence in order to gather more information
fromothermenandwomenwhowereaffiliatedwithherinvolvementinproNaziactivities.
In January 1942, Pauline and Mathilde were forced by local police to leave their home due to
growingconcernamongthecommunityregardingherinvolvementintheNaziParty,andmovedto
78
LetterfromtheConsulforSwitzerland,J.A.PietzckertoMilitaryDistrict,Keswick,SouthAustralia,9July1941.See
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
79
PoliceReportaddressedtoSgt.Trezona,24September1940.SeeStarke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
80
SecretdocumentconcerningcomplaintmadebyPaulineandhersonErnstStarke,nodate.SeeStarke,ErnstEmil
Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes photographs]. D1915/SA15103,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 159
another location. In response, Pauline and Mathilde appealed to the Consul for Switzerland, J.A.
Pietzcker,whowrotetotheChiefCommissionerofPolice:
IaminreceiptofinformationfromMrsPaulineStarkehasbeenorderedtoholdherselfinreadinessto
leavethishomeofhersinAdelaideat12hoursnotice.MayI,onbehalfoftheoldladyandalsoMrs
Heinle,whosharesherhome,requestthatthisordermaybewithdrawn.Ifeelsurethatincaseofthese
twooldladiessecurityreasonscanhardlycomeintoquestion;furtheritwouldbeimpossibleforthese
twoladies,eithertofoottheexpensesofaremovalnortoundertakearduousworkconnectedtherewith,
bothofwhombeinginapoorstateofhealth.Awaitingthefavourofyourreply,andtrustingthattheywill
bepermittedtocontinuetheoccupancyoftheirpresenthome.81
Figure48:AframedpictureofAdolf
HitlerfoundinPaulineStarkesNAA
fileinAdelaide.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermanytogether
withhismother,PaulineStarke
includesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
81
LetterfromConsulforSwitzerland,J.A.PietzckertotheCommissionerofPolice,January1942.SeeStarke,ErnstEmil
Robert [deportation to Germany together with his mother, Pauline Starke includes photographs]. D1915/SA15103,
NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 160
Figure49:(Left)andFigure
50:(Right)Postcardsof
AdolfHitlerfoundinthe
possessionofleaderofthe
NaziOrganizationinSouth
Australia,PaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.
Figure51:Postcardof
Hitlerfoundinthe
possessionofPauline
Starke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.
Figure52::Postcardofthe
NaziPartyinGermany
foundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.
P a g e | 161
Figure53andFigure54:postcardsofAdolfHitlerfoundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
Figure55::Postcardof1936OlympicsinBerlinandFigure56:postcardof
AdolfHitlerfoundinthepossessionofPaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 162
Figure57:Postcardof
membersoftheNaziParty
inGermanyfoundinthe
possessionofPauline
Starke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert
[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,
Adelaide.
Figure58:PostcardofAdolfHitlerfoundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwith
hismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
Figure59:Postcardfoundinthepossessionof
PaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 163
Figure60::NewspaperclippingofGermanpoliticianandmilitaryleaderoftheNazi
PartyHermannGoeringfoundinthepossessionofPaulineStarke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,
PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
Figure61:PostcardofHermannGoeringfoundinthe Figure62:PostcardfoundinthepossessionofPauline
possessionofPaulineStarke. Starke.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermany
togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludes togetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludes
photographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide. photographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 164
Despite their plea, both Pauline and Mathilde were transferred to Tanunda under the Aliens
ControlRegulations.Beforetheywereforcedtoleave,PaulineandMathildehadtheirbelongings
their deportation due to the backlash that could have occurred from the German Government.
AuthoritiesreportedthatifPaulineandMathildeweregrantedleave,therewasnodoubtthatthey
would have the intention of proving to the authorities in Germany how the Military had
persecutedtheminthiscountry.82
It is possible that authorities thought it would be best that German women associated with the
NaziPartybeconfinedtotheTanundaregion,alsoknownasthehotbedofNazism.Thismayhave
been done to prevent the spread of Nazism to other Germans in other areas of South Australia,
who were not so loyal to Germany. This was a more effective way for authorities to place
surveillanceonmembersoftheNaziPartywhoassociatedwithPaulineandauthoritieswereable
to control the travel and movements, and surveillance placed upon those suspicious of their
involvementinGermanactivities.
AsChristineWinterwrote,inordertokeepthefaithfuluncontaminated,theGermanGovernment
instructed the Swiss, who as a neutral nation were looking after German interests in enemy
countries,toensurethatthoseloyaltotheThirdReich,thesocalledReichstreuewereinterned
together, and that all others be separated from them. In many instances, this also reflected the
wishesofboththeinternedNazisandantiNazis.83ItispossiblethattheSwissConsulinstructed
82
ReportonPaulineStarkeandMathildeHeinle,27January1942.SeeHEINLELudwigandMattilda.D1915/SA15128,
NAA,Adelaide.
83
C.Winter,TheLongArmoftheThirdReich:InternmentofNewGuineaGermansinTatura.JournalofPacificHistory,
Volume38,Issue1,2003,p.88.
P a g e | 165
authoritiestoapplythesamemeasurestothosewhowerenotinterned.Forexample,Paulineand
MathildeweretransferredtoTanundaduringthewartoresidewithotherGermanswhowerealso
placedundersurveillance.InJuly1944,itwasrequestedthatbothPaulineandhersonErnstStarke
berepatriatedtoGermany.84Therewasnoobjectionbuttheywererefusedonthegroundsthatno
formalapplicationwasmade.85ItisunclearwhethertheyreturnedtoGermany.
TheSituationinNewGuinea
In1884,GermanyannexedNewGuineaandbelieveditwasthedutyoftheGermannationtotake
in hand the development of New Guinea.86 Consequently, there was an increase in anti
Germanism,especiallyinQueenslandwhereNewGuineawasamajorsourceoflabourinthesugar
industry.ByDecember1884,Germanyhadalreadytakenphysicalpossessionofthenortheastern
half of New Guinea.87 After the First World War, New Guinea was a CMandate of the League of
Nations under Australian control which was threatened by total German possession. Because of
this, German Nazi leaders in 1936 decided all German citizens residing in New Guinea to show
loyaltyandsupportfortheReichandjointheparty.88ChristineWinterwritesthatthedecisionto
enrollwasapragmaticoneforsome,[while]othersjoinedenthusiastically.89
84
Copy of letter from Consul for Switzerland, J.A. Pietzcker to Director General of Security, Canberra, 7 July 1944.
Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhismother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].
D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
85
DuringtheirstayinTanunda,bothwomenappealedonceagaintodiscontinueregularreportingtothePoliceStation.
However,restrictionswerenotrevokeduntilafterthewar.[LetterfromConsulforSwitzerland,J.A.Pietzckertodeputy
DirectorofSecurity,Adelaide,18October1944.Starke,ErnstEmilRobert[deportationtoGermanytogetherwithhis
mother,PaulineStarkeincludesphotographs].D1915/SA15103,NAA,Adelaide.
86
TampkeandDoxford,Australia,Willkommen,p.152.
87
TampkeandDoxford,Australia,Willkommen,pp.153and154.
88
Winter,TheLongArmp.85.
89
Winter,TheLongArm,p.85.
P a g e | 166
LutheranMissionarieswereestablishedinNewGuineafrom1886.MissionhousesinGermanysent
peopletoNewGuineatochristianisetheheathensandtoadministertothespiritualneedsofthe
white colonial population.90 During the 1940s, German missionaries in New Guinea were
consideredsupportersofHitlerandsomeweredescribedbyJohannePeterWeiss,asbeingvery
much Nazi sympathisers.91 At the outbreak of war, male mission personnel in New Guinea were
internedatTaturaCamp.TheirwomenandchildrenwereevacuatedtoAustralia,accommodated
throughPresidentoftheUnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchofAustralia(UELCA),PastorJ.J.Stolz
in South Australia. They settled mainly in areas north of Adelaide, in the Barossa Valley region
TanundaandNurioopta,intheAppila/LauraregionandontheYorkPeninsulaaroundMaitland.92
The transfer of German women and children from New Guinea to the Barossa Valley region was
highlypublicized.On3January1942,theLutheranHeraldreportedthat
steps have [been] taken to provide homes for them, even if only temporaryThese ladies and their
children have gone through hard times. For over two years they have lived separated from their
husbands and fathers. They have now left everything behind. To many of them Australia is a foreign
country.
93
TheLutheranHeraldwashighlysupportiveoftheNewGuineaevacueesandforthenexttwoweeks
publishedupdatesonthewelfareoftheevacuees.Itwasreportedon3January1942that:
Mostofthechildreninthecolonyareagedbetweenfourandsixyears,andtheeldestis10.Although
they are glad to be out of the range of Japanese bombs, the women maintain that they would have
preferredtostayinNewGuineawiththeirhusbandsSeveralofthechildreninthecolonyhavenever
seentheirfathers,whohavebeeninternedsincetheoutbreakofwar.
94
90
J. P. Weiss, It wasnt really necessary: internment in Australia with emphasis on the Second World War. South
Australia,EdenHills:J.P.Weiss,2003,p.158.
91
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.159.
92
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,pp.16566.
93
FromOurMidst.TheLutheranHerald,3January1942.
94
GermanColonyfromN.GuineaGrowsbyOne.TheLutheranHerald,23January1942.
P a g e | 167
The women and children were determined to join their husbands at Tatura, detesting the
restrictions imposed on their movements while worrying about housing and education for their
children.95Thefollowingstoriesareofwomenwhochosetobecomeblatantlyandprovocatively
Germaninordertobeinternedwiththeirhusbands.96ThiswasevidentwhenPastorStoltzwrotea
letterclaimingthatthesewomenwere
apparentlyfanaticalNaziswhoHeilHitler,singDeutschlanduberAlles,andarrogantlyandbitterlyrail
againstallthingsBritish.TheyrefusetoattendlocalLutheranchurchesunlesstheservicesareheldin
GermanandrefusetosendtheirchildrentoLutheranschoolsunlessthechildrenareexemptedfrom
saluting the flag and singing the National Anthem. Moreover, they are very dissatisfied with their
presenttreatmentandrecently20ofthemsignedapetitiontothePrimeMinisteraskingtobeinterned
withtheirhusbandsandchildreninafamilycamp,givingasreasonsthattheycouldnolongerlivewith
theirhosts,thattheydislikedreportingtothePoliceinwinter,thattheyhadtoomuchworktodo,and
thattheydidnotfeelsafeintheeventofwarinAustralia.
97
ApetitiontothePrimeMinisterwaswrittenandsignedbymostoftheGermanwomenevacuated
fromNewGuinea.Itrequestedthattheybeinternedbecause:
1.Wedeemitimpossibletolivewithrespectivehostsforalongerperiod.
2.ItisaproblemtoreporttothePoliceofficeeveryweekinwinter.
3.WedonotfeelsafehereintheeventofwarcomingtoAustralia.
4.Thequestionoftheeducationofourchildrenwouldthusbesolved.
5.Forhealthreasonssomeofusareunabletodoallthenecessaryworkwhereasourhusbandscouldhelp
usinafamilycamp.
6.Ifinternationalrelationsshouldstandintheway,wearepreparedtogiveourpersonalsignaturesfor
voluntaryinternment.98
95
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.166.
96
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.66.
97
Copy of letter from Pastor J.J. Stoltz, no date. See New Guinea German female evacuees. D1915/SA7955, NAA,
Adelaide.ThewordstotheGermansongDeutschlanduberAllosareasfollows:Germany,Germanyoverall,overallin
theworld,Ifwealwaysstandasbrothersinattackandindefence,FromtheMeusetotheMemel,fromAdigetoBaltic
Sea, Germany, Germany, over all, over all in the world. German wives, German faith, German wine and song, Shall
continueintheworldtheirancientlovelysound,Toencourageustonobledeedsforourwholelifelong,Germanwives,
Germanfaith,Germanwineandsong.Union,rightandfreedomfortheGermanFatherland,Letus,asbrothers,strive
forthemwithheartandhand,Union,rightandfreedomthepledgeofhappiness,Bloomthouinthisjoy,O!German
Fatherland.[C.A.Price,GermanSettlersinSouthAustralia.Melbourne:MelbourneUniversityPress,1945,pp.5354].
98
CopyofpetitionletteronbehalfofOnbehalfof:MrsLechner,MrsFlierl,MrsMaurer,MrsM.B.Stuerzenhofecker,
MrsLinsenmeier,MrsMetzner,MrsG.Walter,MrsStreicher,MrsW.Bergmann,MrsFugmann,MrsBoerner,MrsBaer,
P a g e | 168
AletterofsupportforthesewomenwaswrittenbyardentNazisupporter,anAustralianofGerman
descent, Mrs Minnie Meier(also known as Mrs J Meier) who was described as being reared in a
typicallyGermanatmosphere.99Shewrote:
IamwritingonbehalfofEvacueeshereinAustr.[Australia]sincethefirstdaysofJanuary,1942.Their
husbandsaremissionariesandawayfromtwotothreeyears.Theladieshaveenduredhardships,living
inlandallalonewiththeirchildren.Somehave2,3,4,5childrenandthinkofanxietyreMalaria&c.
Whenarriving,theyweretoldtheycanseetheirhusbands,butofnoavail.Justnowtheytriedfora
travelpermit,butthatwasnotgranted.Thewinterwassocold,theycouldnotgothen,andarevery
sadatheart.Ifonlyavisitwereallowedthem.100
Anumberofindividualletterswerealsowrittenbythewomen,appealingtobeinternedwiththeir
husbandsinTatura.ClaraHofmann,wifeofaGermanmissionaryReverendGeorgHofmann,wrote:
Recentlyanumberofwomenandchildren,evacueesfromNewGuineaMissionStationswhohadbeen
residingintheBarossaDistrict,SouthAustralia,forayear,havebeentransferredtoTaturatobeableto
livewiththeirhusbandsandfathersatthefamilycampthere.IwasevacuatedfromN.G.togetherwith
those other women and children a year ago. They resided in South Australia while I did so here [in]
N.S.W. Being the mother of three little children aged 3, 4, and 5 years, I find it extremely difficult to
manageunderthepresentcircumstancesandsolemnlyappealtoyoualsotograntmetheprivilegeof
beingreunitedwithmyhusband,Rev.GeorgHofmann,No.2059,Hut39,oftheInternmentCamp1A,
Tatura,Victoria.
101
Forty eight year old Germanborn Maria Martha Flierl was also a New Guinea evacuee and
requestedthatsheandherchildbeinternedwithherhusband,alsoaGermanmissionaryinterned
MrsBatze,MrsEiermann,MrsHorrolt,MrsMunzel,MrsGoetzelmann,MrsStrauss,MrsI.Stuerzenhofeckerandmyself
MrsZimmermann.,signedbyMrsZimmermanntoPrimeMinistersDepartmentinCanberra,23May1942.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
99
SeeFAMeier(alsoHE,WE,CWJ,&MrsMeier)D1915,SA19922,Adelaide.
100
CopyofletterwrittenbyMrsJ.MeiertoDepartmentforIntelligenceforEvacueesinCanberra,10September1942.
SeeFAMeier(alsoHE,WE,CWJ,&MrsMeier)D1915,SA19922,Adelaide.
101
CopyofletterwrittenbyClaraHofmanntothePrimeMinistersDepartmentinCanberra,8January1943.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 169
atTatura.MariawasinterviewedbyauthoritieswhereshestatedshesympathizedwithHitlerand
sangGermaninspiredsongsDeutschlandUberAllesandtheHorstWesselsong.102
Because of the reports published by the local media, the local residents of Tanunda were well
awarethatthesewomenwereintheirtownreceivingwelfare.TheLutheranHeraldreported:
The ladies are full of praise of the treatment which was accorded them by the Red Cross and by the
Government officials In the meantime the party is settling down as well as possible under existing
circumstances. The ladies are attending to the work themselves. The Government is recognizing its
responsibilitytoprovideforthem.Forthetimebeing,pendingdefiniteinformationfromCanberra,they
haveallbeenputunderthecareoftheSouthAustralianWelfareDepartmentWearethankfulthatwe
havebeendeemedworthytoassistthepoorfugitiveswholefteverythingbehind,andwhostillsuffer
withtheirnativecongregationsinNewGuineamoreorphanedthanevernowandwepraythatthe
doormaysoonbeopenedforthereturnofthemandtheirhusbandstotheworktowhichtheyhave
dedicatedthemselves.
103
TheNewGuineafemaleevacueesalsowantedtoacknowledgethesupportthattheyhadreceived
fromthecommunity.TheLutheranHeraldreported
TheNewGuineaMissionEvacueesherewithwishtoexpresstheirheartfeltthanksforalltheloveand
kindness which was extended to them both in the way of providing them with valuable gifts in kind,
dressesetc.,andbyreceivingthemintothehomes.WhilstinAdelaide,alistwasbegunofallthegood
thingsbroughttothecollegeandsomehowthatlistwaseithernotcompletedordisappeared.Inorder
nottoleaveanybodyout,theladieshaveaskedthattheirdeepappreciationbemadeknownbymeans
oftheLutheranHerald.Godsrichestrewardtoeachgiver.104
Some Australian residents, however, made it clear that they were not pleased with German
evacueesreceivingaid.LocalresidentHaroldE.Wilkschwrote
Justalittlesuggestionregardingthesewomen.Likeothers,IfeltalarmedwhenGermanmissionwomen
werebilletedwithDistrictLutheransofGermandescentIfearedtheirinfluencewouldbedamaging.
Instead,theoppositeeffectwasachieved,formanyofthemturnedouttoberealarrogant,dyedinthe
woolNaziswholookeddisdainfullydownupontheirAustralianbornhostsandhostesses.Manyhomes
have refused to tolerate them. You will know which of these women are Nazis. I respectfully suggest
that you move any Nazi women who are guests of Germanborn citizens. They regard each other as
102
HistorysheetofMariaMarthaFlierl,Nodate.SeeFlierl,MariaMarshe.D1915/SA19680,NAA,Adelaide.
103
The Missionary Evacuees from New Guinea. The Lutheran Herald, 17 January 1942, pp. 2426. See New Guinea
Germanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
104
TheLutheranHerald,14March1942.SeeNewGuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 170
equals, and in such homes, I believe, these women are likely to strengthen previouslyexisting Nazi
sympathies,andfromsuchhomesanunsavouryinfluencemightspread.105
Alongwiththespreadofunsavouryinfluence,thematterofmanpowershortageduringthewar
wasanotherbasisofconcernamongstthecommunity.LocalresidentA.BPalmerwrotealetterto
theInspectoratthelocalpolicestationstatingthattheredoesnotappeartobeanyreasonwhy
the thirteen persons of above referred to could not be called upon to seek employment.106 The
mainconcernwasthatthesewomenshouldhavebeenseekingemploymentratherthanreceiving
welfare. Palmer acknowledged that it may be difficult for these women to obtain employment
giventheirnationality;however,hewrotethatitwasstillpossibleforthesewomentofindwork.107
Authoritiesrealizedthattherewasstrongsupportfortheinternmentofthesewomenfromlocal
residents.Itwasreportedthatthereisnodoubtthattheinternmentofthesewomenwillmeet
with the wholehearted approval of the local residents.108 According to authorities these women
couldnotbetrusted,andtheiractionswerekeptundernotice.109OneexampleisthecaseofNew
Guineaevacuee,GermanbornElizabethAlwineZischler.Authoritieswrotetheyfeltthepresence
ofthiswomaninpublicwouldcausedisaffectionandwouldpossiblyleadtodisturbances.110This
105
CopyofletterwrittenbyHaroldE.WilkschtoIntelligenceatKeswick,2December1942.SeeNewGuineaGerman
femaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
106
LetterfromA.B.PalmerwrotealettertotheInspectoratthelocalpolicestation,15September1942.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
107
LetterfromA.B.PalmerwrotealettertotheInspectoratthelocalpolicestation,15September1942.SeeNew
GuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
108
HistorySheetofMariaMarthaFlierl,nodate.SeeFlierl,MariaMarshe.D1915/SA19680,NAA,Adelaide.
109
ReporttoSgtTrezona,21May1942.SeeNewGuineaGermanfemaleevacuees.D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
110
Response from the Director General in Canberra, 2 August 1944. See New Guinea German female evacuees.
D1915/SA7955,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 171
perceptionwasinfluencedbythefactthatshewasresidingwithawellknownsympathizer,Paul
GottholdFriedrichKlose.
After being questioned by authorities, the New Guinea evacuees were eventually transferred to
Tatura. The following are questions that were put to these women by authorities in order to
determinewhethertheywerearisktosecurity
1. AreyouaNazisympathizerandafollowerofHitler?
2. DoyouhopethatGermanywillwinthewar?
3. DoyouwishtoreturntoGermanyafterthewar?111
As noted earlier, Mrs J. Meier was one of those who supported the New Guinea women. Her
husband,ReverendJ.Meier,wasalsointernedduringthewaranddiedon30March1943whilein
custody.Beforehisdeath,theReverendhadappealedtotheAliensTribunalCommitteeinSouth
Australia,butafterthehearinghadcommenced,itwasrecommendedbythecommitteethathis
detainment be continued. Shortly after his death, Mrs Meier approached authorities to obtain
permission to print some memorial cards in German for her husband. It is unclear from her file
whether permission was obtained, nevertheless, authorities took note that her attitude on this
occasion is an interesting example of how, even at this stage of the war, many Australianborn
GermansstillholdfirstloyaltytothelandoftheirforefathersandconsiderthatallHitlerhasdone
hasbeengoodfortherealgoodoftheworld.112
111
SeeHolzknecht,HeleneSieglinde.D1915/SA20497,NAA,Adelaide.
112
SeeFAMeier(alsoHE,WE,CWJ,&MrsMeier)D1915,SA19922,Adelaide.
P a g e | 172
TheNaziMovementinSydney
ThischapterhassofarhighlightedtheimpacttheAliensControlRegulationshadonAustralianborn
women of German descent, not because they were assessed as a risk to national security, but
becauseofthepoliticalaffiliationsexpressedbywomenwithincertainareasofSouthAustralia.This
chapterhasalsoillustratedtheCommonwealthGovernmentsinabilitytodistinguishlanguageand
cultural ties from political affiliations. As noted earlier, there was very little Nazi influence in
Australia and many German Clubs resisted any attempts to distribute Nazi propaganda. It is
importanttonotethatdespitethelargepopulationofGermanbornwomeninSydney,therewasa
small but very active Nazi movement in Sydney.113 Overall, the Nazi movement posed no real
threattonationalsecurityduringthewar.
Despitethelessenedthreattosecurity,membersoftheNazimovementinSydneycontinuedtobe
targeted by authorities. Thirty one year old Gertrud Prager was a member of the Nazi Party in
Sydney who was placed under surveillance by authorities during the war. Gertrud was born in
Meiningen, Germany and arrived in Australia in April 1936. Gertrud lived in Mosman, on the
northernshoresofSydneyHarbour,withhertwochildren,whileherhusband,asuspectedmember
oftheNSDAP,wasinternedatTatura.Gertrudwouldoftenwritetoauthoritiesaskingtovisither
husbandandwasgrantedpermissiontovisithimonthebasisthatshewasnottoassociatewith
otherenemyaliensonherway.
InFebruary1942,Gertrudwasadmittedtohospitalfordiphtheriaandduringherstayshewroteto
theOfficerofArms,C.HMcLean.NursesfromthehospitalbecameawareofGertrudwritingletters
and became suspicious. She was reported to authorities and in June 1942, Gertrud was interned
113
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
P a g e | 173
withhertwochildrenatLiverpoolinternmentcamp.Shewasinternedonthebasisofphotographs
found in her home of her grandparents in Germany standing in front of a Swastika with Hitlers
photograph in the background. Despite authorities noting that there is nothing in the exhibit to
showwhathersentimentsare,shewastransferredtoTaturainternmentcamp.114Authoritiesat
firstrefusedtodetainherchildren,however,thedeputyDirectorofSecurityinNewSouthWales
wassympathetictowardstheircauseandallowedforthefamilytobeinternedtogether.115
Before her internment, Gertrud wrote a letter to her husband which conveyed sympathies with
Hitler and the Nazi Party. It was reported by authorities that the letters to her husband were
couchedinsuchproNazitermsthatitispossiblethatshehaswritteninsuchastraininthehope
thatherletterswillbeinterruptedand,thatasaresult,shewillbeinternedwithherhusband.On
the other hand[she] could have made these statements sincerely believing them. In this case
detentionwouldbewarranted.116Policefurtherinvestigatedbyinterviewingherneighboursand
those who knew her and it was claimed that Gertrud had never shown any antiBritish
sentiments.117 Her parents however, were enthusiastic supporters of Hitlers regime. Authorities
foundaletterfromherparentsbeforethewarbrokeout.Itstated
We have to thank those damned Jews for our economical position. May the devil take them all. You
cant realize how furious we are with them, I could poison them all. I hope the day comes whenthis
broodwilldisappearfromtheearth,theyareacreationofthedevil.Thatwewillfightthemyouwill
have seen by your papers. Our Fuhrer spoke very strongly against the Jews at the Party Day in
114
Report from Deputy Director of Security in New South Wales to Director General of Security in Canberra, 24
September1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
115
Report from Deputy Director of Security in new South Wales to Director General of Security in Canberra, 24
September1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
116
ReportmadebyCaptainofIntelligence,NewSouthWales,March1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].
C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
117
MemorandumtoOfficerinCahrgeinYoung,30March1942.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,
NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 174
Nuremberg.Isentyouafewpapers,theEnglishpapers,theEnglishpaperswillnotmentionmuchof
it.
118
Similarly,Gertrudsbrotherwrotein1938,IneednotwriteaboutmyService[Military].Onething
Imustsay,wefeelstrongandareafraidofnoone.HereinGermany,itiswonderful.OurFuhreris
verygreat.119Nevertheless,theinternmentofthePragerfamilydidnotlasttotheendofthewar.
They were released in January 1945 because Gertrud was pregnant, expecting her child in
September.120ItwasrevealedthatitwasneverprovedthatGertrudshusbandwasamemberof
theNSDAP,however,itwasclaimedhevotedatoneoftheReichelectionsheldinGermanybefore
theyhadarrivedinAustralia.121
Another Nazi sympathizer was Hilda Yehender who was born on 14 November 1911 in Germany
and lived in Sydney upon her arrival in April 1927 with her mother. She married her husband
HermannBittnerin1934.Duringthewar,herhusbandwasinternedbecausehewasamemberof
theNSDAP.Hilda,hersevenyearolddaughter,Helene,andherfriendElisabethKollat,movedfrom
Sydney to live in Adelaide with her parents. However, all three were interned at Orange, in the
centralwestofNewSouthWalesinMarch1943.Itwasreportedthatauthoritiesfoundoutthat
Hilda was a member of the Nazi organization Frauenschaft and was an active member in the
organization.InherAliensTribunalHearing,thegroundsforherinternmentwererevealed
118
Copy of extract from letter written from Gertrud Pragers parents in Germany to Gertrud Prager, 17 September
1936.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
119
Copy of extract from Gertruds brother to Gertrud, June 1938. See Prager, Gertrude (German) [Box 226].
C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
120
Report from Lieutenant Colonel in Victoria to Australian Military Forces, Date Unknown. See Prager, Gertrude
(German)[Box226].C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
121
MemorandumtoDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,March1945.SeePrager,Gertrude(German)[Box226].
C123/7567,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 175
sheisthewifeofawellknownsupporteroftheNaziPartyinN.S.W;sheisassociatedwiththewivesof
prominent Nazis in N.S.W; it is alleged she has made antiBritish statements, that she is proNazi in
outlook; that she was a member of the Nazi Womens Organisation in Sydney; and that in spite of
havingadoptedAustraliaasherhomelandshemadenoattempttobecomenaturalized.
122
Figure63:HildaBittner
BECKHildaNationality:German
ArrivedAdelaideperCrifeld10April1927
AlsoknownasBITTNERNEEYEHENDER].
D4881/BECKHILDA,NAA, Adelaide.
NotonlywasHildaexperiencingdifficultieswiththeauthorities,butherpersonallifealsobecame
complicated.ItwasbrieflymentionedinthefilethatHildashusbandHermanrequestedadivorce
on the grounds of her adultery with another internee.123 Hildas case is another example of
women being interned on the basis of their proGerman views without any evidence to suggest
whetherornotshewasathreattonationalsecurity.ThoughFrauenschaftwasaffiliatedwiththe
NSDAP which promoted activities for national socialist women, it did not follow that all women
whobelongedtothisorganizationwereathreattoAustraliaswareffort.
TheCountFelixVonLucknerVisit
WhenGermanwarheroCountFelixvonLucknervisitedAustraliain1938,officialsweresuspicious.
Duringthewar,itwasbelievedthatHitlerusedvonLucknerforpropagandapurposestopromote
122
Copy of transcript Hilda Bittners Tribunal Appeal, 21 March 1994. See BITTNER, Hilda. D1915/SA16486, NAA,
Adelaide.
123
ReportonHildaBittner,Nodate.SeeBITTNER,Hilda.D1915/SA16486,NAA,Adelaide.
P a g e | 176
Nazism in Australia and wherever he went in Australia he aroused suspicions that he was
spying.124Australianbornpianoteacher,EileenMayStadler,wasseeninhiscompanyduringhis
visittoSydney.Thisledtoauthoritiescreatingafileonher.EileenhadGermanparents,andher
father,LaurentStadler,wasanaturalisedsubjectwhohadbeenlivinginAustraliafortwentyeight
yearsandwassuspectedofbeingaNazisympathizer.
Eileen and her fathers friendship with the Count seemed to arouse suspicion. Statements were
given by hairdresser, Betty Mason, who knew Eileen for three years, and by Leah Florence, who
employedEileen.BettyMasonstated:
IknowEileenStadler,shewasemployedbyMrsPillow,hairdresserononeoccasionsheinformedme
thatsheattendedtheGermanClub,onceamonth,shealwaysreferredtoGermanyasherhome.Ihave
visited her home and I found that she was always favourably disposed towards theGerman nation. I
haveobservedherwearingaGermanemblemaroundherneck.Frommyknowledgeofher,Iwouldsay
definitelythatsheisdisloyalpersoninrespecttotheBritishEmpire,hersympathiesareproNazi.Iwish
thecontentsofthisstatementtobekeptstrictlyconfidential.IhaveneverheardMrStadlermakeany
disloyalremark.Thisstatementistrueandcorrecttothebestofmyknowledge.125
Similarly,LeahFlorenceclaimedthat:
OnoneoccasionsheinformedmethatshewasafrequentvisitortotheGermanclub,shewasalways
proNaziandononeoccasionIsaidtoherHowwouldyouliketoberuledbyaJapEileen,shereplied,
I wouldnt mind Mrs Pillow. I have heard from different customers that Eileen has made disloyal
remarkstothemwhilstshewasdoingtheirhair.MrsRosilandFishwickinformedmethatStadlerhad
saidtoher,neithermysonordaughterwillmarryanAustralian.Ialsoheardanotherladycustomer
maketheremarkwhenmydaughterwasgoingoutwithRoyStadler,hesaidtoher,whenyouputthis
ringonyouwillknowyouwillbecomeaGerman,Icannotrememberthatwomansname.Thesame
lady informed me that Hitler is toasted every morning before breakfast. I know from my own
knowledge that Eileen was studying the German language and that she was well advanced. Some
travelogues were left here by a man, they were about Austria, I told Eileen about them and she
appeared very indifferent, but when Hitler marched into Austria, she became very excited and
requested the books, she appeared very anxious togethold of them.I am of thebelief that she is a
great German sympathiser. I know Mr Stadler to be a German. From my own observations and
conservation,Iconsiderthemaverydisloyalfamily.Iamoftheopiniontheyshouldbeinvestigated.I
would like this statement to be kept strictly confidential. I have read this statement it is true and
correct.126
124
ReportonHildaBittner,nodate.SeeBITTNER,Hilda.D1915/SA16486,NAA,Adelaide.
125
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.232.
126
StatementmadebyLeahFlorencePillow,hairdresserwhoemployedEileen,30October1940.SeeStadler,Eileen
May(Australian[born]parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 177
Eileen admitted to authorities that she was a frequent visitor of the German Club and she was a
friend of the Count and other suspicious people. Authorities noted that she had become a well
known singer entertaining Australian troops, and gained some fame as a singer, she visited
IngleburnandWallgroveMilitarycampstosing.127
EileensfatherwasalsosuspectedofbeingaNazisympathizerbecauseofhisassociationwiththe
Count:
Prior to the outbreak of the present war, Eileen Stadler wore swastikas on her shoes. On her 21st
birthdayherfatherpresentedherwithacoatcosting80guineas,althoughitwasthoughtthathewasin
business only in a small way. Nevertheless, he always seemed to live well and when Count Felix von
LucknerwasinSydney,Stadlerandthemembersofhisfamilywerephotographedwithhim.Thiswas
thoughtstrangethatahumblebarbershouldhavebeenfraternisingwithvonLuckner.128
In 1944, authorities reported that Laurent Stadtler was no longer proNazi and had changed his
viewstoproBritish.Thereasonsbehindhischangedviewsisunknown,however,itishighlylikely
thatLaurentdidsoinorderforauthoritiestoceasetheirsurveillance.
127
ReporttoMPISection,Hurstville,4November1940.SeeStadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)
[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
128
Report to Eastern Command restricted access, No date. See Stadler, Eileen May (Australian [born] parents
German)[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 178
Figure65:NaziGermanypostcardfoundinEileenStadlers
possession.
Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)
[Box331].C123/10682,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 179
Figure66:PhotographoftheCountwithEileenStadlerduringhisvisittoSydneyin
1938.
Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,
NAA,Sydney.
Figure67:PhotographoftheCountwithEileenStadlerduringhisvisittoSydneyin
1938.
Stadler,EileenMay(Australian[born]parentsGerman)[Box331].C123/10682,
NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 180
Paradoxically,whilepeoplewereaccusedofdisloyaltybecauseoftheirassociationwiththeCount,
hehimselfwasnotaNazi.Itisimportanttonotethatitwaswellknownafterthewaryearsthatthe
CountsvisittoAustraliaprovedtobeafiascofortheReich.129TheCountmadestatementsthat
hedidnotfullysupporttheNaziregimeandwasamemberoftheFreemasons,asecretsocietythat
hasalwaysbeenassociatedwithJews,whichmeantthathewasnotandhadneverbeenaNazi.130
On5July1939,HitlersignedanorderagainsttheCount,theprinciplechargebroughtagainsthim
wasthathehadusedthecruiseforselfindulgenceratherthantocreategoodwillforGermany.131
Asaresult,theCountescapedallchargesinexchangeforhissilenceandhisbookswerewithdrawn
fromlibrariesandanysourceofincomediminished.132GumplarguedthatBritishintelligencewere
unawareofthemattersconcerningvonLuckner
it is equally difficult to believe that it had not imparted this information to its Australian counterparts.
Suchafailurewhetheritwasdeliberateornegligenttodisclosetheexistenceofcrucialmaterialfactsthat
couldassistinternees,wasnotonlyinbreachofafundamentaltenetofjusticebutalsoanactequatingto
deceit.133
This deceit refers to all stories concerning Germans who were seen with the Count and those
internedbecauseoftheirassociationwiththeCount.Allwomenwereincarceratedbasedsolelyon
politicalgroundsalone.Therewasnotsufficientevidencetosuggestthatanyofthesewomenwere
athreattothenationssecurity.Nonetheless,itwasclearfromtheevidencepresentedthatmost
womenwereopenlysympathetictotheNaziParty.
129
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.232.
130
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.233.
131
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,pp.23233.
132
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.233.
133
Gumpl,TheHitlerClub,p.233.
P a g e | 181
Conclusion
The cases presented in this chapter demonstrate why the Aliens Control Regulations were
introduced.AmajorityofthewomenconsideredinthischapterwereNazisupporterswhobecame
involved in Nazi activities. These women were not, however, representative of most German
settlersinAustraliatoanygreatextent.ItisimportanttoconsiderthattheNaziPartyinAustralia
didnotwidelyinfluenceGermansinAustralia.MostwomenwhoexpressedtheirsupportforHitler
wereelderlyandbelievedthattheNaziPartyhadledtoGermanybecomingpoliticallystrongerand
economically prosperous after the First World War. Despite their views, one must question how
much influence these women had within the community. As Hermann Homburg wrote, most
Germans were persecuted during the war because they had preserved German culture and
language. Authorities believed that anyone who had not obtained naturalization was a potential
threat to Australian security. In hindsight, we can see that Homburgs assertions were accurate.
The women in this chapter were clearly persecuted during the war on the basis of their political
viewsalone.TheAliensControlRegulationswereinconsistentlyapplied,which,giventhearbitrary
nature of the legislation, is a common occurrence inflictedupon minority groups during timesof
crisis.Asimilarscenarioispresentedinthefollowingchapter,whichshowshowtheAliensControl
RegulationswereappliedtoItalianwomenlivinginSydneyduringthewar.
P a g e | 182
ChapterFour:
ItalianbyBirth:
ARisktoNationalSecurity?
Apart from the fact that you have interned an innocent man and have broken up my home,
you have also put two Australian employees out of work, all for the simple reason that my
husbandscountryisagainstus.IfthisishowwearetohelpwinthewarGodhelpusall.1
(ItaliannationalMariaMinciotti)
AsaresultofItalysentryintothewar,ItalianmenresidinginAustraliawerequicklyroundedupby
authoritiesandplacedininternmentcamps.Italianwomen,wives,daughtersandmotherswerelefton
theirowntolookafterthefamilyhouseholdandmanytookoverthefamilybusinessorworkedonthe
farm. Italian women found themselves in a society which was often hostile and suspicious to them
because of their ethnicity. Often, Italian women did not speak any English which compounded their
problemsofassimilationintoAustraliansociety.ThestoriespresentedinthisChaptershowthesocial
andeconomicramificationsthattheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)hadon
Italian women living in New South Wales during the Second World War. The two Aliens Control
Regulationsthatprovedtobemostproblematicduringthewarconcernedtravelrestrictionsandthe
effectsoftheProhibitedPossessionsOrder1940(Cth).However,asitwillberevealedinthischapter,
therewerealsomanywomenwhowereconsideredasecurityriskasaresultofthewartimehysteria
thatexistedintheAustraliancommunity.
1
LetterwrittenbyMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,12
August1940.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Sydney.
P a g e | 183
Very little has been written on how these Aliens Control Regulations affected women who were not
internedduringthewar.Furthermore,historiesthatconcerntheissue ofinternmentfocusprimarily
ontheexperienceofItalianmen.ThischapterfocusesonItalianwomenaffectedbytheAliensControl
RegulationsinNewSouthWales.Avastamountofarchivalmaterialisavailabletoresearchersatthe
NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA)inSydneybecauseofthehighpopulationofItalianswhosettledin
New South Wales. This chapter provides an insight into how the Aliens Control Regulations were
appliedtoItalianwomenwhiletheirhusbands,orotherfamilymemberswereincarceratedduringthe
war.
ItaliansettlementinAustralia
Duringtheearly1800stherewereveryfewItalianslivinginAustralia.2Italiansettlementswereformed
in Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and Tasmania during the second half of the nineteenth
century.3From1891,therewere438ItaliansinQueenslandandby1925,thatnumbergrewto2,000
asaresultoftheimmigrationofItalianstoworkinthecanecuttingindustry.However,itisimportant
tonotethatthesefiguresshouldnotbeseenasaccurategiventhefactthatmanyItalianssettledin
country regions and failed to register for the census.4 The census in 1921 showed that the total
numberofItalianslivinginAustraliawas8,135.AmoreaccuratereportthatoriginatedfromtheItalian
CommisseriatGeneral for Emigration showed there were approximately 15,000 Italians living in
Australia.5 The 1920s and 1930s witnessed an influx of Italian migration to Australia. Despite many
2
G.Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia.Melbourne:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003,p.33.
3
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.43.
4
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.54.
5
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.54.
P a g e | 184
instances of xenophobia which had intensified during this period, Italians preferred to remain in
Australiaduringthedepressionwithmuchmoreopportunitiesavailabletothem.6Between1922and
1927, the number of Italians grew from 8,500 to 33,000, making them the largest group of enemy
aliensresidinginAustraliaattheoutbreakofwar.7
TwohundredandfortytwoItalianwomenlivingacrossAustraliawereexaminedforthisstudy.Forty
fourwomenresidedinWesternAustraliainPerthandFremantleonthecoastalregionsandWiluna,in
the mid west region of Western Australia.8 Thirty eight files that concerned Italian women living in
South Australia were also examined, many whom resided in Adelaide and Solomontown near Port
Pirie.9
OverninetypercentofItalianssettledalongtheeasternstatesofAustralia,includingurbanareassuch
asSydney,MelbourneandNorthQueensland,withInghamandInnisfailsettlingtwelvepercentofthe
Italian population.10 Many Italians worked as a cheap labour force in the sugar cane industry in
thatQueenslandhadthehighestnumberofItalianinternmentsduringthewar.Atthebeginningofthe
war, Western Australia had the highest number of Italians who were interned, but as the war
6
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.54.
