A RE-UNITED BIBLE AND THIRTEENTH-

CENTURY ILLUMINATION IN
NORTHERN FRANCE*
BY WILLENE B. CLARK
IN her study of the so-called Philomena manuscripts, Dr. Ellen J. Beer
proposed Arras as the center of thirteenth-century illumination in Artois
and French Flanders.1 She reaffirmed this opinion in a more recent article
on Bibles of the same region and period.2 The present study will cite
evidence to show that by about the middle of the thirteenth century the city
of Lille, a trade center hardly less important than Arras, was probably also
prominent in the production of fine books. This evidence derives in part
from a study of the fourth volume of the Marquette Bible, owned by H. P.
Kraus of New York, and its relationship to two volumes of a Bible in the
Royal Library at Brussels (Bibl. Roy. 11,2523). It can be demonstrated
beyond any doubt that these three volumes were once part of the same
four-volume Bible. It will be proposed that this and several stylistically
related Bibles were made at Lille, but that, as Beer suspected, Arras played a
central role in the diffusion of the style.
The initial efforts to group the principal manuscripts of the period and
region were made by von Vitzthum and by Giinther Haseloff.3 Dr. Beer
denned a more specific style group when she isolated a number of manu-
scripts related to a lectionary made for Cambrai Cathedral (Cambrai, Bibl.
Mun. 189-190) in which the colophon (in Cambrai 190) states that the text
was copied by Johannes Philomena in 1266.4 A further step toward under-
standing the larger style group to which the Philomena manuscripts belong
was made in an essay, written for the catalogue of an exhibition held at
Tournai Cathedral in 1971, by Professor Alison Stones, who reviewed the

* This article is dedicated to the memory of Professor Robert Branner who honored me with
his friendship and counsel. Not long before his death he took time to read the typescript of this
study and offer many valuable suggestions for its improvement. My gratitude to him reaches far
beyond this, however, to the great fund of knowledge which he shared so generously, and to his
unfailing kindness.
I wish to thank my colleague Professor William P. Davisson of Marlboro College, who also
read the typescript, for his useful suggestions. To the librarians of Arras, Brussels, Cambrai and
Lille, and to the National Museum of Stockholm for their many courtesies, I wish to express my
gratitude, and to Mr. H. P. Kraus as well for his kindness in permitting me to photograph and
reproduce here pages from the Marquette Bible. I also wish to thank Mr. Mark Lansburgh for
allowing me to consult his antiphonal leaf and cuttings, and for the information and photo-
graphs he so generously supplied.
1
Ellen J. Beer, "Das Scriptorium des Johannes Philomena und seine Illuminatoren," Scrip-
torium 23 (1969), 24-38.
2
Ellen J. Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices, Tournai und die Scriptorien der Stadt Arras," Aachener
Kunstblatter 43 (1972), 190-226.
3
Georg Graf von Vitzthum, Die pariser Miniaturmalerei (Leipzig, 1907); Giinther Haseloff, Die
Psalterillustraticm im IS. Jahrhundert (Kiel, 1938).
4
Beer, "Das Scriptorium."