7
Cresciani,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.24.
8
FormoreinformationonthesettlementofItaliansinWesternAustraliaseeM.MennickenColey,TheGermansinWestern
Australia:Innovators,Immigrants,Internees.WesternAustralia:MtLawley:Crossprint,1993.
9
FormoreinformationonItaliansettlementinSouthAustraliaseeD.O'Connor,NoNeedtoBeAfraid:ItalianSettlersin
SouthAustraliaBetweeen1839andtheSecondWorldWar.Adelaide:WakefieldPress,1996.
10
A.Paganoniet.al.,ThePastoralCareofItaliansinAustralia:MemoryandProphecy.Victoria,Ballan:ConnorCourt
Publishing,2007,p.49
P a g e | 185
progressed,thethreatmovedtowardsthenortheastofQueensland.11Theheightenedsecuritythreat
oftheJapaneseinvasioninAustraliasnorthandthehighconcentrationofenemyaliensinthatarea
prompted the decision to implement a curfew on enemy aliens living in Queensland who were not
interned. The curfew was introduced on 12 February 1942 by the Minister of Army Frank Forde. All
enemy aliens were required to stay inside their house between the hours of 8pm to 5am, excluding
enemyalienswhoseworkrequiredthemtoworkbetweenthesehours,suchasthosewhoworkedina
hospitaloranyotheressentialservicesduringwartime.12
Table2:Internmentfigures, 31March1944.
Lamidey,AliensControl:AReporttotheHonourableArthurA.CalwellH.P.Ministerfor
ImmigrationuponsomeAspectsofAliensControlinAustraliaDuringTimeofWar,1947,p.
52.
11
K.SaundersandH.Taylor,TheEnemyWithin?TheProcessofInternmentofEnemyAliensinQueensland193945.
AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume34,Issue1,1988,p.19.
12
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946:AliensClassificationandAdvisoryCommittee,InterimReportSubmitted
totheRightHonourableH.V.Evatt,LL.D.,K.C.,M.P.TheAttorneyGeneraloftheCommonwealthofAustralia(1943),p.46.
P a g e | 186
ThemajorityofwomeninthisstudyresidedinurbanareasofNewSouthWales,includingDarlinghurst
andEdgecliffeincentralSydney.OthersalsolivedinfarmingareasofNewSouthWales,especiallyin
theBrokenHillregionandMurrumbidgeeIrrigationArea.Outofthe242Italianwomenexaminedfor
thisthesis,thetablebelowshows theagesof116Italianbornwomenregisteredasenemyaliensin
NewSouthWalesafterItalydeclaredwarontheAlliedforces.
AGE NUMBEROFWOMEN
UNDER20 18
Table3:
Agesof116Italianbornwomenlivingin 2029 33
NewSouthWalesduringtheSecond
3039 35
WorldWar.
4049 16
5059 5
OVER60 9
TheresearchshowstherewasanincreaseinmigrationofItalianwomentoNewSouthWalesbetween
1933 and 1940. The map below illustrates the areas from which these women originated. Many
migrated from southern regions of Italy, such as Molfetta in the Province of Bari, Lipari Islands near
SicilyandCaulonia,locatedintheProvinceofReggioCalabria.
P a g e | 187
Figure69:MapofItaly
N.Randazzo,andM.
Cigler,TheItaliansin
Australia.Melbourne:
AEPress,1987,p.8.
Mostwomenexaminedinthisstudywereintheagegroupsoftwentytwentynineandthirtythirty
nine. The youngest woman affected by the Aliens Control Regulations was sixteen year old Carmela
Agostino, born in Caolonia, Italy and arrived in Sydney in October 1931.13 Teresa Melloco was the
13
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,24August1940.SeeAgostino,Carmela
(Italian)[Box153].C123/15260,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 188
eldest Italian woman who registered as an alien at 78 years old. Teresa arrived in Australia in
November1925fromToppo,Italy.14
This study also shows that their fertility rate was fairly low, with average family size of one three
children.ThisfollowsthenationaltrendofsmallerfamiliesinAustraliafromthe1920s.In1922,atotal
of55,170birthswererecordedinAustralia.Thisfiguredroppedcontinuouslyduringthedepressionin
the 1930s. For example, in 1939, a total of 48,003 births were recorded. It was only as economic
conditionsimprovedthatthebirthratefiguresslightlyincreased.15
Fromthe116filesthatwereexamined,eightyninewomenweremarriedandfourwerewidows.The
high numbers of those married may have been the result of the important role that the Catholic
Church played in womens upbringing in Italy. In addition, divorce in Australia remained socially
unacceptableduringtheearlytwentiethcenturyandunacceptabletotheCatholicChurch.16
DuetothelackofspecificdataavailableonItalianwomensemploymentduring19201940,anumber
ofhypothesesweremadebyAngelaDianaabouttheeconomicroleofItalianwomen.17Sheassumed
that women shared the work in a range of male occupations such as working in fruit shops,
14
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 30 July 1940. See Melloco, Teresa
(Italian)[Box209].C123/17030,NAA,Sydney.
15
SeeW.Vamplewet.al.,Australians:HistoricalStatistics.Broadway:Fairfax,SymeandWeldonAssociates,1987,p.51.
16
In1933,numberofdivorcesrecordedwas1954.Thisnumberincreasedto7213in1945.Itwasnotuntilthe1960sthat
divorcebecamemuchmorebroadlyacceptable.SeeVamplew,Australians:HistoricalStatistics,47and43.
17
A.Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia.Affarisocialiinternazional,Volume16,IssueNo.2,1988,p.66.
P a g e | 189
restaurants,andboardinghouses,aswellasdoingthehouseworkandchildrearing.18Marriedwomen
fromthisstudywhowereinpaidworkcorrespondwithDianasconclusions.
Onlyelevenofthesemarriedwomenwereinpaidworkduringthewarandonewomanhadworked
beforetheyweremarried.Themajorityofthequestionnaireformsemphasizedthefactthatwomen
were not employed, and authorities made it clear by stating that their occupation involved home
duties or domestic duties. If they were not specific enough, authorities would ask for a more
completeanswer.Twentyonewomenweresingleandsevenofthemwereinpaidwork.Somewomen
workedasdressmakers,machinistsortypistsandperformeddomesticdutiesforothers.Whilethisis
notdissimilartotherolesandexpectationsofAustralianbornwomenwithinAustraliansocietyatthe
time,thereislittledoubtthatItalianwomenhadspecificproblemsduetotheirethnicity,languageand
culture.
CinderellasoftheImmigrationProgramme
Franca Arena argued that women have been the cinderellas of the immigration programme, who
were brought out here against their will and have been mobile and invisible; their domestic labour
contributionnotcountedandtheirpaidlabourviewedasmarginal.19Anexampleofthiswasevident
inanaccountbyItalianmigrant,MariaPaoloni,whoin1937,wasforcedtoliveinAustralia
18
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.75.
19
Noi donne ItaloAustraliane : documenti del primo congresso dell' Associazione donne ItaloAustraliane sul contributo
delledonneItaloAustralianeallasocieta'Australiana,Sydney26Ottobre1985,Melbourne27Ottobre1985=proceedings
ofthefirstcongressofItaloAustralianwomenonthecontributionofItalianAustralianwomentoAustraliansociety,Sydney
26thOctober,1985,Melbourne27thOctober,1985.Melbourne:ItaloAustralianWomen'sAssociation,1986,p.22.
P a g e | 190
IdidnotwanttocometoAustraliaThedecisiontoemigratewasheartbreakingandIwouldnt
have had the strength to take it except for the hope of an early return homeMy most vivid
memoryisofthesecrettearsIshedaloneinmycabin,thinkingthateverydaywastakingme
furtherfrommynativeland.20
AccordingtoDiana,thegeneralpatternformigrationwasforthemantomigrate,work,save,[and]
return to choose a womanWomen followed their fathers, lovers, husbands, uncles. They rarely, if
ever,beganthemigrationchain.21
InItaly,mostgirlswerenotallowedtoleavehomeassinglewomen.Notonlydidmarriagerepresent
anescapefromtheboredomandrestrictionsofvillagelife,butformany,itwasseenasawayoutof
grindingpoverty.22Itwasdifficulttofindasuitablehusbandbecausealargepercentageofmenhad
emigrated. Italian women who were involved in arranged marriage.23 The father was the moral
guardianresponsibleforhisdaughtersfutureanditwashedecidedwhothedaughterwastomarry.24
Thedecisiontomarrybyproxywasusuallyfollowedbytheexchangeoflettersandphotographs.25This
wasclearlythecasewithItalianbornMartaDePalma.MartawasborninMolfetta,Italyandarrivedin
SydneyinJune1940.ItwasspecifiedonMartasquestionnairethatshewasaresidentinAustraliafor
aperiodoftwomonthsonly,andshestatedthatduringthistimeshehasonlyleftthehouseontwo
20
A. M. KahanGuidi and E. Weiss et al., Give me strength/Forza e coraggio: Italian Australian women speak. Sydney,
Broadway:WomensRedressPressInc,1989,p.65.
21
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.66.
22
J.Church,PerlAustralia:TheStoryofItalianMigration.Melbourne:TheMiegunyahPress,2005,p.26.
23
S.B.Wardrop,ByProxy:AStudyofItalianProxyBridesinAustralia.Melbourne:ItalianHistoricalSociety,1996,p.1.This
wasalsoknownasaproxymarriage,whenonepartyatthemarriageceremonyisrepresentedbyasubstituteknownas
proxy.SusanBellawrotethat,thecaseofItalianmigrantstoAustralia,thishasinvariablymeantthatthegroom,unableto
bepresent,hasnominatedanothermantostandinhisplace.[SeeWardrop,ByProxy,p.1].
24
Wardrop,ByProxy,p.1.
25
Wardrop,ByProxy,p.26.
P a g e | 191
occasions,togetmarriedandtothePoliceStation,toregisterasanalien.26Itwasfurthernotedthat
shecametoAustraliatomarryherpresenthusbandCarloDePalmawhomshehadneverseen,but
hadcorrespondedwithbymeansofphotographs.27
Nevertheless,thepatriarchalcontrolthatwasexpressedtowardssinglewomenalsoappliedtomarried
women. Italianborn Gina Tommasso, who was single, migrated to Australia from Italy in 1933. Two
yearslater,GinamarriedandsettledinPunchbowl,southwestofSydneyandhadtwochildren,Maria
and Paolo. There were not many people of Italian descent living in the area, only those who owned
fruitshops,marketgardensandpoultryfarmsintheoutlyingareasanddistricts.Bothchildrenwere
determined to learn English at school. However, it was more difficult for their mother to learn,
especiallywhilebeingathomeandhavingverylittlecontactwithAustralians.Afterthewarhadended,
Ginawasratherenviousofsomeofthepostwarmigrantsgoingtoworkwhowereenjoyingmeeting
peopleandbringinghomemoney.28HerdaughterMariawrotethat:
Irememberoverhearingherhalfjokingthatsheshouldalsogetajob.Myfatherwasveryoffendedand
shenevermentioneditagain.Inmyfathersera,itwasacceptedthatthehusbandwasthebreadwinner
anditwasaninsulttohimifhecouldnotbethesuccessfulproviderforthefamily.29
ItalianWomenonParole
Italianwomenwerefurtherisolatedasaresultoftheirhusbandsbeinginternedandtheregistration
processwhichcategorizedthemastheenemy.Clause5(1)oftheAliensControlRegulations,declared
26
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,13July1940.SeeCiccolella,MartaorDe
Palma,Maria(Italian)[Box84].C123/13278,NAA,Sydney.
27
SeeCiccolella,MartaorDePalma,Maria(Italian)[Box84].C123/13278,NAA,Sydney.
28
GinaTommaso,Correspondence.10April2009.ApseudonymwasusedforGinaandherfamilyupontherequestofthe
interviewee.
29
GinaTommaso,Correspondence.10April2009.
P a g e | 192
that every alien resident in Australia at the commencement of these Regulations shall, unless he is
accordancewiththeseRegulations.30
As noted in Chapter One, enemy aliens were required to report to their ARO at the nearest police
station on a weekly basis.31 For some, this proved to be a difficult task. Sixtysix year old Italian
migrant, Nicolina Angimeri, who lived at the corner of Mimosa Road and Prairie Vale Road, Bossley
Park, a suburb of Sydney, was required to report each week to the Smithfield Police Station
(approximately5kmaway).NicolinahadtotravelbybuseachSaturdayaccompaniedbyhergrandson.
Thebusfareswereabigexpenseforher.However,thegreatestdifficultywasthefactthatshehadto
walkamilefromherhomeinordertoreachthebusandanothermileafterleavingthebustoreach
the Police Station.32 Some locals were concerned about this and provided assistance. The Hon.
SecretaryoftheBossleyParkProgressAssociation,MrsF.Goldie,suggestedthat,perhapsitcouldbe
arrangedthatthisladyreporttothelocalPostOfficer,oreventoalocalJusticeofthePeace.33
30
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmadeunder
Commonwealth Acts During the Year 1939. Also Prerogative Orders, etc., with Tables and Index. L. F. Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.406.
31
Incaseswherenothingwasadverselyknownagainsttheenemyalien,orunlesstheAROknewsomegoodreasonwhy
suchshouldnotbedone,theperiodofreportingwasextendedtoonceamonth.AccordingtoLamidey,thesereportscould
bemadeanytime,includingnighttimeonweeknights.Hearguedthatpoliceappreciatedthedecision.Itwasneverthe
intentionthataliensshouldtaketimeofffromworktoreport,particularlyinviewofthemanpowershortage.SeeLamidey,
AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.14.
32
LetterfromF.GoldietoMrF.HillM.L.A,ParliamentHouse,Sydney,19May1942.SeeAngimeri,Nicolina(Italian)[Box
78].C123/13113,NAA,Sydney.
33
LetterfromF.GoldietoMrF.HillM.L.A,ParliamentHouse,Sydney,19May1942.SeeAngimeri,Nicolina(Italian)[Box
78].C123/13113,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 193
AnotherItalianwomanwhowasunabletoreportperiodicallytotheAROwasCaterinaFuda.Caterina
wasthirtyeightyearsoldwhensheregisteredasanenemyalienandwasmarriedwithfourchildren.
Duringthewar,CaterinaandherfamilylivedinUltimo,Sydneyanditwasreportedbyauthoritiesthat
MrsFuda
isthemotheroffoursmallchildrenandisunabletoobtaintheservicesofanypersontomindthemwhilst
sheattendstheCentralAliensBureautoreportperiodically.Unlessthereisanythingofanadversenature
onrecordinyourServiceagainstthisalien,itisrecommendedforfavourableconsiderationthatshebe
exemptfromperiodicalreportingattheCentralAliensBureau.34
Evidently there were many women who found it difficult to report on a weekly basis to the ARO.
Fortunately,forCaterinaandNicolina,therewasnoobjection.35
Figure70:NicolinaAngimeri
NicolinaAngimeri[Italian
arrivedSydneyper
ROMOLO,Oct.1936.Box
133].SP11/2
Italian/AngimeriN,NAA,
Sydney.
34
Report from Commissioner of Police to Deputy Director of Security of NSW, 10 August 1944. See Fuda nee Panetta,
Caterina(ItaliannaturalisedBritishsubject)[box61].C123/12759,NAA,Sydney.
35
ResposefromDeputyDiirectorofSecurityofNewSouthWalestoCotmmissionerofPolice,16August1944.SeeFuda
nee Panetta, Caterina (Italian naturalised British subject) [box 61]. C123/1 2759, NAA, Sydney and Angimeri, Nicolina
(Italian)[Box78].C123/13113,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 194
Those excluded from parole included Italian women whose nationality changed upon marriage. For
example, Maria Epifanis, who was born on the island of Crete, in Greece and arrived in Australia in
February1940,wasconsideredfavorablybyauthorities.MariabecameanItalianwhenshemovedto
Assimina,inItalyin1924.However,shemarriedGreeknational,KirlacoJohnEpifanis,anditwasstated
onherquestionnaireformthatitwasnotnecessaryforMariatosignaparoleformbecauseasaresult
ofhermarriage,shewasNowGreek.36Authoritiesstatedthat
althoughthiswomanbecameanItaliansubjectin1924wehavenodoubtsheremainedaGreekatheart.
OnherarrivalinAustraliasheremainedaGreekandonquestioninghershemaintainsthatshehasalways
beenaGreekandrefusestoadmitherformernationality.ApparentlyhasnoloveforItalyorItalians.We
donotthinkitnecessarytorestrictthiswomansmovements.
37
36
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1June1940.SeeEpifanis[neeMacli],
Maria(Italian)[Greekbymarriage][Box101].C123/13686,NAA,Sydney.
37
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1June1940.SeeEpifanis[neeMacli],
Maria(Italian)[Greekbymarriage][Box101].C123/13686,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 195
On17November1944,MariachangedhernationalitytoGreek,whichmeantthatshewasclassifiedas
anAlliedalien.38ThismeantthatMariawasstillaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations,butnotto
thesameextentasthoseregisteredasenemyaliens(seeAppendixOne).
Thewomansplacewasonlyinthehome
DuringtheSecondWorldWar,ItaliancommunitiesinAustraliawerepatriarchal,wherethehusband
wasconsideredheadofthefamily,anditwashewhorepresentedthefamilytotheoutsideworld.39
ThisparticularaspectofItalianculturehadanimpactonItalianwomenlivinginAustralia.Forinstance,
on20January1942,thirtythreeyearoldAngelicaMunarin,whoarrivedinAustraliain1935andlived
in Surry Hills during the war, received a letter from her father, who at the time was living in
Melbourne.
Figure72:
AngelicaMunarin
AngelicaMunarin[Italianarrived
SydneyperCITTADEGENOVA,20
Dec1935.Box148].SP11/2
Italian/MunarinA,NAA,Sydney
38
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1June1940.SeeEpifanis[neeMacli],
Maria(Italian)[Greekbymarriage][Box101].C123/13686,NAA,Sydney.
39
N.RandazzoandM.Cigler,TheItaliansinAustralia.Melbourne:AEPress,1987,p.163.
P a g e | 196
Authoritiesinterceptedtheletter,whichwasthentranslatedintotheformofapoeticletter,poemand
tenproverbs
1. Loveandrespectyourparentsifyouwishpeopletoloveandhonouryou.
2. Youmusthelpyourparents,thisistheaccountwhichyouhavetopay.
3. LoveandhonouryourparentssaidChristinhiscommandments.
4. Succouralwaysthosewhogaveyoulifeandexistencewillbepleadingtoyou.
5. Youmaythinktohideyourevildoing,butthenyouwillshowitofyourself.
6. Tokilliscertainlyagreatevil,butmoralkillingismoreserious.
7. Goodnessandbeautyareriches.
8. Beautywithoutgoodnessisaflowerwithoutvalue.
9. Doyouwishtogainmeritfromanembrace?
40
10. Itisgoodnessalonewhichcontainsinitselfallgoodness.
Fourteen years had elapsed since he had last seen his daughter and in his letter, he reasserted the
significanceoftheroleinwhichhisdaughterwassupposedtotakepart.Evidently,thefirstprioritywas
totakecareoftheparents.
Life for Italian women, particularly those who lived on farms, was often difficult. Many women
enduredloneliness,longhoursofhardwork,andlookedaftertheextendedfamily.41AccordingtoNino
Randazzo and Michael Cigler, the womans place was only in the home an attitude most Italian
woman had always believed in.42 The greatest hostility against Italians was based on Australians
disapprovalofhowItalianwomenseemedtobetreatedbytheirmen.43Dianaconcludedthattension
existedduetotheopposingculturalvalues:ItaliansthinkingAustralianwomenleduseless,idlelives,
andAustraliansthinkingthatItalianwomenwerevirtuallyslaves.44
40
Copy of letter from A. Costa translated by authorities, 25 February 1942. See Munarin, Angelica (Italian) [box 64].
C123/12822,NAA,Sydney.
41
RandazzoandCigler,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.165.
42
RandazzoandCigler,TheItaliansinAustralia,p.165.
43
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.74.
44
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.74.
P a g e | 197
This isolation meant that it was even more difficult for many women to learn English and not being
abletospeakEnglishmadeitharderforthemtoliveinAustralia.Duringthewar,Italianwomenwere
unabletodothesimplestchoreswithouttheadversityoftheAliensControlRegulations.Forinstance,
many found it difficult to do the shopping. In Italy, it was considered an opportunity for women to
socialize with other women from their local community. In Australia, however, they could not make
themselvesunderstood.45TherestrictionsimposedonItalianwomenmadethesituationworse,with
most women unable to communicate with local authorities and adhere to the Aliens Control
Regulations.AcomplaintwasmadetowardthirtytwoyearoldFrancescaZiinowhoarrivedinAustralia
in1937fromLipari,Italy,regardingherconduct.However,authoritiesconcludedthatshespeaksvery
understandthenatureofthecomplaintassheisalwaysathomeandneverleavestheplace.46
Italian women were generally excluded from Australian society. They spoke no English and had few
Australianfriends.Thiswasacommonthemeinthemajorityofthefilesexaminedinthisthesis.Onthe
questionnaireformofseventyoneyearoldItalianmigrantfromEastwood,MariaBarbuto,authorities
wrotethatsheresidesonafarmwithhermarrieddaughterandsoninlaw,whoarenaturalized.She
never leaves the farm and is in no way antiBritish or subversive. She cannot speak the English
45
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.76.
46
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 17 July 1940. See Ziino [Zeeno],
Francesca(Italian)[3pages;box36].C123/12074,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 198
language.47AnotherexampleincludedthirtynineyearoldMariaFrancescaTraino,wholivedinEast
Sydneyduringthewar.Itwasalsostatedon Mariasquestionnaireformthatshehadnoassociates
otherthanherhusbandandchildren,hasnoplacetofrequent,andveryseldomgoesoutasshesuffers
frombadsight.48
Figure73:MariaBarbuto
MariaBarbuto[Italian
arrivedSydneyperSS
PALERMO,23Jan1926.Box
134].SP11/2
Italian/BarbutoM,NAA,
Sydney.
ItisimportanttonotethatbecauseoftheisolationexperiencedbymanyItalianwomen,authorities
wereconvincedthatfromanationalsecuritypointofviewtherewasnoneedtotakeanyactionthat
would restrict their movements. Italian Francesca Culmone arrived in Australia in 1938 and lived at
Bonnyrigg, in western Sydney, where she assisted her father, Battista Culmone, on the farm. It was
stated on her questionnaire form by authorities that she was a harmless hard working type of
person.49 Maria Melara arrived in Australia two months before Italy entered the war in June 1940.
47
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 30 August 1940. See Barbuto, Maria
[Italain][Box247].C123/18289,NAA,Sydney.
48
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 16 July 1940. See Traino, Maria
Francesca(Italian)[Box97].C123/13597,NAA,Sydney.
49
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 27 August 1940. See Culmone,
Francesca[Italian][Box260].C123/18720,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 199
MariaresidedatDarlinghurstwithhersisterandworkedasamachinist.Mariatoldauthoritiesthatshe
could not speak English very well and that she has nofriends other than her sister [and on]
returninghomefromworkeachday,shegoestobed.50
MariaTesorieroalsospentmostofherlifehousebound.MariaarrivedinAustraliain1937andresided
at Enmore with her husband and three children. When Maria was required to complete her
questionnaireforminAugust1940,itwasstatedbyauthoritiesthatshehasnotbeenoutsinceItaly
declaredwar,thereforetherewasnoneedforauthoritiestofurtherrestricthermovementsfroma
securitypointofview.51
RestrictedtoTravel
The Aliens Control Regulations were also concerned with the travel and movements of aliens and
enemy aliens. Italianborn Kathleen Demento was thirty years old when she arrived in Australia in
1936.Duringthewar,KathleenlivedateighteenStephenStreet,inEastSydneywithherhusbandand
her one child and was occupied with household duties. In January 1941, Kathleen and her husband,
FrancescoDemento,failedtoregisterwhentheymovedtolivein98BourkeStreet,EastSydney.The
Demento family had been living at their new address for nine to ten days and did not report the
changewithinthesevendaysafteracquiringanewplaceofresidency.52Whenaskedbyauthoritiesthe
50
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,18August1940.SeePerri(neeMelara),
Maria(ItaliannaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box81].C123/13198,NAA,Sydney.SeeTesoriero,Maria[Italian][Box186].
C123/16377,NAA,Sydney.
51
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,15August1940.
52
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 200
reason behind failing to register, they responded by claiming that they were busy working in their
shop.53However,authoritiesthoughtotherwise,andreportedthattheDementofamily
have a daughter of about 15 years of age who speaks English quite well and who looks after the fruit
businesswhichthealiensrunforthegreaterpartofthedayandtheexcuseofferedbytheAliensisnot
reasonable.54
Consequently,bothFrancescoandKathleenwereprosecutedon28February1941andwerefined2
with8/costs,whichwasasignificantamountofmoney.55
53
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
54
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
55
Copy of reportto Commissioner of Police, W.J.M,31January 1941. SeeDemento,Kathleen(Italian)[box 58]. C123/1
2703,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 201
Another example of an Italian woman affected by the control of travel and movement of the Aliens
ControlRegulationswasMariaSchinella.MarialeftMelbourneon27April1940andmovedtoBroken
Hillon1May1940.Fiveweekspasseduntilauthoritiesfoundoutaboutthemove.Whenaskedwhy
shefailedtoreporttothepolicestationwithinthesevendaysuponarrival,Mariarepliedthatshedid
not know that she had to report. It was concluded by authorities that Mrs Schinella is twenty four
yearsofageandenteredtheCommonwealthon19November1928.ShespeaksEnglishfairlywelland
inmyopinionissufficientlyeducatedtounderstandtherequirementsofherregistrationasanalien.56
Asaresult,MariawasinbreachofSection16(1)and(4)oftheAliensControlRegulationsandfined5
and8/costsoneachcount.57
ItalianwomencouldnotescapetheeffectsoftheAliensControlRegulationsenforcedbyauthorities
regardlessofhowmanyyearstheyhadbeenlivinginAustralia.MariaSchinellawasonlytwelveyears
oldwhenshearrivedinAustraliaandhadbeenlivinginAustraliafortwelveyearswhensheregistered
as an alien. In spite of this, Maria was still subject to the Aliens Control Regulations and suffered
one year old Oisola Giacco, born in Pargiolia, Italy, and arrived in Australia in 1900. Despite the fact
56
Report to Inspector of Police, Broken Hill, 6 June 1940. See Schinella, Maria (naturalised British subject [previously]
Italian)[Box326].C123/110530,NAA,Sydney.
57
Report to Inspector of Police, Broken Hill, 6 June 1940. See Schinella, Maria (naturalised British subject [previously]
Italian)[Box326].C123/110530,NAA,Sydney.NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRuleno.88of1939,
Regulation16(4)statedthatanalienshall,withinsevendaysafteracquiringanewplaceofabode,attendinpersonbefore
thealiensregistrationofficernearesttohisnewplaceofabode,andbringwithhimhiscertificateofregistration.[National
Security(AliensControl)Regulations,p.411].
P a g e | 202
thatshehadbeenlivinginAustraliaforthirtynineyears,Oisolawasrequiredtoregisterasanenemy
alienandwassubjecttotheAliensControlRegulations.58
Impossibletoliveonsuchcircumstances:economicrepercussionsofflegislation
At the outbreak of the Second World War, Italians who were already registered as aliens and were
reclassified as enemy aliens when Italy entered the war. Of the 12,764 Italians registered as enemy
aliens during the war, 4,727 of them were interned by 31 March 1944.59 A total of 3,386 of those
registeredwereItalianwomenorAustralianbornwomenwholosttheirBritishnationalityasaresult
oftheirmarriagetoanItaliannational.
Consequently,manywomenlivinginNewSouthWalesexperiencedhardshipandlonelinesswhiletheir
husband,brother,father,orsonwereabsent.TheeconomicimpactthattheAliensControlRegulations
had on Italians in Australia was discussed by Margaret Bevege who referred to research concerning
ItaliansinQueenslandconductedbyW.DBorriein1951.Borriesuggestedthatthelackofbitternessof
theseexinterneeswastheresultofthecaretakenofthefarmsbytheirwives.60Bevegeconcluded
thattheeconomicsecuritytheyhadsoughtbymigrationwasbasicallyundisturbed,andtheyregarded
the low yields of 19423 as a temporary setback.61 This may have been the case for some Italian
familiesresidinginruralQueensland;however,manywomeninthisstudyshowthattheAliensControl
58
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,17July1940.SeeGiacco,Oisola(Italian)
[box62].C123/12794,NAA,Sydney.
59
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.52andAppendixA.
60
M.Bevege,BehindBarbedWire:InternmentinAustraliaduringWorldWarII.St.Lucia:UniversityofQueenslandPress,
1993,p.234
61
Bevege,BehindBarbedWire,p.234.
P a g e | 203
Regulationshelpeddiminishbusinessesandhomes.Afterthemainincomeearnerwastakenawayto
internment,economicsecuritynolongerexisted.Infact,manyItalianwomenandAustralianwomen
marriedtoItalianmenpleadedwithauthoritiestobeinternedwiththeirhusbandasaresultoftheir
inabilitytosupportthemselves.
MariaMinciottishusbandwasinternedatLoveday,SouthAustralia.MariaarrivedinSydneyin1919
and on 16 December 1940, Maria and her two children were forced to vacate their property at
Molong,inruralNewSouthWales.Mariascashassistancefromthewelfaredepartmentwascutoffby
authoritiesbecauseshewaslivingwithherparents.62InanumberoflettersthatwerewrittentoPolice
Headquarters, Maria pleaded that her family could not manage without any cash assistance. On 10
October1941,Mariawrotetoauthoritiesthatinaperiodoffifteenmonthsshehadreceivedonlyone
lotofclothingallowance,andthattheallowanceshewasreceivingperfortnightwasnotenoughfor
hertwochildren,whoatthetimewereattendingschool:
The only cash allowance I receive is 10/ per fortnight and 2 3 in relief per fortnight. I receive no
allowanceforrent,tomyknowledgethemilitaryisresponsibleformyHusbandsinternment;andifthe
governmentcannotassistmeinmorecashallowance,Ithinkitstimemyhusbandwasreleasedsohecan
provide for his children and myself in a superior way than the present allowance, trusting this is quite
63
clear,awaitingsatisfactory[answer]atyourearliest.
Authorities rejected her letter and one month later, Maria wrote another letter, claiming that her
familycouldnotsurvivewithoutcashassistancefromtheCommonwealthGovernment
...IunderstandthatcashassistancecannotbegrantedtomeormytwochildrenasIm[Im]living
withmy parents.Willyoupleasenotethatmyparentshavenothingwhatsoevertodowithmeormytwo
62
LetterfromCaptainofIntelligenceSection,EasternCommand,G.H.V.NewmantoMariaMinciotti,29November1941.
SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
63
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,10October1941.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 204
children, I have five shillings per week sent to pay, and at present [Im indebt] to my parents for twenty
weeks rent. that the only cash assistance [Ive] received since in Goulburn has been tenshillings per
fortnight, can anyone possibly pay rent and provide for two children on the mentioned amount. [Also] I
would like to point to you that my two children are going to school and wear out more than the cash
assistance in leather alone. I have asked from time after time for my Husbands release, but have being
[been] informed that his internment must continue. So therefore I demand full support apart from your
food relief I want cash assistance, please oblige by letting me know what justices is there for my two
children,an[answer]willbeveryacceptable,asmytwochildrenaretooyoungtorealisethecircumstances
anditsmydutytosee,thattheygetthefullsupportthatallBritishbornchildrenreceive.Idonotthink[Im]
beingselfish,allIaskisjusticesmymarriedlifehasbeingbrokenupbytheMilitaryAuthorityThereforeI
askforsomeotherarrangementstobemade,as[Im]feduptotheneckoftryingtoliveontheallowanceI
receive.Trustingthisisplainenough[Ive]alreadyexperiencedsixteenmonthsofthislifeanditfeels[like]
64
sixteenyears.Soawaitingyourreplysoonaspossible,pleasedontdelay.
Despite her desperate plea, authorities continued to reject her appeal, claiming that further cash
assistancewasnotnecessarybecauseMariaandherchildrenwerelivingwithherparents.65Thefact
irrelevant.
Threemonthslater,Mariapersistedthatherhusbandbereleasedtosupporthisfamily.Shewrotethat
shewasunabletoworkduetobadhealth,andthat
fairisfair,asIknowofacertainpersonthathas[been]releasedandisatpresentemployedinthistown
andhasnochildrentosupport,soallIaskiswouldyoukindlybegoodenoughtoseeintomyHusbands
caseasIcannotliveonthedolealone.
66
On20March1942,Minciottihadenduredenoughofauthoritiesignoringherpleaandwrotealetter
claimingthatshehadnootherchoicebuttoaskfortheinternmentofherselfandherchildren,stating
64
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,1November1941.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
65
LetterfromCaptainofIntelligenceSectionofEasternCommand,G.H.NewmantoMariaMinciotti,29November1941.
SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
66
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,28January1942.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 205
that it was impossible for her to live on such circumstances.67 The authorities continued to ignore
Mariasdilemmaandrejectedherrequesttobeinterned.68
Mariashusband,NellaValdoMinciotti,waseventuallyreleasedfrominternment,butheremainedin
SouthAustraliaunderthecontroloftheAlliedWorksCouncil(AWC).69InAugust1943,Mariaapplied
forapermittotraveltoSouthAustraliatobewithherhusbandandwroteanotherlettertotheDeputy
DirectorofSecurity,whichstatedshewouldliketodrawtheattentiontothefactthatmyhusband
and I have been separated for three years on no fault of our own which no doubt is understood.70
MariaalsowrotethatherhusbandhadahousereadyforherandthechildrentomoveintoinSouth
Australia.71PermissionforMariatotravelwasrejectedbyauthorities,andofferedthealternativethat
herhusbandmovebacktoSydneyandacceptemploymentintheCivilAliensCorps(CAC),asubsidiary
oftheAWC.72Overwhelmedbythenumberoflettersthatwerewritteninresponsetothis,authorities
67
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheOfficerinCharge,MilitaryIntelligenceSection,20March1942.SeeMinciotti,Maria
(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.Despiteherrequestforcashassistance,inherlettersfromtheDepartmentof
Social Services, the Officer in Charge reminded Minciotti to include prepaid postage in all her letters to the department.
See, for example, letter from Officer in Charge, Military Intelligence Section to Maria Minciotti, 7 February 1941. See
Minciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
68
MemorandumfromCaptainofIntelligenceSectionofEasternCommand,G.H.NewmantoTheDepartmentofCharitable
Relief,25March1942.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
69
Copy of letter sent from Deputy Director of Security for New South Wales to Maria Minciotti, 8 September 1943. See
Minciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
70
LetterfromMariaMinciottitotheDeputyDirectorofNationalSecurity,24August1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)
[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
71
LetterfromMariaMinciottitofromDeputyDirectorofSecurityinNSW,3November1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)
[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
72
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityinSouthAustraliatoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinSydney,15November1943.
SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 206
finally approved Marias application to move to South Australia in November 1943.73 Marias
persistencepaidoff.However,inmostcasesItalianwomenwerenotsounrelenting.
The Aliens Control Regulations impeded every aspect of Italian womens lives. Sometimes ordinary,
everydaydutiessuchasshoppingrequiredthecrossingofpolicedistricts.Inorderforenemyaliensto
dothis,anapplicationformtoacquireatravelpermitwasexpectedtobeprocessedbyauthorities.74
Special permits were issued on a monthly basis in cases of medical or educational reasons to move
outsidethepolicedistrict.75OneexamplewasBoncaldoVincenzaFazzolarifromBalranald,inwestern
New South Wales, who was seriously ill and had to obtain a permit in order to get treatment in
Melbourne.BoncaldoshusbandAntoniowastoaccompanyhertoMelbournebecauseshecouldnot
speak English and it would have been difficult for her to make arrangements.76 Boncaldo Vincenza
applied for the permit in March 1945, which clearly showed that Italian women continued to be
victimizedevenafterItalyhadsurrenderedtotheAlliedforcesinSeptember1943.
73
MemorandumfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityinNewSouthWalestoDeputyDirectorofSecurityforSouthAustralia,26
November1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.AuthoritiesstatedthatMariaMinciotti
hastwochildrenwhomshehastomaintainonanamountof2perweek,allowedherbyherhusband.Asaresult,sheis
financially embarrassed and particularly desires the opportunity of traveling to Port Augusta where a home is available.
Copy of Letter from the Deputy Director of Security for New South Wales to the Deputy Director of Security for South
Australiaon8October1943.SeeMinciotti,Maria(Italian)[Box93].C123/13481,NAA,Sydney.
74
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
75
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
76
LettertoPoliceDepartmentinSydneyfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityofNSW,SergeantJamesF.Scott,19March1945.
SeeFazzolari,BoncaldoVincenza(Italian)[Box126].C123/14389,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 207
ProhibitedPossessionsOrder
The severity of the Prohibited Possessions Order imposed upon Italian women through the Aliens
Control Regulations is illustrated in a number of dossiers examined for this thesis. All women were
required to hand over any wireless sets or any other apparatus that were prohibited to their local
police station and such equipment was confiscated throughout the duration of the war. Many were
foundguiltyofbeinginbreachofClause22oftheAliensControlRegulationsandwererequiredtopay
afineinadditiontocourtcosts.Policeofficershadthepowertoobtainsearchwarrantsandconduct
searchesofanypropertyatanygiventime.
The prosecutions relied only on the statements given by local police officers. Many investigators
claimedthatthewomenprosecutedwereunawareoftheAliensControlRegulations.Thiswasoftena
resultoftheirinabilitytoreadorwriteEnglish.Countlessfilesexaminedforthisstudyrevealedthose
whoownedawirelessthatwerenotinuseandstoredawaywerestillprosecuted.Therewereeven
casesofwomenbeingprosecutedbecausetheywereinpossessionofafaultywirelessthatwasalso
Twomonthslater,ItalysignedanarmisticewiththeAllies.77Asthewarsituationbegantoimprove,the
relaxingoftheadministrativecontrolsoveralienswasjustified.However,inspiteofthis,Italiansliving
in Australia were still affected by the Aliens Control Regulations. For instance, twenty two year old
ItalianmigrantMartaDePalmaarrivedinAustraliain1940andlivedinEastSydneyduringthewar.In
July1942,MartawasinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulationsafterauthoritiesfoundherwireless
77
R. Stromberg,EuropeintheTwentiethCentury:FourthEdition.NewJersey: PrenticeHall,Upper Saddle River, 1997, p.
263.
P a g e | 208
setinthepossessionofanotherItalian.Martawasfined2and9/courtcostsandauthoritiestook
possessionofthewireless.78
Malone,askingforthereturnoftheradioset.ShewroteinItalian
WhenImovedfromSydneytoEastwoodearlylastyear,Ihadntthespacetoaccommodateallmyfurniture,
andarrangedforsomeofit,includingmyradioset,tobekeptatafriendshomeuntilsuchtimeasIcould
accommodateitmyself.Theradiowasdisconnectedandhadonevalvemissing.Itwasnotashortwaveset,
andcould not receive overseas news.AsI amunableto read, write or speak English, Idid notknowthat
therewasaregulationwherebyallaliens hadtohandintheirradios,andthereforedidnotdoso.InJuly
1943,Ireceivedasummons,aftermyradio hadbeentakenfrommebypolice officers,andinDecember
had to go to Court and pay a fineI have heard that you are now returning confiscated radios to their
owners and should appreciate it if you will favourably consider my application to have mine returned to
me.
79
Despite the fact that the war situation had improved for the Allied forces, Martas request for the
returnofherradiosetwasrefusedanditwasneverreturned.80
Rita Contore was one of the many Italian women who suffered humiliation through the Prohibited
Possessions Order. Rita arrived in Sydney in 1924 and lived with her parents at Wetherill Park.
Authorities reported that they found a morse code transmitter owned by Rita and when she was
interviewed,itwasstatedthatshehadmadeanapplicationtojointheWomansSignalingCorps.81
78
Report written by Leonard William Pratt, 27 July 1942. See Ciccolella, Marta or De Palma, Marta (Italian) [Box 84].
C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
79
Copy of translated letter written to Director of Posts and Telegraphs in Sydney, Jack Malone, 18 December 1944. See
Ciccolella,MartaorDePalma,Marta(Italian)[Box84].C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
80
CopyofletterwrittenbyDirectorofPostsandTelegraphsinSydney,JackMalonetoMartaDePalma,2January1945.See
Ciccolella,MartaorDePalma,Marta(Italian)[Box84].C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
81
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,30August1940.SeeZadro[formerly]
Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 209
DespitethefactthatRitalivedinAustraliaforfifteenyears,herapplicationwasrefusedbecauseshe
wasanalien.82RitaproducedabooktoauthoritiescalledLifeBuoyHobbyBookNo.fiveandreferred
topagetwentythreewhichshoweddirectionstomakingmorsecodesignals.Shetoldauthoritiesthat
themodelwasmadethreeyearsagoandshewasmakingastudyofmorsecodeatthetimeandwas
practicingontheset.Asaresultoftheraid,policeconfiscatedthemorsecodetransmitter.83
The Aliens Control Regulations required aliens to obtain a permit in order to own a motor vehicle
licence.On2March1942,RitaContorewasagaininterviewedbythepoliceregardingthewayinwhich
sheobtainedherdriverslicence.Accordingtothereport,SergeantAshtonaskedher,Beinganenemy
alien are you aware that you should be in possession of written permission from the Military
Authoritiesalso?.HewentonfurthertoaskWhenyoumadeanapplicationforthelicenceinthefirst
instance did you give your correct name? In response to this, Rita replied that she did not give her
correctname,andadmittedtodroppingtheefromContorebecauseitwaseasiertopronounceandI
thoughtthat[it]wouldbeeasiertogetalicenseinthatway.SergeantAshtonremindedRitaofthe
seriousness of the matter, claiming that apart from committing an offence against the National
SecurityRegulationsyougavewronginformationtotheTransportAuthoritiesandliabletopunishment
in that direction. He further stated that the matter would be reported to Authorities.84 Authorities
reportedthematter,butitisnotclearfromthefileswhetherRitawasprosecuted.
82
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,30August1940.SeeZadro[formerly]
Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
83
Report by Thomas Jesse Wilson to MPI Headquarters in Sydney, 14 April 1942. See Zadro [formerly] Contore, Rita
(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
84
Report by Thomas Jesse Wilson to MPI Headquarters in Sydney, 14 April 1942. See Zadro [formerly] Contore, Rita
(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 210
Thefollowingmonth,inApril1942,Ritawassuspectedbyreliableneighboursandthelocalpoliceof
beingapersonpossessingdisloyalandinimicaltendenciesbecauseshewasacloseassociateofall
doubtful Italians in that District, some of whom were interned of recent date.85 After being
interviewedbypolice,itwasreportedthat
she is a frequent visitor to the Liverpool Internment camp, and she admitted to us that she had gone
frequently without first obtaining the necessary permit from the local police. When submitting our
comprehensive reportrelative tothe activities ofItaliansgenerally in those Districts,werecommended
thatthiswomenbeinterned.
86
Rita claimed that she had no idea that she was required to obtain a travel permit when she visited
LiverpoolInternmentCamp.Whenshediscoveredthatsuchapermitwasnecessary,shegotone.87
boyfriendZadroDavino,whowasinternedforfourmonths.ZadrowasreleasedinMay1942,andlived
in Redfern. He worked in Newtown at the Wholesale Grocery Merchants under the control of the
AWC.88RitaandZadroeventuallygotmarriedandinJune1942Ritaaskedforpermissiontolivewith
ZadroatBossleyPark.However,authoritiesdecidedthatZadroshouldstayathisplaceofresidencyin
Redfern because it was stated on his form of parole that when he was released, he would reside at
Redfernandthathewouldnotatanytimeduringthepresentwarentertheareathroughwhichthe
85
ReportfromSergeantG.G.AshtontoInspectorWatkins,14April1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box
243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
86
ReportfromSergeantG.G.AshtontoInspectorWatkins,14April1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box
243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
87
ReportonRitaContore,1June1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
88
ReportonRitaContore,1June1942.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 211
Sydney Water Channel passes.89 One year later, Zadro was sent to work burning charcoal on the
Mudgee Railway Line. Rita and their seven week old child applied for permission to move closer to
Zadro.Thiswasrefused.Ritawasunabletogetaffordableaccommodationandmadeanapplicationto
live with her mother which was approved.90 There were many Italian women who were adversely
affected by these overbearing Aliens Control Regulations. Most Italian men were working under the
control of the AWC due to the shortage of manpower during the war. Through the Aliens Control
Regulations, the wives of these men were forced to live apart from their husbands, making it even
moredifficultforthemtoacquirethefinancialsupportneededfortheirsurvival.
Therewas,however,specialconsiderationinregardstochangesofresidenceandtravelpermitsgiven
to the wives of enemy aliens who were in the Australian Defence Forces. Naturalized Italians were
accepted for service in the Defence Forces. Noel Lamidey argued that no distinction was made
betweenthewivesofmenworkingunderthecontroloftheAWCandthosewhoservedintheDefence
Forces. There was also no distinction made between the wives of men in Labour Camp, Munition
Factoriesandthelike,wheretheemploymentwasdirectlyconnectedwiththewareffortandinwhich
it was necessary for Zadro to live away from home.91 Lamidey gave the example of two wives who
89
Report from Deputy Director of Security ofNew South Wales, S. C. Taylorto Captain Davis, 4June1942. See Zadro
[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
90
ReportfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityofNewSouthWales,S.C.TaylortoDeputyGeneralofSecurityinCanberra,
10June1943.SeeZadro[formerly]Contore,Rita(Italian)[Box243].C123/18155,NAA,Sydney.
91
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.16.
P a g e | 212
desiredtoresidetogethertoeconomize,theirapplicationshould beconsideredsympatheticallybut
eachcaseshouldbedealtwithonitsmerits.92
Thereweresomecaseswhereregimentationwasrestrictivetoadegreethatsuggestedunnecessary
andoverbearingintoleranceonthepartofofficialdom,whileinothersalaxitywasapparent.93Inother
words, it simply depended where one lived as to how strict the enforcers of the Aliens Control
Regulations were. Lamidey claimed that those who applied for a travel permit and who were
favourably known to AROwere confined for the most part of the day to the one place.94 For
example,amarriedwomanwhowasnormallyinherhome,suchpermitwasprovidedforanindefinite
periodandremainedcurrentsolongasthealienresidedatthesameaddress.95Thelaxitythatwas
apparentinsomedistrictswasevidentinthedossiersofwomenwholivedintheruralareasofNew
SouthWales.ThiscouldbeexplainedbythegreatmajorityofItalianswhowereinvolvedinagricultural
activityduringthewarandthatfarmingandresidentialareaswerenotlocatedanywherenearmajor
92
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.16.InJune1943,ItalianA.Pappalardowho
workedunderthecontroloftheAWC,desiredtohavehiswifeandhissontoresidenearhisworkplace.TheDeputy
DirectorofSecurityforNewSouthWalesrespondedthattherewasnosecurityobjection,aslongasheproposestoobtain
accommodationforhisfamily.Attachedtothememorandumwasanextractconcerningwhatwasrequired:Arrangements
havebeenmadewiththeControllerofAliens,AlliedWorksCouncil,wherebyanexinterneewhodesireshiswifeandfamily
toresideintheStatewhereheisemployedwillmakewrittenapplicationthroughtheAlliedWorksCouncilandtheex
interneemustshowintheapplicationwhetheradequatelivingarrangementsforhisfamilyhavebeenmade.SeeReport
fromSergeantW.T.CondertoManagerforNewSouthWalesCivilAlienCorps,AlliedWorksCouncilinSydney,3March
1943.SeeNSWSecurityServicefileRequestsbyexinterneesthatwivesandfamiliesbeallowedtoresideintheState
wheretheyareemployedbytheAlliedWorksCouncil[8pages].C320/P1,NAA,Sydney.
93
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.9.
94
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.11.
95
Lamidey,AliensControl:ReporttotheHonourableArthurA.Calwell,p.11.
P a g e | 213
stateworks.MajorsitesofItalianagriculturalactivityincludedtheMurrumbidgeeIrrigationAreaand
onthenorthcoastofNewSouthWales.
In smaller, rural communities people knew each other and were less frightened by different cultural
groups,especiallyifthereweresignificantnumbersofItalianslivingwithinthecommunity.However,
thiswasnotthecaseinurbanareasofNewSouthWales.Thedossiersrevealedthatinruralareas,the
regimentation and adherence to the Aliens Control Regulations were not so meticulous when
compared to the administration in urban areas of New South Wales. It is highly likely that Italian
farmerswereconsideredfavourablybyauthoritiesduetotheirhighsuccessrateinagriculturalgrowth.
ThisisparticularlyfeasibleinviewofthefactthatItalianfarmerscontributedagreatdealtothewar
effort, especially during a period in which Australia supplied food to the Allied forces in the Pacific.
Therefore, it was possible that a positive relationship may have existed between Italian farmers and
authorities living in the outer suburbs of Sydney and the rural areas of New South Wales.
Consequently,ItalianslivinginruralareaswereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulationstoamuch
lesserextentthanthosewholivedintheinnerurbanareasofNewSouthWales.
LoyaltytotheBritishEmpire
According to Ted Cantle, in order to become effective citizens, you must be educated about the
multiple identities that structure our social worlds to be able to understand, evaluate, and, if they
Although it may be considered possible to comply with the customs, practices, styles, and norms of
96
T.Cantle,CommunityCohesion:ANewFrameworkfroRaceandDiversity.NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.122.
P a g e | 214
twodifferentcultures,itcanalsobeadifficultprocessformigrantstoretainallegiancetotheirnative
culturewhileparticipatingintheiradoptedculture.97Thiscanbeappliedtothewomeninthisstudy.
Italian women could demonstrate their patriotism and support of the war effort through unpaid
labour,andasaresult,wereconsideredfavourablybyauthorities.AccordingtoMelanieOppenheimer,
muchofthevolunteerworkthatwasdoneduringthewarisgenerallyconsideredtobeunskilledand
largelythedomainofwomen.Thisincludeddomesticworkactivitiessuchascooking,cleaning,serving
andknitting.98ItalianmigrantPalminaContinowasconsiderednottobeasecurityriskbecauseofher
voluntarycontributiontothewareffort.PalminawasthirtytreeyearsoldwhenshearrivedinAustralia
in1937fromCranaMonferato,Italy.Itwasstatedonherquestionnairebyauthoritiesthat
Fromourconversationwiththisalienandneighbours,weareoftheopinionthatsheisanunlikelyperson
to do or say anything which is of Anti British nature. At present she is engaged in knitting socks and
other[woollen]comfortsforthesoldiers.Inouropinionnogoodpurposewouldbeservedinrestricting
99
themovementsofthisalien,fromanationalsecuritypointofview.
Figure 76:PalminaContino
PalminaContino[Italian
arrivedSydneyper
VIMINALE,17Dec1937.
Box138].SP11/2,
Italian/ContionP,NAA,
Sydney.
97
R.F.Baumeister,Identity:CulturalChangeandtheStruggleforSelf.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1986,p.209.
98
M.Oppenheimer,AllWorkNoPay:AustralianCivilianVolunteersinWar.Walcha:OhioProductions,2002,p.89.
99
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 13 July 1940. See Contino, Palmina
(Italian)[box61].C123/12772,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 215
Another example included Italian migrant Rosina Benetti, who arrived in Australia in 1937 from
Recoare,Italy.Duringthewar,RosinalivedatRockValley,andlookedafterhertwochildrenwhilealso
helpingherhusbandonthefarm.AuthoritiesstatedonRosinasquestionnairethattheydidnotfindit
necessary to restrict her movements, particularly when her husband worked on the farm producing
vegetablesfortheSydneymarketsanddoesnotgooutofthedistrict.100
SecurityRisk
The risk to national security was a vital concern for the Commonwealth Government. The Aliens
Control Regulations were one way of keeping possible security risks under control. Anyone who had
antiBritishsentimentswasconsideredarisktonationalsecurityandkeptunderconstantwatchbythe
authorities. On the Aliens Control Regulations questionnaire form, authorities provided a general
overview of the person registering in regards to their risk to national security.101 An example of this
was evident on the questionnaire form of Rina Pesavento. Rina was born in Asiago, Italy on 13
September1905andlivedatStanmore,intheinnerwesternsuburbs,duringthewar.Authoritieswere
convincedfromtheirinvestigationthat
thiswomanandherhusbandarepeoplewhoareloyaltothecountryandthisisborneoutthefactthatthey
have property and money here which would suffer if they committed any subversive action. Pesavento
statesthatasfarassheknowsshehasnorelativesservingintheItalianarmedforces.
102
100
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 26 July 1940. See Benetti, Rosina
(Italian)[Box162].C123/15600,NAA,Sydney.
101
Question43stated:GeneralRemarks.Thepoliceinvestigatingthiscasewillhereunderfurnishareportsettingoutthe
opinion they have formed from the aliens attitude a to whether or not any action should be taken to restrict his
movementsfromanationalsecuritypointofview.Givereasons.QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,Police
HeadquartersinSydney,16July1940.SeePesavento,Rina(Italian)(box71).C123/12969,NAA,Sydney.
102
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 16 July 1940. See Pesavento, Rina
(Italian)(box71).C123/12969,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 216
Bycontrast,anItalianwomanwhowasconsideredasecurityriskwasMariaTommasoMacchia.Maria
from the files what was said, it was concluded by authorities that the movements of Maria and her
husband, Bartolo, should be restricted from a nationality security point because of her antiBritish
views.103
Women who were clearly no threat to security, but did associate with fascists were considered a
potentialsecurityrisk.ErnestinaElviraSantesearrivedinAustraliain1934andworkedforthirtyyears
asanurseandservantfortheJoriofamilywhowerealsoItalian.ErnestinaknewverylittleEnglishand
authorities feared that the Jorio family, who were considered to be ardent fascists, would have
influencedher.104Authoritiesreported
We are of the opinion that this alien is entirely under the influence of the Jorio family who are the
majorityatleast,Fascists.Shehasbeenwiththefamilyforaboutthirtyyearsinthecapacityofnurseand
servantandisatrustedpersonwiththefamily,andweconsiderthattheycouldeasilyimposeonher.She
cannotspeak English andappears absolutelydependanton theJorio family foreverything. On her own
weareoftheopinionthatshewouldbeharmlessbutseeingsheiscloselyassociatedwiththeJoriofamily
she would absorb their teachings and doctrines and consideration might be given as to whether her
105
movementsshouldberestrictedornotwiththoseoftheJoriofamily.
ThoughpolicethoughtitwaspossiblethatErnestinacouldbeinfluencedbytheJoriofamily,nofurther
action was taken by authorities. It is clear that authorities not only based their suspicion on the
103
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,20August1940.SeeMacchia,Maria
Tommaso(Italian)[Box189].C123/16470,NAA,Sydney.
104
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,2August1940.SeeSantese,Ernestina
Elvira[Italian][Box165].C123/15742,NAA,Sydney.
105
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,2August1940.SeeSantese,Ernestina
Elvira[Italian][Box165].C123/15742,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 217
ethnicityofthesewomen,butwerealsoapprehensiveofItalianwomenwhowereconsideredguiltyby
association.
IssuesaboutItalianwomensmoralityanddecencywerealsoraised.Thiswasespeciallyevidentwith
Italianwomenwhoranboardinghousesforsinglemen.NotonlydidtheseItalianwomensufferfrom
poorhousingandabysmalwages,theyhadnotimeorpossibilityforleisureandsocializing.106Italian
born Geoneffa Nardi ran a boarding house at Bridge Street, Lismore, which was described by
authorities as the rendezvous of the Italians in the district.107 Very little is known about Geoneffas
background,butshewasthepresidentoftheItalianLadiesCommitteeinLismore,andwasoccupiedin
many activities that involved the Italian community, including the group For the Motherland of
Lismore.GeoneffasdedicationtotheItaliancausewasevidentinanarticlefromtheItaloAustralian
newspaperdated25July1936
TheGroupoftheFortheMotherlandCommitteeofLismore,formedentirelyofourfellowcountrymen.
It is due to the manifold activities of the members of this group and to the sincere patriotism of our
workersthatthecampaignfortheWealthfortheMotherlandwassosuccessfulatLismore.Thesame
committeeisnowworkingforanothermagnificentaffirmationofItalianityinorganizingtheAnnualBall
108
fortheHospitals,whichtakesplaceon25thAugust.
NorestrictionswereplacedonGeoneffa.Shewas,however,keptunderconstantwatchbyauthorities.
Many Italian women were suspected of being fascist sympathizers and involved in political
organizationssimplybecausetheywereItalian.InesBettiwasborninSenigallia,Italy,on7February
106
Diana,ItalianWomeninAustralia,p.74.
107
See Mrs Hession alias Mrs Nardi (Italian born, Naturalised British Subject) [13 pages; box 39]. C123/1 2159, NAA,
Sydney.
108
Translated report, no date. See Mrs Hession alias Mrs Nardi (Italian born, Naturalised British Subject) [13 pages; box
39].C123/12159,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 218
1894.SheleftschooltobecomeaschoolteacherinItalyandin1921shemarriedGaultieroVitali.In
1923, her husband left her and went to America. Four years later, Ines Betti came to Sydney with
Hamleto Agabiti, her defacto.109 During the war, Ines Betti lived at Darlinghurst, and on 1 July 1940,
was seen with the Consul General for Italy, Mr Mammalella, outside his flat at Mona Road, Darling
Point.BecauseofItalysentryintothewarandthepopularityoffascistorganizationsamongtheItalian
communitiesinNewSouthWales,theItalianGeneralConsulwasplacedundersurveillance.110
Figure 77:MissBetty
InesBettiVitali[Italian
arrivedSydneyper
CAPRERA,29Nov1927.Box
158].SP11/2Italian/Viatali
IB,NAA,Sydney.
InesBettismeetingwithMrMammalellainitiatedaninvestigationintoherownlife.Apartfromher
meetings with Mr Mammalella, there was no other evidence to imply that Ines Betti, also known as
MissBetty,wasinvolvedinanyfascistactivities.However,thereweremanywhoconsideredhertobe
109
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
110
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 219
suspicious. Two days after Miss Betty was seen with the Italian Consul General, Australian resident
GeorgeHiggletmadeaformalcomplainttoauthorities.Inhisstatement,Georgewrotethatheknew
Miss Betty from working with her at David Jones and that they lived in the same neighbourhood.
Georgestated
AboutMay1940IhadoccasiontocallherhomeinWaratahSt.toserviceherradio.Sheremarkedtome
thatshehadbeentoadoctor forthepurposeofhavinghereyestestedandgettingglasses.Shetoldme
that the doctor wanted 2.2.0 for testing her eyes and 3.3.0 for the glasses. She then went to an eye
hospitalandtoldthemthatIhadnomoneyandIwasnotworking.Shethensaidtome,theforeignfools,
111
theybelievemeandIgetthemfor2/.
George went on further to state that he overheard Miss Bettys conversation over the phone, when
sheaskedsomeonetogoovertotheItalianConsulshousetolookatawireless.Heclaimedthat
WedonotdothatclassofbusinessandIdidnotgo,butInotedthenamesandaddressesbecauseIwas
suspiciousofthiswomanandIdecidedtoreportthemattertotheauthorities.Ihaveseenthiswomanon
numerous occasions for the whole of time I have known her and she always appears to be expensively
dressedandtohavelargesumsofreadycash.
112
Fromenquiriesmadebytheauthorities,itwasascertainedthatMissBettyandHamletoAgiabatiwere
gamblers and wherever they were living they organised card games where poker was played in
exchange for money. Authorities interviewed Mr Edward Payne and his wife who resided at
RushcuttersBaywhereMissBettyresidedforsometime.MrandMrsPayneclaimedthatMissBetty
had frequent card meetings where she used to entertain, and she had suggested to them that she
wantedtostartaclubtoplaypokerintheflats.MissBettyalsotoldthemthatitwouldbeprofitable
111
StatementmadebyGeorgeHigglet,3July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;box
50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
112
StatementmadebyGeorgeHigglet,3July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;box
50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 220
forthePaynes,whichmeanttheywouldprofitatleast1anight.113Alistofthemensnamesthatshe
associatedwithwasgiventoauthoritiesalongwiththesumsofmoneythatwaspaidintoheraccount
deniedeverything.Afterall,gamblingwasillegal.
Accordingtoauthorities,duringherinterviewMissBettyappearedtobe
averyshrewdwomanandisundoubtedlyacleveractress.Atthebeginningofourfirstinterviewwithher
shespokefairlygoodEnglish,butatalaterstageshecouldseethedriftoftheinterrogationshebecame
very broken in her speech and seemed disinclined to remember facts in any detail. Although she is a
womanof46yearsofageshehastheappearanceofawomannoolderthan30,andforherpositionin
115
life,isremarkablywelldressed.
Despitehershrewdnessandcleveractingskills,itwasconcludedbyauthoritiesthroughMissBettys
admissionthatshemettheConsulfrequentlyandthatsometimeagoheaskedhertotakeaclassof
Italian children at St. Marys School on Saturdays. She stated that she taught this class for a few
Saturdays only because the children, the majority of whom were born in Australia could not
understandhertoowellonaccountofheraccent.116Nofurtheractionwastakenbyauthorities.Itcan
thereforebeassumedthatwhileauthoritieshaduncoveredsomeillegalactivities,ithadnothingtodo
withsecurityandshewasleftalone.
113
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
114
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
115
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
116
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,MPISection,6July1940.SeeVitali,InesBetti,aliasMissBettyaliasInesBetti(Italian)[18pp;
box50].C123/12467,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 221
TherewereanumberofincidentsinthefilesofItalianwomenbeingsuspectedasspies.Reflectingthe
neighbours to authorities. For example, 49 year old Antonia Pasini who lived in Balgownie, Illawara
region,andlookedafterhertwochildrenwhileherhusbandwasinterned,wassuspectedofbeinga
spy. However, when she registered as an alien at the outbreak of war, authorities wrote that she
appearstobeapersonofpooreducationandintelligenceandisunabletoreadorwriteeitherItalian
or English.117 In October 1941, a statement was made by Frank Dubois, a watchman employed at
MountKeira
hewaswalkingpastPasinishouseatnighttime,whenheheardwhathethoughtwasadogbarkingnear
thehouse,butoncloserinvestigation,heconcludedthatthenoisewasmadebyaman,whomhesawinthe
vicinityofPasinishouse.HelatersawthemangotothehouseandMrsPasinihandedhimsomepaperor
118
letter.HealsosawpowerfullightsflickeringinthewindowsofthePasinihome.
Figure78:AntoniaPasini
AntoniaPasini[ItalianarrivedSydney
perCARIGNAND,11March1926.Box
149].SP11/2Italian/PasiniA,NAA,
Sydney.
117
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,nodate.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)
[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
118
ReportmadetoInspectorFraser,21October1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 222
Another statement was made by William Organa, a storeman employed at Mount Keira mine, who
claimedthatAntoniahadfrequentvisitsfromItaliansandstrangerstothedistrict.Itwasallegedthat
Antoniawasactinglikeaspy,showingcertainsignalsfromherwindowatnight.119
Frank Dubois wife, Nellie Dubois stated to authorities that Antonia had an antiBritish attitude and
thatherhusbandFrankheardnoisesandsawpowerfullightsflickeringinthewindowsofthePasini
home.120ShewentonfurthertoclaimIamnotinapositionofmyknowledgetosayifMrsPasinihas
awirelessasIhaveneverseenitatherhomebutmychildrenhaveseenawirelessinherhomeabout
2weeksagoandtold[me]ofhavingseenit.121MrsDuboisdesiredhernametobewithheldandthe
informationtreatedasconfidential,asherchildrenhavetoassociatewithItaliansinthelocalitywhere
theyliveandalsohavetoattendschoolwiththemandsheconsidersthatsomeharmmightcometo
themifitwasfoundthatshehadgiveninformationtotheMilitaryIntelligence.122Itwasnotspecified
inAntoniasfilewhetheranyfurtheractionwasundertakenagainsther.
Conclusion
ThemajorityofItalianwomenexaminedinthisthesisarrivedinAustraliaduringthe1920sand1930s
and settled in New South Wales. Many of them were unable to read, write or speak the English
language. Already excluded from mainstream Australian society, life for these women became even
119
Report made to Inspector Fraser, 24 September 1941. See Pasini, Antonia (Italian) [Box 203]. C123/1 6860, NAA,
Sydney.
120
StatementmadebyNellieDubois,9November1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
121
StatementmadebyNellieDubois,9November1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
122
StatementmadebyNellieDubois,9November1941.SeePasini,Antonia(Italian)[Box203].C123/16860,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 223
moredifficultattheoutbreakofwar.Manyofthesewomenlivedinahostileandsuspicioussociety,
whichwasallpartofthewarhysteriathatgrippedAustraliansocietyduringthewar.Theisolationthat
Italian women experienced during the war made their lives difficult. The situation was made worse
throughtheenforcementoftheAliensControlRegulations.AsaresultofItalysentryintothewarin
June 1940, Italian women were then classified as enemy aliens. It was the intention of the Aliens
Control Regulations to have an effect on aliens and enemy aliens who were under suspicion and
consideredarisktosecurity.However,thecasestudiespresentedinthischapterclearlydemonstrate
thatmanyordinarywomenwerecaughtupinthelegislationandaffectedbythestrictAliensControl
Regulationsimposedonthemduringthewar,allbecauseoftheirItalianheritageandethnicity.
As revealed in the chapter, it also depended on where women lived within the state of New South
Wales.ItalianwomenwholivedinruralNewSouthWalesweretreatedmorelenientlythanthosein
Sydney.Thecontrastoftheunnecessaryandoverbearingintolerancethatwasexercisedintheinner
urbanareasofNewSouthWalesismarkedinthedossiers.FormanyItalianwomen,theregistration
process and weekly reporting to the Police Station proved to be an arduous task. Furthermore, it is
clear that the restrictions placed on their travel and movements and the control over prohibited
possessionsalsohadaneffectonthelivesofthesewomen.
However,theAliensControlRegulationsnotonlyhadanegativeimpactonthelivesofItalianwomen.
Japanese women and Australianborn women of Japanese descent also suffered on account of the
AliensControlRegulations.Theywerenotonlycategorizedasenemyaliensbutwereincarceratedasa
P a g e | 224
resultofJapanenteringthewarinDecember1941.Thefollowingchapterdescribestheirexperiences
ofthesewomenandhighlightstheinjusticethatwasinflicteduponthemduringthewar.
P a g e | 225
ChapterFive:
InternedasaPrecautionaryMeasure
itisracewhichcounts,andnotnationality.1
(PoliceInspectorWake,1937)
In April 2007, I discovered a file that was held at the National Archives of Australia (NAA) in Perth,
WesternAustraliathathadnotbeenexaminedsincedeposition.ItconcernedanAustralianJapanese
woman,MarieKazmieHamabata.MariewasborninPortHedland,Perth.Sheclaimedtohavehadno
recollection of her mother, but was aware that she was a Japanese woman. She did know that her
father was an Englishman called George Graham. When her father had passed away, her mother
marriedaJapaneseman,HamabataKazmie.MariewasfirsteducatedattheConventSchoolinBroome
andthenattheLadiesCollegeinLeederville.Whileshewasthere,hermotherandstepfatherdied.At
thetimeoftheSecondWorldWar,MariewassingleandworkedinafloristshopinGeraldton,near
Perth,andappearedfromthefilestohavehadaverygoodreputationamonglocalresidents.Shewas
staying at the Shamrock Hotel in Geraldton, Perth. The owner of the hotel was a Greek man Nick
Pilatis.Oneofhisneighbours,anAustralianbornMrsWrightbecamesuspiciousofhimandwroteto
authoritiesinAugust1941,reportingthatNickwouldstayupuntilthreeorfourintheeveninglistening
totheradioandthathisactionsweresuspiciousashekeptcompanywithMarie.2AfterNickpurchased
thelicenseforhishotel,authoritiesinformedhimthatMariecouldnotstayinhishotelbecauseshe
1
R. Bosworth, and R. Ugolini, et., al, War, Internment and Mass Migration: The ItaloAustralian Experience 19401990.
Roma:GruppoEditorialeInternazionale,1992,p.95.
2
Description of Marie Kazmie, 13 August 1941. See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie Kazmie and Marie Haramata) (7457)
[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Perth.
P a g e | 226
wasofJapanesedescent.Inresponse,NickboughtthefloristshopnextdoortohishotelsothatMarie
couldworkandlivethere.3
OnFriday,2January1942,withoutanynotice,MariewaschargedwithbeinginbreachofSection13
(1)oftheNationalSecurityAct1939(Cth).4ShewasinternedatthedetentionbarracksatWoodmans
Point,Perth.ManyofMariesfriends,includingNickPilatis,wereshockedbythisandwroteanumber
of letters in her support, claiming that an injustice had occurred. One of the letters on file is from
SolicitorsHardwickSlatteryandGibsonwhoreferredtoMarieasMissAmileta
WeareinstructedthatshehasnotatanytimebeeninJapan,norcanshespeakJapanese,norhasshe
displayedany interestinJapaneseaffairs. Weshouldbe gladtoknow whetherthereisanyprospectof
MissAmiletabeingreleasedfrominternment,andifshewerereleased,weareinstructedtoinformyou,
thatshewouldreturntoherformeroccupationasafloristatGeraldton.5
WhenquestionedwhetherMariewouldbereleased,anadvisorycommitteeresponded,forherown
protection,seeingthatsheisofJapaneseappearance,wesuggestthatherreleasebeconditionalon
her undertaking not to reside within one hundred miles of the coast line of Australia.6 Marie was
internedatTaturainternmentcamp,northeastofVictoria.
3
Description of Marie Kazmie, 13 August 1941. See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie Kazmie and Marie Haramata) (7457)
[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
4
TheNationalSecurityAct1939,Section13(1)statedthatanypersonwhocommittedanoffenceandwasinbreachofthe
legislationcouldbearrestedbyanyconstableorperson.SeeStatutoryRulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsduringthe
year1939.Canberra:GovernmentofAustralia,1939.
5
LetterwrittenbySolicitorsHardwick,Slattery&Gibson,8January1942.HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarie
Haramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
6
Report to the Deputy Director of Security for Victoria from Security Service in Canberra, 21 August 1942. HAMABATA
Marie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 227
Marie Kazmie is just one example of the many women living in Australia who were directly and
adversely affected by the legislation. Her story is an example of how Japanese and Australianborn
women were affected by the National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) which were
introducedattheoutbreakofwar,andtheracistsentimentsthatwereevidentinthelegislation.Inthis
particularcase,Mariewasaffectedbythemostextremewartimesecuritymeasure,Clause20ofthe
AliensControlRegulations,whichconcernedtheinternmentofenemyaliens.DuringtheSecondWorld
War, the general view by officials was that women should not to be interned. Japanese women,
however,wereexcluded.ThischapterfocusesonuniquestoriesofAustralianbornwomenofJapanese
descentfromvariouslocationsinAustraliawhohadtheirlibertydisruptedbyauthoritiestoagreater
degreethantheirGermanandItaliancounterparts.Thefocusonthesewomenconveysthat,overall,
racewasadecidingfactoronhowtheAliensControlRegulationswereapplied.
The low number of files concerning Japanese women held at the National Archives of Australia
representsthetotalpopulationofJapaneseinAustraliaduringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.
According to the 1933 census, 2,084 naturalized Japanese were living in Australia and 147 were
Australianborn women. Over thirty files concerning Japaneseborn women were examined for this
thesis.7 The lack of information on these women is because of their immediate incarceration in
December 1941 without being investigated prior to their arrest. The immediate incarceration of the
JapaneseshowsthexenophobicattitudesoftheCommonwealththatcontinuedtoexistfollowingthe
harshimmigrationpoliciesthatwereimplementedasaresultofFederation.GermanandItalianmen
7
CensusoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933.Canberra:L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,
1933,p.385.
P a g e | 228
who were rounded up during the war were supposedly interned based on intelligence that was
gathered regarding their political affiliations before the outbreak of war. On the other hand, all
Japanese men, women and children were arrested and interned immediately following the Pearl
Harbourwasattack.AmoreshockingfactwasthatAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentwere
internedwithoutanyjustification.ThischapterprovidesdetailedaccountsofAustralianbornwomen
ofJapanesedescentwhowereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations.
As Kay Saunders has suggested, the incarceration of Japanese in Australia differed greatly to the
incarceratedweremembersof,oratleastvociferouspublicsupportersof,bannedpoliticalgroupslike
theNSDAP(Nazi),fasisctorCommunistparties.8AccordingtoSaundersandHelenTaylor,therewere
three reasons why the internment of Japanese did not follow this pattern. The first was that the
commitment to Japans war activities was not openly proclaimed; secondly, the extreme national
sentiment of the Japanese would lead to acts of sabotage; and thirdly, Japanese did not assimilate,
makingnoattempttobeabsorbedintothenationallifeofthiscountryasmanyGermansandItalians
havebeen.9
Fromthestoriespresentedinthischapter,itisclearthatAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescent
were incarcerated based on three significant factors. The first factor was how Australian wartime
policy was a reflection of what was happening overseas, especially in the United States and Britain,
8
K. Saunders and H. Taylor, The Enemy Within? The Process of Internment of Enemy Aliens in Queensland 193945.
AustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory,Volume34,Issue1,1988,p.23.
9
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin?,p.23.
P a g e | 229
where those of Japanese descent were systematically incarcerated during the war. The geographical
proximity of enemy aliens was the second factor. As Saunders has suggested, the threat of invasion
seemed more imminent in the north eastern states: the vast states [Queenslands] geographical
vulnerabilitytoattackand,mostimportantly,thehighconcentrationofenemyaliensonthenortheast
coast.10Inaddition,itwasthecoastalareasofthesestatesthatwereregardedasmostunderthreat.
Accordingly, Yuriko Nagata found that these women were affected differently by the Aliens Control
Regulationsonacasebycaseadministration,dependingonthestateinwhichtheylived.11Thiswas
evidentinMarieKazmiescase,whowaseventuallyreleasedfrominternmentprovidedthatshewas
nottosettleorresideinacoastalarea.
Andthirdly,basedonevidencepresentedinthischapter,itisclearthatmanywomenwereinternedas
aresultoftheirJapaneseappearance.JohnDowersassertiononracialconflictcanbeappliedtothe
Australian attitudes towards Japan during the Second World War. Dower wrote Japans belated
emergence as a dominant power in Asiachallenged not just the western presence but the entire
mystique of white supremacism on which centuries of European and American expansion had
resisted.12 All three factors illustrate the arbitrary nature of the Aliens Control Regulations and
highlight the different ways in which the Aliens Control Regulations were applied to Australianborn
womenofJapanesedescent.
10
SaundersandTaylor,TheEnemyWithin?,p.16.
J.Beaumont,I.M.OBrien&M.Trinca,et.Al,UnderSuspicion:CitizenshipandInternmentinAustraliaduringtheSecond
WorldWar.Canberra:NationalMuseumofAustralia,2008,p.127.
12
J.Dower,WarwithoutMercy:RaceandPowerinthePacificWar.NewYork:Pantheon,1986,p.6.
P a g e | 230
Imminentthreat
December1941.However,evenintheearlytwentiethcentury,theJapanesethreatexisted.Japanwas
noticedasamodernfightingforceduringtheRussoJapaneseWar19041905andAustraliaresponded
byarguingforastrongerandseparatedefenceforceandnavy.13Thenorthwasalsocoveredbythe
presswhenJapaninvadedManchuriaintheearly1930salongwithJapansnoticeofwithdrawalfrom
theLeagueofNationsandtheterminationofnegotiationsofnavallimitationagreementsbetweenthe
majorpowers.14AustraliasimmigrationpolicieswerespecificallydirectedatJapaneseimmigrants.The
community always had that instinct to preserve a white Australian or British identity which had an
adverse affect on Japanese residents.15 Paul Jones writes that this attitude marked the anxieties of
maintaininganationalidentitydefinedasawhitenation,asthegeopoliticalframeworkoftheEmpire
increasinglycameunderstrain.16
JapanhadbeenanallyintheFirstWorldWarandbecameapotentialenemyleadinguptotheSecond
World War. Despite the fact that Japanese communities were always small before the war began,
anyone who came under suspicion of Japanese warlike activities was closely watched by the Army,
Navy,SecretServicesandPoliceforces.AccordingtoPamOliver,intelligencegatheringbecamemuch
moresophisticatedintheyearsleadinguptothewarandsomeintelligencereportswereworthyof
13
M.AucklandandP.Oliveret.al.,UnexpectedEncounters:NeglectedhistoriesbehindtheAustraliaJapanrelationship.
Melbourne:MonashUniversityPress,2007,p.xv.
14
P.JonesandP.Oliveret.al.,Changinghistories:AustraliaandJapan.Victoria:MonashUniversity,2001,p.27.
15
JonesandOliver,ChangingHistories,p.27.
16
JonesandOliver,ChangingHistories,p.27.
P a g e | 231
thelanguageofaspynovel.17ThemainthreatfromtheJapanesewasfromthenorthofAustraliaand
by 1942, the Japanese were in New Guinea and were only 50 kilometers from the southern capital,
PortMoresby.18TheCommonwealthGovernmentfelttherewastheneedtoimplementfirmsecurity
measuresagainstenemyaliens,especiallyJapaneselivinginNorthernQueensland.Japansaggression
downthechainofislandstoAustraliasnorthandthebombingofDarwininFebruary1942ledtothe
incarcerationofallJapaneseresidentslivinginAustralia,alongwithlargenumbersofItalianswhowere
internedinQueensland.AccordingtoNagata,theattackconfirmedAustraliasfearoftheyellowperil
andinflameditsantiJapaneseattitudes.19
Although it was a general rule that enemy alien women were not to be interned, all Japanese men,
women and children were nevertheless incarcerated when Japan entered the war. The internment
policyinregardtoJapanesenationalslivinginAustraliastated:
TheCommonwealthGovernmentproposestoadoptthefollowingpolicyfortheinternmentofJapanesein
AustraliaintheeventofwarwithJapan:
(a) InternmentofallJapanesemalesover16yearswithinAustraliaanditsterritories,exceptingthosewith
diplomaticorconsularprivileges.
(b) InternmentofallJapanesewomenuntiltheycanbetransferredoutofthecountry.
(c) ThenegotiationwithJapanofanexchangeofinterneesotherthanthoserequiredtobeheldfor
securityreasons.
(d) Acceptance of Japanese internees from New Caledonia if so required, as well as those from
GilbertandElliceIslandsColony,BritishSolomonIslandsProtectorateandNewHebrides.20
17
P. Oliver, Interpreting Japanese activities in Australia, 18881945. Journal of Australian War Memorial, Volume 36,
2002.
18
S.Macintyre,AConciseHistoryofAustralia.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998,p.191.
19
Y.Nagata,UnwantedAliens:JapaneseInternmentinAustralia.St.Lucia:UniversityQueenslandPress,1996,p.45.
20
J.PWeiss,Itwasntreallynecessary:InternmentinAustraliawithemphasisontheSecondWorldWar.SouthAustralia,
EdenHills:J.P.Weiss,2003,p.144.
P a g e | 232
BySeptember1943,itwasreportedbyauthoritiesthattherewereonly8Japaneseadultswhowere
notinternedonrecordinNewSouthWales,threemaleandfivefemale.AlthoughtheAliensControl
Regulations specified that children should not have been affected by the Aliens Control Regulations,
therewasnorecordofJapanesechildrenwhowerenotinterned.21
Forherownprotection
Aswehaveseen,theDeputyDirectorofSecurityforVictoriasuggestedthatMarieKazmiebeinterned
for her own protection, seeing that she is of Japanese appearance, suggesting the reason for her
internment was to protect her, and not to protect the Australian public.22 This statement alone
highlights the racist and paternalistic connotations behind the wartime security measures. Marie
Kazmie was born in Australia and should have not been affected by the legislation, but because she
lookedJapanese,Mariewasraciallycategorizedandwrongfullyinterned.