33
34 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
earlier studies and added her own findings.5 A more penetrating discussion
of style matters and the most specific groupings of the large Bibles and
single Bible leaves of the larger group is provided by the late Professor
Robert Branner's article on a large Bible leaf in the Cleveland Museum.6
Dr. Beer's most recent study of these Bibles, written shortly before the
publication of Professor Branner's study, centers upon the Marquette Bible
and the four-volume Lille Bible (Lille, Bibl. Mun. 835-838).7 She considers
the opulent decoration of the Marquette Bible to be "a compendium of
Franco-Flemish style directions," exhibiting in iconography, figure types,
and ornament the "Leitmotiven" of the basic style which pervades the larger
group of manuscripts.8 She reviews the present state of this Bible and points
out that on the basis of style the fourth volume was not a part of the
Marquette Bible in its original state, which included seven volumes.9 She
assigns the first three volumes to six different painters, and relates their
work to artists of several other Bibles: Lille 835-838 (the Marquette Bible
chief painter); Arras, Bibl. Mun. 561(1) and British Museum, Yates Thomp-
son 22 (masters of volume I, fol. 52 and volume III, fol. 256); Brussels II,
2523 (the Solomon Master of II, fol. 91v and master of III, fol. 283v); and
the Philomena shop (master of III, fol. 215v).10 Beer concedes that to date
the location of the atelier or ateliers remains uncertain, although she prefers
Arras as the site of the Philomena shop.11 Branner, on the other hand,
questioned whether these shops were in fixed locations and suggested that
itinerant teams of professional lay painters decorated the books whose texts
were locally written.12
Further, Branner considered the manuscripts of the larger style group to
5
Alison Stones, "Missel de la Cathedral de Tournai," in Tresors Sacres (exhibition catalogue,
Tournai, 9 May-1 August, 1971), pp. 51-53, citing her doctoral thesis, "The Illustration of the
French Prose Lancelot in Belgium, Flanders and Paris" (University of London, 1970), which was
unavailable to me for the present study. She reviews the relevant manuscripts mentioned in the
studies of von Vitzthum, Beer, "Das Scriptorium," and Harvey Stahl, "Le Bestiare de Douai,"
Revue de I'Art 8 (1970), 7-16.
6
Robert Branner, "A Cutting from a Thirteenth-century French Bible," The Bulletin of the
Cleveland Museum of Art 58 (1971), 219-227. See Appendix for all manuscripts of the larger
group.
7
The Marquette Bible vols. I-III measures 446 x 320 mm (350 x 230 mm); for vol. IV, see
below, note 16. Lille 835-838 measures 480 x 333 mm (text block varies: 334 x 230,
325 x 225, 368 x 233, 353 x 234). All volumes of these two Bibles have thirty lines of text per
page in two columns. Beer includes tables of measurements and contents of the most important
of these large Bibles, "Liller Bibelcodices," pp. 192-194. It should be noted that Cambrai, Bibl.
Mun. 345-346 which she lists as a thirty-one line bible actually has forty lines of text.
8
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," pp. 214-215; she cites other Bibles of the group on p. 191, and,
in a note appended to her article, states that she became aware of Branner's still larger listing
("A Cutting") too late for its inclusion in her discussion.
9
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 190.
10
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 215 ff.
11
Beer, "Das Scriptorium," pp. 36-37; also "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 209.
12
Branner, "A Cutting," p. 225; see also his "The 'Soissons Bible' PaintShop in Thirteenth-
Century Paris," SPECULUM 44 (1969), 13-34, for a discussion of commercial paintshop practices
in Paris.
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 35
be products of one shop, and recognized in the Brussels Bible (Bibl. Roy.
11,2523) perhaps the hand of a single artist whose style developed in the
shop.13 Although I think a close examination of the miniatures makes clear
that two hands were probably at work in these volumes, the style of the
Brussels Bible is slightly less refined than that of the other manuscripts
mentioned by Beer; at the same time, all these manuscripts are unquestion-
ably closely enough related to support Branner's proposal of a single atelier.
Marquette IV also has slight deficiencies in refinement, and in her article
on Lille Bibles Beer notes a close stylistic kinship between Brussels 11,2523
and Marquette IV, although she suggests that Marquette IV is later than the
Brussels Bible.14 Accepting the provenance given for the Brussels Bible in
Sir Thomas Phillipps' catalogue (see note 15), she goes on to attribute both
manuscripts to a Tournai paintshop. It can be demonstrated, however, on
stylistic, paleographical and codicological grounds that the Brussels volumes
and Marquette IV were once part of the same four-volume, thirty-line Bible,
the first volume of which is now lost. This Bible belongs to a group of folio
Bibles, with thirty or thirty-one lines of text to a page, originating probably
in Arras and Lille.
The two volumes of Brussels 11,2523 (now catalogued as Vols. I and II),
containing Kings through Malachi, were originally the second and third
volumes of the four.15 Marquette IV contains the fourth-volume texts of
Maccabees and the New Testament, but only the decorated pages.16 The
13
Branner, "A Cutting," pp. 223-225.
14
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 221.
15
Brussels, Bibl. Roy. 11,2523: 498 x 356 mm (335 x 223 mm), 275 fols. and 313 fols., thirty
lines of text in two columns; vol. I: Kings-Job, vol. II: Proverbs-Malachi. It was formerly owned
by Sir Thomas Phillipps who bought it from P. J. De Mat in Brussels in 1824: A.M.L. Munby,
"Catalogue Librorum Manuscriptorum . . . ," Phillipps Studies, 3 (Cambridge, 1951), p. 22. It was
listed as no. 2011 among the manuscripts from St.-Martin, Tournai, in Phillipps' 1871 Catalogus
(repr., London, 1968), p. 23; Phillipps bought a number of St.-Martin manuscripts from De Mat
and assumed that this one was from the same abbey. An interesting thirteenth-century inscrip-
tion on the inside front cover of vol. I suggests that this Bible was only to be read on Sunday,
and elsewhere than in the refectory: "Lectio(nes) lege(n)de i(n) d(o)m(ini)c(a) q(ue) in mensa
refectorii no(n) legu(n)t(ur)." The prologue to 1 Maccabees was written then scratched through
in red at the end of vol. II, as though the scribe had begun that book in the wrong volume.
Miniatures from Brussels 11,2523 are published in C. Gaspar and F. Lyna, Les principaux
manuscripts a peintures de la Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, Pt. I (Paris, 1937), pi. XXIXd
(descriptive text: pp. 140-141); Luc Devliegher, "De opkomst van de kerkelijke gotische bouw-
kunst . . .", Bulletin van de Koninklijke Comm. vow Monumenten en Landschappen 7 (1956), 93 (1
Ezra, vol. I, fol. 182); Branner, "A Cutting," fig. 8 (1 Kings, vol. I, fol. 3); Beer, "Liller
Bibelcodices," fig. 13 (1 Ezra, vol. II, fol. 182), fig. 14 (prol. 1 Kings, vol. I, fol. Iv), fig. 25 (Jeremiah,
vol. II, fol. 184v), fig. 26 (1 Chron., vol. II, fol. 123), fig. 28 (3 Kings, vol. I, fol. 64), fig. 29b (vol.
II, fol. 175).
16
Marquette IV: 465 x 343 mm (305 x 217 mm), 35 fols., 1 and 2 Maccabees, Gospels,
Pauline Epistles, Acts, Canonical Epistle, 1 and 2 Peter, and Apocalypse, of which only the
decorated pages remain. It was previously owned by Sir Sydney Cockerell who purchased it at
Sotheby's on 30 July 1920, lot 1130. Cockerell, in a note on the fly-leaf at the beginning, tells us
that it was sold by a Rev. Joseph Degen of St. Savior's Catholic Church, Coalville, Leicestershire,
to whom it had been sent anonymously in an appeal for building funds. Cockerell had bought
36 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
Pentateuch volume probably was lost when a Brussels bookseller named P. J.
De Mat acquired the Bible sometime before 1821 in a group of manuscripts,
supposedly from St. Martin, Tournai, which he then tore up in order to use
the parchment to bind printed books.17 He doubtless would have kept any
illuminated pages to sell, and this could explain the fact that Marquette IV
consists only of such pages, although there is nothing but the association
with Brussels 11,2523 to connect this volume with De Mat. In its original
state the entire Bible would probably have resembled the large, four-volume
Bibles Lille 835-838 and Arras 1(3).