MariescasewasputforwardtotheAlienTribunalcommitteeandonthe17June1942,theadvisory
committeeneverthelessconfirmedtheoriginaldirective:
WethemembersofanAdvisoryCommitteeappointedpursuantonRegulation26oftheNationalSecurity
(General) Regulations have the honor to advise that we have heard and considered an application for
leavetomakeobjectionbyMarieKazmieHamabataagainstanordermadeforherinternmentCounsel
on behalf of the Minister tendered no evidence and directed no crossexamination to suggest that she
had shown any subversive tendencies or was other than a loyal subject of AustraliaFor her own
21
MemotoDirectorofSecurity,Canberra,2September1943Eliza.SeeGoto,ElizaHelen(Japanese[bymarriagebornin
England])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
22
MemorandumfromtheSecurityService,CanberratotheDeputyDirectorofSecurityforVictoria,21August1942.See
HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 233
protection,seeingthatsheisofJapaneseappearance,wesuggestthatherreleasebeconditionalonher
undertakingnottoresidewithinonehundredmilesofthecoastlineofAustralia.23
After a number of letters of support were sent to authorities, the injustice that had occurred was
eventually noticed by the Director General of Security John Mackay, who in July 1942, wrote to the
MinisterfortheArmy,FrancisMichaelFordewhohadcontroloverallmattersconcerninginternment
I invite your attention to the fact that there is not one word of the evidence given before the Tribunal
attached to these papers. The only reason why this woman was interned, as shown in the file, was in
accordancewithaninstructionissuedbytheArmy.24
Despite the fact that the authorities came to the realization that Marie was wrongly interned, the
injustice towards her continued. It was not until October that Attorney General Herbert Vere Evatt
revoked Maries detention order and directed that she be released. Nevertheless, Marie was
transferred away from her friends in Geraldton, sent to Victoria and was placed under a restriction
orderthatdidnotallowhertotravelwithoutpermissionfromlocalpolice.Shewasfurtherinstructed
not to associate with anyone apart from work colleagues and those she was living with; she was to
work(asatailoress)duringthedayandstayathomeintheevenings.25
EvenafterthewarhadendedinSeptember1945,Mariewasstillplacedundertherestrictionorder.As
Nagatahaspointedout,loyaltywasnoteasilyproventhroughAustralianfriendshipsandmembership
23
MemorandumfromtheSecurityService,CanberratotheDeputyDirectorofSecurityforVictoria,21August1942.See
HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
24
Copy of letter from Director General of Security John MacKay to Minister for the Army, F.M. Forde, 31 July 1942. See
HAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
25
DeclarationmadebyAttorneyGeneralHerbertVereEvatt,13October1942.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmie
andMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 234
oflocalorganisations.26TheDeputyDirectorofSecurityinMelbournestatedthatbecauseshewasof
JapaneseraceandthatbothparentswereJapaneseheoverlookedherfathersBritishnesstherewas
nointentionofrevokingtheorder.27However,MariescasewentontobeheardagaininSeptember
1945 at the Aliens Tribunal committee. She won her appeal and it was determined by the Director
GeneralforSecurityinWesternAustraliathatthesolereasonfortheinternmentofMarieKazmiewas
thefactthatshewasbelievedtobeofJapaneserace.28Itwasorderedthathercasebereviewed.29On
4 October 1945, restriction orders were finally revoked. Marie remained in Melbourne where,
according to authorities, she was working as a tailoress in a leading Melbourne shop and was quite
happytoremainthere.30
ThedaytheJapswereinterned
Oneofthemainpurposesofimplementingthelegislationwasasameanstocontrolaliensandenemy
aliens.Therewasagenuineandjustifiedfearofinvasion.AustralianbornAnneMargaretIwanagalived
withherparentsinCairns,NorthernQueensland,wheresheranherownlaundrybusiness.Annealso
26
Beaumontet.al,Undersuspicion,p.134.
27
MemorandumfromDeputyDirectorofSecurity,WesternAustraliatoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,Victoria,18September
1945.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,
NAA,Perth.
28
Copy of letter from Deputy Director of Security, Western Australia to the Deputy of Director of Security, Melbourne,
Victoria,18September1945.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].
K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
29
Copy of letter from Deputy Director of Security, Western Australia to the Deputy of Director of Security, Melbourne,
Victoria,18September1945.SeeHAMABATAMarie(akaMarieKazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].
K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
30
Declaration made by Director General of Security, W.B. Simpson, 4 October 1945. See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie
KazmieandMarieHaramata)(7457)[Japaneseinternee].K1171/HAMABATAM,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 235
fellvictimofthemostextrememeasureoftheAliensControlRegulations.OnDecember8,1941,the
daytheJapswereinterned,TokitaroandOtsuneIwanagaandtheirdaughterAnnewerearrestedand
takentotheCairnswatchhouse.ItwasatthistimethatthetwentythreeyearoldAnne,whowasborn
at Kairi, Queensland, first learned that she had been legally adopted on 31 October 1918 by her
Japaneseparents.31
AnneexplainedtoNagatahowshereactedtothenewsofheradoptiononthedayofherarrest:
Thatmorningwhenthewarbrokeout,policecametothehouseandwentthrougheverythingandtookus
tothepolicestation.Duringthetimewewerethere,Dadwentoutoftheofficeandcameback.Hesaid,
YourenotJapanese.Dadshowedmemybirthcertificate.IwasallowedtogohomeItwasmorethana
shockThenextdayallJapanesewereputonatrain.Theydidntknowwheretheyweregoing.Mumand
Dadthoughttheywerebeingtakenawayalltobeshot.32
Hence, authorities discovered that Annes biological parents were of Chinese extraction. Annes
biological father, Charlie Lee Yan, had been born in Canton, China and her mother Maggie, (nee Lin
Ding), had been born at Charters Towers, Queensland. Her grandmother was Scottish and her
grandfatherChinese.AnnesadoptedparentsownedalaundrybusinessinCairnsandaftertheywere
interned,Annetookoverthebusiness.33Accordingtoauthorities,Annewaswellknowntomembers
ofthePoliceForcehereandsheisalsoverywellandfavourablyknowntothepublicofCairnsthrough
business.34 In 1938, Anne accompanied the ladies hockey team from Queensland to Sydney as
31
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941 See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
32
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.67.
33
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
34
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 236
Secretary of the team. A memorandum from a work colleague commented that there was no
complaint regarding her conduct. She was described as extremely well dressed and appeared to be
welloff.35Shereceivedaconsiderablenumberoflettersandtelephonecalls.Thememorandumdid
however,suggestsomebasisforconcernregardingAnnessociallife:Shedidnotmixwiththeother
guests,butitwasnoticedthathercompanywassoughtbymen,particularlymembersoftheArmyand
AirForce.36Accordingly,theonlycomplaintmadeagainstAnnewasthatsheconsortedwithmembers
of the Army and Air Force. Anne was apparently perceived to be a security risk, or perhaps was
suspectedofespionage.AmericantroopswerebasedinmanyareasofnorthernQueensland,including
Cairnsbymid1942.37
AnnesparentswerereportedlyinterestedinthelocalJapaneseSocietyandAnnewasmadesecretary
ofthesociety.AuthoritiesinCairns,consequentlywrotetotheNorthernCommandinTownsville,on
16December1941,thatAnnieisdefinitelyaJapanesesympathiser,sheconductedallbusinessaffairs
andbankingsfortheagedJapsofCairnsItissuggestedthatalthoughAnneisonlyyoung,shewould
35
Memorandum from Sergeant to Inspector of Police in Cairns, 9 December 1941. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
36
Memorandum regarding letter from Railway Laundry (where she used to work) from Miss A Isanaga, to Sydney, C.B.
Chambers, Pitt St concerning Anne Iwanaga, 2 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
37
It is well known that relationships between Australian women and American servicemen were disapproved of by the
Australian public. There were tensions that existed between Australian and American soldiers over women. As Marrilyn
Lake describes, the obvious preference of many women for the company of Yanks left Australian men feeling sexually
impotent.[M.Lake,TheDesireforaYank:SexualRelationsbetweenAustralianWomenandAmericanServicemenduring
WorldWarII.JournaloftheHistoryofSexuality,Volume2,Issue4,1992,pp.621633].
P a g e | 237
definitely help the enemy in case of an invasion.38 It was concluded that due to the evidence given
aboveandtheabovestatementsmadebythosewhoconsideredAnnetobesuspicious,therewas
concrete evidence that her sentiments are pro Japanese, and[authorities were] of the opinion she is
definitelyanagentfortheJapaneseinvasion.TheotherChineseintheCairnsdistrictwillhavenothingtodo
withIWANAGA.Thisaloneissuspicious.Irespectfullysuggestthatshebeinterned,assheisdangerousto
beatlargeandshewouldnothesitatetohelptheJaps.
39
Suspicious neighbours also told authorities that she was holding parties at night where Australians
werenotwelcome.ItwouldbebetterforAnnetobeundersafecustody.40
Almost four months later, authorities noted that Anne arranged accommodation and car hire as she
hadplannedtovisitherparentsinVictoria.Shesawherparentseverydayfrom7to10April.Annewas
unfavourably regarded by the Camp Commandant during her visit to the internment Camp so
consequently, all correspondence was intercepted by a censor.41 As soon as she returned to Cairns,
authoritiesconductedasearchwarrantonAnnespremiseson20April1942.Nothingwasfound,but
shewasneverthelessarrestedon3May1942,detainedatCairnsandnextdaymovedtoGaythorne
Internmentcamp.42
38
CaptainoftheI.O.CairnstotheNorthernCommandinTownsville,16December1941.SeeIwanga,AnneQueensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
39
CaptainoftheI.O.CairnstotheNorthernCommandinTownsville,16December1941.SeeIwanga,AnneQueensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
40
CaptainoftheI.O.CairnstotheNorthernCommand,31January1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcase
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
41
MemorandumfromConstableErnestO.RedfordtoDetectiveSubInspectorBirch,CIB,30April1942.SeeIwanga,Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
42
Memorandum from Constable to Cairns Station, 4 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 238
Whileinterned,Annewroteanumberofletterstoherparentsandfriends.Inoneofthoseletters,she
commented I regularly wrote to my parents who had been interned at the internment camp in
Victoria.Isntitnaturalthatweworryaboutourparents?...Thepolicecametoarrestmeandsaidthat
mysympathieswereJapanese.43Annesinternmentalsohadanimpactonherrelationshipwithher
fianc Australianborn Vivien Williams. Not much is known of Vivien, except that in her letters Anne
indicatedshewasengagedtohimandbecauseofherinternment,shefeltashamedtospeaktohim.In
alettertoherfriendJoanFoulisinCairns,AnnereferstoVivienasLarry:
As soon as this reaches you, will you please wire Mum? Put Mothers Day Greetings, to wish you best of
luck,healthandhappiness.Love,Anne.IforgottotellyoubeforeIleft..Iwillneverforgethowgood
youveallbeen.Especiallyyou&yourmother.ItisgoodofhertotakemythingshomeIsupposeyouwill
hear from Larry. I wonder how he will take it. You know I asked him to forget me dont you. Poor kid.
Something always crops up to spoil our happiness. Give me news of him whenever you get. Whether its
goodorbad.Hellhavetoforgetme,cosIwontwrite.Icouldntgotohimafterthis.
44
ShealsomentionedhiminanotherlettertoherfriendBettyKimmins:ImgladViv&Ihadafewhappy
weekstogetheranywayafter8longmonthsofseparation.45JoanrepliedtoAnne,writingthatshetold
allofAnnesfriendswhathadhappenedtoher,especiallyVivien.JoanrepliedItoldhimthathehad
betterwatchhisstepsandalsohowyoufeltAnne,buthavehadnoreplyforamonth,andinhislast
letterhesaidthatyoumeanteverythingtohimandnomatterwhathadhappenedhewouldntalter
anyoftheplansyoumadewhenyoulastsawhim.46
43
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.87.
44
FromAnneIwanagatofriendJoanFoulisinCairns,6May1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
45
FromAnneIwanagatofriendBettyKimmins,Brisbane,29May1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcase
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
46
CopyofletterwrittenbyJoanFoulistoAnneIwanaga,4June1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcase
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 239
Inalettertohersolicitor,Anneemphasizedthefactthatshedidnotwantherparentstoknowofher
internment:
I do hope you can do something for me Mr Dann for it will just kill Mum and Dad if they know what has
happened.Ifittakestoolong,Imightasktobesenttothem,forifthey[Authorities]donotwritetothemto
tellthemofmyinternment.Thatwouldbetoohardforthem.IfIwasabletoexplaintothempersonally&say
thecaseisinyourhands,itwouldnotbesohard.
47
AnneslettertoReverendH.Norton,oftheCairnsChurchofEngland,expressesbewildermentatbeing
interned:
As youmust know it was bad enough whenMum & Dadweretaken from me& to be told then of my
adoption,&thenaftermonthsofhardwork&sufferingtotrytokeepthebusinesstogethersothatMum
&Dadwouldhavesomethingtocomebackto,thiscomestomeTheygivenoreasonformyinternment.
Iveneverbeenoutmuchowingtotheshop,&Icertainlyhavenotsaidanythingwrong.Ivealwaystried
tobegood&fairtoeveryone,soIdontthinkanyoneshouldwishtodothistomeforspite.
48
Nevertheless,authoritiesconcludedinaconfidentialdocumentwritteninthatsamemonth:
It is suggested that although Annie Iwanaga is young she would definitely help the enemy in case of an
invasionAnnieIwanagassentimentsareproJapaneseandIamoftheopinionsheisdefinitelyanagentfor
the Japanese should they arrive in this country and threaten us with invasionI.O. Cairns recommends
internment.49
It is important to note that the document illustrates the similarity of expressions contained in
memorandums written by the Captain of the I.O. Cairns. Despite the fact that she was a British
subject,authoritiesconcludedthatshewasworkingasanagentandrecommendedherinternment.
47
From Annie to Solicitor, Mr E. Dann, 6 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
48
From Anne Iwanaga to Reverand H. Norton, Church of England, Lake St., Cairns, 8 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
49
Copy of Hearing of Objection, Brisbane, 21 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 240
InlateMay1942,AnneaskedauthoritieswhethershecouldmoveinwithherparentsatTaturacamp
whiletheresultsofherhearingwerepending.Annesthoughtsonthetribunalhearingwereexpressed
inalettertohersolicitor:
Mycasewasoverinabout10minutes&myinmateshereseemtothinkthisagoodsign.Idohopetheyare
right.Iamafraidtohope,forfearIshallbedisappointed.Thankyouagainforthegoodworkyouhavedone.
Idoappreciateitverymuch.
50
ShewrotetoherCampCommandant:
WoulditspoilmychancesforreleaseifIshouldasktobesentdowntothemwhileIamwaitingonresultof
myappeal.IftheresultofappealcouldbeavailablewithinaweekortwoIwouldbecontenttowaithere,but
ifthereplyisgoingtotakeweeksandweeks,ormonthsandmonths,IwouldprefertowaitwithMum&Dad,
ifthiswouldbepermittedIamwillingtopaytheexpensesofthetrip.51
Anneknewhoweverthatifreleased,shewouldnotbereturningtoherhomeinCairns.Shewroteto
Joanthechargeagainstmeisuntrue,butwhethertheArmybelievesmeisanothermatterBythe
way,IthinkthatIshallnotbepermittedtoreturntoNthQld[northQueensland]fortheduration,
shouldIbefortunateenoughtobereleased.52
AnnewashopefulthatshewouldreunitewithherparentsandwrotetotheCampCommandant:
OnceagainImustaskyouforassistance.Iamwritingtomyparentsofmyinternment,&Iwouldbevery
grateful if you would kindly explain the letter to them, for Dad might not understand that there is yet a
chanceformyrelease.PleasetellthemnottoworryasIamhappyhere,&iftheygetsickworryingovermy
detainment,itwouldmakeunhappy.IfIlosemyappeal,IllprobablybesenttoCamp.4,&thenmyparents
50
FromAnneIwanagatoSolicitorMrE.DannCairns,2June1942.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
51
Letter from Annie to Camp Commandant, 24 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
52
From Annie to Friend Joan Foulis, Cairns, 22 May 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 241
&Iwillbetogether,sotellthemnottoworry,foritmaybebetterforthe3ofusthatway.Iknitted2pairs
ofstockingsforMum&amsendingthembythismail,pleaseseethatshereceivesthemsafely.
53
Anneeventuallywrotetoherparentson9June1942:
You will notice that I too am interned, but I do not want you to worry for I have had an appeal, & several
CairnspeopleincludingtheChurchofEnglandminister&myschoolteachertohelpme,sowecantdoany
morenow,onlywaitpatientlyforwordfromtheArmy,astowhetherIamtobereleasedorkeptin.Aftermy
casehadbeenheard,Iaskedtobesentdowntoyou,butitappearsthatImustwaithereuntilwehearfrom
theArmy.
54
Onthe22JuneAnnesappealwasrejectedagainandshewasorderedtoremainatGaythorneCamp,
whichshedidforafurthertenmonths.
Annes case exemplifies Johann Peter Weiss observation that the problem with tribunal hearings is
thattheproofofinnocencewasontheaccused,who,inthemajorityofcasesdidntknowwhathe[or
she]wasaccusedof.55Whilelockedaway,Annereceiveddevastatingnewsthaton19October1942,
her laundry business had been subject to arson and all valuables were destroyed in the fire. Her
distresswasexacerbatedwhenshefoundoutthatshewasnolongerinsuredbecauseherinternment
interruptedhermail.ThebuildinghadbeeninsuredwithQueenslandInsuranceCo.Ltd.,CairnsBranch
fortheprevioussixyears,andthepolicyhadexpiredjusttwelvedaysbeforethearsonattack.Anne
argued that it was common practice for the company to provide an interim cover note for about a
month.Asauthoritiesrecordedit,Annewantstoknowcouldenquiriesbemadeonherbehalfasto
53
From Anne Iwanaga to The Camp Commandant, 9 June 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
54
From Anne Iwanaga to her parents, 9 June 1942. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case file.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
55
Weiss,Itwasntreallynecessary,p.296.
P a g e | 242
whethertheCompanyispreparedtoacknowledgeanyliabilityinthecircumstanceandshefeelsthat
sheisindangerofsufferinganinjusticeinconsequenceofherinternment.56
Inthemeantime,Annerequestedanothertribunalhearingorreviewoftheappeal.Inherstatement,
sheexplainedthatshecannotcommunicatewithotherJapanesebecausetheonlyJapaneseshecan
speak is a pidjin Japanese understood only by close friends and her parents, and that not many
JapaneseinCairnsspeakEnglish.Moreover,shecannotfittotheirways:
Ifindthisalsotobeverydepressing.Iamnow24yearsofage,physicallyhealthyandmentallynormaland
priortomyinternment,hadhopedtobeshortlymarried.Inmymomentsofsolitude,andespeciallywhen
depressed (which is often) feel upset, because, by internment, I am prevented from being married whilst
young...EvenmyfiancisawhiteAustralian,showingmydesireistodefinitelyresideinthelandofmybirth
andremainloyaltotheBritishEmpireasallAustraliansshouldbe.
57
Annes Tribunal Hearing was held on 29 March 1943. Pam Oliver has written that Japanese appeals
againstinternmentillustratethediversityofsituationsfacedbyJapanesepeoplewhopreviouslyhad
beenacceptedasgoodcitizens.58ThiscanbeappliedtoAnneshearing,wherethetranscriptsreveal
aconvergenceofmixedsentiments,informaldefinitionsofwhocouldbeconsideredAustralianand
the criteria by which this was judged, defined national characteristics based on racial theory, and
expressions of the difficult nature of the security situation.59 Lieutenant Bateman revealed to the
AdvisoryCommitteeattheTribunalHearingthatoneofreasonsforherinternmentwasbecauseAnne
56
Memorandum from Captain to Deputy Director of Security for Queensland, 12 January 1943. See Iwanga, Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
57
Letter written by Anne Iwanaga to Commandant, 17 January 1943. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland investigation case
file.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
58
Beaumontet.al,Undersuspicion,p.137.
59
Beaumontet.al,Undersuspicion,p.138.
P a g e | 243
believed herself to be of Japanese descent up to the time of her internment.60 After reading the
transcripts, After reading the transcripts, it appears to me that authorities interpreted Annes
testimonytocreatetheimpressionthatAnnewasadisloyalBritishsubject.LieutenantBatemanasked
Anne:youhavenogreatobjectiontotheJapanese?AnnerespondedWhyshouldIhave.Thenext
questionsfollowedinanalmostrepetitivemanner:
Theyhavenotdoneanyharmtoyou,havethey?Onlyjustbybeinginterned.Mymotherandfatherare
Japanese.
ThatistheonlythingthatyouhavesaidabouttheJapanese,isnotit?Yes.
Youhavenoobjectiontotheminvadingthiscountryandtryingtogetitiftheycan?Iwouldnotlikethat.
Doyounotthinkthattheyareveryovercrowded,theJapanese,andthattheyareentitledtosomefurther
landstoputtheirpeoplein?Whatisthat?
YouknowthatJapanisaveryovercrowdedcountry.Youhaveheardthat,haveyounot?Yes.
And dont you think that they are entitled to some of those islands up north to put some of their ever
increasingpopulationin?Thathasnothingtodowithme.
Iftheycangetanyoftheseislands,youarenotgreatlyconcerned?Iwouldnotlikethemtodoanythingto
Australiabecausewehavealotofourinterestshere.61
Thesecondappealwasmoresuccessful.InApril1943,Annewasfinallyreleased,althoughsubjecttoa
restrictionorder.RestrictionsimposedonherincludedthatshewastoresideintheareaofTropicof
Capricorn and cannot leave without permission; report to the nearest police on arrival and every
engageinanysubversiveactivitiesorvoiceopinionthatwouldoffendloyalcitizens.62Itwasconcluded
bytheDirectorGeneralofSecurityinCanberrathatIfMissIwanagaisnotaJapanesethentheredoes
not appear to be any reason why she should not be released under restrictions. You might state
60
CopyofAnneIwanagasAliensTribunalHearing,29March1943.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
61
CopyofAnneIwanagasAliensTribunalHearing,29March1943.SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.
BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
62
Memorandum from Deputy Director of Security, Brisbane, to Director General of Security, Canberra, 8 April 1943. See
Iwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 244
whether this course of action is concurred in by you. If so, particulars of the restrictions you
recommendshouldbeincludedinyourreport.63ProvinghercommitmenttoAustraliawasalsomet
withobstacles.DespitethefactthatshewasinternedbytheCommonwealth,hadlostcontactwithher
fianc Vivien and had lost all her possessions in the arson attack while interned, Anne expressed
interest in joining the Australian Womens Auxiliary Services (AWAS) or the Womens Auxiliary Air
Force(WAAAFS).64However,becauseoftherestrictionorderthatwasplacedonher,herrequestwas
denied.
On 25 March 1944, the restrictions on Anne were revoked as a result of her marriage to a British
subject, Alan Charles Yeo. Alan was born in Nelmorn, New South Wales and was a Sergeant in the
Australian Military Forces (AMF) stationed at Grovely Camp, Brisbane. Anne was scared to visit her
parentsincaseofreinternmentsosheaskedforpermissiontovisitthem.65Beforehermarriage,Anne
enquiredaboutherpropertythatshehadlostwhileinterned
Shortly before I was sent here from Gaythorne, my friends in Cairns, with whom I left my belongings,
informedmethatamanfromtheMilitaryIntelligencehadcalledtoinspectmybelongingsandhadtaken
Japanese English Dictionaries saying they would be useful to him, also a battery set which was used for
massaging, and left no receiptWhen my parents were Interned 12 months ago, several of their trinkets
andpaperswereseizedbytheCairnsPolice.
66
63
LetterfromDirectorGeneralofSecurity,CanberratotheDeputyDirectorofSecurity,Brisbane,8April1943.SeeIwanga,
AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
64
MemorandumfromDistrictSecurityOfficer,BrisbanetoDeputyDirectorofSecurityService,Brisbane,2June1943.See
Iwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
65
Anne Iwanaga wrote letter to Deputy Director of Security in Brisbane, 10 December 1943. See Iwanga, Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
66
Letter from Annie to The Commandant, Camp 4, Tatura, 16 December 1943. See Iwanga, Anne Queensland
investigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 245
ItisunknownwhetherAnnewasgivenaresponse.AfterthewarhadendedinNovember1945,the
made for Australianborn women of Japanese descent, those married to an Australian, and those
medicallyunfittotravel.Annesparentsdidnotfitintoeitherofthesecategoriesandweretherefore
repatriated.Authoritieshavenoteditwashighlylikelythattheyweredeportedagainsttheirwill.
InFebruary1946,AnnesoughtpermissionforherparentstoreturntoliveinAustralia.Theoutcomeof
herrequestisnotclearfromherfiles,however,theDirectorofSecurityinCanberrastatedthatItisa
matter of Government policy whether deported enemy aliens should be permitted to return to
Australia so soon after deportation.68 Nagatas research shows that by August 1951, the
Commonwealth Government decided to allow the return of former Japanese residents to Australia.
Annesparents,whowerenowagedintheirearly70s,returnedin1953andwerereunitedwiththeir
daughter.WhileinJapan,theyworkedfortheOccupationalforcesasacookandahousemaid.Anne
regularlysentfoodparcelsandworkedfortheirreturntoAustralia.69
67
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.193.
68
LetterfromDirectorofSecurity,CanberratoDeputyDirectorofSecurityinBrisbane,19March1947.SeeIwanga,Anne
Queenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
69
Nagata,UnwantedAliens,p.237.
P a g e | 246
Figure79: AnneIwanagasparentsTokitaro
andOtsuneIwanagaupontheirreturnto
Australiain1952afterbeingdeportedjust
aftertheSecondWorldWar.
JapaneseMigrantat73.TheAdvertiser,18
December1952,p.1.
P a g e | 247
The fact that Japanese in Australia were deported after the war had ended shows the strength of
xenophobic policies that have existed in Australia since Federation. Similar to Marie Kazmies story,
Annes case raises the question of citizenship status in Australia during the early twentieth century.
Both Marie and Anne were British subjects under the Nationality Act 1920, however, this was
disregardedandasaresult,theircivillibertieswereignored.
TheUnfortunateStoryofMaryEllenor(Lena)Matsumoto
The effects of discrimination that were brought on by the White Australia policy were not only
experienced by those of Asian descent living in Australia during early twentieth century. Aborigines
were treated as nonBritish subjects and did not even receive the same entitlements as the white
woman.70 Mary Ellenor Matsumoto nee Corpus (also known as Lena), was, according to the Deputy
DirectorofSecurityinWesternAustralia,anaturalbornBritishsubject(Aborigine),wifeofaJapanese
alien but reverted to British nationality.71 This meant that Lena was not only affected by the Aliens
ControlRegulationsbecauseofhermarriagetoaJapanesealien,butalsofellvictimtothetreatment
thatAborigineshadreceivedasaresultoftheWhiteAustraliaPolicyintroducedduringFederation.
The concern surrounding Lenas case was because of the preconceived attitudes held by authorities
during the early twentieth century. Authorities relied upon a report written by the Commissioner of
Native Affairs, F.I Bray. The report was written before Lena was institutionalized and highlighted
70
N.Jones,Number 2 Home:AStoryof JapanesePioneers inAustralia. Fremantle: FremantleArtsCentrePress, 2002, p.
158.
71
Copy of Memorandum from Deputy Director of Security in Western Australia to the Director general of Security in
Canberra, 30 May 1945. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka
MaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 248
concern with Lenas association with Asiatics and natives, including her relationship with Kakio
Matsumoto.Intheearly1930s,itwasdiscoveredbyauthoritiesthatLenaresidedwithKakioinDarwin.
InMarch1938,KakiowaschargedwithhavingunlawfullycohabitedwithLenabeforetheirmarriage
on29June1938.BrayexpressedhisdismayatthemarriageinareportwrittentotheDeputyDirector
ofSecurityinPerthinJuly1943:
Suchmarriagesareunwiseforsocialandnationalreasons,butevidentlysimilarstrongviewswerenotheld
at Darwin, becausethe Japanese was allowed to marry this native woman. Now we are faced with the
aftermath.ItisaveryinconvenientonetotheSecurityAuthoritiesandsinceIhavenoplaceintheSouthern
areasof Western Australia for the detention of this woman,Ican only expressmyregretat the unhappy
circumstancesandtrustsomesuitableagreementwillbemadeforthecareofthewomanandherchildren
intheEasternStates.72
Lenas mother, Maria Emma Ngobing was an Aborigine and her father, Sibero Corpus was Filipino.73
Lenahadthreechildrenagedfromsixyearsoldtoelevenmonthswhenherhusbandwasarrestedand
interned in December 1941. Lena chose to be interned with her husband in Victoria for 12 months
where Lena gave birth to their fourth child, Tatsuro Matsumoto. Five months later, Kakio was
reclassifiedasaPrisonerofWar(POW).APOWwasanenemyalientransferredfromoverseas[or]
capturedinwarzones.74Itappearsthatauthoritieswerekeentoapplyhighsecuritymeasuresagainst
Kakio, who consequently, was sent to Hay internment camp in New South Wales, which meant that
72
ReportfromCommissionerofNativeAffairsoftheDepartmentofNativeAffairs,F.IBraywrittentotheDeputyDirector
ofSecurityinPerthinJuly1943.SeeMATSUMOTONakio[Kakio]andElina[Elener]Mary(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee]
[akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
73
Jones,Number2Home,p.159.
74
Wartimeinternee,alienandPOWrecordsheldinPerthFactSheet180.DateUnknown.
[http://naa.gov.au/collection/factsheets/fs180.aspx]Accessed:25March2012.
P a g e | 249
Lena and her children endured the separation from her husband and their father.75 Lenas mental
healthstartedtodeteriorateandauthoritiesrecommendedthatshebeinternedwithherhusband:
a North West native, Mrs Matsumoto would be an unwelcome guest among the Southern natives and her
mental condition would probably deteriorate as a result...it is thought that the most satisfactory solution
wouldbetorevertthehusbandtointerneestatus...andreturnhimtoTatura.Hewouldthenbeabletolook
afterhisfamily,andhispresenceattheCampwouldnodoubthaveabeneficialinfluenceonhiswife.
76
TheissueofwhereLenabelongedbecamedifficultforauthorities.DirectorGeneralofSecurity,W.B.
Simpsonwrote:
Thisunfortunatewomanhastobesomebodysproblemandcouldnotberemovedtoamentalinstitution
unlesssheisconfirmedinsane.ThesuggestionbytheDeputyDirectorofSecurityforWesternAustraliathat
the husband be released cannot be considered on account of his security risk and I have no intention of
returning Mrs Matsumoto and her children to an internment camp as no good purpose would be served
thereby. The status of the husband could not be changed from prisoner of war to an internee just as a
matterofconvenience.77
Lenas father Sibero Corpus was eighty four years old living at Derby, Western Australia and was
deemeddestituteandenfeebledincapableoflookingafterher.78Lenasmotherandothermembers
ofherfamilywerelivingattheBeagleBaymissionnearBroome.However,thesuperintendantofthe
missionrefusedtoadmitLenagivenherhistoryofconsortingwithaJapanesemanandmentalhealth.
AuthoritiesalsonotedthattheonlyothernativesettlementsareintheSouth. TheCommissionerof
75
Jones,Number2Home,p.179.
76
Jones,Number2Home,pp.180and181.
77
Memorandum written by Director General of Security W. B. Simpson to Deputy Director of Security in Perth, Western
Australia, 25 May 1944. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka
MaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
78
MemorandumwrittenbyDeputyDirectorofSecurityinPerth,WesternAustraliatoDirectorGeneralforSecurity,19May
1944. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka Mary Ellenor Lena
CORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 250
tribalreasons.79
Mary was not allowed to return to the Broome area because she was considered a menace to the
safety of Australia and the Deputy Director of Security, S. Masel, reported that it was illegal to
transportanativepersonfromNorthofthe20thparallelofSouthlatitude,duetoleprosyreasons.80
Lena and her children were eventually accepted at the Aboriginal station called the Roman Catholic
MissionatBalaklavainSouthAustralia.
In May 1944, it was reported by the medicalofficer thatLenas mental health was deteriorating and
thatshehadmistreatedoneofherchildren.Itwassuggestedthatherattitudetoauthorityandtoher
coevacuees is so disturbing that it endangers the reasonable peace and happiness of other half
castes.81 The Director General of Security in Canberra, W. B. Simpson, wrote that a medical officer
declared her insane and as a result, Mary was escorted to Parkside mental hospital near Adelaide in
September1944.HerchildrenweresenttoaconventcalledtheSacredHeartatCarrieton,200miles
northofAdelaide.82Ashortfilmwasproducedbyherdescendentsthatshowedauthoritiesinforming
79
Copy of Deputy Director of Security, S. Masel, 19 May 1944. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary
(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee][akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
80
Jones,Number2Home,p.181.
81
CopyofletterfromK.McEwintoW.M.McCoyEsq,6May1944.SeeMATSUMOTONakio[Kakio]andElina[Elener]Mary
(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee][akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
82
Jones,Number2Home,p.184.SeealsoHalfcastesN.T.toBalaklavaSouthAustralia.NAA,DarwinOffice,SeriesE659,
File1945/2493.Date:2005.[http://mc2.vicnet.net.au/home/pmackett/balklava2.html]Accessed5November2008.
P a g e | 251
the character of Kakio that his wife was taken to a mental institution and his children placed in a
convent.83
TheinvestigationdossierthatconcernsLenaandKakioMatsumotoisheldattheNAAinAdelaideand
manydocumentswithinthedossierwereexpungedtothepublic.84Thefiledoes,however,providean
insightintothewayLenascasewasinappropriatelydealtwithbyofficialdom.Italsoshowsthatonce
Kakio was released from internment in October 1946, over one year after the war had ended, Kakio
requestedfundstoassisthiminhisplighttoreunitewithhisfamily.InaletteraddressedtotheDeputy
DirectorofSecurityinSouthAustralia,Kakiowrote:
ThereasonformyaddressingyouistoaskifyoucouldarrangeformywifesfarefromAdelaidetoBroome
tobepaidbytheAuthorities,please.Iampennilessandcannotfindthemoney.
Mywifehasbeen[expunged],Adelaidesince19.9.44...andnowthereisanopportunityforhertogoandlive
with her sister and be looked after permanently. The question of accompanying her on the journey is
facilitatedbecause,theKanegaefamily,atpresentinternedherearepassingthroughAdelaideintimetocatch
KoolindasailingfromFremantleonAugust16andtheycouldpickherupontheway.
85
The bombing of Darwin in February 1942 scarred Australian residents living in the northern parts of
Australia, therefore, due to the potential public dismay that may have followed from the return of
Japanese to Broome, Kakios request was denied. However, the Director General of Security in
CanberrawrotetotheauthoritiesinMelbourne,Victoriathattherewouldinanycasebenoobjection
83
FilmdirectedbyS.Usami,KakiosStory.ShingoUsami/Metroscreen,2004.
84
ThisfileisexpungedunderSection33(1)(g)oftheArchivesAct,withholdinginformationfromthepublicwhichwould
involvetheunreasonabldisclosureofinformationrelatingtothepersonalaffairsofanyperson(incluingadeceased
person.[SeeMATSUMOTONakio[Kakio]andElina[Elener]Mary(wife)(8765)[Japaneseinternee][akaMaryEllenorLena
CORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth].
85
Copy of letter from Kakio Matsumoto to the Deputy Director of Security in South Australia, 18 July 1947. See
MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka Mary Ellenor Lena CORPUS].
K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
P a g e | 252
tohiswifeandfamilybeingenabledtojoinhimenroutetowhereverhemayberelocatedandfaresfor
the family provided accordingly.86 Kakio and his family were eventually reunited in 1948.87 It was
publishedintheDailyNewsthatKakiowastheLastJapreleasedfrominternment.Despitemanyyears
ofincarcerationandseparationfromhisfamily,KakiocontinuedtoexpresshisadmirationforAustralia.
HewasquotedassayingthatAustraliabestcountry.NofriendnothinginJapan.Japanfinish30years
ago.88ItwasclearthatLenaMatsumotoandherfamilyhadfallenvictimtothebureaucraticsystem
thathadfailedmanyindigenous/Asianwomen.
Figure80:MaryEllenor(Lena)
Matsumoto.
FilmdirectedbyS.Usami,Kakios
Story.ShingoUsami/Metroscreen,
2004.
86
CopyofmemorandumwrittenbytheDirectorGeneral of SecurityinCanberraandsenttoDepartmentoftheArmy in
Melbourne Victoria, 10 April 1947. See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese
internee][akaMaryEllenorLenaCORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
87
FilmdirectedbyS.Usami,KakiosStory.ShingoUsami/Metroscreen,2004.
88
LastJapReleased.TheDailyNews,20May1948,p.7.
P a g e | 253
TheYellowPeril
ThefollowingcasestudiesshowhowtheAliensControlRegulationsaffectedAustralianbornwomenof
Japanesedescentinadverseways.SimilartotheplightofAustralianbornwomenmarriedtoItalians
examined in Chapter Seven, many Australianborn women of Japanese descent were unaware that
they were required to register as enemy aliens. Some were also suspected of being involved in
espionagebecauseofassociatingwithotherJapanesenationals.Moreimportantly,casestudiesshow
howtheAliensControlRegulationsimpactedtheirlivessociallyandeconomically.
BorninMackay,locatedontheeasterncoastofQueenslandandmarriedtoJapanesenationalAnashia
YakitichiShimamurawasunawarethatshehadlostherBritishstatusasaresultofhermarriageand
wasunawarethatshewasrequiredtoregisterasanenemyalienduringthewar.Itwasreportedby
authorities that her husband Yakitichi had deserted her nine years prior, however, she was now
residingwithanotherJapanesenationalSenjiroFujimura,apioneerinBrandon.89Itwasreportedbya
police officer that because she was born in Mackay, 'she considered that she was not compelled to
register as an alien. I pointed out to her that she was lawfully married to an alien of Japanese
nationality...Onbeinginformedofthecircumstancesshestatedthatshewassorryfornotcompleting
[the]Application'.90Despiteherapology,policearrestedAnashiaandfourotherJapaneseonMonday8
December1941,onedayaftertheattackonPearlHarbour.
89
ReportmadebyAliensRegistrationBureautoTownsvilledistrict,2January1942.SeeShimamura,AnashiaNationality:
Japanese/Australian[nofurtherinformation].BP25/1/SHIMAMURAAJAPANESE/AUST,NAA,Brisbane.
90
ReportmadebyAliensRegistrationBureautoTownsvilledistrict,2January1942.SeeShimamura,AnashiaNationality:
Japanese/Australian[nofurtherinformation].BP25/1/SHIMAMURAAJAPANESE/AUST,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 254
HildaLotteLipscombe,alsoknownasLotus,wasanAustralianbornwomanofJapanesedescentwho
wasfortunatetohavenotbeeninterned.HerhusbandAlfredLipscombe,aBritishsubject,was
employedbyLudowici'sTanners,LaneCoveandreturnedhomeonweekends.Therewas,however,
suspicionthatarosethroughthelocalcommunitythatLotuswasnotloyaltotheBritishEmpire.In
February1941,ananonymousletterwasreceivedbyauthorities
AJapanesewomannamedLotusLipscombe...maypossiblybedangerous.Shemaybeunderthedomination
ofherJapanesefather,whosename,oroneofhisnames,isY.Watanabe.ShehastoldmeheisaBaron.She
spentaperiodoftimewithhim,engagedinsomemysteriousbusinessonthenorthcoastofQueensland.
Shehasseveraltimescommentedontheunprotectedstateofthatcoastline.Herfathertravelswiselyinthe
guise ofapoultryexpert,andsheaccompaniedhimashissecretarythrough China,India,Italy,Germany,
andothercontinentalcountries,andtheylivedforatimeinLiverpool,England.Sheisaneducatedwoman
andspeaks4languages,includingGerman.ThenewwirelessstationatLondenderryissituatedwithinamile
fromher home,andsheknewthatstationwasto bebuiltthere 18monthsbeforeanyoftheotherlocal
peoplehadheard ofit.She mentionedthatshe hasaprivateincomewhich isprobablytrue,forthough
livingratherpoorly,shealwaysseemstohaveplentyofmoney,morethancouldpossiblybemadeoutof
hersmallpoultryfarmorherhusband'sbasicwage.SheisafriendofthewifeoftheGerman,Fischer,who
isininternment,andrecentlyspentafortnightwithMrsFischer,atEmuPlains.Shehasreceivedvisitsfrom
theJapaneseConsulandhiswife,whoisherfriend.(notpresentone,butthepreviousConsul)Forthepast
twoorthreeyearsshehasappearedtobelivingunderagreatstrain,andhastoldmesometerriblething
threatensherfromJapan.
91
91
Anonymous letter received by CIB, February 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus Lipscombe)
(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 255
In response to this letter, authorities interviewed locals who knew Lotus, including the local Post
Master,MrNutt,whowas'unabletosupplyanyconcreteinformationconcerningthiswomanonly
that he viewed her with suspicion'.92 Police also interviewed Mrs Longhurst who later admitted to
authoritiesshewastheauthoroftheletterandthatshehadbeenaclosefriendofLotussince1934.