The stylistic similarities of the Brussels Bible and Marquette IV are strik-
ing. The figures of all three volumes are of naturalistic proportions and firm
stance, and share the same drapery style: two or three deep V-folds with
high-lighted ridges, and shaded furrows where the cloaks are tucked under
the arm; a fourth V-fold placed low on the garment (figs. 1 and 2). Even
more typical are the facial features, where the lack of refinement is most
apparent: evidence of hasty drawing, large and sometimes flat noses, and
unusual hair-rolls falling down the back (figs. 1 through 3). The eyebrows
often arch above a tapering eye; smiling mouths frequently enliven the
faces, a touch of red on or just below the lips. Touches of red also appear on
the cheeks. These figures differ from those of Marquette I-III where the
bodies are more attentuated and facial features more delicate.18 As already
noted, the work of two painters appears in the Brussels Bible (figs. 1 and 3),
the First Master being responsible for all of Marquette IV (figs. 2 and 3).19
The Second Master (fig. 1), while closely related to the first, has a tendency
to even hastier drawing and somewhat less plasticity in the drapery.20
The dominant colors in Brussels 11,2523 and Marquette IV are deep reds
and blues in the drapery, on furniture and on buildings, with smaller areas
and details in lighter shades of red and blue, tan, brown, mauve, grey and
green, and highlights and filigrees in white. The bright orange and tur-
quoise blue which occur in Marquette I-III do not appear in either the
Brussels Bible or Marquette IV. An attempt to add silver touches to swords,
candles and other objects has resulted in ugly, grainy areas which have bled
across outlines and through the parchment. Similar unusual and sometimes
unfortunate use of both gold and silver can be seen in other manuscripts of
the larger group, for example, the Cambrai Lectionary (Cambrai 189-190)
the other three Marquette volumes much earlier, 6 December 1906, from Quaritch. Miniatures
from Marquette IV are published in Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," fig. 23 (Zacharias, Gospel of St.
Luke, fol. 7v), fig. 24 (Apocalypse, fol. 35v), fig. 27 (prol. to Pauline Epistles, fol. lOv), fig. 29a
(fol. 6).
17
Munby, Phillipps Studies, 3:22.
18
Branner, "A Cutting," p. 221, was correct in rejecting the Hofer, Washington, Philadelphia
and Kraus single leaves as part of a first volume to Brussels 11,2523, for in every instance the
figures are elongated, the facial types more delicate, the hair fairly short. In addition, the scripts
differ from that of the Brussels Bible.
19
Other miniatures by the First Master are reporduced in Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," figs. 24
and 26; and Branner, "A Cutting," fig. 8.
20
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," figs. 25 and 28.
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 37
and Marquette I-III.21 The problem seems to result from painting with a
mixture of powdered metals and a binder, instead of laying gold leaf. In the
historiated initials of the Brussels Bible and Marquette IV, as in other
manuscripts of the group, the frame and ground is in most cases a richly
burnished gold leaf.
In paleographical and codicological matters the Brussels Bible and Mar-
quette IV show further similarities. The scribal hand appears to be the same
throughout the three volumes. While the page and text-block measurements
of the Brussels Bible differ slightly from those of Marquette IV, such
variation is not unusual in a single bible; a similar divergence in text-block
size occurs in the Lille Bible (Lille 835-838).22 Brussels 11,2523-1 is ruled
somewhat differently from II and Marquette IV, which are ruled alike, but
rulings seem to vary greatly in the larger group and are a weak criterion of
relationship. As noted, the Brussels Bible and Marquette IV have thirty text
lines per page in two columns.
In addition to the above stylistic, paleographical and codicological aspects
of the Brussels Bible and Marquette IV, there is a final clue, small but
important, to their relationship and their possible provenance. In a number
of the illuminations in Marquette IV there are scratchings in the gold
grounds and painted drapery.23 These appear to be abbreviations which
read either "marq" or "marque," and which Sir Sydney Cockerell, who
owned the Marquette Bible in the early part of this century, interpreted as
referring to the Cistercian abbey of Ste.-Marie-de-Marquette, near Lille, the
ex libris of which appears in Marquette I-III, bought prior to his purchase of
the fourth volume.24 It was on this basis, as well as the general style relation-
ships, that he joined the Maccabees-New Testament volume to the other
three. This reading seems well-chosen, for the Marquette Bible, including
the fourth volume, may well have been made in Lille, as the present study
will endeavor to show. The scratchings are more significant in another way,
however, for on fol. 296v of Brussels 11,2523-11 a scratchingof "marq,"
difficult to read but apparently by the same hand, has been made vertically
and to the right side of the figure of Zephaniah (fig. 1). Although in all of
the scratchings the letters are crudely wrought, the forms of the cursive
script suggest a late fourteenth or fifteenth-century date.25 Based on these
scratchings and on the other evidence presented above, one may safely
conclude that Brussels II, 2523 and Marquette IV belong together. With a
21
Beer, "Das Scriptorium," pp. 28-32, describes the de plique enamel technique simulated in
the Cambrai Lectionary.
22
See above, note 7, and Branner, "A Cutting," p. 226, note 10.
23
Fols. 4, 14, 15v, 19, 33v, and 35 ("marque").
24
A history of the Marquette Bible is given by Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," pp. 190-191. For
Marquette Abbey, see Gallia Christiana 3 (Paris, 1876), cols. 313-316. Founded by Ferdinand
and Johanna of Flanders in 1226, Marquette was well endowed and could have been the
recipient of such luxury Bibles at any time from the thirteenth century on.
25
It should be recalled that the ex libris of Marquette in the Marquette Bible I-III (fols. 57, 99,
and 273) is also in a late Gothic hand which Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 190, attributes to the
fifteenth century.
38 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
cautious acceptance of CockerelFs interpretation of the scratchings, the three
volumes will be referred to hereafter collectively as the Brussels-Marquette
Bible.
Three other manuscripts are known to me which have figure styles similar
to those in the Brussels-Marquette Bible. One is Brussels, Bibl. Roy. 11,1012
(Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae), known to have been at St.-Martin,
Tournai, in the thirteenth century.26 The relationship of the Boethius and
the two Brussels volumes has long been recognized, and on this basis, as well
as Phillipps' catalogue, the Brussels volumes of the Brussels-Marquette Bible
were considered to be of Tournai origin.27 The single miniature in the
Boethius shows the author seated at a lectern; the figure proportions are
longer and the drapery is less plastic than in the Brussels-Marquette Bible,
but the facial features are large and a roll of hair falls across the shoulder.
The second manuscript related to the Brussels-Marquette Bible is an
antiphonal, possibly from Cambron Abbey, extant in a single leaf and sev-
eral cuttings owned by Mark Lansburgh of Colorado Springs, Colorado, and
cuttings in the Stockholm National Museum.28 The painter of the Cam-
bron(?) Antiphonal (fig. 4) is clearly identical with the First Master of the
Brussels-Marquette Bible (figs. 2 and 3), whose facial features, hair-roll, and
drapery style are unmistakable in the antiphonal's figures. The treatment of
the initial closely resembles that of the prologue initials in Brussels 11,2523-1
(fig. 5).
An important and heretofore unnoticed relationship of manuscripts in the
larger group is revealed by the frame decoration and extenders of the
Stockholm cuttings (fig. 6), which show strong affinities to decoration in the
Cambrai Lectionary (Cambrai 189-190). The small size of the lectionary's
miniatures (the entire volume measures 310 x 210 mm, or about the size of
a decorated letter in the antiphonal) make it difficult to draw conclusions
about the relationships between the lectionary and the antiphonal, and in
turn the Brussels-Marquette Bible, on the basis of figure types alone.
26
Brussels, Bibl. Roy. 11,1012: 330 x 225 mm (245 x 163 mm), 35 to 39 text lines in two
columns; a thirteenth-century St.-Martin ex libris; like Brussels 11,2523, owned by Phillipps (no.
2113 in the Catalogue) and acquired by the Bibliotheque Royale in 1888. The only miniature is
reproduced in Gaspar and Lyna, "Les principaux manuscrits," pi. XXX.
27
Gaspar and Lyna, "Les principaux manuscrits," p. 147, who also see a relationship between
11,1012 and Brussels, Bibl. Roy. 6431, 11,2560 and 11,1339. The first two of these belong to
other groups of manuscripts (although Beer includes 11,2560 in the present larger group),
while 11,1339 is placed by Branner, "A Cutting," p. 223, with the Cleveland leafsee Appen-
dix.