MrsLonghurstwroteforvariousnewspapersonpoultryfarmingwithLotus.Sheadmittedthatshehad
nothing of a concrete nature to put forward concerning any suspected subversive activities of Mrs
Lipscombe,otherthanthatshebecamesuspiciousofherasshewasbornofaJapanesefather'.93Mrs
Longhurst found out that her father was a Watanabe, and when she questioned her regarding her
Japanesesympathies,Lotus'informedherthatshehadnotimefortheJapaneseanddreadedtheday
thattheywouldtakeAustralia'.94MrsLonghurstalsosaidatonetimewheninJapanshehadtakena
terriblevow,thenatureofwhichsherefusedtodisclose;butitmeantthatshewouldsomedayhave
toreturntoJapan,andalsoherlastbornchild[ifamale]wouldhavetobetakenwithherandleftin
thatcountry.95
Authoritiesconcludedthefollowingthat
92
Memorandum to Inspector Wilson, MPI Section, 22 March 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
93
Memorandum to Inspector Wilson, MPI Section, 22 March 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
94
Memorandum to Inspector Wilson, MPI Section, 22 March 1941. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
95
MemotoInspectorWilson,MPISECTION,22March1941.SeeLipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknownasLotusLipscombe)
(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 256
weinformedtheopinionthatMrsLipscombe,althoughaneducatedwoman,isaromantictypewholikesto
relatecolourfulstoriestointrigueherlisteners.MrsLonghurstisthetypewhowouldreadilylistentothese
storiesandbeimpressedbythem.
96
Nevertheless,authoritiescontinuedtoreceiveanumberoflettersfromthelocalcommunitywhowere
concernedaboutthefactthatLotuswasofJapanesedescent.AustralianresidentMargaretKerrwrote
alettertoThePoultry,aweeklypaper,claimingthatLotuswasanagentfortheJapaneseGovernment
investigatingthestylesofAncientEmbroideryonexhibitattheBritishMuseum,London'.97Authorities
interviewedMargaretandher husband,FrankKerr,whosaidthattheyhadheardrumorsthatLotus
was a professional photographer and was providing someone in the navy with certain information.
Again, authorities discredited the claim, stating that this lad is not of the intelligent type, and his
suspicionsappeartobepurelyimaginary'.98
Source82:HildaLotteLipscombe
Lipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknown
asLotusLipscombe)(Japanese[born]
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box
401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
96
MemotoInspectorWilson,MPISECTION,22March1941.SeeLipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknownasLotusLipscombe)
(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
97
Report from Mrs Margaret Kerr to W.B. Simpson, 16 April 1943. See Lipscombe, Hilda Lottie (also known as Lotus
Lipscombe)(Japanese[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
98
MemotoSgt1stClassCampbell,SS,6May1943.SeeLipscombe,HildaLottie(alsoknownasLotusLipscombe)(Japanese
[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box401].C123/13038.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 257
In another case, Eliza Helen Goto was born in Cornwall, England in September 1888. Eliza arrived in
AustraliaandsettledinKogarah,asuburbofsouthernSydney,wheresheownedalaundrybusiness.
HerhusbandGeorgeGotowasofJapanesedescentandwasinternedduringthewarandduringtheir
time,Elizalookedafterthebusinessaswellashertwochildren.Accordingtoauthorities,
her husband, is well and favourably known to the Kogarah police and as far as is known his sentiments are
proBritish.Whenaskedwhyshe[MrsGoto]hadnotregisteredasanalienpriortothisdate,shereplied,I
thoughtthatasIwasborninEnglandofEnglishparents,IwasofBritishnationality.
99
Two months later, Eliza registered as an enemy alien. Authorities believed that Eliza was struggling
financiallyandwithherhealth,accordinglytherewasnoneedtorestricthermovements:
Despitethefactthatshehasnotreachedanadvancedage,MrsGotoisinpoorhealthandseldomleavesher
residence.Sheisalsoinpoorfinancialcircumstances,andwedonotconsiderthatthereisanyreasonwhyher
movementsshouldberestrictedasfarasnationalsecurityisconcerned.
100
Eliza was also brought to the attention of authorities for possessing a wireless, however, Eliza was
fortunatethatauthoritiesdecidednottoprosecuteherforowningawireless.101
However, Josephine Fuji was not so fortunate when she too failed to register as an enemy alien.
AustralianbornofChineseparents,JosephineresidedonThursdayIslandandwasmarriedtoJapanese
nationalTommieFuji.Herhusbandwasarrestedandinternedon10December1941ataninternment
99
MemorandumfailedtoregistertoInspectorHoward,8December1941.SeeGoto,ElizaHelen(Japanese[bymarriage
borninEngland])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
100
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,DateUnknown.SeeGoto,ElizaHelen
(Japanese[bymarriageborninEngland])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
101
Letter from Crawford Radio inspector to Capt. GHV Newman, 26 March 1942. See Goto, Eliza Helen (Japanese [by
marriageborninEngland])[Box523].C123/17221,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 258
campinsouthernQueensland.102Whileherhusbandwasinterned,JosephinearrivedinCairnstolive
withparents.BecausesheconsideredherselfasAustralianborn,Josephinewasunawarethatshewas
requiredtoregisterasanenemyalien.Authoritieswrote
WhenquestionedastowhyshedidnotregisterasanAlienpriortothe18thMarch1942,shestatedthatas
she was Australianborn she was not aware that she had to register. She further stated that she was not
awarethatshehadtoregisterasanAlienuntil shewasadvisedbytheChineseshecameincontactwith
sinceherarrivalatCairns.
103
It became well known during the war that the Commonwealth Government had no intention of
releasingJapaneseinternees.InaninterviewwithNagata,aGovernmentofficialstatedthat:
OurgovernmentwasfirmabouttheJapanese.AsfarasIremember,weinternedthelotand,asprinciple,
wedidntintendtoletanyoneout.Itwasfortheirprotection.104
This was evident in case studies that show that well after the war had ceased, many Japanese
remainedinterned.Forexample,ShigenoNakatawasborninHalifax,northernQueensland,on17April
1899andwasinternedatNo4,Taturainternmentcamp.Shigenosrestrictionorderwasrevoked29
August 1946, but resided in the internment camp until such time as accommodation could be
102
Report from Aliens Registration Officer, Central Bureau in Brisbane to Cairns Police Station,18 March1942. SeeFuji,
Josephine Nationality: Japanese/Australian Arrived Cairns on Ormiston 29 January 1942. BP25/1/ FUJI J
JAPANESE/AUSTRALIA,NAA,Brisbane.
103
Report from Aliens Registration Officer, Central Bureau in Brisbane to Cairns Police Station,18 March1942. SeeFuji,
Josephine Nationality: Japanese/Australian Arrived Cairns on Ormiston 29 January 1942. BP25/1/ FUJI J
JAPANESE/AUSTRALIA,NAA,Brisbane.
104
Beaumontet.al.,Undersuspicion,p.121.
P a g e | 259
obtained'.105Shigenowasnotreleaseduntil3July1947andintendedtoresidewithher4childrenwith
MrsKitanoAnnerleyat360IpswichRoad,Annerley,asuburbsouthofBrisbane.106
Conclusion
The case studies in this chapter demonstrate that the application of the Aliens Control Regulations
generatedagreatersenseoffeartowardsthealienduringtheSecondWorldWar.Thepatternofwar
changedwhenJapanenteredthewarinDecember1941.Itbecameamuchmoreaggressivewar.The
105
LetterfromCommonwealthMigrationOfficertoTerricaHouse,Adelaide,10July1947.SeeNakata,Shigenoandfour
children[namesunknown]Nationality:Japanese.BP25/1/NAKATASJAPANESE,NAA,Brisbane.
106
LetterfromCommonwealthMigrationOfficertoTerricaHouse,Adelaide,10July1947.SeeNakata,Shigenoandfour
children[namesunknown]Nationality:Japanese.BP25/1/NAKATASJAPANESE,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 260
threatofimminentinvasionfromtheNorthbecamereal,andAustralia,insomecases,chosetoignore
protocol concerning women who were exempt from internment. Both Marie Hamabata and Anne
Kazmie were Australianborn citizens and as an unmarried woman, under Australian law, were
recognized as British subjects. Australianborn women like Marie Hamabata suffered an injustice by
beinginterned.AsaBritishsubjectlivinginGeraldton,Marieshouldnothavebeensubjectedtothe
Aliens Control Regulations. This was clear in the documents from the Director General of Security in
Canberra,JohnMcKay,whostatedthattherewasnorealreasonwhyMariewasinternedapartfrom
herJapaneseappearance.MarieplayeddownherJapanesetiesbystatingthatherparentshadpassed
away and was adamant that she had no Japanese friends. Despite her plea, she was transferred to
Taturacamp,underanisolationistmeasurethattookherawayfromclosefriendsandplacedherinan
internmentcampover3,800kilometersawayfromherhometown.107
It was less a surprise considering the political climate of the Yellow Peril that women like Anne
Iwanagawereinterned.Anyonewhoexpressedanytieswiththeenemycountrywasdeclaredariskto
nationalsecurity.ItisimportanttoconsiderthatAnnelivedinCairns,anareathatwasonhighsecurity
alert. She was suspected by many to have had proJapanese sentiments; she knew how to speak
Japanese;wasamemberoftheJapaneseSocietyandconsortedwithAmericantroops.108
What the authorities did not consider however, was how the implementation of the Aliens Control
Regulationsledtothesewomenbecomingdamagedinmanyways.Notonlywererestrictionsplaced
107
See HAMABATA Marie (aka Marie Kazmie and Marie Haramata) (7457) [Japanese internee]. K1171/HAMABATA M,
NAA,Perth.
108
SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
P a g e | 261
oncivillibertiesbyrestrictingtheirmovementsthroughinternment,buttheyhadanegativeimpacton
personalrelationships.Forexample,Anneenduredtheseparationfromherlovedones,whichledto
thedemiseofherrelationshipwithherfiancVivien,whilealsoforcinghertocometotermswiththe
newsofheradoption.Inadditiontothis,herparentsweredeportedin1945andshewasnotreunited
with them until their return eight years later.109 Their story reflects their resilience and personal
strengthofcharacter.
ThestoryofMaryEilenerMatsumotoreflectshowtheAliensControlRegulationsledtotheseparation
of her family and the decline of her mental health. The decision to intern these women was clearly
madebyabureaucraticsystemthatfailedthesewomen.AuthoritieswhoexecutedtheAliensControl
Regulationswereclearlypartofanarbitraryprocess,especiallywhencomparedtotheAustralianborn
womenofJapanesedescentlivinginSydney,whomanagedtoescapethemoreextrememeasureof
theAliensControlRegulations.110
Inconclusion,itisclearthatAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentshouldnothavebeensubject
totheAliensControlRegulationsduringthewar.Thecasestudiespresentedinthischaptershowhow
these women were interned based on the international relations, geographical proximity and race.
These women lost their possessions and were displaced within the community during war. The
followingchapterwilldiscusshowthelegislationaffectedthelivesofGermanJewishwomen,who,in
hindsight,shouldnothavebeensubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.
109
SeeIwanga,AnneQueenslandinvestigationcasefile.BP242/1/Q25246,NAA,Brisbane.
110
See MATSUMOTO Nakio [Kakio] and Elina [Elener] Mary (wife) (8765) [Japanese internee] [aka Mary Ellenor Lena
CORPUS].K1171/1/MATSUMOTON,NAA,Perth.
PARTIII:
U
VictimsofCircumstance
Figure85: GermanJewishrefugeeHelenaBeck
HelenaBeckregistrationpapers,1941.SP11/2German,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 263
ChapterSix:
Acertainwarpsychosis:
GermanJewishrefugeewomenlivingin
NewSouthWalesduringthewar
Thequestionofanyidentityaroseinmuchmorecrucialmanner.IwascertainlynotaGermananymore;I
wasfarfrombeinganAustralian;IwasnotareligiousJew;IrefusedtoaccepttheclassificationofaGerman
expatriateorpoliticalrefugeeasapermanentidentityasithadnoideologicalbasis.Iwasjustaforeignerin
astrangecountrytowhichIhadnotyetanyemotionalbonds,exceptgratitudeforhavingbeenallowedinto
thiscountry.
1
AsIanMunroargued,thepointofformalacceptancebyahostcountryisthebeginningofanewand
differentjourney,onethatisfamiliarto,andforgottenbytheoldergeneration.2Thisisreflectedinthe
storiespresentedinthischapter,whichexaminesthelivesofGermanJewishwomenwhowereliving
in Sydney during the war. These women had lost their citizenship rights in their homeland Germany
and became stateless as a result of the Nuremburg Laws which were introduced by Adolf Hitler in
September 1935. However, a further identity crisis was experienced upon their arrival to Australia.
Despitetheirrefugeestatus,aconsequenceofhavingtofleefromGermany,GermanJewishwomenin
AustraliawereclassifiedasenemyaliensattheoutbreakofwarandsubjecttotheNationalSecurity
(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth).
1
H.Liffman,InSearchofmyIdentity.TheAustralianJournalofPoliticsandHistory:SpecialIssueOnbeingaGerman
JewishRefugeeinAustralia,ExperiencesandStudies,Volume:31,Issue1,1985,p.14.
2
I.Munro,Takeninbutlefttofeelshutout.TheAge,22May,2010,p.6.
P a g e | 264
Thischapterreflectstheinconsistenciesthatexistedthroughoutthebureaucraticmanagementofthe
Aliens Control Regulations. However, while the stories presented in this chapter focus on injustices
suffered by GermanJewish refugees during the war, it is important to note that other nationals
classified as enemy aliens included Jewish women from Austria, Belgium and Hungary, who were
profiled as German nationals. Austria ceased to exist as an independent nation during the war, and
Belgium was occupied by the Germans up until 1945, which meant that both nation states were
incorporatedwithintheThirdReich.PaulR.Bartropasked:Howcouldthishavehappened?3Itwas
clearthattheCommonwealthGovernmentwaswellawarethatGermanJewishwomenrefugeeswere
fleeingNazipersecution,yettheywereclassifiedasenemyaliensattheoutbreakofwar.
From the stories presented in this chapter, GermanJewish refugees were wrongfully categorized as
enemy aliens. Interestingly, Bartrop referred to a memorandum that was prepared by the head of
ImmigrationBranchoftheDepartmentoftheInterior,A.R.Peters,datedJanuary1939whichdefined
the term refugee in a way that clearly encompassed Jews of German background. The document
clearly shows that the Commonwealth Government was aware that its policy would apply to people
who had suffered under the action of the German Government, and quotes the League of Nations
definitionofrefugeethatwouldclearlyapplytoGermanJewishrefugees:
Itis presumedthatthe Governments policyin regard to refugeesisintended for the presentto applyto
JewsandnonJewswhoaresufferingdisabilitiesasaresultofactionbytheGermanGovernmentAgeneral
definitionofrefugeewhichsubstantiallyconformstothedefinitionagreedtobytheLeagueofNationsis:
Residents,orformerresidents,ofterritoryoccupiedbyGermany,whodonotenjoytheprotectionofthe
GermanGovernment,orofanyotherGovernment.
4
3
P.R.Bartrop,EnemyAliensorStatelessPersons?TheLegalStatusofRefugeesfromGermanyinWartimeAustralia.
JournaloftheAustralianJewishHistoricalSociety,Volume10,Issue4,1988,p.271.
4
Bartrop,EnemyAliensorStatelessPersons?,p.272.
P a g e | 265
Nevertheless, the Commonwealth Government decided to retain the status of enemy alien which
encompassedGermanJewishrefugeesaswellasJewishrefugeesfromBelgium,HungaryandAustria
foranotherfouryears.GermanJewishrefugeeswerenotreclassifieduntilMarch1943.
JewishMigration
wereatleastsixJewishconvictsonboardtheFirstFleetwhicharrivedin1788inNewSouthWales.5
During the 1820s Jewish settlement was mainly in Sydney. In the 1830s and 1840s Jewish migrants
began to settle in other areas such as Hobart, Port Macquarie, Goulburn, Melbourne, Adelaide,
GeelongandTamworth.6By1841,therewerealmost1,200JewslivinginAustralia.TheGoldrushin
the1850sand1860sincreasedtheJewishpopulation,mostofwhomarrivedfromGermany,butthere
werealsosmallernumbersfromGreatBritainandEasternEurope.By1861,fortypercentoftheJewish
population lived in rural areas.7 However, during the economic depression in the 1890s there was a
declineintheJewishpopulationinVictoria.ManymigratedtoNewZealand,SouthAfricaandWestern
Australia.8 Nevertheless, statistics show that overall Jewish settlement in Australia continued to
increase. Some of the increase can be attributed to the natural increase of human population the
5
C.A. Price, Jewish Settlers in Australia. Canberra: Australian National University, 1964, p. 8. This figure may not be
accurate.Thearchivebookmakesnotethattherewereeightoutofthe751convictsontheFirstFleetandtheremayhave
beensixmoreonboard.[C.A.Price,JewishSettlersinAustralia,p.8].
6
Price,JewishSettlers,p.27.
7
Price,JewishSettlers,pp.27and28.
8
Price,JewishSettlers,p.8.
P a g e | 266
surplusofbirthsoverdeathsbuttherewerealsomorearrivalsthandeparturesofJewishmigrants.In
addition,somenonJewishpeoplesconvertedtoJudaism.9
The introduction of the White Australia Policy (WAP) in 1901 created a climate in which Australian
AngloJews encouraged assimilation and played down religious and cultural practices. By the 1920s,
there was an increase in intermarriage and a decline in religious observances and Jewish education
within the Jewish establishment in Australia.10 The 1921 census showed the effects the war had on
German migration to Australia. In the 1920s, over 300,000 migrants came to Australia and
approximatelytwothirdsofthemwereassisted.However,only22,582Germansarrivedandby1933
thenumberhaddeclinedto16,842.11The1933censusrecordedover23,000peopleofJewishorigin
living in Australia.12 When Hitler came to power, Jews immigrated to other countries immediately.
Approximately 7,000 Jews migrated to Australia, 2,000 of them from Vienna.13 According to Jurgen
Tampke, the murderous racial and political policies of Nazi Germanyled to a sharp increase in
SydneysGermanspeakingpopulation.14
9
Price, Jewish Settlers, p. 9. It is important to note that Price wrote that the statistical material available for such an
assessmentisveryslight.[Price,JewishSettlers,p.9].
10
M.JTurnbull,SafeHaven:RecordsoftheJewishExperienceinAustralia.Canberra:NationalArchivesofAustralia,1999.
For more information on post war migration, see S. Rutland, Postwar AntiJewish Refugee Hysteria: A Case of Racial or
ReligiousBigotry?SojournersandStrangers,JournalofAustralianStudies77(2003):6979.
11
Price,JewishSettlers,p.42.
12
CensusoftheCommonwealthofAustralia,30June1933.Canberra:L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,
1933,p.381.
13
J.Tampke,TheGermansinSydney.SydneyJournal,Volume1,Issue1,March2008,p.69.
14
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
P a g e | 267
In July 1938, the Commonwealth Government had agreed to accept 15,000 refugees from Germany
andAustria;however,theoutbreakofwarpreventedthis.Duringthewar,Australiadidnonetheless
accept 7,000 refugees, many of whom were Jewish.15 In 1939 an influx of Jewish refugees entered
Australia. According to Tampke, these refugees were deeply religious and passionate Zionists.16 This
aptlydescribesmanyofthewomenexaminedinthisstudy.HerthaMeyer,borninGermanyofJewish
backgroundistypical.ShewasamemberoftheShomrin,ayouthOrganisationestablishedin1939and
affiliatedwiththeZionistfederation.17TheShomrinwasthefirstZionistyouthmovementinSydney,
withitsmembershipconsistingpredominatelyofyoungrefugeeswhoarrivedimmediatelybeforethe
war.18
ThefocusofthischapterisonGermanJewishwomenwhosettledintheareasofNewSouthWales,
themajorityofwhomwererefugeesresidingintheeasternsuburbsofSydneysuchasRoseBay,Bondi
andBelllevueHill.Thetablebelowshowstheagesof151confirmedGermanJewishwomenofthe195
GermanwomenexaminedinthisthesiswhoregisteredasenemyaliensinNewSouthWalesbetween
1939and1941.
15
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
16
Tampke,TheGermansinSydney,p.69.
17
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeMeyer,Hertha(German)[Box193].
C123/6575,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Sydney.
18
S.Rutland,EdgeofDiaspora:TwoCenturiesofJewishSettlementinAustralia.Sydney:WilliamsCollinsPtyLtd,1997,p.
319.
P a g e | 268
AGE NUMBEROFWOMEN
UNDER20 18
2029 30
3039 42
4049 29
5059 19
OVER60 13
Table4:Agesof151GermanJewishbornwomenlivinginNewSouthWalesduring
theSecondWorldWar.19
Most women examined in this study were aged between twenty and fifty years old. One of the
youngest women affected by the Aliens Control Regulations was sixteen year old German national
GertrudErnaStreker,borninJaffa,PalestineandwhoarrivedinSydneyinAugust1941.20Attheother
end of the spectrum, statistics show that sixteen of these women were over sixty years old. Lina
KraemerwastheeldestGermanwoman.Sheregisteredasanenemyalienattheageofseventyeight
yearsoldafterarrivinginAustraliainApril1939fromHaploch,Germany.21
Themapbelowillustratestheareasthesewomencamefrom.Manymigratedfromeasternregionsof
Germanywith19%migratingfromBerlin.Otherareasincludewesternandnorthernregions,suchas
the Rhine, Dusseldorf and Hamburg. It is imperative to note that there were some women who
19
SeeAppendixSeven.
20
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 1941. See STREKER Gertrud Erna -
Nationality: German - Arrived: Sydney per Queen Elizabeth 15 August 1941.D4881/3/STREKER,NAA,Adelaide.
21
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney6 August 1940. See Kraemer, Lina
(German) [Box 165]. C123/5719, NAA, Sydney.
P a g e | 269
migratednotfromGermanyassuch,butfromVienna,Austria,whichatthetimewasunderGerman
occupation.
Figure86:Map
ofGermany
1939
GermanHistoryDocuments.No
date.
[http://germanhistorydocs.ghi
dc/images/Map_1_english_for_b
hedit.jpg].Accessed:25March
2012.
Prewar Jewish refugees were welcomed for their contributions to the local economy. The German
Jewish women in this study were well educated and brought a more cosmopolitan way of life.22
Jewishrefugeeswhoarrivedbefore1939helpedestablishnewindustriesandincreasedemployment
opportunities. Some of these industries were outlined by Senator Henry Foll: optical and scientific
22
S.Rutland,AustralianResponsestoJewishRefugeeMigrationbeforeandafterWorldWarII.AustralianJournalof
PoliticsandHistory,Volume31,Issue1,1985,p.42.
P a g e | 270
instruments, weaving silk and rayon, textile printing, glove making, fountain and propelling pens,
Vienneseknittedware,elasticwebbing,cosmeticsandBakelitegoods.23
The study shows that their fertility rate was fairly low, with an average of one to three children per
woman.The151filesIexaminedshowedthat102womenweremarried,onewasengaged,tenwere
widowsandtwoweredivorcedatthetimeofregistration.Thirtyoneofthe102marriedwomenwere
inpaidworkduringthewarandtwentyeightwomenhadworkedbeforetheyweremarried.Thirtysix
womenweresingleandthirtythreeofthemwereinpaidwork.Somewomenworkedasdressmakers,
machinists,typistorperformeddomesticdutiesforothers.Thisnumberissignificantlyhigherthanthe
Italian women featured in the previous chapters, who may have had specific problems due to their
ethnicity, language and culture which prevented their assimilation within the local community.
Comparatively, GermanJewish women who settled in New South Wales just before the war were
educated,originatingfromwhatwasdeemedamoresophisticatedclassandfamiliarwiththeEnglish
language. Statistics show that 66% of these women were confirmed naturalized British subjects,
indicatingtheirwillingnesstoassimilateintoAustraliansociety.
AustralianJewishWelfareSociety(AJWS)
ThesupporttheyreceivedfromtheAustralianJewishWelfareSociety(AJWS)wasanotherreasonwhy
the GermanJewish women in this study obtained higher employment numbers in the workforce in
comparisontotheirItaliancounterparts.TheAJWSwasformedasanadhocresponsetothecrisisin
Germanyandwasatfirstestablishedin1936astheGermanJewishRefugeesFundNewSouthWales,
23
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.42
P a g e | 271
whichwaslocatedattheMaccabeanHallinDarlinghurst,aninnercityeasternsuburbofSydney.The
mainfunctionoftheorganizationwastoassistwithimmigrationandintegrationofJewsinAustralian
society.ManywomenexaminedforthisstudywereassistedbytheAJWS,andweremembersofthe
organization during the war. Germanborn Hilde Kurniker for example, was a single woman with no
family and was permitted to arrive in Australia in 1938 because of the AJWS, who assisted in her
passage to Australia.24 Additionally, the AJWS provided welfare for those who were struggling
financially. GermanJewish born Johanna Marx arrived in Australia in 1937. She lived in Bondi, an
eastern suburb of Sydney, during the war and received 2 per week from the AJWS because her
husband,LeopoldMarx,wasunemployed.25
The Commonwealth Government was however, less willing to assist GermanJewish refugees
throughout the war period. For example, German Jewishborn Erna Schaul of Double Bay, also in
SydneyseasternsuburbofSydney,wrotealettertoauthoritiesappealingforsomeassistance:
DearSir,
ReferringtotheregulationsaboutRefugeewidowswhosesonsareincampImightaskrespectfullytobring
myowncasetoyourconsideration.
MysonUlrichSchmauschnowaged19servesintheLaborCompanysincethebeginningofthisformation.
HeisasonfrommyfirstmarriageandhisfatherwaskilledfromtheNazisinaconcentrationcamp.Somy
firsthusbandwassicksincetheboywas3yearsold,Ihadtobringtheboyupbymyselfandeventoearn
thelivingforthefamily.
MightIbeaskingto[too]muchtogetnowthesameadvantagesastherefugeewidowswhosesonsarein
camp. My second husband Mr Berthold Schaul volunteered for the Labor Camp but got exemption
[exemption] because his factory does war work. He wouldn't ask even for any preference, because he
couldn'tjustifyasastepfather.Thankingyouinadvanceforyourkindlyconsideration.26
24
Letter to Acting Secretary for Immigration, A. R. Peters, 30 October 1945. See Jospe [nee] Kurniker, Hilde (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box153].C123/5269,NAA,Sydney.
25
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeMarx,Johanna(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box128].C123/4464,NAA,Sydney.
26
CopyofLetterwrittenbyErnaSchaultoDeputyDirectorofSecurity,6August1942.SeeSchaul,Erna(German)[Box98].
C123/3623,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 272
AuthoritiesrefusedErnasappeal,notgrantinganyassistance.27
TheAJWSalsoprivatelyownedanagriculturaltrainingfarmforJewishrefugeescalledtheChelseaPark
TrainingFarmforAlienJewishRefugees.ThefarmwaslocatedatBaulkhamHills,northwestofSydney,
anditsfunctionwastotrainpeopleclassifiedasenemyalienswhowereunabletofindworkinthecity.
Those who graduated were employed by their Australian neighbours on other farms.28 The farm
accepted both men and women and was well known by authorities to be under strict supervision,
27
Response from Deputy Director of Security to Erna Schaul, 14 August 1942. See Schaul, Erna (German) [Box 98].
C123/3623,NAA,Sydney.
28
A.Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring:TheHistoryoftheAustralianJewishWelfareSociety.Sydney:AustralianJewishWelfare
SocietyandAustralianJewishHistoricalSociety,1998,pp.5758.
P a g e | 273
therefore, there was no need for local police to be concerned about the individuals working on the
farmfromasecuritypointofview.
AnotherGermanJewishbornwomanwhoresidedonthefarmwasBrigitteLittmann.Itwasstatedby
authorities that her occupation was a dressmaker and she was making military uniforms without
receiving any payment. Authorities stated that this alien and her husband were trainees at the
ChelseaParkTrainingFarm
where they are endeavoring to fit themselves for farm work. The rules of the Farm are very strict and
rigidlyenforced,thereforethemovementsofaliensresidingattheFarm,arerestrictedtoanextentmore
thanordinarily.
29
Despite the Training Farm being considered as the best thing the Welfare Society had undertaken
becauseitenabledpeopletobetrainedforworkandlife(ontheland)inAustralia,byMarch1940,the
TrainingFarmwasnolongerfunctioningduetothehaltinJewishmigrationduringthewar.30Military
authoritiestookovertheFarmunderleaseinApril1941until1944.Afterthewar,thefarmwasused
tohouseJewishyouthcampsandwaseventuallysoldfor11,350in1957.31
Tryingtofitin
As noted in Chapter One, all enemy aliens were required to register and report to the (Aliens
Registration Officer (ARO) once a week. The elderly experienced most hardship in regards to
registration.RosaRosenbergwasaseventyoneyearoldwidowlivinginDoubleBay.DuringDecember
29
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeLittmann[neeDeutschland],Brigitte
(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGerman][Box229].C123/7670,NAA,Sydney.
30
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p.58.
31
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p59.
P a g e | 274
1940, authorities received an anonymous letter stating that they were suspicious of the fact that a
numberofrefugeesweregatheringaroundherhouse,especiallyonSundays.Theanonymouswriter
statedthat'Alightisoninthebathroomofthisplacetotheearlyhoursofthemorning.Recentlyan
explosion was heard in the bathroom whereupon the light was immediately extinguished'.32
AuthoritiesaddedthatRosahadnopersonalfriendsandthat'thefamilygenerallyareinratherpoor
circumstances, and are struggling for a living'.33 This was not the only encounter Rosa had with
authorities.Asshewasgrowingolderandherhealthdeteriorating,Rosawrotealettertoauthorities
appealingtobeexemptfromhavingtoreporttoauthoritieseachweek.
Figure89:RosaRosenberg
RosaRosenberg[GermanarrivedSydneyper
AORANGI,8April1939.Box98].SP11/2
GERMAN/ROSENBERGR,NAA,Sydney.
AuthoritiesrejectedRosasappeal,butitwassuggestedthatbecauseofherillhealthshemaybeable
towritetoauthoritiesona weeklybasisinstead.CaptainG.H.V.Newmanof theIntelligenceSection
wrote:
Inreplytoyourletteryouareadvisedthatnoexemptionfromreportingweeklycanbeallowed.Inview
ofyourageandhealthsuchlettertobewitnessedbyaJusticeofthePeaceorbyaprominentcitizen,
32
Anonymousletter,16December1940.SeeRosenberg,Rosa(German)[Box99].C123/3636,NAA,Sydney.
33
MemotoInspectorWilson,27December1940.SeeRosenberg,Rosa(German)[Box99].C123/3636,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 275
approved of by your local Alien Registration Officer. It will be necessary for you to make such
arrangementswiththeAlienRegistrationOfficeratRoseBayinregardtothismatter.
34
In a similar way to their Italian counter parts, some GermanJewish women also endured loneliness
and a feeling of alienation from their community. Ted Cantle wrote that in Britain after the Second
World War, migrants felt obliged to downplay their own cultural identity and with some groups
showingagreatwillingnessanddeterminationtoevenfeelBritishbeforetheycameandtotrytofit
in.35InAustralia,migrantsalsofeltobligedtodownplaytheirculturalidentity.Forexample,German
JewishborntwentyeightyearoldDorotheaChmelnitzki,whocametoAustraliainOctober1938,was
requiredtoregisterasanenemyalieninJuly1940.Dorotheaemphasizedtoauthoritiesthatshewas
endeavouring to do everything in her power to improve herself both socially and in the use of the
nowregardsherselfasstatelessandwouldjointheNewAustraliansClub.37Doretheaswillingnessto
adoptanewAustralianidentityaspartoftheirnewbeginningwascommonamongmanyGerman
Jewishrefugeewomenexaminedinthisstudy.
In some cases, GermanJewish women applied to have their surname changed to a more Anglicized
name in order to avoid difficulties during registration processes for enemy aliens. Anna Marie Collin
34
SeeRosenberg,Rosa(German)[Box99].C123/3636,NAA,Sydney.
35
T.Cantle,Communitycohesion:anewframeworkforraceanddiversity.NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005,p.122.
36
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 18 July 1940. Chmelnitzki, Dorothea
knownasMrsShell(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[box62].C123/2782,NAA,Sydney.
37
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 18 July 1940. Chmelnitzki, Dorothea
knownasMrsShell(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[box62].C123/2782,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 276
was born in Berlin in February 1902 and arrived in Australia in October 1939. During the war, Anna
lived in Killara, on Sydneys upper north shore of Sydney, and worked as a domestic servant. On 16
June1940,authoritieswrote:
ShesaysherparentsandhergrandparentsarenotoftheJewishrace,butProtestantLutherianfaith.It
transpiresthathercorrectnameisAbrahamandthatowingtohermother'sdivorceboththemotherand
thedaughterassumedthemother'smaidennameofCollin.ShewasinstructedtokeepnameAbraham
andtoldauthoritiesthatthepeopleshewritestoareDrGertrudLansburg,herbrotherandhermother
andsister.ShehasfriendswhoarehalfGermanandJewishandshespeaksEnglish,FrenchandGerman
fluentlyandstatesthatshehatesHitlerandeverythingGerman.38
On18November1943,Annawrotetoauthorities:
DearSir,
IherewithbegtoapplyforpermissiontousethenameofCollinagain.
Aftermymotherdivorcedmyfather,Dr.PaulAbraham,in1904,shewasgrantedtherightforherself
andherchildrentoreadoptthenameofCollinwhichhadbeenhermaidenname.
Consequentlymyschoolcertificate,qualificationsandreferencesaremadeoutforAnnaMarieCollin
andnotAbraham.
In 1938 Hitler ordered by decree that every person of Jewish descent who had changed his or her
name,hadtoreadopttheformername...
SomeweeksagoIwasinformedthatowingtosomeregulationconcerningchangeofnamesIhadto
alterthenameonmyregistrationcardfromCollinintoAbraham,whichIdid.
However I would like to use the name of Collin again and would appreciate if you gave me the
permission to do so. I may point out that this would save me endless trouble and difficulties as I am
knownonlyasA.Collin.39
It is unknown why initially authorities asked Anna to change her name back to her fathers name
however,itispossiblethatauthoritiesdidnotbelievethatshewasofProtestantfaith.InJanuary1944,
Annawasgrantedpermissiontochangehername.40
38
Report,16June1940.SeeCollin,Anna[Anne]Marie[GermanJewessnaturalisedBritishsubject][Box40].C123/2184,
NAA,Sydney.
39
Anna Marie Colllin wrote letter to Deputy Director of Security, 18 November 1943. See Collin, Anna [Anne] Marie
[GermanJewessnaturalisedBritishsubject][Box40].C123/2184,NAA,Sydney.
40
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecuritytoAnneMarieCollin,14January1944.SeeCollin,Anna[Anne]Marie[German
JewessnaturalisedBritishsubject][Box40].C123/2184,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 277
Although most knew how to speak English, there were some GermanJewish women who were
isolatedfromthecommunitybecauseoftheirlackofknowledgeoftheEnglishlanguage.Forexample,
BertaHerzbergwasaseventyeightyearoldJewishrefugeewidowfromGermanywholivedwithher
childreninRandwick,easternSydneyduringthewar.Itwasstatedonherquestionnairethatshedid
not know any English nor did she have many friends.41 Another example is Dorithea Sara Jacobus,
anotherGermanJewishrefugeewholivedwithherdaughterinBondiduringthewar.Itwasstatedon
English. The information herein was obtained through the aliens daughter with whom she resides
andsupportedby.42
Figure90:BertaHerzberg
BertaHerzberg[German
arrivedSydneyperMARELLA,
14April1939.Box94].
SP11/2GERMAN/HERZBERG
B,NAA,Sydney.
41
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeHerzberg,Berta(German)[Box183].
C123/6318,NAA,Sydney.
42
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney. See Jacobus [nee Wolff], Dorathea Sara
(German)[Box460].C123/15069,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 278
On the other hand, GermanJewish women who knew how to speak English experienced a lenient
responsefromauthorities.Indoingso,manyfelttheneedtocontributetothewarefforttofeelmore
acceptedinsociety.TheywerealsomotivatedbytheirpersecutionunderHitlersregime.Anexample
isCharlotteLevinwhowasborninNovember1884inLiegnitz,Germany.CharlottelivedinBondiand
workedasalanguageteacherattheBusinessCollegeinSydney.Charlottewrotetoauthoritieson19
March1944offeringherservicestotheAustralianwareffort:
Sir
HerebyItakethelibertyofofferingyoumyservices.
I am a refugee alien, 59 years of age, teacher of languages and speak, write and translates French,
Spanish,German,andEnglishperfectly.IcanalsoreadandtranslateeasyItaliantexts.Ihavestudiedin
England and France, acted formerly as teacher of languages and commercial subjects in Germany and,
persecutedundertheNazirule,cametoAustraliainAugust1936.IbelongtotheJewishcommunity.Iam
inpossessionofmyowntypewriter.
Icouldcallonyoupersonally...AtpresentIgiveafewprivatelessonsandhelpafriendofmineinashop
over the middle of the day. I should be very happy indeed if you could make use of my services and,
trustingtohearfavourablyfromyou.43
Authorities responded three weeks later stating that her services were not required at the time,
however,iftheneedwouldariseshewouldbecontacted.AnotherexamplewasfiftyyearoldGerman
IrmaTranslateur,wholivedinWentworthville,westofSydney.Sheappliedtoregisterheraddressasa
factoryundertheFactoriesandShopsAct1912(Cth).BecauseIrmasbusinesscontributedtothewar
effort,makingsoldierschevronsand hatbands,noobjectionbyauthoritieswasmade.44Authorities
wereobviouslylenient,allowingIrmatorunherbusiness.Thisemphasizestheshortageofmanpower
andthesenseofnationalismhighlightedbythewareffort.
43
LetterfromCharlotteLevintoDirectorofSecurityService,19March1944. SeeLevin, Charlotte(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box115].C123/4093,NAA,Sydney.
44
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityNSWtoActingunderSecretary,DepartmentofLabourandIndustry,March1943.
SeeTranslateur,Irma(German[born]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box168].C123/5822,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 279
IrmaTRANSLATEURNationality:GermanArrived CharlotteLEVINNationality:GermanArrivedSydney
SydneyperAORANGIon26Aug1938[Box203].SP11/5 perSTRATHAIRDon28Jul1936[Box110].SP11/5LEVIN,
TRANSLATEUR,IRMA,NAA,Sydney. CHARLOTTE,NAA,Sydney.
GermanbornMargotBettyBingwasalsowillingtocontributetothewareffortduringthewar.Margot
lived in Elizabeth Bay, an eastern suburb of Sydney, and assisted her husband manufacturing lamp
shades.Inresponsetothemanpowershortage,Margotshusbandwrotetoauthoritiesonbehalfofhis
wife:
Mywife wasasales manageress for 10 yearsata large metal supplyinghousein Germany andwouldbe
willing to give details of the exact details of construction and design of German gas masks. If this
informationishelpfultotheBritishAuthoritiesshewillbewillingtogiveittoanengineer.Sheknowsthe
theoreticalsideofthisquestion.
45
45
CopyofletterfromMargotBettyBingtoAuthroities,24February1941.SeeBing,MargotBetty(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[box62].C123/2789,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 280
It is clear that Margot was willing to become less German by offering her services to the Australian
military,duetoherexperienceoftheracialpoliciesimplementedbytheNazisinGermany.
Whilemyhusbandisincamp
TheisolationthatwasexperiencedbysomeoftheseGermanJewishwomenwasfurtheraggravatedby
the restrictions placed on their travel and movements, and the wrongful incarceration of their
husbands.AsnotedinChapterOne,thetravelandmovementsofaliensandenemyalienswerealso
restricted.Ifanenemyaliendesiredtochangehisorherplaceofresidence,itwasnecessarytoreport
it to the nearest ARO. For example, Germanborn Alice Pieck lived in Kingsford, while her husband
HansPieckwasinterned.Aliceappealedtoauthoritiestobeallowedtomoveclosertoherhusband:
IamaJewishRefugeeandmyhusbandHansPieck...isatpresentincamp.
Beforehewentintocampwehadamerceryandtailoringbusinessattheaboveaddress,buttheshophas
sincebeenclosed.Welivedonthetopoftheshop.Inowlivetherewithmychild,101/2yearsold.
Ihavetopay$4perweekrent,andIcannotdothisnowonmyhusband'smilitarypay.