28
The Lansburgh leaf (468 x 292 mm) is reproduced in Robert G. Calkins, A Medieval
Treasury, exhibition catalogue (Ithaca and Utica, N. Y., 1968), no. 63, and in Mark Lansburgh,
"The Illuminated Manuscript Collection at Colorado College," Art Journal 28 (1968), p. 62. Mr.
Lansburgh told me that his leaf and cuttings were formerly owned by Eric Millar who acquired
them from Davis and Orioli in London in 1926; and that it was Millar who suggested the
Cambron provenance, although on what basis I do not know. The Stockholm cuttings, inv. nr.
MNB 1730, 1731, and 1732 (310 x 110 mm, 315 x 110 mm, 350 x 105 mm), have not been
reproduced. I am informed by Dr. Ulf Abel, Curator at the National Museum, that these were
acquired in 1958.
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 39
Further, the lectionary's decoration throughout is more elaborate than that
of either the antiphonal or the Bible, but the striped dragons and foliage of
the antiphonal are the same in many details as those in the miniatures
referred to in the lectionary. It thus becomes feasible to suggest that one
artist of the Cambrai Lectionary is identical with the First Master of the
Brussels-Marquette Bible; his work appears, for example, on fol. 12 (fig. 7),
fol. 28v (reproduced in Beer, "Das Scriptorium," pi. 4a), and fol. 102v (a
decorated letter) of Cambrai 189; and fol. 175 (Seat of Grace) in Cambrai
190. Note especially the modeled V-folds, naturalistic body proportions,
large facial features and hair-rolls in the Cambrai Lectionary figures.
A stylistic chronology of these manuscripts can be postulated from the
relationship with the Cambrai Lectionary. The Brussels-Marquette Bible
would be the first to have been made. The First Master then might have
joined the Cambrai Lectionary team where he was immediately influenced
by the more luxurious frame and decoration style, and ultimately by the
elongated figure style of other artists of the team. He next would have
worked on the Cambron(?) Antiphonal, still with naturalistic proportions,
and finally on the lithe figure of Boethius in Brussels 11,1012. The Cambrai
Lectionary, with its colophon of 1266, is a standard for approximating
dates for the other three manuscripts to between ca. 1260 and ca. 1270.
The Brussels-Marquette Bible shares with other manuscripts of the larger
group a decorated letter type which is generally used for prologue capitals:
the initial and the frame are burnished gold on a ground quartered into
units, two red and two blue (figs. 8 and 9).29 The letters are formed similarly
in the three volumes, showing a slight tendency to lean to the right. Interiors
are filled with scrolls and teardrops in gold; a white floral filigree is used to
fill the interstices. The similarity of the filigree in all three volumes is
noteworthy, not only in these initials but also around the historiated scenes
and in the blue and red chapter capitals (figs. 2 and 9). It is characterized by
a petaled flower which, significantly, is seen again in the Brussels Boethius,
in several decorated letters of the Cambrai Lectionary, and in a small capital
letter on the Lansburgh single leaf.30
An inquiry into the place of production for the Brussels-Marquette Bible
and its three closest kin leads into considerations beyond these four manu-
scripts. The broader significance of the Brussels-Marquette Bible group is
already indicated by the fact that it includes the Cambrai Lectionary, which
is central to the Philomena manuscripts of the larger group. In themselves
these four manuscripts offer more questions than answers regarding place
29
For another prologue capital of Marquette IV, see Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," fig. 27.
3(1
Beer, ibid., p. 222, recognizes the similarity of the petaled-flower filigree in the Brussels
and Kraus volumes and in Arras 1(3). An identical filigree occurs also in a missal from Arras
Cathedral (Arras, Bibl. Mun. 309 [959]), which will be discussed below; and in small capital
letters of an Augustine, Categoriae Aristotelis glosatae, written by a monk at Cambron, Johannes
Toussens, in 1277 (Brussels 11,2297) and illustrated in G. I. Lieftinck, "Pour une nomenclature
de l'ecriture livresque de la periode dite gothique," in Nomenclature des ecritures livresques du IXe
au XVIf siecle, CNRS (Paris, 1953), p. 17.