IhaveaskedthePoliceforpermissiontomovetoNo.9Holmstr.,KingsfordwithMrandMrsGlaser(English
people).Itisonlyafewminutesawayfromwhereiamlivinginthesamedistrict.IcannotunderstandwhyI
havebeenrefusedpermission.Itwillbecheaperformetolivewiththesepeople,andifIamnotallowedto
move,Iwillnotbeabletopaythelandlordtherent,andhemightnotbeabletoletmehavetheplacefor
whatIcanpay.
I cannot understand why I cannot get the permission as I am not stopped from going one section to the
beachanditdoesnotseemproper,asIcannotgetacheaperplacefivemilesout.
Iwillbeabletostorealotofourgoodsandfurniture,averybigglasscounterandalltheotherfittingsout
oftheshopinthegerage[garage]of9Holmstr.,Kingsford,whichwillsavemyrunningintodebtwhilemy
husbandisincamp,andIwillperhapsbeabletopaymyway.
46
Trustingyouwillgivemepermission.
46
CopyofletterfromAlicePiecktoauthorities,5May1942.SeePieck[alsoknownasPeek],Alice(German)[Box187].
C123/6417,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 281
With her husband interned, Alice was struggling financially and thought it best to move in with the
Glasners because it would be cheaper and closer to her husband. Alices request to live with the
Glasnerswasrejected.
Figure93:AlicePieck
AlicePIECKNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperVIMINALEon19Nov
1938[Box150].SP11/5PIECK,ALICE,
NAA,Sydney.
Therewere,however,somecasesofauthoritieswhoweresympathetic.Forexample,EdithRosenthal,
wholivedinDoubleBay,appliedforpermissiontovisitherhusbandwhowasinQueensland.In1942,
EdithwasgrantedpermissiontochangeherresidentialaddresstoliveinQueensland.Thirtythreeyear
oldErnaBerger,whowasborninChristburg,Germany,arrivedinAustraliain1938andlivedinSurry
Hills,aninnercitysuburbofSydney,duringthewar.HerhusbandwasemployedwiththeAustralian
Employment Company and Erna became exempt from the restrictions in June 1943.47 Herta Kramer
47
StatementtotheDeputyDirectorofSecurityinSydneyfromErna,16June1943.SeeBerger,Erna(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box130].C123/4505,NAA,Sydney.AsnotedinChapterOne,theAustralianEmploymentCompanywasa
labouringtaskforcethatmaintainedthewareffortandsupportedthefightingforces.J.Factor,ForgottenSoldiers:Aliens
intheAustralianArmysEmploymentCompaniesduringWorldWarII.TheBirsteinProject.Melbourne:AustralianCentre
forJewishCivilisation,2008.
[http://www.yosselbirstein.org/pdf/eng/other/Forgotten_Soldiers.pdf].November2010).Accessed:12March2010.
P a g e | 282
wasborninBerlin,arrivedinAustraliainNovember1938andlivedinVaucluseduringthewar.Herta
endured the restrictions in the early years of war despite her husband being employed by the
AustralianEmploymentCompany.Hertaappliedforatravelpermittovisitherhusbandatthelabour
campinordertoconsultaspecialistregardingtheirson,whohadafootinfection.Hertawasallowed
tovisitherhusband.48
Figure 94:EdithRosenthal
EdithROSENTHALNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperNIAGARAon20Nov1938
[Box166].SP11/5ROSENTHAL,EDITH,NAA,
Sydney.
GermanHildaCentawerandherhusbandFranzMartinCentawerranadraperyandmillinerystorein
Orange, in the central west region of New South Wales, which required them to travel outside of
OrangeinordertobuygoodsthatwerenotonofferbytravelersfromSydney.Hildawrotealetterto
authorities in May 1940 asking for permission to travel to Sydney to purchase goods. Nevertheless,
48
MemotoCowraPolicestationSergeantFHGermerfromMPISectionSydney,30May1942.See KramerneeCaspary,
Herta(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[filecontainsphotographofsubject][Box136].C123/4714,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 283
authorities refused to grant the permit. Hildas husband, Franz, approached their accountant James
Hunter,whowrotealetterofsupport:
Thesepeopleareveryhardworkingandbuiltupagoodbusiness.Ihavedonetheirworkandhaveknown
thempersonallyeversincetheyarrivedinthiscountry.
I spoke to them on the phone and pointed out it was nothing against them personally but a general
regulationapplyingtoallaliensfromanenemycountry,whetherJewsornotJews(theyareJews).
Itisahardshipparticularlyformillineryandladiescostumesbuying.Peopleincountrytownsgettoknow
what it is likelyto selland buyaccordingly. At thesametime manufacturers aregenerally small men and
theydarenotriskmakingmorethanonesampletoshowbothtownandcountryclients.Thisnecessitates
buyers visiting the factories. If one has not the goods then they make the rounds till they get what is
needed'.49
What is interesting to note is that the Centawers suspected they were being prosecuted for their
religionastheyhadexperiencedinGermany.ItisnotknownfromherNAAdossierwhethertheappeal
wasaccepted.
Figure 95:HildaCentawer
HildaCENTER[formerlyCENTAWER]
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyper
AORANGI22Oct1938[Box30].SP11/5
CENTER,HILDA,NAA,Sydney.
49
Accountant James Hunter wrote to authorities, 12 Jan. 1942. See Centawer [changed to Center], Hilde (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box121].C123/4255,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 284
Prohibitedpossessions
ThemostproblematicoftheAliensControlRegulationsforauthoritieswastheProhibitedPossessions
Order 1939 (Cth). As noted in Chapter One, the legislation preventedenemy aliens from listening to
anybroadcastfromawireless.Manywomenthoughtthattheywerepermittedtoownawirelessset
aslongasitwasnotused.GermanbornAnneEckardtarrivedinAustraliainApril1926andwasliving
in Cremorne, on the lower north shore of Sydney. Annas husband Joahannes Arthur Eckardt was
internedduringthewaratTaturacampinVictoria.In1942,asuspiciousneighbour,MrHatchmanfrom
NeutralBay,anadjoiningsuburb,madeareporttoauthorities,claimingthatagreenlightwasburning
fromherroomatleastonceamonth.Authoritiesconductedasearchwhichrevealedthatshewasin
possession of two wireless sets. Anna believed that because the wireless sets were not turned on,
therewouldbenoproblem.AuthoritiesclaimedshewasinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulations.
She responded by saying I thought I could have them providing I did not use them, I will make
arrangementstodisposeofthem.50Despiteherplea,Annawasfined3and2.10.0courtcosts.51No
further information can be found in her file on the initial complaint regarding the green light in her
room. Nonetheless, Annas case highlights the war hysteria that existed among the Australian public
towardsGermanJewishwomen.
Many women were required to dispose of their prohibited possessions voluntarily. Search warrants
conducted by authorities throughout the war found many women in breach of this Prohibited
PossessionsOrder.Itemsthatwereprohibitedincludedwirelesssets,addressbooks,electrictorchesas
50
StatementmadebyPolice,11December1941.SeeUrner,Anna[German][Box314].C123/10232,NAA,Sydney.
51
Memorandum to Inspector Watkins, MPI, 17 April 1942. See Urner, Anna [German] [Box 314]. C123/10232, NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 285
wellascameras.GermanHermineEIlserlivedinRichmondwithherfamily,intheruralareanorthwest
ofSydney,andtoldauthoritiesthatshevaluedhercameraanddidnotwanttodisposeofitthrough
sale.Shedecidedtoallowauthoritiestotakepossessionofitforthedurationofthewar.52However,as
withthefilesofotherpeople,itisdifficulttoascertainfromHermineswhetherauthoritiesreturned
herpossessions.
Inanothercase,sixteenyearoldGermanSteffiSchweigerarrivedinAustraliainDecember1938and
residedinMaroubraBayduringthewar.SteffiworkedasadressmakerandfailedtoreporttoherARO
becauseshedidnotwanttobelatetowork.Consequently,authoritiessearchedherhousehold.Steffi
wasfinedfiveshillingswithcourtcostsof2.2.0andeightshillingsforowningawireless.53Charlotte
GurkewasborninBreslau,Germanyin1904andarrivedinAustraliain1934.Duringthewar,Charlotte
was unemployed and lived with her two children while her husband Kuno Hans Wilhelm Gurke was
internedatTaturaInternmentcampinVictoria.InOctober1940,Charlottevoluntarilyhandedoverher
camera to authorities for the duration of the war. Two years later however, Charlotte wrote to
authorities
Iamanenemyalien(German)andabout2yearsagofollowingtherestrictionsgaveupmywirelessset.I
havejustheardthatenemyaliensareallowedagaintohaveawirelessandIshouldbeverymuchobliged
ifyoucouldletmeknowwhetherthisistrueandifsowouldyougivemepermissiontohireawireless
receivingsetfromalocalfurniturestore.
Iamlivingaloneherewithtwosmallchildrenandwouldappreciateawirelessverymuch,particularlyin
theevenings.54
52
Report to Commissioner of Police, Sydney, 7 November 1940. See Eisler [nee Klement], Hermine (naturalised British
subject)[formerlyGerman][Box253].C123/8505,NAA,Sydney.
53
SeeSchweiger,Steffi[German][Box211].C123/7111,NAA,Sydney.
54
LetterfromCharlotteGurketoR.W.HamiltonPostsandTelegraphstoDeputyDirectorofSecurityNewSouthWales,27
Oct.1942.SeeGurke,Charlotte(German)[Box280].C123/9305,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 286
Fourmonthslater,CharlottesapplicationwasrejectedbySeniorRadioInspector,W.T.S.Crawford.55
Figure96:SteffiFriedlander
SteffiFRIEDLANDER[formerlySCHWEIGER]
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyper
ROMOLO18Dec1938[Box60].SP11/5
FRIEDLANDER,STEFFI,NAA,Sydney.
Thisfollowingcaseshowssomediscrepancieswithinsomepolicestationsduringthewarregardingthe
applicationoftheProhibitedPossessionsOrder.HertaCurtiswasborninVienna,Austriaandmigrated
toAustraliain1938withherhusbandKurtCurtis.DuringthewartheyresidedinBellevueHill,inthe
eastern suburbs of Sydney and when Herta registered as an enemy alien, authorities wrote on her
questionnaire:
weareoftheopinionthatsheisoflowmentalityandwouldnotcommitand[any]subversiveacts.Sheis
slightly hard of hearing and does not appear to have any views on the institutionalisation other than
expressregretathavingbeenforcedfromherhome.Herhusbandisacommercialtravellerintypewriter
requisitesandisawayatpresentandhasbeenforabout2months.
56
55
CopyofletterfromW.T.SCrawford,SeniorradioInspectortoCharlotteGurke,15February1943.SeeGurke,Charlotte
(German)[Box280].C123/9305,NAA,Sydney.
56
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,1939.SeeCurtiss formerley Schmuckler,
Herta(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box98].C123/3522,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 287
InSeptember1940,asearchwasconductedattheCurtishomeandasmallcamerawasfound.Before
the search, Herta explained that when she and her husband gave it in to authorities, authorities
claimedbecauseitwassmallandcheaptheywereallowedtotakeithome.However,oncethesearch
was conducted, Kurt surrendered the camera to the local police station in Waverley. According to a
statementmadebyKurt,heaskedforareceipt.TheofficerinchargetoldKurtthathewouldreceive
thereceiptinthemailwithinthenexttwoweeks.InNovember1940,Hertarequestedforthereturnof
hercamerafromauthoritiesforthesolepurposeoftakingonlyfamilyphotos.Authoritiesresponded
byaskingforareceipt,however,HertaandKurttoldpolicethatareceiptwasnotsenttotheirhome.A
reportwasmadebytheofficerwhoclaimedbothHertaandherhusbandwereverydefinitethatthe
camerahadbeensurrenderedandimpressedmethattheyweretellingthetruthaboutthematter.57
Thereportsconcludedthatthecameracouldnotbelocatedandthematterwasleftunresolved.
ThoughmanywereinbreachoftheProhibitedPossessionsOrder,somewereallowedtoownandusea
camera,butinmostcases,thesewomenbecameemotionallydistressedafterthepressurethatwas
exertedbyauthorities.TwentyfiveyearoldGermanLydiaKauflerlivedonherownduringthewarin
Homebush, an inner western suburb of Sydney. She was a successful fashion designer working with
severalfirmsinthecity.OnLydiasquestionnaireform,authoritieswrotethat:
Friends contacted stated that this alien is well conducted and anxious to comply with the laws of this
country and in their opinion loyal to the British Empirehas few friends and occasionally visits her
neighbour,andattendsconcertsatSydneyTownHall.58
57
ReporttoInspectorWilson,22September1941.SeeCurtissformerleySchmuckler,Herta(GermannaturalisedBritish
subject)[Box98].C123/3522,NAA,Sydney.
58
Questionnaire completedbythe MPI Section,Police Headquarters in Sydney. See Kaufler, Lydia Else (German [born]
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box234].C123/7874,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 288
Figure97:LydiaKaufler
Kaufler,LydiaElse.SP11/2NAA,Sydney.
InMay1940,LydiawasquestionedbyauthoritiesastowhysheexposedcolouredfilmatKodakCoin
Sydney.Lydiaexplainedthattheexposuresonthefilmwereherowndesignsandthatshemerelytook
photographstofinishofftheremainingfilm.Overwhelmedbythequestioning,Lydiawasemphaticto
thepointoftearsandauthoritiesbelievedthattherewasnosignificanceinthearrangementofthe
photographsnorwasthereanymessageandshewasclearedofanysuspicion.59
ThirtyyearoldErnaFurnberglivedinPetersham,innerwestofSydney,andworkedasaphotographer
duringthewar.InOctober1940,evidencewasproducedbyErnatoshowauthoritiesthatsherequired
AuthoritiesallowedErnatousethecamera,providedthatthefollowingrestrictionswereadheredto:
itisreportedthatherworkconsistsmainlyofdevelopingphotographs,anditisonlyoccasionallythatshe
isrequiredtodooutsidephotography,andtheincomefromthelattersourceisestimatedatonly5/a
week. It would appear that use is approved, additional restrictions would appear necessary to conform
withotherpermitsissued;thesemightincludebetweenthehoursof9.a.mand9.p.m;withinaradiusof
5milesoftheG.P.O.Sydney;photographsnottobetakenofprohibitedplacesorinprohibitedareas,or
59
Intelligence report, 28 May 1940. See Kaufler, Lydia Else (German [born] naturalised British subject) [Box 234].
C123/7874,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 289
Ernasactivitiesweredulynotedbyauthoritiesasthemonthspassed.Ernawaslateraffectedbytravel
restrictionsthatwereplacedonenemyaliensduringthewar.InAugust1942,shewrotetoauthorities
askingforpermissiontovisitherfiancwhowaslivinginMelbourneinordertodiscussarrangements
forthewedding:
DearSir,
IwishtoapplyforpermissiontovisitMelbourne:
Ihavebeenengagedtobemarriedforsixmonthsandwishtovisitmyfianctomakearrangementsfor
thewedding.
WecouldnotcometoadecisioninourletterswhetheritwouldbewiserformyfianctocometoSydney
tolivehere,orformetogotoMelbourne.Ihopeyouwillrealisethatitisofverygreatimportanceforus
totalkthatmatteroverpersonally.
IhaveaDeveloping&PrintingBusinesshereandIamdoingquitewell.Thereforewebothwillhaveto
considerthatproblemverythoroughly...
Myreasonsforaskingfortheaboveare,thatIcanarrangeformybusinesstobecarriedonatthistime.
Myaccountant,MrF.Brady,12O'ConnelStreet,Sydney,haskindlyundertakentodomyworkduringmy
absence.
Idohope,youwillbeabletograntmethispermission.61
Ernas application was refused. However, there were some officers who did sympathize with Erna,
stating that they interviewed her and she was very distressed that she could not see her fiance to
discuss the issue. One officer stated that 'her explanation re marriage was satisfactory, but have
advisedhertotrytomakesomedecisionwithfiancbypostalservice.Advisedherthatifnodecision
60
MemorandumtoMPIsection,19November1940.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGerman
borninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
61
Copy of letter from Erna Furnbergto Police Headquarters in Sydney, 24 August1942.SeeFurnberg, Erna (naturalised
Britishsubject)[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 290
wasreached,tosubmitafurtherapplicationstatingherdifficulties'.62Onemonthlater,approvalwas
giventoErnatotraveltoMelbourne;however,therewasoutrageexpressedinregardstothisdecision
by an anonymous member of the community for the reason that they could not use Ernas services
because she was on holiday: 'Do you think it is fair to allow Miss E. Fernberg a Refugee Austrian
PhotographertotraveltoMELBOURNE[sic]thisweekandonaholidaywhenbusinesswasrefusedto
deservingAustraliansforurgentbusiness'.63
Figure98:ErnaFurnberg
ErnaFURNBERGNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperKZM25Mar1939[Box
61].SP11/5FURNBERG,ERNA,NAA,Sydney.
By1943,nowmarried,Ernawasforcedtodisposeofherequipmentexceptforhercameraandlefther
extensiononherapplicationpermitforacamerabecauseatthetimeshewasinadentalmechanics
62
Report,31August1942.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].
C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
63
LetterwrittentoMinisterofDefence,nodate.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyGermanborn
inAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 291
beingdeprivedofherlivingandleftstarvingbutitisapparentthatshewishestopickheremployment
and particularly to remain in employment in the photographic business which at the present time is
particularly remunerative'.64 At that time, only twelve enemy aliens possessed permits for use of
photographicapparatus.AuthoritiesconcludedthatErnawasnotallowedtouseacameraandthatall
equipmentbesubmittedtotheNationalService.Itwasnotuntil1944thatErnawastransferredfrom
enemyalientorefugeestatus.Itisnotknownwhetherherequipmentwasreturned.65
case of German Jewishborn Eleanore Liefmann. Eleanore was born in Offenbach, Germany in 1909
andlivedwithherhusbandatDoubleBayduringthewar.On20November1940Eleanorewroteto
authoritiesaskingforpermissiontousehercamera.Authoritiesrespondedbyclaimingthatdespitethe
fact there is nothing recorded against her of an adverse nature, it is recommended that the
applicationforpermissiontoretainacameraberefused'.66NineteenyearoldyearoldGermanIrma
MerkelbachwasalsoaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations.ShearrivedinAustraliainNovember
1938 and lived in Mt Pritchard, south west of Sydney, and helped her father make bags. A search
warrantwasexecutedatherhomewhereauthoritiesfoundIrmainthepossessionofacamerawhich
64
LetterfromDeputyDirectorSecuritytoSecurityService,2February1943.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)
[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
65
LetterfromDeputyDirectorSecuritytoSecurityService,2February1943.SeeFurnberg,Erna(naturalisedBritishsubject)
[formerlyGermanborninAustria][Box200].C123/6797,NAA,Sydney.
66
Response freom Authorities to Eleanore Liefmann, 29 November 1940. See Liefmann, Eleanore (German naturalised
Britishsubject)[Box104].C123/3772,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 292
had been given to her by her grandmother ten years earlier. Authorities confiscated the camera,
however,noprosecutionwasrecommendedandIrmawasnotfined.67
Afterthewarhadended,manywomencontinuedtobesubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.
For example, Else Fuhrmann who was born in Germany in November 1891 and arrived in Australia
November1929,wrotealetteron6August1945totheDeputyDirectorofSecurityaskingpermission
to use her wireless. The Deputy Director responded that it was fine for Else to use it as long as she
altersthevalvesinthewirelesssoshehasalimitedamountofaccesstofrequencyinthearea.68
ThirtyfouryearoldSelmaFinkensteinwasasinglewomanworkingasadomesticservantandlivedin
Darlinghurst during the war. Selma was described by authorities as of only medium intelligence,
ratherchildishinmannerandisparticular[particularly]hardworkingandthrifty.69InOctober1940,
Selmawrotetoauthoritiesaskingwhethertheywouldreturnheraddressbookandthattheaddress
bookhadthephonenumberandaddressesoffriendsthatshewouldliketomeetwith.Itisunknown
fromherfilewhetherauthoritiesreturnedthisbook.70
67
ReporttoOfficerinChargeofPolice,Liverpool,8October1941.Merkelbach,Irma[German][Box240].C123/8054,NAA,
Sydney.
68
Response from Deputy Director of Security to Else Fuhrmann, 21 August 1945. See Fuhrmann, Else Martha Louisa
(German)[Box167].C123/5806,NAA,Sydney.
69
QuestionnairecompletedbytheMPISection,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney.SeeFinkenstein,Selma(German)[Box75].
C123/3037,NAA,Sydney.
70
Copy of letter from Selma Finkenstein to authorities, 16 october 1940. See Finkenstein, Selma (German) [Box 75].
C123/3037,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 293
German Hertha Lindenberg was born in 1902 and lived in Bondi with her husband during the war.
Hertharanaboardinghouseanditwasstatedonherquestionnairethat:
We are of the opinion that at the present we can see no reason to put any restriction on the
movements of this alien. Owing to her running a boarding house she has no time to commit any
subversive act. She is quite willing and ready to answer questions, and the boarder, Mr Brown is
continually on the watch for any subversive utterances or actions. Mr Brown states that he would
immediatelyinformtheauthoritiesifanythingcameunderhisnotice.71
HerthahadtoobtainpermissiontouseanelectrictorchwhilstvisitingherhusbandAlfredinmilitary
hospital.Hewaseventuallydischargedfromthe2ndAustraliaEmploymentCompanyinJune1943.72
Figure99:SelmaFinkenstein Figure100:HerthaLindenberg
SelmaKATZMANN[neeFINKENSTEIN] HerthaLINDENBERGNationality:Stateless,
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyperMAIN formerlyGermanArrivedSydneyperTASMAN
on20May1939[Box94]].SP11/5KATZMANN, on22Feb1939[Box112].SP11/5LINDENBERG,
SELMA,NAA,Sydney. HERTHA,NAA,Sydney.
71
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney. See Lindenberg, Hertha (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box157].C123/5413,NAA,Sydney.
72
LetterfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityNSW,TaylortoHertha, 5 September 1942. SeeLindenberg,Hertha (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box157].C123/5413,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 294
SuspiciousMinds
ThereweremanyAustralianresidentswhoreportedtheirGermanJewishneighborstotheauthorities
reflecting on the hysteria of the wartime conditions. There were a number of incidents in the files
concerning GermanJewish women who were suspected of being spies. Ilse Rosenthal was born in
Germany in April 1891, arrived in Sydney July 1938 and resided in harborside Vaucluse. Ilses
professionfocused on the Germanlanguage and philosophy. Ilse was a student of Albert Einstein at
BerlinUniversitygraduatingwithaPhDinphilosophy,Greekandphysics.73Sheworkedasalecturerat
SydneyUniversityandtaughtataprivateschoolatHopewoodHouse,DarlingPoint.Authoritieswere
concernedthatifIlsehappenedtocomeacrossGermaninformationregardingthewarshewouldbe
abletotranslatetheinformationandpassitontothewrongpeople.Ilsessecuritydossiercontaineda
pamphlet on the schedule of her lectures on modern science that was distributed to university
students.Thissuggeststhatauthoritiesweredeeplyconcernedwithherpositionasalecturerwhich
gavehertheopportunitytoinfluenceothersifshechosetodoso.74Nothingadversewaseventually
foundbutitwasnotedthatIlseshusbandwasemployedinsomeverysecretworkconnectedwith
munitions,workthatwas giventohimbyCommonwealthGovernmentauthoritieswhensomething
brokedownandnoonecouldbefoundtofixtheproblemonaSunday.75
73
A.Smith,EncyclopediaofAustralianScienceRosenthalSchneider,Ilse(18911990).16March2001.
[http://www.eoas.info/biogs/P003165b.htm].Accessed:17March2012.
74
Pamphlet on schedule of Dr Ilse Rosenthals lectures, September 1941. See Rosenthal nee Schneider, Ilse (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box112].C123/4020,NAA,Sydney.
75
Unknownauthor,Memorandum,12May1941.SeeRosenthalneeSchneider,Ilse(GermannaturalisedBritishsubject)
[Box112].C123/4020,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 295
Figure101:IlseRosenthal
IlseROSENTHAL[neeSCHNEIDER]
Nationality:GermanArrivedSydneyper
AORANGIon01Jul1938[Box166].SP11/5
ROSENTHAL,ILSE,NAA,Sydney.
Ilses case study also shows how communication with people in other countries during the war was
extremelydifficult,andwasespeciallyfrustratingforJewishrefugees.On28April1940,Ilsewroteto
theControllerGeneralofCustomsinCanberra,E.Abbott,askingwhethershewouldbeabletohelp
herbrother,whohadfledtoHolland,toretrievehisbelongingsthatwereinGermany.Ilsewrote:
TheonlypossibilitytogethisbelongingsoutofGermanyandtoHollandwouldbe,ashewrotetome,to
sendtheBillofLadingwhichishereinSydneybacktoHollandtohim.HehasaskedmetoforwardthisBill
toGermanyinorderto[collect]histhings,thelastofallhispropertythatwaslefttohim.Ashewasnot
allowedtotakemoneywithhim,hecannotbuynewthingsinHolland.Iwouldlovetohelphimingetting
his things, and, therefore, I am applying for the permission to send the Bill of Lading to my brother in
Holland. As I fear that this last property of my brother might be confiscated by the Nazis, I should be
76
extremelygratefulifthepermissionwouldbegrantedtomeassoonaspossible.
Mr Abbott responded almost three months later, stating that Holland is now occupied by Germany
and communication with enemy territory is prohibited under the Trading with the Enemy ActThe
delay in replying to your letter has been caused by the rapidly changing European situation and is
76
LetterfromDr.IsleRosenthaltoControllerGeneralofCustomsinCanberra,E.Abbott,28April,1940.[Dr.IsleRosenthal
SchneidercommunicationwithbrotherinHolland.1940/w/7242,A1539].A1539/1940/W/7242,NAA,Canberra.
P a g e | 296
regretted.77ItisnotclearfromIlsesdossierwhetherornotshewasabletoobtainpermissionlateron
toassistwithherbrothersrequest.
SurveillancewasalsoplacedonJulieSaraFischerwhowasborninPosen,Germanyon21January1912
andarrivedinAustraliaon5October1939.Duringthewar,JuliewaslivingwithherhusbandinTumbi
Umbi,asmalltownnearWyongonthecentralcoastofNewSouthWales,wheresheworkedasacook.
On4August1941,astatementagainstJuliewasmadebyKateSmith,proprietorofaboardinghousein
Woollahra:
About5p.m.on30thJuly,1941,IsaidtoMrsFischer,whoappearedtobeatthetimeleavingherroomtogo
toanotheraddress,Areyouleaving now,MrsFischer, asifyouare,Iwant youtosignmybook.Iatthe
timehadmyalienregisterinmyhand.MrsFischerreplied,No,Iwillbackinaboutanhourstime.Isaid,
Areyousleepingheretonight?Shereplied,Idontknow,wemaybebecauseIdontknowwhetherthe
flatwillbereadyforme,asthepeopleonlyleftthatday.About1hourlater,MrsFischerdidnotreturnto
myplace,andIwentintotheroomwhichsheandherhusbandhadvacated,andsawtheattachednoteon
thetable,togetherwiththekeysoftheroom.IthenreportedthemattertoPaddingtonPoliceStation.
78
KateSmithhadrequestedMrsFischertofurnishherintendednewaddressinthebookwhichsheat
thetimehadinherhand.MrsFischerrefusedtomakethenecessaryentryinthebook,andstatedthat
shemaybereturningtosleepatthataddress,astheflatwhereshewasgoingmaynotbereadyfor
77
Copy of letter from Controller General of Customs in Canberra, E. Abbott to Dr Isle Rosenthal, 11 July 1940. [Dr. Isle
RosenthalSchneider communication with brother in Holland. 1940/w/7242, A1539]. A1539/ 1940/W/7242, NAA,
Canberra.
78
Statement made by Kate Smith, proprietor of residential Woollahra, 4 August 1941. See Fischer, Jula Sara (German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box92].C123/3462,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 297
herShethenleftanddidnotreturn.79Katesaid,Yes,Iwroteit,butIamverysorryifIdidanything
wrong.80
Figure102:JulieSaraFisher
JuliaSaraFISCHERNationality:German
EmbarkedBataviaperNIEUWHOLLAND[Box
56].SP11/5FISCHER,JULIASARA,NAA,
Sydney.
AnonymousletterswrittentoauthoritiesregardingsuspectGermanJewishrefugeeswerearecurrent
theme. Anna Gertrud Wendorf was sixty two years old, lived in Elizabeth Bay with her family and
stayed at home most of the time during the war. On 23 November 1940, suspicious neighbours
reported that they noticed signaling at night coming from Annas apartment. One month later
authorities conducted surveillance of Annas apartment and saw no signaling and heard no further
complaints. A detective and sergeant refrained from interviewing Anna and continued to watch her
home.81
79
Memofrom Constable ClaudePryor toInspectorGillam, 22 August1941.SeeFischer,Jula Sara(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box92].C123/3462,NAA,Sydney.
80
Memofrom Constable ClaudePryor toInspectorGillam, 22 August1941.SeeFischer,Jula Sara(Germannaturalised
Britishsubject)[Box92].C123/3462,NAA,Sydney.
81
Report to Inspector Wilson, MPI section, 23 December 1940. See WENDORF, Anna Gertrude and Gertrude Johanna
[SecurityService,NewSouthWales,dossier][Box13].C123/2921,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 298
ThirtyfiveyearoldGermanJewishSinnaRotensteinwasalsoplacedunderscrutinybasedonthefact
that she was a typist. Sinna was born in Russia and was classified as a German national when she
arrivedinAustraliainMay1939becauseofherGermanparents.Sinnawassingle,livedatNeutralBay
and worked as a domestic servant. Anonymous persons became suspicious of Sinna because her
brother was interned, she spoke German and her neighbours regularly heard Sinna using a
typewriter.82 In August 1940, authorities interviewed Sinna and found out that her brother was
internedatOrangeandthatshehadnotseenhimsincebecauseshecouldnotgetsufficienttimeoffto
travelandthatshecouldnotaffordthecostoftraveling.Authoritieswrote:
Regarding the amount of typing done...she is hopeful of some day obtaining employment as a
stenographerand forthatreason practicesonthetypewriteroneveryopportunity,whichalsohelpsto
improve her knowledge of English. The number of conversations she would have over the telephone
whenshewouldspeakinGermanwhilstemployedatSlingo's,shemaintainswerewithherbrotherwho
was then in Grime's garage at King's Cross, giving her reasons for speaking German that she found it
easiertomakeherselfunderstood.83
Sinnaassuredauthoritiesthatsheoccupiedherselfalldaywithhouseholddutiesfrom7amto8pmand
thatattheendofthedayshewastootiredtogooutandshewouldstayinherroom.Shealsostated
thatshehadnofriendsandthatshehadeveryFridayoffwheresheusuallywenttotheCitytohavea
look around at the shops or attend a picture show.84 It became common for women to prove to
authorities that they were not involved in espionage, with strategies such as emphasizing that they
werelonelyandhadnofriendstobecomelesssuspiciousandavoidofficialharassment.
82
Letter from Major to Eastern Command, 20 June 1940. See Rotenstein, Sinna (German) [Box 149]. C123/5124, NAA,
Sydney.
83
ReporttoinspectorKeefe,8August1940.SeeRotenstein,Sinna(German)[Box149].C123/5124,NAA,Sydney.
84
ReporttoinspectorKeefe,8August1940.SeeRotenstein,Sinna(German)[Box149].C123/5124,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 299
Otherwomenwerefortunatethatauthoritiesdidnotdependonthemeaninglessassertionsmadeby
suspiciousmembersofthecommunity.ForexampleGermanJewishbornRosemarieSaraMeyerwas
16yearsoldwhensheregistered.ShelivedinDoubleBayandwasadressmakerduringthewar.On19
January1942,aletterwaswrittentoauthoritiesbyAustralianbornFrancisMcGuinnes:
ThereareforeignersnextdoortomyAunt'splacewhoholdmeetingseveryweekthereareseveralcars
parked outside the place, the blinds are always pulled down when they arrive, and you can hear them
talking in a foreign language as though they are sending messages, my Aunt's are watching them and
whentheyfindanythingdefinitetheywillinformthemilitary.85
Authoritiesconcludedthatthissourcecanonlyberegardedasanunreliableperson,wholittleorno
reliancecanbeplacedupon'.86
Figure103:RosemarieSara
Meyer
RosemarieSaraMEYERNationality:German
ArrivedSydneyperNIEUWHOLLANDon05Oct
1939[Box129].SP11/5MEYER,ROSEMARIE
SARA,NAA,Sydney.
BloodyrefoGohomewhereyoucamefrom:YvonneKraemerandIlonaBalog
ThereweremanyGermanJewishrefugeewomenwhofledNazipersecutioninordertostartanewlife
in Australia. However, the Aliens Control Regulations in their new host country disrupted their new
85
MemorandumregardingstatementmadebyFrancisMcGuinnes,19January1942.SeeMeyer,RosemarieSara(German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box89].C123/3401,NAA,Sydney.
86
MemorandumregardingstatementmadebyFrancisMcGuinnes,19January1942.SeeMeyer,RosemarieSara(German
naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box89].C123/3401,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 300
beginning. Yvonne Kraemer and her family were an example of GermanJewish refugees who fell
victimtowartimehysteriaandlegislation.YvonnesparentswereJohannAlfredKraemerandMargot
Kramer(neeOppenheimer).87WhilelivinginGermany,herfather,Johann,wasanengineerbutcould
not establish his own air conditioning (central heating) business nor could her mother, who had
completedallofherqualificationsindentistry,practiceasadentist.Margotsmainaspirationwasto
become a doctor. However, this was considered not to be ladylike and she was discouraged by her
father.88
Accordingly,YvonnesparentsdecidedtoleaveGermany,particularlywhentheyhadrealizedtheNazis
weretighteningtheirgripoverthecountry.Ononeoccasion,herfatherJohannansweredthedoorto
his apartment in Frankfurt to find an SS officer who was looking for a Hans Kraemer. Hans was a
commonshortnameformanynamedJohann.ItwassoonrealizedbybothJohannandtheSSofficer
thattherewasanotherHansKraemerintheblockofapartmentsandtheSSofficerleftinpursuitof
him.AsYvonneremembersthatswhentheyrealizeditwastimetogetgoing.89Fortunatelyforthe
Kraemers,theyhadleftbeforetheywerecalledupbytheSS.90
A few years after they had married, the Kraemers decided to move to America. However, because
JohannwasborninStrasbourg,acountrywhichwastakenoverbytheFrench,theAmericanschose
87
SomeofthereasonswhyherparentsemigratedwerebecausebeingGermanJewishandlivinginGermanyduringthe
1930swasextremelydifficult.
88
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
89
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
90
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 301
nottoaccepttheKraemersandinstead,theycametoAustraliawheretheyhadrelatives.91Yvonnes
grandparentsonherfathersside,DanielandKlaraKraemer,hadlosteverythingduringtheFirstWorld
War and the depression, including a tobacconist kiosk that they owned in a hotel in Strasbourg.
Yvonnes father assisted their migration to Australia in July 1939 and they lived with their son and
daughterinlaw.Yvonnesmaternalgrandparents,decidedtostayinGermanybecausetheyhadalot
of money invested in properties there which under the laws that applied at the time, would be
confiscated if they were sold. What the Kreamers were not expecting upon their arrival to Australia
was the discrimination they experienced that was brought on by the war and cemented by the
introductionoftheAliensControlRegulations.92
Figure104:Yvonnesgrandmother,KlaraKraemer,
September1939
MargotKRAEMERNationality:GermanArrived
SydneyperMSMAGDEBURGon17Oct1938[Box
102].SP11/5KRAEMER,MARGOT,NAA,Sydney.
91
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
92
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 302
KlaraKraemer[GermanarrivedSydneyper JohannAlfredKraemer.SP11/5
RMSORAMA,18July1939.Box96].SP11/2 GERMAN/KRAEMERK,NAA,Sydney
GERMAN/KRAEMERK,NAA,Sydney
AftertheirarrivalinAustraliainOctober1938,theKraemersmovedtoWaverley,aneasternsuburbof
Sydney and began looking for work. However, Yvonnes father was unable to find work and in early
1939,thefamilymovedtoMayfield,nearNewcastle,whereJohannwashiredasadraftsmanforthe
steelworks company called the Broken Hill Propriety Limited (BHP). It was unexplained how Johann
wasevenpermittedtoworkforthesteelworksproductioncompanyinNewcastle,especiallyashewas
classified as an enemy alien. Despite her qualifications, Yvonnes mother was unable to practice
dentistry because her qualifications were not recognized in Australia and there was no university in
P a g e | 303
Newcastle at the time for her to consider gaining local registration. Yvonne was born in 1940 and
YvonnesgrandparentshadarrivedinAustraliatolivewiththefamily.93
According to Yvonne, one of the main problems with being an enemy alien was that they were not
allowedtoownacameraandtakephotos.Thisisthereasonwhythereareveryfewphotographsof
herchildhood.Herfatherhadacamerabutwasnotallowedtokeepit.Hesoldittohisfriendandit
was returned after the war had ended. There was, however, one photograph that Yvonne has
managedtofindandshehasprovidedmewithacopy.ThephotographshowsYvonneasaoneyear
oldchildsittingwithhergrandparentsDanielandKlaraKraemer.Yvonnecanalsorecollecttheweekly
tripssheandherfamilymadetothelocalpolicestationonValenciaStreetinMayfieldtoregisterand
report to their ARO. During the war, her family had no car and since there was no public transport,
theyhadtowalk2.5kilometerseveryweek.Thefamilyeventuallyestablishedsomerapportwiththe
ARO, Sergeant Gleeson. Sergeant Gleeson was well liked and friendly with the family. Yvonne
remembered sitting on the police desk and being given a lollie by the Sergeant. Unfortunately,
nearaspleasanttoenemyalienstookover.94
DuringherweeklytripstothePoliceStation,YvonnesawaBaptistchurchorhallandbecamescaredof
this building because she was told that she was not allowed to go in there and that they were only
allowed in synagogues. One day, while supplied with cardboard and crayons by her father, Yvonne
93
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
94
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 304
drew the Baptist church, with a heading BBC, which, in Yvonnes eyes, stood for the scary Berlin
knew about the British Broadcasting Commission (BBC). Almost immediately, the drawing was
destroyed,herparentsscaredthatsomeonewouldseeitandreporttheincidenttoauthorities.96
Figure107: Enemy
AliensDanieland
KlaraKraemerwith
Aussie
granddaughter
Yvonne,1942.
AnotherproblemwithbeinganenemyalienthataffectedYvonneduringthewarwasthatshewasnot
allowed to speak German with her family in public spaces. However, Yvonnes parents knew English
verywellandadoptedtheEnglishlanguageintheirhomeduringthewar.TheonlytimeGermanwas
spokeninthehomewastocommunicatewithhergrandparentswhoknewverylittleEnglish.Yvonne
was told by her mother that whenever they went shopping she must not talk to my grandmother
95
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
96
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 305
whenwewereout.97ShewastoldthisbecauseYvonnesmotherknewthatifherdaughterwantedto
speaktograndmaitwouldbeinGerman,whichcouldleadtopeoplesuspectingthemasbeingGerman
spies.Littledidherparentsknowthatbecauseofthis,Yvonneexperiencedanidentitycrisisasshewas
growingupinAustralia.YvonnetoldmethatIdidntknowwhy[shewastoldtonotspeakGerman]
and because of that, that sort of affected me psychologically for many years even as I grew up and
grewolder.Inevereversaidmuch.Iwasaveryshychild.98
Perhaps the most memorable case concerned German Jewishborn Ilona Balog. Ilonas family left
Germanyinthelate1930sandlivedinEnglandforafewyearsbeforearrivinginAustralia.TheBalog
family settled on Balfour Road in Rose Bay, an eastern suburb ofSydney. However, theirarrival was
made difficult by the Commonwealth Government. TheBalogfamily was requested to pay a landing
fee of 2,200 in addition to having a guarantor, which at the time was a considerable amount of
money.Inaddition,SuzanneRutlandwrotethatwhilethegovernmentwassympathetictotheplight
oftheJewishrefugees,thereceptionaccordedbytheAustralianpublic,bothJewishandnonJewish,
wasonthewholecoldandaloofand,insomecases,evenhostile.99AccordingtoSuzanneD.Rutland,
the Commonwealth discreetly discouraged their entry by creating difficulties with the language
test.100
97
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
98
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
99
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.29.
100
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.29.
P a g e | 306
Nevertheless,theBalogfamilywasgratefulforlivinginAustralia,escapingthehorrificconditionsthat
Jews endured in Germany and the constant fear of bombing in England. While they settled, Ilonas
father Georg Balog established a clothing manufacturing company in Sydney while her mother
Mathildaremainedahousewife.
Aschildren,IlonaandheryoungersisterperceivedtheirjourneytoAustraliaasagreatadventure.They
werehappytoleaveEuropeandwereinnocentlyexpectingbeautifulweatherandkangarooshopping
aroundonthestreets.IlonaandhersisterwerekeptbusybymeetingupwithotherJewishrefugeesin
their area. They formed a youth group, attended the synagogue regularly for social gatherings and
becameinvolvedinmakingcamouflagenettingthroughavoluntaryorganizationwhichcontributedto
thewareffort.SomeoftheactivitiesthatIlonatookpartinincludedknittingsockstosendtosoldiers
fightingoverseasandwaitressingattheAmericanRestandRecreationcentrelocatedinKingsCross.101
The culture shock was experienced similarly by Yvonne and Ilona Balog. Refugees are most often
perceivedaspooranduneducated;however,GermanJewishwhofledNaziGermanywerepartofan
influential class who were stripped of their German citizenship.102 This was certainly the case for
Yvonne and Ilonas familes. Yvonnes parents came from a large town in Germany where there was
morevarietyoffoodandnumerouswaysofentertainingyourself.103LivinginaplacelikeNewcastle,
and coming from a GermanJewish background, Yvonne was very much aware of any difference.104
101
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
102
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.29.
103
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
104
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
P a g e | 307
She was quiet and withdrawn as a child; forever conscious of being different; and she felt my
parentsaccentwassomethingIfeltIdidntwantmyschoolfriendstoknowabout.105Ilonaexplained
that her mother experienced a culture shock and believed that Australia was quite backward
regardingfamilylife.WhilelivinginGermany,Mathildawasusedtohavingahousemaidandneverhad
todoherownhouseworkwhichwasconsideredtobebelowherstandard.106
Duetofinancialdifficulties,Ilonaleftschool,abandoningheraspirationsofbecomingadoctorinorder
toworkasamessengergirlforalawfirminthecity.Ilonareceived9shillingsperweekandsavedup
for a deposit on a piano which she still owns today. While she was working, Ilona also attended
BusinessCollegeintheevenings.Herworkasamessengergirlwasshortlivedandshelaterworkedfor
the Jewish Welfare Society (JWS). However, shortly after this, her father was called to work for the
Employment Company when he turned forty five years old, and Ilona left the JWS to work for her
fatherscompany.107IlonasfatherstayedintheEmploymentCompanyforafewweeksandwasable
toreturnhomeafterhewasrejectedbyauthoritiesduetoillhealth.
WhileIlonawasworkingasamessenger,resentmentwasexpressedtowardherbyhercolleagues.It
hasbecomewellknownthatduringthedepressionyearsthegovernmentbelievedthattherewere
too many Australians out of work to permit entry to foreigners.108 This led to many migrants being
subjecttohostilitiesexpressedbytheAustralianpublic.Whenaskedwhethershehadexperiencedany
105
YvonneKraemer.PersonalInterview.19August2008.
106
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
107
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
108
Rutland,AustralianResponses,p.30.
P a g e | 308
discrimination, Ilona referred to an incident that occurred on the way into the city one day when
someonecalledouttoherBloodyrefoGohomewhereyoucamefrom!109Ilonawasawarethatshe
was perceived as different in many ways. She said We were just different and people didnt
understand.110 She knew she dressed differently and spoke English in a different way, so the
discrimination experienced was justified in her eyes because in reality, she saw herself as different.
Despite these reactions, Ilona was more surprised to find that racism also came from established
membersoftheJewishcommunitywhowereafraidthattheinfluxofrefugeeswouldencourageanti
Semitism.111
AtsixteenyearsofageuponentryinAustralia,Ilonawasrequiredtoregisteratthelocalpolicestation
inRoseBayasanenemyalienandreporttotheAROonceaweek.Ilonaremembersvisitingthepolice
onaweeklybasisandcommentedonhowfriendlythepolicestaffwere.Infact,Ilonaremarkedathow
she looked forward to seeing the police officers and at times, was flirtatious with them. She also
remembershavingasarcasticattitudeandthatshewascalledintothepolicestationbecausesomeone
hadaccusedherofbeingaspy.Thepolicequestionedherwithoutrevealingwhohadfiledthereport
Despitethefalseaccusations,Ilonabelievedthatduetothewarsituation,itwaseasyforarealspyto
pretend that they were Jewish, so again, it was justified. Ilona claimed this kind of suspicion was
109
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
110
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
111
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
P a g e | 309
understandable because in those days Australia was veryisolated and anything strange that they
didntknowtheylookedatwithsuspicion.112
After our interview, I was curious to find out more about Ilonas incident with the police. Ilona was
nevertoldaboutwhoreportedhertothepolice.However,afewmonthslater,afterdiscoveringher
NAAfilewhichhadneverbeforebeenexamined,IreturnedtointerviewIlonaonceagainandshowed
her the NAA file along with dossiers concerning her parents. Ilona was intrigued about what the
authorities had written. I read aloud the two statements made against her. Both statements were
madebycoworkerswhoknewherwhileshewasworkingasamessenger.DorisPolsonmadethefirst
statementon3December1941:
AboutonemonthagowhilstIwashavinglunchinthecompanyofIlonaBalog,IheardMissDavidsonsayto
her,whodoyou wanttoseewith[win]thiswar?BalogrepliedOhGermany, ofcourse!MissDavidson
reprimandedherbysaying,youdbetternotsaythathere,oryoullgetputout.
Onanotheroccasion,MissBalogwasatmydesknearthetelephoneandshewasidlydrawingswastikason
thepad.Isaidtoherwhatareyoudoingthere?sheappearedstartledandsaidoh,nothing.Isaid,the
UnionJackwouldbemoreinyourline.BalogoncepassedtheremarkthattheGermansoldierswerevery
welldisciplinedandexcellentfighters.IdoknowthatBalogwascommunicatingwithasailorintheBritish
Navy,whomshemetontheboatcomingouttoAustralia.Ihavereadoneofthelettersfromthissailorto
IlonaBalog.113
Onthesameday,HeatherDavidsonstated:
IknewMissIlonaBalog.Shewasemployedforaboutsixweeksbyourfirmandleftaboutafortnightago.
Whilsthavinglunchaboutamonthago,IsaidtoIlonaBalog,whodoyouwanttoseewinthiswar?she
said, oh, Germany, of course! I said youd better not say that here, or youll get put out. By her
demeanour,IamsuspiciousthathersympathiesliewithGermany,asacountrybutperhapsnotwiththe
leadersofthatcountry.ItwasnoticeablethatsheneveratanytimevoicedherfeelingsasbeingagainstNazi
Germany.114
112
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
113
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 3rd December, 1941. See See Balog,
Ilona[Hungarian[borninGermany]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box524].C123/17270,NAA,Sydney.
114
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,3rdDecember,1941.SeeBalog,Ilona
[Hungarian[borninGermany]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box524].C123/17270,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 310
Ialsoreadaloudtheconclusionsthatauthoritieshadmadeaboutthesituation:
Shewassofrankandopenaboutthematterthatweareoftheopinionthatshewassoindignantatsucha
sillyquestionbeingputtoherthatshemadetheremarkfullyintendingtheanswertobebitinglysarcastic
andjustassillyasthequestion.
115
When asked about how she felt about this incident, she responded by saying that she couldnt
Ilona was grateful that the police were actually friendly and recognized her sarcasm. She said
Unfortunately,Imsobloodysarcastic.116Ilonacontinuedwithherpositiveresponsebysayingthat
shecouldunderstandwhytheyweresuspiciousbecauseAustralianscouldnotdealwithforeigners.117
This view was popular among the GermanJewish refugees who had settled before the outbreak of
war. Reverend Katz believed that most were grateful that they were safe despite the mistreatment
Jewishrefugeesreceivedduringthewar
Theseregulationswerecarriedoutunderacertainwarpsychosisandwereunderstandabletous.Whatwe
foundunjustandunnecessarywastheregulationwhichmadeusenemyaliensAfterall,wefromGermany
and Austria were refugees from Hitlerite persecution and had been declared stateless by our former
Government;weopposedFascismandNazism.Onlyamadmancouldhavewishedtoventurehostileaction
againsthisnewcountry.
118
115
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 8 Janurary, 1942. See Balog, Ilona
[Hungarian[borninGermany]naturalisedBritishsubject)[Box524].C123/17270,NAA,Sydney.
116
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
117
IlonaBalog.PersonalInterview.31October2008.
118
Andgel,FiftyYearsofCaring,p.37.
P a g e | 311
Figure108:Ilonasmother,Mathilde
Figure 109:Ilonasfather,GeorgeBalog
Balog
GeorgeBALOG,SP11/5BALOG,G,NAA,
MathildeBALOGSP11/5BALOG,M,
Sydney.
NAA,Sydney.
Figure110:Ilonasmother,Mathilde
Balog
IlonaBALOGNationality:Hungarian
EmbarkedLiverpoolperSTRATHMORE
[Box9].SP11/5BALOG,ILONA,NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 312
Conclusion
Withtheevidencepresentedinthischapter,itisclearthattheCommonwealthGovernmentwaswell
awarethatmajorityofGermanJewishwomenwhomigratedtoAustraliajustbeforetheoutbreakof
war were fleeing Nazi persecution. Given the wartime hysteria that existed and the lack of
organizationwithinthebureaucraticsystemsimplemented,manywomenwereunfairlysubjecttothe
AliensControlRegulationsdespitebeingrefugeesasdefinedbytheLeagueofNations.Inasimilarway,
the bureaucratic processes that failed GermanJewish women was also extended to Australianborn
womenmarriedtoItaliannationals.Mostwomenwereshockedtofindoutthatuponmarriagethey
hadlosttheirBritishstatusundertheNationalityAct1920(Cth).Clearly,Australianwomenmarriedto
Italiansweredeniedtheircivilianliberties,thefinalchaptershowshowtheAliensControlRegulations
impactedontheirlives.
P a g e | 313
ChapterSeven:
TheWivesofEnemyAliens
MuchofthelegislationwithregardtoenemyaliensmayappeartobesevereonAustralianbornwomen
who are married to them [enemy aliens] but this is not the fault of the GovernmentMany difficulties
wouldhavebeenavoidedifthesewomenhadavailedthemselvesofthelaw,whichhasbeenfoughtfor
by women in the past, enabling them to reestablish themselves as Australian subjects after their
marriage.1
(FederalMinisterforHealth,MrH.V.C.Thorby,1940)
On27August1941,IsabellaVenutiansweredthefrontdoorandfoundtwomeninuniformstanding
before her. I am Sergeant Jones said one, and this is Constable Doolan, we are from Police
Headquarters.SergeantJonesaskedIsabellawhathernationalitywasandIsabellarepliedByvirtueof
my marriage I am an Italian, my husband is an Italian. She also told the Sergeant that she had
registered as an alien and claimed Italian nationality. The Sergeant then asked her if she had the
necessary permission under the National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) to retain
possessionofacamera.HerresponsewasNoandthatshedidnotknowthatitwasnecessarytohave
anypermission.Inresponsetothis,SergeantJonesapparentlystatedtoIsabellathathewasgoingto
takepossessionofthecameraandreportthefactstopolice.Hestatedthatinallprobabilitiesyouwill
beprosecutedforabreachoftheRegulations.AsthepolicemenleftthehomeIsabellapleadedIam
morethansorryifIhavedoneanythingwrongIdonotwanttobreakthelaw.2
1
WivesofAliens.TheSydneyMorningHerald,31July1940,p.7.
2
Report written by Sergeant Leonard John Jones. See Venuti, Isabelle (Italian naturalized British subject) [Box 78].
C123/13111,NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),Sydney.
P a g e | 314
NotonlydidtheAliensControlRegulationshaveadirecteffectonthelivesofItalianbornwomenliving
inNewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWordWar,theAliensControlRegulationsalsoaffectedthelives
of women who had become Italian upon marriage. These Australian women lost their British
nationality as a result of being married to an Italian. This meant they too were subjected to the
Commonwealth Governments wartime legislation. The majority of these women were Australian
born,butasaresultoftheirmarriagetoanalien,theyexperiencedthediscriminationbroughtonby
the Aliens Control Regulations. Many of their husbands were born in Italy, and arrived in Australia
throughoutthe1920sand1930s.InordertoretaintheirBritishnationality,thesewomenhadtoprove
totheCommonwealthInvestigationBranch(CIB)inCanberrathattheyhadnosympathytowardsany
of the enemy countries who were at war with the Allied forces during the Second World War,
fallintothiscategory,andtheirstoriesandexperiencesraisemanyissuesregardingthetreatmentof
aliens and enemy aliens during the Second World War, as well as citizenship and womens status in
Australia during the early twentieth century. The previous chapters in this dissertation focus on
ethnicity, appearance and heritage, however, this chapter provides an insight into Australian society
andhowAustralianbornwomenwereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations.
Of the eight seven dossiers of Australianborn women that were examined for this thesis, Table five
showstheagegroupsofAustralianwomenmarriedtoItaliannationalswhoregisteredasenemyaliens
inNewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWorldWar.
P a g e | 315
AGE NUMBEROFWOMEN
UNDER20 13
2029 41
3039 17
4049 10
5059 5
OVER60 1
Table5:AgesofeightsevenAustralianbornwomenlivinginNewSouthWalesduringtheSecondWorldWar.
ThemajorityofwomenwhowereaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulationswereintheagegroupsof
twentytotwentynineandthirtytothirtynine.Onlythreewomenwereundertheageoftwenty,the
youngest being Joyce Mary Lindo,who was born in Canberra and was sixteen years of age with one
childwhensheregisteredasanenemyalien.3NewZealandbornKateSchianowastheeldestatsixty
nine years old. Schiano was required to register despite the fact that her husband had deserted her
priortothewar.4
From the eighty seven files that were examined, eight three women were married, and only three
divorceswererecorded.Thepatternsofmarriagewereveryconservativebefore1921,however,aswe
will see, there were many women willing to discuss their marital troubles to authorities and divorce
3
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 2 August 1940. Lindo nee Bartley, Joyce
Mary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
4
Questionnaire completed by the MPI Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 7 August 1940. Schiano, Kate (Italian by
marriageborninNewZealand)[Box147].C123/15071,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 316
rates continued to increase slightly.5 Statistics do show however, that divorce was temporarily
increasedduringthewar.6In1933,numberofdivorcesrecordedwas1954.Thisnumberincreasedto
7213in1945.Itwasnotuntilthe1960sthatdivorcebecamemuchmorebroadlyacceptable.7
Although they were restricted to a much lesser extent in comparison to their Italian and German
Jewishcounterparts,AustralianwomenwerenonethelessstilladverselyaffectedbytheAliensControl
Regulations.Fromtheseeightsevenfiles,onlytwelveofthesewomenwereinpaidworkduringthe
warandthirtytwowomenhadworkedbeforetheyweremarried.Thissuggeststhatthemajorityof
these women were from a working class background. These women were possibly from the upper
strataoftheworkingclassbeingabletoleavetheworkforceaftermarriage.Mostresidedinruralin
areasbeforetheymarriedanItaliannationalandlatersettledintheinnerareasofSydney.Veryfew
women resided on farms, with most women living in the inner areas of Sydney. The majority of the
questionnaire forms emphasized the fact that women were not employed, and authorities made it
clearbystatingthattheiroccupationinvolvedhomedutiesordomesticduties.
MostofdossiersexaminedrevealedthatwomenwhowereItalianbymarriagewereunawarethatthey
had to register as aliens. Most women believed they were still of Australian/British nationality, and
wereunawareoflosingtheirnationalityuponmarriage.HannahWilmoreMartinuzzi,whowasbornin
Gunning,wasoneofmanywhowereunawarethattheywererequiredtoregister.Hannahwasborn
5
P. F. McDonald, Marriage in Australia: Age at first Marriage and Proportions Marrying, 18601971. Canberra: The
AustralianNationalUniversity,p.1975,p.164.
6
Vamplew,Australians:HistoricalStatistics,47and43.
7
Vamplew,Australians:HistoricalStatistics,47and43.
P a g e | 317
on5 October1898,andduringthewar,livedatKingsford,Sydney.HerhusbandSantoMartinuzziwas
anItaliansubjectwhohadlivedinAustraliaforsixtyyears.BothHannahandherhusbandwereunder
theimpressionthathewasnaturalizedpriortotheirmarriage.DespiteHannahsBritishnationalityand
herhusbandssixtyyearsoflivinginAustralia,itwasconcludedbyauthoritiesthatshehadmarriedan
unnaturalizedsubjectmeaningthathernationalityhadchangedtoItalian.8Hannah,therefore,hadto
comply with the Aliens Control Regulations and register. It was not until April 1944 that Hannah
regainedherBritishnationality.9
8
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,17August1940.SeeMartinuzzi,Hannah
Wilmore(borninNSW[formerly]ItalianbymarriagenaturalizedBritishsubject)Box188.C123/16449.NAA,Sydney.
9
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,17August1940.SeeMartinuzzi,Hannah
Wilmore(borninNSW[formerly]ItalianbymarriagenaturalizedBritishsubject)Box188.C123/16449.NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 318
Figure110:
HannahWilmore
Matinuzzi
HannahWilmore
Martinuzzi[WWII
naturalizedalien]
[box40].SP11/5
Martinuzzi/Hanna
h,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 319
Some police officers were also unaware that these women were required to register as aliens. Alice
DuiliowasborninBallarat,Victoria,on4July1911.Duringthewar,AlicelivedinEasternSydneyand
tookcareofherthreechildren.On13January1941,Aliceregisteredasanenemyalienandstatedto
authoritiesthatthereasonwhyshedidnotregisterearlierwasbecauseshewasadvisedbyauthorities
therewasnoneedforhertodoso.10Similarly,EthelIsabelaDoriawas23yearsoldandwasbornin
Mackay, Queensland. During the war, Ethel also lived in Eastern Sydney and looked after her son,
Robertwhowas2yearsold.HermarriagetoItalianNazzarenoDoriameantthatshehadtoregisteras
an enemy alien. However, it was stated on her questionnaire that although she was married to an
Italian,shewasvery
ProBritish, and although she states she did not register as an alien until the 25th September 1940, she
statesthatitwasnotherfaultaswhenshewasresidingatWollongongsheaccompaniedherhusbandto
thePoliceStationthere,whenthenoticeswerefirstissuedforalienstoregisterbutwasinformedbythe
Sergeanttherethatitwasnotcompulsoryforhertoregister,andsincehasnotbotheredtodoso.
11
Some Australian women married to Italian men adopted what was described as a hostile attitude
whenforcedbyauthoritiestoregisterasaliens.Mostwomenbecameangrywhentheyfoundoutthat
theyhadlosttheirBritishnationality.Authoritiesmadenoteofthishostilityandwomenwhofailedto
complywiththeAliensControlRegulationswereeventuallyprosecuted.Forexample,becauseofher
marriage to Italian Giuseppe Raffaele, 29 year old Australianborn Catherine Mildred Raffaele was
consideredtobeanenemyalien.EventhoughtheAliensControlRegulationswerepointedouttoher
byConstableK.R.C.Maynard,Catherinerefusedtoregister.AccordingtotheConstable,Catherinestill
10
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney13January1941.SeeDuilio[neeRevell],
Alice(Italianbymarriage)[naturalizedBritishsubject]Box188.C123/111750,NAA,Sydney.
11
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney25 September1940.RefertoDoria[nee
Graham],Alice(Italianbymarriage)[naturalisedBritishsubjectborninAustralia][Box362].C123/19736,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 320
consideredherselftobeanAustralianandthatduringtheinterviewingandregistering,MrsRaffaele
adoptedahostileattitude.12On20January1941,Catherinefinallyrelentedandregistered.However,
it was stated afterwards by the Constable that there was no need to prosecute Catherine: Mrs
RaffaeleandherhusbandareontheFoodReliefatpresentandunderthecircumstancesIamofthe
opinionthatnogoodpurposewouldbecautionedandit[was]pointedouttoherthatshouldsheagain
commit a breach of the Regulations, Court action will be taken against her.13 Catherine applied to
regainherBritishnationalityandbecameanaturalizedBritishsubjecton6May1941.14
CatherineMildredRaffaele
[WWIInaturalizedalien]
[box51].SP11/5
Raffaele/Catherine,NAA,
Sydney.
12
Report from Constable K.R.C. Maynard to Commissioner of Police, ARO in Sydney, 24 December 1940. C123/1 11819,
NAA, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred (Australianborn Italian by marriage naturalised British subject) [Box
364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
13
Report from Constable K.R.C. Maynard to Commissioner of Police, ARO in Sydney, 24 December 1940. C123/1 11819,
NAA, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred (Australianborn Italian by marriage naturalised British subject) [Box
364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
14
W.S. Chennoweth, Custodian Records, 19 October 1944. C123/1 11819, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred
(AustralianbornItalianbymarriagenaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 321
Australianborn Jeanne Rosa was also unaware that she had to register as an enemy alien. It was
reportedthatJeannestatedthatherhusbandmadeinquiriesaboutherregistrationlastyear[1939]
butdidntgetanysatisfactionandshedidntbotheraboutitanyfurther.Thisalienadoptedarather
hostileattitudeanddidnotreportuntilwarnedbythePolicetodoso.15On30August1945,Jeanne
was fined 1 with 8/ costs.16 It was found out that there was nothing adverse on the character of
JeanneandnoobjectionwasraisedagainstJeanne.
Figure112:JeanneRosa
JeanneRosa[WWIInaturalizedalien][box
51].SP11/5Raffaele/Catherine,NAA,
Sydney.
15
MemorandumfromSergeantB.BeggtoInspectorE.B.Caban,28June1940.SeeRosa,JeanneneeAllardyce(Australia
bornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
16
Five years later, Jeanne made an application for consent to purchase land in Downing St, Epping. It was reported by
Inspector D. A. Alexander to authorities if he could be informed as to whether anything was known by his Department
againstthecharacteroftheapplicant.ThefilewasthenreferredtoSecurityServicefornotificationofSecurityobjectionor
otherwiseandforwardedbythatservicetohim.SeeMemorandumfromInspectorD.A.Alexander,13August1941.See
Rosa,JeanneneeAllardyce(AustraliabornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 322
However,itwasnotedthatshewasanactivememberoftheCommunistPartyofAustralia(CPA).17Itis
possiblethatJeannewasvictimizedbythepoliticaloppressionthatwasalsoexercisedagainsttheCPA.
With the fall of France in 1940, the CPA was banned by the Menzies Government. Later, after the
SovietUnionenteredthewaronthesideoftheAlliesinJune1941,theAustralianLaborGovernment
liftedtheban.18
EvenAustralianwomenwhosemarriageshadfailedwereexpectedtoregister.Fromthe85filesthat
were examined, there were six cases where women reported to authorities that their husband had
deserted them. These women were also unaware that they were required to register as aliens. For
example, Helen Alice Margaret Cappadona was born in Tasmania and lived in Surry Hills during the
Second World War.19 Helen claimed that her husband Francesco Cappadona had left her fourteen
yearsago.ShewasundertheimpressionthathehadbecomeanaturalizedBritishsubject.Authorities
stated that they were of the opinion that she was a victim of circumstances. She parted from her
husbandand has had no connections with him or other Italians since that time.20 On 30 October
1940,Helenwrotetoauthorities
DearSir,
IamwritingyouthisletterinquiringwhyIhavebeenregisteredasanenemyalien.IwasborninMelton,
MowbrayTasmania.My parentswereborninIrelandandmyhusbandwasborninItalyandI havenot
livedwithhimforfourteenyears.IhadmyhusbandatthemaintenanceCourtandthecasewasdismissed
astherewasnojurisdictioninN.S.W.Thepolicehaveinformedmemyhusbandbecamenaturalisedasa
17
MemorandumfromConstableNo.4247toS.O.I.BureauPoliceHeadquartersinSydney,15May1945.SeeRosa,Jeanne
neeAllardyce(AustraliabornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
18
J.Beaumontetal.,(eds),AustraliasWar193945.St.Leonards:Allen&Unwin,1996,p.95.
19
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 26 September 1940. See Cappadona
[neeMcGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
20
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 26 September 1940. See Cappadona
[neeMcGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 323
single man. I was registered as an enemy alien on the 24th September, 1940, two days before Election
Day.IfinditimpossibletoobtainworkasthepolicetoldmeImusttakethenameIhavebeenregistered
21
under,andIamnowalmostdestitute.
ManywomenwereclearlyvictimizedbecauseoftheirItalianname.Despiteherpleatoberegardedas
aBritishsubject,HelenwasreferredtotheNationalityAct1920(Cth)andwastoldbyauthoritiesto
applythroughtheCIBinordertoregainherBritishnationality.On4December1940,Helenregained
herBritishstatus,butbecauseshehadbeenmarriedtoanItalian,Helenwasrequiredtopayafeeof
tenshillings.22
ThirtyoneyearoldWinifredGazzineLenehanlivedinSydneywithhertwochildrenduringthewar.
InJuly1942,authoritiesconfiscatedawirelessthatsheowned.ConstableWilliamMuirheadDickson
approachedWinifredaboutthewireless.Winifredstated,Yes,IknowthatItaliansarenotallowedto
havewirelessreceivingsets,butIamanAustralian[.]IhavetwochildrenborninSydney.Iamonly
marriedtoanItalian.23TheConstabletookpossessionofherwirelessandreportedthatWinifredhad
been living apart from her husband Gino Gazzi since May 1941. Even though they were separated,
Winifredshusbandsupportedherandtheirchildrenbycontributingmoney.
21
Copy of a letter from Helen Alico Margaret Cappadonia to Hon. E.J. Ward, 30 October 1940. See Cappadona [nee
McGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
22
ReportonInterviewwithHelenAlicoMargaretCappadoniabyOfficerBrady,25November1940.SeeCappadona[nee
McGrath],HelenaAliceMargaret(borninTasmaniaItalianbymarriage)[Box297].C123/19801,NAA,Sydney.
23
ReportfromConstableWilliamMuirheadDickson,30July1942.C123/12451,Sydney.SeeGazzi,Winifred(Australian
bornItalianbymarriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 324
Figure113:WinifredGazzi
WinifredGazzi[WWII
naturalizedalien][box23].
SP11/5Gazzi/Winifred,
NAA,Sydney.
However, the authorities later discovered that Winifred and Gino were never legitimately married.24
Winifred stated to authorities that she decided to register as an alien in order to safeguard her
character,andforthesakeofherchildren.Thiswasdespitethefactthatherhusbandhaddeserted
her. Gino was interviewed on 14 August 1942 and made the following statement in regards to
Winifredsregistrationasanalien:
InowdefinitelystatethatIhavenevergonethroughtheformofmarriagewithWinifredLenehanwhois
nowknownasMrsGazzi.IlivedonandoffwithMissWinifredLeehanasmanandwifeforthe12years
andtherearetwochildrenoftheunionThechildrenwereregisteredinthenameofGazziandIsigned
the papers for that purposethe purpose of protecting her name and not to throw a slur upon my
childrenI am very sorry for my past actions and did not intend to do anything unlawful, or supply
misleadinginformation.MissLenehanregisteredasanalienbutIdidnotcauseoraskhertoregisteras
such, thatactionwas solely her ownconcern.I considermyself morallythe husband of [Miss] Lenehan
25
andadmitbeingthefatherofherchildren.
24
MemorandumfromConstableW.M.DicksontoInspectorWatkins,30July1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(Australianborn
Italianbymarriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
25
StatementwrittenbyConstablesGardnerandDickson,14August1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(AustralianbornItalianby
marriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 325
Winifredwasalsointerviewedonthesameday.ShestatedthatshemetGinoin1928andwhen:
thewarbrokeout,ontheadviceoffriendswhodidnotknowthatIwasonlylivingwithGazzi,Iregistered
atRegentSt,PoliceStationasanItalianAlien,beingissuedwithCertificateNo.29417.Thisactiononmy
partwasdonesolelytopreventpeoplefromascertainingthatIwasnotmarriedtoGazzi.Evenmyown
relationsdonotknowthatIamnotamarriedwoman.
26
WinifredsstatementclearlyhighlightsissuesthatdealwithmoralityanddecencyduringtheSecond
WorldWar.Winifredchosetoregisterasanenemyalienratherthanallowpeopletoknowthatshe
wasnevermarriedtothefatherofhertwochildren.Winifredfurtherstatedthatshefelttooashamed
totelltheofficerswhentheyhadtakenpossessionofherwireless.27Therewasanincreaseindivorce
26
StatementwrittenbyConstablesGardnerandDickson,14August1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(AustralianbornItalianby
marriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
27
StatementwrittenbyConstablesGardnerandDickson,14August1942.SeeGazzi,Winifred(AustralianbornItalianby
marriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 326
rates during the war and although the war saw more social tolerance of divorce, the reputation of
being an divorced mother clearly influenced Winfreds decision to register as an enemy alien rather
thanallowingothersknowthatshewasandivorcedmother.Asaresult,bothGinoandWinifredwere
finedforsupplyingfalseandmisleadinginformation.28Authoritiesdid,however,returnthewireless
settoWinifred.29
RussianbornTaseaGuigniarrivedinAustraliainOctober1916aspartoftheGonzalesOperaCompany.
Tasea was a dresser and her husband Ivon Nosmolov was a carpenter. The Company dissolved two
years later and Ivon died a year after their second son was born in 1919. In November 1920, she
married Italian Giulie Giacomo Giugni. However, after thirteen years of marriage, Tasea left Giulie
because he was a loafer and a drunk who could not hold down a job.30 During the war, Tasea was
requiredtoregisterasanenemyalieneventhoughherhusbandhadleftherin1925.Itwasstatedon
herquestionnairethat
SheisactuallyawhiteRussianhavingleftRussiabeforetheCommunistregime,sheisverymildinher
demeanor,shehasnoItaliansympathieshavingnotseenherItalianhusbandforthepast15years.Sheis
greatlyinfluencedbyhertwosons,bothofwhomregardthemselvesasAustraliansandareparticularly
sensitiveastotheirforeignnameandaremakingrepresentationtotheCommonwealthgovernmentfora
31
legalchangeofname.
28
Memorandum from Constable Dickson to Inspector Watkins, 17 August 1942. See Gazzi, Winifred (Australianborn
Italianbymarriage)[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
29
Report from Police Commissioner, 15 September 1942. See Gazzi, Winifred (Australianborn Italian by marriage)
[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
30
Report to Inspector Keefe, 29 July 1940. See Junee, Tasia alias Guigno Tasea (Italian) [Box 76]. C123/1 3061, NAA,
Sydney.
31
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 23 July 1940. See Junee, Tasia alias
GuignoTasea(Italian)[Box76].C123/13061,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 327
Inordertochangetheirname,TaseaandhertwosonswererequiredtocomplywithClause26(1)and
(2) of the Aliens Control Regulations. Enemy aliens were required to inform the nearest Aliens
RegistrationOfficer(ARO)andanoticewastobecompleted,induplicateproducinginpersontothe
[ARO]suchnoticeandthecertificateofhisregistrationasanalien.32
During the war, many of these women were placed in a difficult position and experienced anxiety,
depression,distressanduncertainty.TheenforcementoftheAliensControlRegulationssimplymade
their experiences worse. One of the youngest woman who was subjected to the Aliens Control
Regulations was Joyce Mary Lindo. When she registered as an enemy alien, Joyce Mary was sixteen
years old. She was born in Canberra and lived with her husband John Lindo and her son in Sydney
duringthewar.Althoughherhusbanddidnotleaveher,Joycewasworriedabouthimandthevarious
troubleshewasinwithauthorities.Afterbeingmarriedforafewmonths,Joycewrotealettertothe
authorities,claimingthatshenoticedaterribledifferenceinherhusband.33Shewrote:
OnedaylastweekIfrightenedhimbysayingIwouldleaveifhedidnottellmewhathistroubleswere.
Hetriedtoexplain,butsaidthatIcouldnotunderstand,forwhathehadmustbekeptasecretuntilhes
32
NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmadeunder
Commonwealth Acts During the Year 1939. Also Prerogative Orders, etc., with Tables and Index. L. F. Johnston,
CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,1939,p.413.NationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations,StatutoryRule
no.88of1939,Regulation26(1)declaredthatanalienshallnotforanypurposeassumeoruse,orpurporttoassumeor
use, or continue the assumption or use of, any name other than that by which he was ordinarily known on the date on
whichtheseRegulationscomeintoforceunlesshehas,inaccordancewiththeseRegulations,previouslynotifiedthealiens
registration officer nearest to his place of abode that it is his intention so to do. [National Security (Aliens Control)
Regulations,StatutoryRules1939,No.88.(m)takenoutofStatutoryrulesmadeunderCommonwealthActsDuringtheYear
1939.AlsoPrerogativeOrders,etc.,withTablesandIndex.L.F.Johnston,CommonwealthGovernmentPrinter,Canberra,
1939,p.413,p.413].
33
CopyofletterfromJoyceMaryLindotoCommissionerofPolice,W.J.Mackay,July1940.SeeLindoneeBartley,Joyce
Mary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 328
sureofwhathesdoingI[dont]knowwhathemeansbyit,buthe[seems]sosureofwhathehasinmind
hesaidifhehadthemoneyandfriendsheshouldbeabletoshowtotheworldhisinvention,moreover
andfortheconsiderabletimehesbeeninAustraliaheisveryshy,andhatesaskingforastrangershelp.
Imterriblyupsetaboutthewholematter,becausetheDoctorordered[him]awayforacoupleofdaysI
amsufferingfromanervousbreakdown,andwithGodswishnextmonthshallbeamother.Ihopeyou
understand and forgive me for writing confidentially but I pray and feel sure you will grant me this
favour.I am an Australianborn in Canberra and quite realize the Countrys danger [but] we love each
otherandofcourseI[dont]writetoyouwiththeintentiontoharmhimJustnowIfeellikedrowning
34
myselfImthatupsetpleasedonotlethimknowIwrotetoyouIwantitkeptsecretfromhim.
ItwaslaterfoundoutbyauthoritiesthatJohnLindohadideasforinventionsthatwerefancifuland
ridiculous.35Itwasnotedbyauthoritiesthathehadnomechanicalknowledgeorexperienceandthat
hehadpromisedtomakedrawingsoftheinventions,however,whenthepolicecalledtwoweekslater,
John claimed he had no time to do them. Authorities concluded that they are satisfied that he is a
humbugandfurthernoticeneednotbetakenofhim.36
Further inquiries showed that John Lindo had trouble with the Bankruptcy Authorities in 1934, and
serveduptothreemonthsintheDebtorsPrisonattheStatePenitentiary.Itwasstatedinaninterview
conductedwithLindothathehadinthepasttoldhiswifetalesaboutallhismoneyhewastomake
outofhisinventionsandalsokepthistruefinancialpositionfromher,andnowwhenitislikelythat
34
CopyofletterfromJoyceMaryLindotoCommissionerofPolice,W.J.Mackay,July1940.SeeLindoneeBartley,Joyce
Mary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
35
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.Oneoftheseideas
wastosuspendanaeroplanebyuseofgasinflated[balloons],sometwelveorfourteenmilesintheair,wheretheycould
remainwithoutusingfuel.Anotherwastofixafinewiretoabulletandfireitatsomeenemyobject,therebyoneendof
thewirewouldremainintherifleandtheothertotheobjecthitbythebullet.CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.
ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26July1940.SeeLindoneeBartley,JoyceMary(Italianbymarriage
Australianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
36
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 329
she may learn of his imprisonment regarding his bankruptcy, together with the fear that he may be
interned,heisaworriedman.37Duetohismentalinstability,authoritiesbelievedthatthattherewas
noneedtorestricthismovementsanyfurther.38
Whileherhusbandwasinterned,31yearoldDorisEdithMayGremmoneWeingaertnerwasforced
toliveonthecharityofothers.DoriswasborninEnglandandarrivedinAustraliain1927.Shelivedin
RandwickwithhertwochildrenwhileherhusbandwasinternedatOrange.Itwasnotedbyauthorities
thatDoriswascomfortablyoffbeforeherhusbandwasinterned,butnowhastoliveonthecharityof
37
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
38
CopyofmemorandumfromSergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PrattoInspector1/cKeefe,26 July1940.SeeLindo
neeBartley,JoyceMary(ItalianbymarriageAustralianborn)[Box118].C123/14181,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 330
otherssincehisinternment.39InSeptember1940,Doriswascaughtbyauthoritiessmugglinglettersto
herhusbandinhiscamp.Doristoldauthoritiesthatshehadapproachedanumberofpeopletohelp
her post the letters to her husband, including a wool buyer residing in Melbourne, Mr Sheppard.40
Dorisshusband,GiovanniGremmo,wasapersonalfriendofMrSheppard,andhewroteamessageto
hiswife,advisinghertoaskMrSheppardforfinancialhelp.HealsoexpressedhisfrustrationoverDoris
usingotherstosendherlettersandnotsendingthelettersherself.41
Doris followed her husbands instructions and wrote a letter to Mr Sheppard which asked for his
financialhelp.Indoingso,DorisreferredtoherselfasGretaandherhusbandasNino:
Ihatehavingtowritetoyoulikethis,butNinosaidifeverIwasintroubletowritetoyou.Ifeelifanyone
canhelpyoucan.HehasbeeninternedandsofarIhavebeenabletokeepgoingwiththelittlemoneywe
havesavedbutfinditimpossibletogoonanylonger.
Ihavethelittlegirlyousawwhoisnowaged31/2andoneweekagohadmyseconddaughter.IfIhadnot
my two babiesto think of I could get work. Iam sureyou, asa father, cansee howhandicappedI am.
NinobeinginanItalianfirmisnotallowedtodrawanysalaryuntilthewarisfinishedandnoallowanceis
madetomybabiesormyself.
Forgivemeforwritinglikethisbutinwartimewhenonehasbabiestothinkofandfindsonessocalled
friends slipping away it is very hard. As you know Ninos people are in Italy and all my people are in
Englandsoitisimpossibletoobtainhelpthere.AndIfeelsoveryalone.Alsothequestionofnationality
hasarisenandIfindIamconsiderednotEnglishbutanItalian,and,anenemy.Ihavetriedallwaystoget
helpthroughtheGovernmentbuttheanswerisalwaysthesameWhyshouldtheyhelpanenemy.I
42
wouldbeawfullygratefulifyoucouldhelpme.
39
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp & G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
40
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp & G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
41
Army Department, R. Lister, Statutory Declaration, 5 November 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
42
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp and G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 331
Clearly, Doris and her children could not survive whilst her husband was interned. Doris resented
havingtoaskMrSheppardforfinancialhelpandexpressedherfrustrationwiththediscriminationthat
shewasexperiencing.
TheletteralsodemonstratedthatitwasdifficultforGiovannitowithdrawmoneytohelpsupporthis
familybecauseofhisItaliannationality.ThiswasduetothecontroltheCommonwealthGovernment
hadoverpropertyheldormanagedbypersons,firms,orcompaniesintheCommonwealthonbehalf
of enemy subjects. The Aliens ControlRegulations covered any legal orequitable rights in or arising
outofrealorpersonalproperty;balancesordepositsatbanks;dividends,interest,orshareofprofits;
P a g e | 332
anddebtsduetoenemysubjects.43InSeptember1939,theAssistantTreasurerPercyClaudeSpender
stated that the property subject to the regulations would not be confiscated, but would merely be
controlledbytheCommonwealthuntilthepresentwarterminated.44
Despite their friendship, Mr Sheppard ignored Doriss appeal. Doris then asked her friends, Mrs
HearnshawandMrsClarkson,however,theyalsorefusedandclaimedtheyweretooBritishtostoop
tosuchactions.45ItalianbornMrsBotterodidhowever,helpDorissmugglethelettersintocamp.Asa
result,authoritiesrequestedthatit
Would be advisable to change this womans address, away from Mrs Bottero, and also to restrict her
futuremovements,andwewouldrespectfullysuggestthatifGremmoorBotterobeallowedtointerview
46
visitorsatthecamp,thesevisitorsshouldbekeptunderstrictwatchastoactivitiesinthatcamp.
OtherwomenwhoweredependantonwelfareassistanceincludedMarieTeresaSaraDeGeorgene
PattersonandDahliaMargheritaBuete.Mariewasthirtyyearsoldwhensheregisteredasanalien.She
livedinHarrisParkwithherhusbandandthreechildren.Itwasnotedbyauthoritiesthatduringher
interview she answered all questions in a straight forward matter and had well respected parents.