40 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
of production. The Brussels-Marquette Bible is probably to be associated at
some point with Lille; the Brussels Boethius (Brussels 11,1012) was at
St.-Martin, Tournai, in the thirteenth century; the Cambrai Lectionary was
from the beginning intended for the cathedral of that city; and the Lans-
burgh and Stockholm fragments are from an antiphonal possibly from
Cambron, some distance to the east of Tournai. It should also be recalled
that Dr. Beer related artists of the Marquette Bible I-III, also associated with
Lille, to both the Cambrai Lectionary and Brussels 11,2523. In turn, the
Marquette Bible is directly related1 to the Lille Bible (Lille 835-838) by the
artist who serves as the chief painter in both manuscripts. The text of the
Lille Bible, copied in 1264 by a William of Sens, was corrected by Michel de
Novirella, then prior of the Dominicans of St.-Jacques at Lille.31 Presumably
the book was at least written at Lille, probably for St.-Jacques; it was known
to have been in the Cistercian abbey of Ste.-Marie-de-Laude at Loos, near
Lille, in the fifteenth century.32 Underscoring their relationship, the Lille,
Marquette and Brussels-Marquette Bibles have approximately the same
measurements, and each has thirty lines of text per page in two columns.
The stylistic relationship of these three Lille-associated Bibles to several
associated by historical evidence with Arras has already been recognized.
Most prominently mentioned are Arras 1(3), with a thirteenth-century Arras
ex libris (more on this will follow), and the fragmentary Arras 561(1), with a
seventeenth-century ex libris of the abbey of Mont-St.-Eloi, near Arras, and
probably made for that institution.33 Two other fragmentary Bibles as-
sociated with Mont-St.-Eloi, Boulogne, Bibl. Mun. 4 and Yates Thompson 22,
are also part of the larger group.34 It has been observed, by Beer, Branner,
and others, that Arras 1(3) appears to be a stylistic prelude to the extrava-
gances in figure style and ornament of the Marquette Bible and the
Philomena manuscripts. Arras 561(1), as well as Yates Thompson 22 and
Boulogne 4, has a more contained and denser floral style of decoration
common to all the Mont-St.-Eloi manuscripts of the group, a style which
seems to forecast the ornamentation of the Lille Bible. All but Yates Thomp-
son 22 are folio volumes measuring within the range of the Lille-related
3!
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 193, believes that with these corrections, the Lille Bible
became a text exemplar.
32
Ibid., p. 194.
33
Arras 1(3): 472 x 357 mm (344 x 228 mm); Arras 561(1): 515 x 381 mm (328 x 250 mm).
Unlike the other large Bibles of the group, Arras 561(1) included a psalter. Miniatures from
these two Bibles most recently reproduced in Beer, "Das Scriptorium," pis. 12b, 13a, 13b, and
"Liller Bibelcodices," figs. 8, 12, 21 and 29c. The destruction of Arras 561(1), and numerous
other fragmentary manuscripts at and from Arras, was undoubtedly the handiwork of a certain
Caron, librarian 1814-1816, who mutilated some 734 manuscripts in order to sell the decorated
leaves: Philippe Grierson, "La bibliotheque de St.-Vaast d'Arras au XIIe siecle," Revue
Benedictine (1940), p. 120.
34
Boulogne 4 is in folio format, Yates Thompson 22 in quarto. Miniatures from Yates
Thompson 22 are reproduced by Beer, "Das Scriptorium," pi. 12a, and "Liller Bibelcodices,"
fig. 11; and M. R. James, Illustrations from 100 Manuscripts in the Library of Henry Yates Thompson
(London, 1916).
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 41
Bibles, although Arras 561(1) is somewhat larger and Arras 1(3) appears to
have been severely cropped, suggesting it was once as large as 561(1). Arras
1(3) is a thirty-one line Bible, but the Mont-St.-Eloi Bibles all have forty or
more lines of text per page.