BecauseMariewasinpoorcircumstancesandwasinreceiptoffoodrelief,authoritiesbelievedthere
was no need to further restrict her movements from a national security point of view.47 Dahlia
MargheritawasalsothirtyyearsoldwhensheregisteredandlivedatEastwoodduringthewarwith
43
EnemyPropertyinAustralia:RegulationsforControl.SydneyMorningHerald,28September1939,p.10.
44
EnemyPropertyinAustralia:RegulationsforControl.SydneyMorningHerald,28September1939,p.10.
45
Report from Sergeant Samuel J. Sharp & G. Waldock, 12 September 1940. See Gremmo, Doris Edith May (Italian by
marriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
46
Censorship report Copy of letter from Doris Edith May Gremmo to Giovanni Gremmo, 28 September 1940. See
Gremmo,DorisEdithMay(Italianbymarriage,borninEngland)[Box288].C123/19554,NAA,Sydney.
47
QuestionnairecompletedbytheM.P.I.Section,PoliceHeadquartersinSydney,19August1940.SeeDeGeorge(nee
Paterson),MarieTeresaSara(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australia][Box193].C123/16579,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 333
hertwochildren.Itwasstatedbyauthoritiesthattherewasnoneedtorestricthermovementsany
further because she also received welfare assistance and was in the process of obtaining a divorce
afterherhusbandGiuseppeBuetewasdeportedafterbeingfoundguiltyofblackmail.48
Italian Salvatore Mineo had left his Australianborn wife Gladys Mineo for eighteen months when
authorities made enquiries into Japanese callers frequently meeting at her house. When authorities
interviewedfortytwoyearoldGladysMineo,residentofBlayney,acountrytowninthecentralwest,
theyfoundoutthatherhusbandleftherfornoapparentreason.Becausehefailedtosupporthiswife
andchildren,therewasawarrantforhisarrest.49GladysclaimedthatshehadnoItaliansresidingwith
herandthatshebarelyhadsufficientaccommodationforherfamilywhichconsistedoffivechildren.
Regarding the Japanese callers, Gladys stated that no people of that colour should be permitted to
enter her home and could not think why such allegations should be preferred against her and her
family.50Authoritiesconcludedthattherewasnothinginthehomethatindicatedtothemthatthere
was any anti British feelings or movements and that there was no need for the matter to be
investigatedanyfurther.51
48
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 21 August 1940. See Buete, Dahlia
Margherita[naturalisedBritishsubjectformerly[Italianbymarriage][Box247].C123/18290,NAA,Sydney.
49
Report from Constable and Detective Sergeant to Inspector 2nd Class Wilson from MPI section, 3 January 1941. See
Mineo[alsoknownasMiner],Gladys(borninAustraliaItalianbymarriage)[Box359].
50
Report from Constable and Detective Sergeant to Inspector 2nd Class Wilson from MPI section, 3 January 1941. See
Mineo[alsoknownasMiner],Gladys(borninAustraliaItalianbymarriage)[Box359].
51
Report from Constable and Detective Sergeant to Inspector 2nd Class Wilson from MPI section, 3 January 1941. See
Mineo[alsoknownasMiner],Gladys(borninAustraliaItalianbymarriage)[Box359].
P a g e | 334
AustralianWomenwhowereItalianbymarriageduringtheSecondWorldWaralsofounditdifficultto
findajob.AnexampleofthiswasfoundinthedossierofAustralianbornElizabethFagioli.Elizabeth
lived in Turramurra during the war and prior to her marriage to Italian Mario Fagioli, was a self
employedmusician.AftertheirmarriageinEngland,Elizabethandherhusbandwhowasfortyseven
yearsoldandaCaptaininthe6thAlpiniRegimentoftheItalianArmy,wenttoresideinMilan,Italy.
Whenheretired,MariobecametheItalianrepresentativeforaBritishfirmknownasFilmaOilBurners
Ltd.ElizabethandhermotherarrivedatFremantleandtravelledtoliveinSydneyinApril1940.She
informedauthoritiesthatifshehadknownthatItalywasgoingtoenterthewarshewouldnothave
leftherhusbandinItaly,asshefeltthatitwasherdutytobewithhimatthetime.52
Griffith[WWIInaturalized
alien][box19].SP11/5
Fagioli/Elizabeth,NAA,
Sydney.
On6July1940,ElizabethmadeadeclarationunderSection18AoftheNationalityActmaintainingher
Britishnationality.Fourteendayslater,ElizabethmadeanapplicationforapositionintheAustralian
52
CopyofareportwrittenbySergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PratttoInspectorKeefe,23July1940.SeeFagioli,
ElizabethWinifred[BorninAustraliaItalianbymarriage][Box279].C123/19269,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 335
Broadcasting Commission (ABC) as a reader and translator in Italian.53 However, under the National
Security Act 1939 broadcasting stations were prohibited places for any enemy alien. Despite an
outstanding reference that was written on her behalf by her solicitor, W.W.R. Swinson, Elizabeths
application to workforthe ABC asa reader and translator in Italian was rejected. Authorities stated
that:
AsfaraswecanascertainMrsFagioliisanexcellenttypeofperson,buthavinginmindthefactthatsheis
happily married to a man who is an enemy alien and possibly an Officer in an Army at present at War
against the British Empire, we consider grave consideration should be given to her application before
appointing her to a position that may enable her to acquire knowledge of interest to her adopted
54
country.
Australianborn women who became Italian by marriage were also affected by the Prohibited
PossessionsOrder.SimilartoItalianbornwomen,theyhadtoapplytothePostMasterGeneralfora
permittopossessawirelessapparatusofanykind.ItalianAnteoFrarewasmarriedtoAustralianborn
MayRosettaandthoughtthatbecausehewasmarriedtoanAustralian,hewasexemptfromAliens
ControlRegulationsimposeduponenemyaliens.InJuly1942,Anteowasinterviewedathishomein
Sydney,whereawirelessreceiverwasfoundinhispossession.Anteoclaimedthathegave15tohis
53
CopyofareportwrittenbySergeantE.R.ShawandConstableL.W.PratttoInspectorKeefe,23July1940.SeeFagioli,
ElizabethWinifred[BorninAustraliaItalianbymarriage][Box279].C123/19269,NAA,Sydney.
54
Copy of a report written by Sergeant E.R. Shaw and Constable L.W. Pratt to Inspector 1st Class Keefe. See Fagioli,
Elizabeth Winifred [Born in Australia Italian by marriage] [Box 279]. C123/1 9269, NAA, Sydney. Documents regarding
Elizabeths sister, Nola Fagioli, were also found in Elizabeths dossier. A statement was made by Lady Mackay, wife of
LieutenantGeneralIvanMackay,againstNola.LadyMackaymetNolaatagatheringatMrsSwinsonshouseandwasvery
upsetwhenshefoundoutthatNolashusbandMarcoFagioliwasservingwiththeItalianarmy.Mackaywasalsotroubled
bysomeofthecommentsmadebyNola,particularlywhensheclaimedthatAustraliashouldnotbefightingtheItaliansand
how Italy had no intention in getting involved in the war. See statement made by Lady Mackay, 4 June 1941 in Fagioli,
ElizabethWinifred[BorninAustraliaItalianbymarriage][Box279].C123/19269,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 336
GardneraskedwhetheritwaslicensedinhisnameandAnteorepliedIdontknow,Ileftthattomy
wifeassheisaBritishsubject.GardnerthenaskedDoyouswitchitonandoff.Anteosresponsewas
No,Ineverinterferewithitasitisonlyusedforthechildren.56Nevertheless,thewirelesswasfound
inhispossessionandConstableGardnertoldAnteothathewouldreportthematterandclaimedhe
wouldbeprosecuted.57
ConstableGardneralsointerviewedMayRosettaandaskedherwhethershehasevertunedintoany
broadcasts.MayRosettatoldtheConstable,Wellitisnogoodofmetellinglies,wedouseitevery
night. The children listen to storiesit is entirely my fault, and I will have to put up with the
consequences:.58TheConstabletookpossessionofthewirelessandclaimedthatitispossiblethata
prosecutionwillfollow. 59NoprosecutionwasimposedonMayRosetta.Authoritiessuggestedthatif
sheandherhusbanddesiredtohavethewirelessreturned,anapplicationformforwrittenpermission
wasrequiredtobesenttotheSeniorRadioInspectorinSydney.60
55
StatementwrittenbyConstableJosephJohnGardnertoM.P.I.PoliceHeadquarters,Sydney,14July1942.SeeFrare,May
Rosetta(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
56
StatementwrittenbyConstableJosephJohnGardnertoM.P.I.PoliceHeadquarters,Sydney,14July1942.SeeFrare,May
Rosetta(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
57
StatementwrittenbyConstableJosephJohnGardnertoM.P.I.PoliceHeadquarters,Sydney,14July1942.SeeFrare,May
Rosetta(ItalianbymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
58
ReportfromConstabletoInspectorWatkins,9September1942.SeeFrare,MayRosetta(Italianbymarriagebornin
NSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
59
ReportfromConstabletoInspectorWatkins,9September1942.SeeFrare,MayRosetta(Italianbymarriagebornin
NSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
60
CopyofletterfromDeputyDirectorofSecuritytoMayRosettaFrare,18October1943.SeeFrare,MayRosetta(Italian
bymarriageborninNSW[Australian][Box193].C123/16584,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 337
Australian women who returned from Italy after June 1940 found themselves to be victims of
circumstance.AsnotedinChapterOneofthisthesis,theNationalityActstatedthatAustralianwomen
married to a foreigner lost their British nationality. This meant that Australian wives of Italian
nationalsfoundthattheyhadconflictingidentities.61ForexamplePatriciaVolterrawasborninSydney
on1October1907.DuringthewarPatricialivedatDarlingPointandstayedathome,lookingafterher
onlychildSaraVolterra,whowasborninLondon.PatriciawasmarriedtoItalianGualtieroVolterrain
1928,andwasrequiredtoregisterasanalien.PatriciametGualtieroinItalywhilststudyingpiano.At
the age of thirteen, Gualtiero passed musical examinations that entitled him to the diploma of
ProfessorofMusic.Whenhewastwenty,GualtierotraveledEuropeandperformedinmusicalrecitals
beforehereturnedtoliveinItaly.AsGualtierowasofItalianJewishorigin,hewassubjectedtomany
indignities by the fascists in Italy.62 Finding his position intolerable, Gualtiero took his wife and
daughter with him to live in Paris and then moved to Switzerland. Patricias father, T.H. Kelly made
representations to the Prime Minister of Australia and obtained a permit for their entry into
Australia.63
61
R.Pesman,ChapterOne:AustraliansinItaly:TheLongViewinB.Kent,R.PesmanandC.Troup,ed,AustraliansinItaly:
ContemporaryLivesandImpressions.Clayton:MonashUniversityPress,2010.
62
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
63
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 338
Figure120: Patriciaand
GualtieroVolterra.
AustralianWifeof
VisitingPainist.The
Argus,29July1946,p.6.
GualtieroandPatriciacametoAustraliawiththeintentionofabandoningthediscriminativeattitudes
that they had experienced overseas. However, both experienced these attitudes living in Sydney.64
Patriciasparents,MrandMrsT.H.KellywerewellknowninSydney.Patriciasfather,ThomasHerbert
Kelly was a Lieutenant Colonel in charge of the Intelligence Branch during the Great War and was
consideredtobeawelltodobusinessmaninthecity.65ThomasKellywasknowledgeableaboutmusic
anditshistory,playingviolinorviolaintheSydneyAmateurOrchestralSociety.Hewasalsowellawell
educatedlinguistandamemberoftheDanteAligheriArtandLiterarySocitywhichpromotesItalian
cultureandlanguage.66PatriciasmotherEthelKnightKellyneeMollisonwasawellknownactressand
64
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
65
ReporttoInspectorKeefe,19November1940..SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
66
M. Rutledge, Australian Dictionary of Biography Kelly, Thomas Herbert (1875-1948).
[http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/kelly-thomas-herbert-6924]. 11 November 2011.
P a g e | 339
authorduringthelatenineteenthcentury.TheKellyfamilyheldanumberofsocialgatheringswhich
attracted the medias attention. It was also well known by the public that Patricia had married an
Italian.Asaresult,theKellyfamilyreceivedanumberofanonymouslettersandphonecallsregarding
GualtieroandotherItalianslivinginSydney.AustralianresidentJimDonaldwroteacolumnwhichwas
published in the Truth Sydney newspaper on 12 January 1941. He wrote that towards the end of
November1940,1100enemyaliens
wereadmittedtoAustralia.MostoftheItalians,andmanyoftheGermansofthisquota,arestillatliberty.
Yet we read that the Advisory War Council met on Thursday to discuss TRACKING DOWN SPIES. It is to
laugh.EverymanAdolfandAntonioonthatrefugeerollcallshouldbeunderlockandkey.Aye,evenunto
theDagohusbandofthedaughterofoneofourleadingsocialites.Butsuchthingsarenotdone.Wepity
ourpooraliensweshouldimprisonem.67
Donald was clearly disappointed with the publicity Gualtiero was receiving during the war for his
concerts.
Figure121:Gualtieroand
PatriciaVolterrawiththeir
daughterSara.TheVolterra
familywasconstantlyinthe
mediawhichcausedpublic
discontent.
ArrivedfromItalyYesterday.
SydneyMorningHerald.23
December1939,p,4.
67
MemorandumwithnewspapercuttingregardingPatriciaVolterrafromEasternCommand,SeargaentGeorgeH.Hawkins,
nodate.SeeVolterra [nee Kelly], Patricia (Italian [by marriage - born in Australia]) [Box 202]. C123/6839, NAA, Sydney.
P a g e | 340
More public discontenttowards the Kelly family camefrom Elizabeth Bay resident, Mrs D.V. Russell,
who telephoned authorities in November 1940 saying that she resented the fact that Gualtiero was
stillmixinginsociety,andthatiftheinvestigatingofficersweretoringhershewouldperhapsbeable
togivethemsomeinformation.68AfterinvestigatorsquestionedMrsRussell,itwasrevealedthatshe
couldnotprovideanyusefulinformationregardingherclaim.Authoritiesreportedthatshe
statedthatshehadnevermetthemanVolterrabuthadseenhimwalkingaboutthestreets,andknowing
thathewasanItalianandthathehasonlybeeninAustraliaforashorttimeshewasopinionthatheshould
beinternedaswellasalltheotherItalians.Shefurtherstatedthatshehadneverheardhimsayanything
whichwassubversiveanddoesnotknowwhetherheisamemberoftheFascistPartyorlikeorganisation.69
AuthoritieswrotethatsincehisarrivalinDecember1939,Gualtierohad
notdoneanyclassofwork,buthasbeenmaintainedbyhisfatherinlaw[Gualtiero]statesthatheoften
walks to Kings Cross for the purpose of doing some shopping and attending his dentist, but
discontinuationofhiswalkswasthathismotherinlawhadreceivedseverallettersandononeoccasiona
70
telephonecallinformingherthathersoninlawshouldbeinternedwiththerestofItalians.
PatriciaandherfamilywerealsosubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.InJanuary1941,Patricia
wrotealettertotheCommissionerofPoliceinSydney,askingfortherenewalofherdriverslicence.
Patricia claimed that she wished to renew her licence was for the purpose of driving her mother
because they did not have a chauffeur. 71 In December 1941, Patricia wrote once again to the
Commissioner, claiming that she needed the licence to evacuate her daughter in the case of an
68
MemorandumaddressedtoInspectorKeefe,MPIsection,20November1940.ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.
SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
69
MemorandumaddressedtoInspectorKeefe,MPIsection,20November1940.ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.
SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
70
MemorandumaddressedtoInspectorKeefe,MPIsection,20November1940.ReporttoInspectorKeefe,10July1940.
SeeVolterra,Gualtiero(Italian)[Box194].C123/16606,NAA,Sydney.
71
LetterfromPatriciaVolterratotheCommissionerofPoliceinSydney,3January1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia
(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 341
emergencyandherfather,whowasunwell.Despiteherplea,theCommissionerrefusedtherenewal
ofPatriciasdrivinglicence.72
In January 1941, Patricias father wrote to the MPI authorities asking them if they could renew his
daughters driving licence. Thomas Kelly wrote that they did not employ a chauffeur and that his
daughter was helpful to his wife in driving her about in their motor car. He wrote that his wife was
busily employed in many charitable and war work activities and made special note that he was a
retiredLieutenantColonelintheCommonwealthMilitaryForcesandduringthelastwar,hewasthe
officerinChargeoftheIntelligenceSectionoftheGeneralStaff2ndMilitaryDistrict.73Patriciasfather
alsowrote,
IamadirectoroftheBankofNewSouthWales,aDirectorofTooth&Co.Ltd.,ManagingDirectorofThe
Sydney Smelting Company. I have been an Alderman of the City of Sydney and of the Municipilatity of
Woolahra. I am known personally to the Prime Minister and the State Premier and also to the District
Commandant,Lieut.GeneralMiles.74
Despite the status of her father, authorities nonetheless refused the renewal of Patricias licence.75
However, her fathers own rather suspicious activities in the years preceding the Second World war
mayhavealsohadsomebearingonhisdaughterstreatment.ThomasKellywasnotonlyaprominent
businessman,butalsoamemberoftheInstituteofPublicAffairs(IPA)whichwas wellknownforits
72
LetterfromPatriciatoSecretaryE.J.Baldwin,14December1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia(Italianbymarriage
borninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839,NAA,Sydney.
73
CopyofLetterfromT.H.KellytoOfficerinCharge,M.I.P,Sydney,22January1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia
(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839.NAA,Sydney.
74
CopyofLetterfromT.H.KellytoOfficerinCharge,M.I.P,Sydney,22January1941.SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia
(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839.NAA,Sydney.
75
SeeVolterra[neeKelly],Patricia(ItalianbymarriageborninAustralia)[Box202].C123/16839,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 342
fascist tendencies before the war broke out. According to Shane Cahill, Kelly was also a regular
confidantofvisitingJapanesenavalsquadrons.76
While there were women who were clearly victimized by the Aliens Control Regulations, there were
others who sympathized with the fascist cause and were, arguably, a risk to national security. Jean
Quagliaisoneexample.JeanwasborninSydneyandduringthewarlivedatKirribilliwithherhusband
and two children. Jeans husband, Filberto Quaglia, was one of the leading members of the Fascist
PartyinNewSouthWalesandwasinterned.Jeanstruggledtosupportherchildrenbutcontinuedto
support her husbands fascist cause. This was especially evident in a letter that Jean had written to
76
S. Cahill, The Fascist Mob. Overland 189, Summer 2007. [http://overland.org.au/previousissues/issue189/feature
shanecahill/].November2010.SeealsoD.Cottle,TheBrisbaneLine:Anepisodeincapitalhistory.Leicestershire:Upfront,
2002.
P a g e | 343
familyfriends,MrandMrsCosta.On7January1942,JeanthankedMrandMrsCostafortheirfinancial
aid,butalsowroteLetushopethatthisyearwillfindeveryonehappierandmayGodjudgewhich
sidemaywinformeIwillalwaysbeloyaltomyhusband.77
Jeans loyalty to her husband was also evident when she applied to retain her British nationality in
October1945.Therewasnosecurityobjectionraised,butauthoritiesmadereferencetolettersthat
they had intercepted in regards to her husband. It was stated in a memorandum to the Acting
FascistPartyinthestateofNewSouthWales.BeforethewarhadbrokenoutinApril1939,Filberto
wrotetotheSecretaryoftheFascioinSydney,andreferredtohiswifeJean,whomhebelievedwould
helpthefascistcauseifitwasrequiredofhertodoso:
Iunderstandthatasyousay,mywifeandchildrenwillhavenothingtofear,materially,heretheywould
be certain of good nourishment and of personal safety; but my wife does not intend to renounce her
Italiannationalityeveninthecaseofwarandwishestofollowmyfortunes,thatisbecomeinternedifthe
Italiansareinterned.ItmaybethatonaccountofthelargenumbersofItaliansinthiscontinent,therewill
benoadequatemeansofinterningthem,andtherepercussionsinthesugarindustrywouldbeverygrave
inthecaseofQueensland.However,iftheinternmentweredisagreeable,finallythesentinelswouldhold
usprisonersbuttheywouldspareusthedailyragingsandhumiliationswhichweshouldhavetosuffer
beingfreeandincontactwithanexasperatedand hostilepublicSowhilethinkingthatforthesakeof
theirsafetyandnourishment,thechildrenwouldbebetterhere,Ithink,perhapsegoisticallythatonthe
wholewewouldfeelmuchmoreinplaceinItaly,becauseIwouldhavethesatisfactionofdoingmyduty
asOfficerintheNavy,mywifewoulddohersasaRedCrossLady,whilethechildrenwoulddofairlywell
78
andsafewithmysisterinthecountry.
77
CopyofletterfromJeanQuagliatoMr&MrsI.Costa,7January1942.SeeQuaglia,Jean[alsoknownasJean](naturalised
British subject) [formerly Italian by marriage born in Australia] [Box 253]. C123/1 8492, National Archives of Australia
(NAA),Sydney.
78
ReportfromDeputyDirectorofSecurityforNewSouthWalestoActingInspector,CommonwealthInvestigationBranch,
Sydney,8October1945.ItwasalsonotedinthememorandumthatbothJeanandFilbertosenttheirweddingringstothe
ItalianGeneralConsulatthetimeofAbyssinianWar.SeeQuaglia,Jean[alsoknownasJean](naturalisedBritishsubject)
[formerlyItalianbymarriageborninAustralia][Box253].C123/18492,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 344
Although Jean was loyal to her husband, she claimed that she would always be loyal to her native
country.Inresponsetohisletter,Jeanwrote:
You will notice that I do not use the fascist year any more; as it is true what we read, our King has
abolishedit,andasmyfirstloyaltyhasalwaysbeentotheKing,Iobey,evenifitispainfulonethingat
79
leastIcandowellisthatofobeying
Jeans story is a good example of why the Aliens Control Regulations were implemented during the
war. Those who sympathized with the fascist cause were clearly considered to be a threat to the
nations security, especially when it was considered by authorities that it was further possible that
fascist men who were interned could rely on well organized womens groups to perform their
intelligencework.80
Another example of a woman who was loyal to her husband was Katheleen Taranto. Kathleen was
borninNarromineon14November1905andresidedonClevelandSt,MooreParkinSydney.Shetook
careofherdaughterwhilstherhusbandwasinternedatOrange.Itwasstatedonherregistrationform
that she did not associate with anyone except for her two friends and that she was known to
surrounding shop keepers, who do not like her personally, but can say nothing against her as being
AntiBritish.81 Because she failed to register as an alien, authorities claimed that supervision of
Kathleenwasnecessary.Whenansweringquestion43onherregistrationform,authoritieswrote:
79
SeeQuaglia,Jean[alsoknownasJean](naturalisedBritishsubject)[formerlyItalianbymarriageborninAustralia][Box
253].C123/18492,NAA,Sydney.
80
Confidential report addressed to Army Headquarters, Victoria Barracks, Melbourne, Internment of Women. Elena
Giovenale,21November1941.SeeGiovenale,Elena(Italian)[box71].C123/12955,NAA,Sydney.
81
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 22 July 1940. See Taranto, Kathleen
(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 345
This woman stated to us that she knew a lot of Italians who should have been interned instead of her
husband.SherefusedtogiveusthenamesoftheseItalians.Shefurtherstatedthatshewouldsellthe
shop and also reside near [her] husbandShe seems to be in full sympathy with her husband, and
admittedthatshemixedfreelywiththeItaliancommunity.WewouldsaythatalthoughAustralianborn,
82
shehasdecidedItaliansympathies,andshouldbekeptundersupervision.
On8October1940,aletterpostedbyKathleentoherhusbandAnthonyTaranto,wasinterceptedby
authorities:
I suppose you [were] disappointed that we could not go to Orange but believe me dearthat it was no
faultofours.Ithinkitisdreadfulthewaywearetreatedinthiscountry[.]TheytalkofBritishrightsbut
they have none when I dont get [justice!] You poor thing cant expect any. I dont know why we was
[were]stoppedfromgoingintoseeyou.Theysaiditwasan[on]accountofawomanfoundinthecamp
withyoumen.Whatashamethattheofficershavewomengoingtoseethematalltimes.Iamsurethat
it was one of their friends & must have been AustralianThe Queen Mary goes out this week about
Thursdaygoes with one of the boys on it and he said [things] [are] very bad on the other side[,] well
dearthat[is]theirbrawl[,]notoursIsupposewhenthingsstartintheEastthatisthetimeyoupeople
will get it, me included.I had a visit from the police todayWell dearcheer up. I will never give up
hope.
83
Figure 124:Kathleen
Taranto
KathleenTaranto[Italian
bymarriagebornin
Australia.Box155].SP11/2
Italian/TarantoK,NAA,
Sydney.
82
Questionnaire completed by the M. P. I. Section, Police Headquarters in Sydney, 22 July 1940. See Taranto, Kathleen
(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
83
LetterfromKathleenTarantotoherhusbandAnthonyTaranto,8October1940.SeeTaranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].
C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 346
Twenty days later, a Detective Sergeant requested that Constable Hollis interview Mrs Taranto and
obtain,ifpossible,anadmissionastowhethersheisthewriteroftheattachedletter,alsoifshestill
upholds the sentiments expressed therein.84 On the same day, a report based on an interview with
Kathleenwassubmitted.ItstatedthatKathleenapologizedforwritingtheletterandclaimedthatshe
wroteitbecauseshewasveryannoyedthattheinterneeswiveswhohadvisitedOrangetheprevious
Sunday were only allowed to speak to their husbands through a wire fence.85 When questioned
regardingthestatementIwishtheywouldinternme,Kathleenexplainedthatitwasexpensiveforher
to visit her husband at Orange and that she would have been better off to be interned with her
husband. Authorities concluded that she very much regrets having [made] the statement that a
womanhadbeenfoundinthecampwiththemen,andthatOfficershavewomengoingtoseethemat
alltimes;asherhusbandhadsinceinformedherthattherewasnotruthwhateverintheallegations.86
There was an order issued against Taranto that required authorities to keep her under constant
surveillance and to let this letter pass.87 However, another letter was intercepted by authorities,
whichledthemtobelieveshewasathreattonationalsecurity.Asaresult,Tarantowasnotallowedto
becomenaturalized.88ItisnotclearfromthefilesifandwhenKathleenwasgrantednaturalization.
84
MemorandumfromDetectiveSergeanttoConstableHollis,28October1940.SeeTaranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].
C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
85
Memorandumfrom ConstablestoInspectorKeefe,28October1940.See Taranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box 94]. C123/1
3518,NAA,Sydney.
86
Memorandumfrom ConstablestoInspectorKeefe,28October1940.See Taranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box 94]. C123/1
3518,NAA,Sydney.
87
Notewrittenbyauthorities,nodate.SeeTaranto,Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
88
CopyofletterfromIntelligenceSection,EasternCommand,G.H.NewmantoKathleenTaranto,8April1942.SeeTaranto,
Kathleen(Italian)[Box94].C123/13518,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 347
Figure125:
KathleenTaranto
under
surveillance.
Taranto
Kathleen(Italian)
[Box94].C123/1
3518,NAA,
Sydney.
P a g e | 348
Comparatively,ItalianwomenwhowereinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulationswererequiredto
pay a higher fine than women who were Italian by marriage. For example, sixty one year old
Mareaninna Palise lived in Australia for twenty seven years and was fined 3.0.0 8/ after failing to
register as an alien during the war.89 On the other hand, twenty six year old Australian born Jeanne
Rosa ne Allardyce, married to Italian Renato Rosa, was unaware that she had lost her British
nationality,andfailedtoregister.Asaresult,Jeannewasrequiredtopayamuchlesserfineof18/in
court costs.90 There were also cases of Australian born women who were in breach of the Aliens
ControlRegulations,butwerenotrequiredtopayafine.Forexample,asmentionedearlier,Catherine
MildredRaffaelefailedtoregisterasanalienandwasissuedwithawarningtocomplywiththeAliens
ControlRegulations.91Inadditiontotheseclaims,Italianwomenwhodesiredtobecomeanaturalized
Britishsubjectwererequiredtopayaprescribedfeeof5.However,inthecaseofawomanwhowas
aBritishsubjectpriortohermarriagetoanalien,apaymentofonly5swasrequired.92
89
Copy of letter from Deputy Crown Solicitor George A. Watson to Crown Solicitor, 3 July 1942. See Palise, Mareannina
(Italian)[box69].C123/12919,NAA,Sydney.
90
MemorandumfromConstableB,BeggtoInspectorofPolice,SergeantE.B.Caban,28June1940.SeeRosa,Jeannenee
Allardyce(AustralianbornItalianbymarriage)[box57].C123/12666,NAA,Sydney.
91
W.S. Chennoweth, Custodian Records, 19 October 1944. C123/1 11819, Sydney. See Raffaele, Catherine Mildred
(AustralianbornItalianbymarriagenaturalisedBritishsubject)[Box364].C123/111819,NAA,Sydney.
92
Official year book of the Commonwealth of Australia, no. 32.1939. Prepared under the instructions from the right
HonorableTreasurer.,D.Phil.,Ph.D.,CommonwealthStatiscian.L.FJohnson,p.405.
P a g e | 349
Figure126:MareaninnaPalise
Palise,Mareannina(Italian).SP11/2Italian,NAA,
Sydney.
Another example that illustrated the different ways in which Italian women were subjected to
authoritative measures involved the case study of Italian Marta De Palma. As was noted in Chapter
One,MartawasinbreachoftheAliensControlRegulationsafterauthoritiesfoundherwirelesssetin
thepossessionofanotherItalian.Despitethefactthatthewirelesssetwasdisconnectedandthevalve
wasmissing,Martawasfined2and9/courtcostsandauthoritiestookpossessionofthewireless.In
1944,Martaaskedforthereturnofherwireless,yetauthoritiesrefusedtoreturnthesetdespitethe
factthatItalysurrenderedoverayearandahalfearlierinJuly1943.93However,thisiscontrarytothe
wirelessthatwasreturnedtoWinifredGazzi.AsnotedinChapterSeven,thewirelessthatwastaken
awaybyauthoritiesinJuly1942,andwasreturnedtoWinifredtwomonthslaterdespitethefactthat
shewasfinedformisleadingauthoritiesabouthermaritalstatus.94Itwasobviousthatinsomecases
Italian born women were discriminated against by authorities in comparison to women who were
Italian by marriage. It was possible that authorities perceived Australian born women, as the title of
thischaptersuggests,asvictimsofcircumstance.
93
CopyofletterwrittenbyDirectorofPostsandTelegraphsinSydney,JackMalonetoMartaDePalma,2January1945.See
Ciccolella,MartaorDePalma,Marta(Italian)[Box84].C123/13279,NAA,Sydney.
94
Report from Police Commissioner, 15 September 1942. See Gazzi, Winifred (Australian born Italian by marriage)
[0.25cm;box50].C123/12451,NAA,Sydney.
P a g e | 350
Conclusion
Inmanyways,theAliensControlRegulationshadanegativeimpactonthelivesofthesewomenunder
considerationinthischapter.BeingmarriedtoanItalian,Australia/Britishbornwomenweresubjected
to the restrictions of the Aliens Control Regulations introduced by the Commonwealth Government
during the Second World War. The majority of these women were unaware that they had lost their
Britishnationalityonmarriage,andthattheytoowereclassifiedasaliensandenemyaliens.Itisclear
fromtheevidencepresentedinthischapterthattherewasconfusionoverthenationalityandstatusof
these women, and that it was only during the war that these questions were raised. Not only were
these women forced to register as aliens and enemy aliens, but society was unsympathetic towards
their predicament. Most women who became Italian on marriage found it difficult to cope on their
own, especially when they had to look after their familieswhile theirmen were interned during the
war. Most case studies presented show that authorities aimed at applying the law equally and that
justiceappearedtobeapplied.ThiswasespeciallyevidentregardingthecaseofPatriciaVolterra,who,
despiteherhighlyculturedandinfluentialbackground,wasaffectedbytheAliensControlRegulations
asaresultofhermarriagetoVolterra.Therisktonationalsecuritycontinuedtobeaprimaryconcern
for the Commonwealth Government. Women who expressed antiBritish views or sympathy for any
Italians living in their community were kept under constant surveillance by the Commonwealth
Governmentauthorities.Itwasnotuntilthemajorityofthesewomenbecamenaturalizedcitizensthat
theywereconsideredtobeexemptfromtherestrictionsoftheAliensControlRegulations.
P a g e | 351
Conclusion
Inthestruggleforfreedomwemaylosefreedom;oureffortstopreservelifemaycause
ustolosethethingsthatmakelifeworthliving.1
(LaborPolitician,MauriceBlackburn)
ThisthesisprovidesananalysisofhowtheNationalSecurity(AliensControl)Regulations1939(Cth)
affected the lives of German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women classified as enemy
aliensduringtheSecondWorldWar.IthighlightsthesubjectivenatureoftheRegulationsandhow
womenwereimpactedbythelegislationinvariousways.Thisthesisisthefirststudytoprovidea
historical analysis of these women who have been neglected in account of Australias wartime
experience.Itpresentsdetailedaccountsof750womenbasedonarchivaldocumentsheldatthe
NationalArchivesofAustralia(NAA),majorityofwhichhadneverbeforebeenexamined.
The conclusions drawn from this thesis demonstrate that the Aliens Control Regulations were
overbearing,fundamentallyunjustandlargelyunnecessary.ThisconcurswithLamideysargument
that the Aliens Control Regulations were carried out without due regard to humanity and social
justice.2AlthoughthemainobjectiveoftheAliensControlRegulationswastoensurethataliens,
residentinAustralia,enemyandotherwise,couldinnowaybecomeadangertothecountrynor
impedetheprogressofthewareitherindividuallyorinassociationwithothers,thereweremany
civilianslivinginAustraliawhosufferedunnecessarilyunderthelegislation.3
1
Commonwealth, Hansard Second Reading Speech, House of Representatives, 8 September 1939, 180, (Maurice
Blackburn).
2
N.Lamidey,AliensControlinAustralia193946.Sydney:N.Lamidey,1974,p.1.
3
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.1.
P a g e | 352
ThelegislationwascreatedatthepeakofAustraliaswartimesecuritymeasures,carryingwithit
theobjectiveofrestrictingonesindividuallibertyiftherewasanyrealdangerthattheindividual
willactinawaythatprejudicesthewareffort.4Over50,000nonBritishmigrantswereclassifiedas
aliensandsubjectedtotheAliensControlRegulations.AswitnessedinChapterOne,thefactthat
the National Security Bill 1939 (Cth) was debated extensively during Parliament highlighted the
government was well aware of the risk to civil liberties involved, in particular, the impact that it
wouldhaveonminoritygroupslivinginAustralia.
Itwasnotuntil1941,ninemonthsintothewarthatthegovernmentformedanationalcorporate
bodytodealwiththethreatofunnaturalizedalienswhowereperceivedastheenemywithin.The
womenunderstudywerecaughtupinthewarhysteriaatthetimeandsubjecttodiscrimination
andracismbroughtonbythewar.AsevidencedinChapterTwo,theAustralianpubliccondemned
Italys entry into the war and expressed their resentment against Italians living within the
community. Consequently, Italian passengers on board Italian motor vessels Remo and Romolo,
who were returning to their homeland, were among the first to be imprisoned for sailing in
AustralianwatersasMussolinideclaredwarontheAlliedforces.
The most extreme form of restriction enacted was Clause 20 Aliens Control Regulations, which
AlthoughthemainobjectiveofthisClausefocusedonthepoliticallyactiveEuropeanmaleenemy
alien,therewerecasesofwomenwhowereaffiliatedwithpoliticalorganizationsandsobecame
the potential targets of internment policies. Chapter Three highlighted the complex issues
surrounding the registration process and internment policy among women who wereeither first,
4
Lamidey,AliensControl,p.4.
P a g e | 353
second,orthirdgenerationAustraliansofGermandescentandAustralianborn,allofwhomwere
conserving German culture and openly expressing their support for the rise of Nazi Germany.
Interestingly, the treatment that many women received from authorities during the war differed
immensely. For example, Manda Gertrude Thiele was interned for openly expressing her pro
German views. On the other hand, Pauline Stark, who was leader of the womens Nazi Party in
Australia,wasonlyplacedundercertainrestrictions.Manyshowhowlocalauthoritiesinterpreted
andappliedtheAliensControlRegulationsdifferently.
LifeforItalianwomeninAustraliaduringtheSecondWorldWarwasoftendifficultandwasfurther
complicated by the introduction of the Aliens Control Regulations. We saw in Chapter Four how
manywereleftontheirowntolookafterthefamilybusinessorthefarm,whilealsotakingcareof
theextendedfamily.ItwasevenharderforwomenwhomigratedtoAustraliafromItaly.Notbeing
abletospeakorunderstandtheEnglishlanguagemadeitdifficultforthesewomentoassimilate
into Australian society. There were cases of Italian women suspected of working as spies for the
enemy and were reported to authorities by suspicious neighbours. Clearly, the war placed these
womeninadifficultpositionwheremanyexperienceddistressanduncertainty.Theenactmentand
subsequentenforcementoftheAliensControlRegulationsmadethesituationworse.
WhiletheinternmentRegulationdidnotapplylargelytoItalianwomen,itwastheotherfeaturesof
the Aliens Control Regulations, such as the regular reporting to the local Police Station, general
treatmentbyauthoritiesandtheindirecteffectsofinternmentthataffectedthemduringthewar.
Itwasclearthattheinternmentmeasurewasintroducedforsecurityreasons.However,fromthe
evidencepresented,thereseemstobeanunderlyingissueconcerningraceandfearoftheother
thatishighlightedthroughoutsomecasestudies,especiallythoseconcerningItalianandAustralian
P a g e | 354
born women of Japanese descent. Although most German and Italian women were not largely
affected by the internment measure, this was not the case for Japanese living in Australia. The
introduced by the government. All Japanese, including women and children, were interned after
Japan attacked Pearl Harbour. As evidenced in Chapter Five, the internment policy against all
Japanesewaspurelybasedonrace.TheAustralianbornwomenofJapanesedescentinthischapter
were interned based on their Japanese appearance and should never have been affected by the
AliensControlRegulations.
Other victims of circumstance included German Jewish refugee women. Not only were German
Jewish refugee women wrongfully classified by authorities as enemy aliens, their situation was
madeworsewhenthemajorityoftheirhusbandsandmalerelativeswereinternedorconscripted
by the Allied Works Council during the war. Despite their refugee status, these women had to
enduretherestrictionsimposeduponenemyaliensthroughoutthewar.Over6,500refugeeswere
affected by the Aliens Control Regulations and later reclassified as refugee aliens. Chapter Six
highlightsthewomenwhowereaffectedbythebureaucraticfailures.
TheAliensControlRegulationsalsoaffectedthelivesofAustraliabornwomenwholosttheirBritish
statusasaresultotheirmarriagetoanItaliannational.TheirnationalitychangedtoItalian,which
meant they too were subject to the government legislation. The complexity of the issue on the
nationalityandstatusofthesewomenisevidentinanumberofcasestudiesexaminedinChapter
Seven, particularly women who were unaware they were required to register as an alien. Not
unexpectedly,Australianwomenatfirstadoptedahostileattitudetowardsauthorities.However,
P a g e | 355
later on, the majority of these women regained their British status through the Nationality Act
19201936.
Thisthesishasprovidedstoriesandexperienceswhichraisemanyissuesreflectingthetreatmentof
German, Italian, Japanese and Australianborn women subject to the Aliens Control Regulations.
VerylittleresearchhasbeenundertakenonhowtheAliensControlRegulationsaffectedthelivesof
migrantwomenandAustralianbornwomenduringtheSecondWorldWar.Theaimofthisthesisis
to present a voice for these women, and concentrate on their experience of the war hysteria,
isolation,racismandvictimizationthatexistedduringthewar.
These stories also reflect issues that are relevant to contemporary society. Events such as the
Cronulla riots and the Tampa crisis show how discrimination continues to exist towards minority
groups within Australia. Also, the heightened security fears after the 9/11 attack led to the
introduction of terror laws in Australia that included a telephone hotline to dob in suspicious
behavioramethodthatprovedtobenotsodifferenttothestatementsmadebytheAustralian
publictopoliceduringtheSecondWorldWaragainsttheiralienneighbours.Thefearandconcern
from all parts of Australian society is reminiscent of the Aliens Control Regulations that was
experienced over seventy years ago. Once again, based on their heritage and ethnicity, innocent
womenwillbecaughtupinthegovernmentslegislation.
P a g e | 371
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