In addition to these Bibles, there are several other manuscripts at Arras
which are related to the group. One of these, Arras, Bibl. Mun. 295(952)
(Cassian, Institutiones monachorum), is from Mont-St.-Eloi and decorated in
the style associated with that abbey. It has only decorated initials, but several
of these closely resemble the decorated initials in the Marquette Bible.35 Like
Yates Thompson 22, Arras 295 (952") is a quarto volume; it has thirty-four
lines of text per page in two columns. Several other manuscripts at Arras are
less closely related to the larger group, among them Arras 38(58) (a missal
for Mont-St.-Eloi), Arras, Bibl. Mun. 444(888) (a missal for Arras) and Bibl.
Mun. 448(368), this last a missal related by Branner to the Cleveland leaf,
and which was made not for Arras, but for the Abbey of Marchiennes,
between Douai and Valenciennes.36
Three more manuscripts at Arras, one directly related to the elongated
figure style prominent in the Philomena group, another in several details to
Brussels 11,2523, have never been mentioned in connection with this group
of manuscripts. These are a missal from Arras Cathedral, Arras, Bibl. Mun.
309(959), and two volumes from St.-Vaast, Arras, Bibl. Mun. 575(465) and
789(440), which appear to have been part of another large, thirty-line Bible.
On the basis of figure style and decoration Arras 309(959) is unquestion-
ably part of the Philomena group described by Beer.37 The elaborate pin-
wheeling extenders and winged dragons of one of the two painters at work
here display some of the chief characteristics of the Philomena painters. This
hand is best seen in the Resurrection miniature of fol. 8 (fig. 10). The
petaled-flower filigree around the letter of this miniature is identical with
that in the Brussels-Marquette Bible, underscoring once again the contacts
between Arras and various manuscripts of the larger group. The Resurrec-
tion Master also decorated the damaged but still beautiful Crucifixion on fol.
39v (fig. 11) and the miniatures of fol. 38v, fol. 40, and fol. 102. The second
painter is responsible for a portrait of St. Vaast with the bear, fol. 59v (fig.
12), fol. 68, and fol. 115v.
Reference to Arras 575(465) and 789(440) has not yet appeared in any
published study.38 These are folio volumes which apparently belonged to the
35
Branner, "A Cutting," p. 227, note 34, related the style of Arras 295(952) to Manchester,
Rylands Library 16.
36
Branner, "A Cutting," p. 223 and note 26.
37
A r r a s , Bibl. M u n . 3 0 9 ( 9 5 9 ) : 3 2 2 x 2 1 8 m m ; V . L e r o q u a i s , Les sacramentaires et les missels
manuscrits (Paris, 1924), 2 : 1 5 0 .
38
Arras, Bibl. Mun. 575(465): 425 x 320 mm (305 x 210 mm); Arras, Bibl. Mun. 789(440):
447 x 328 mm (300 x 213 mm). Both volumes are badly damaged by use and by later van-
dalism. The arrangement of biblical books is disordered, and some books are missing. I
am presently engaged in a study of these volumes and the large group of manuscripts from
Arras and elsewhere to which they belong stylistically.
42 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
same Bible, containing thirty text lines per page in two columns, which has
certain design correspondences with the group here under discussion. The
painting style, attributable to several hands, is rather coarse and eclectic, and
belongs almost entirely to a different group of manuscripts (fig. 13). Despite
the style differences, it is clear that the painters of this Bible were familiar
with manuscripts of the present group. In a decorated letter for the pro-
logue to Ecclesiasticus, fol. 60v of Arras 575(465) (fig. 14), it would seem that
one of the painters had seen Brussels 11,2523-1, fol. lv (prologue to 1
Kings).39 The initials of the Cambron(?) Antiphonal are also related (fig.6),
but with the "strawberries" seen in Brussels II, 2523-1, and sometimes ivy
instead of trefoil-leaf foliage. The Arras 575(465) painter was not able to
attain the polish of either of the other two manuscripts.
Now let us summarize the manuscripts mentioned so far and the prove-
nances usually attributed to them, although, it must be emphasized, not
necessarily the places of origin. Those associated at some time with Lille are
three large Bibles: Lille 835-838, the Marquette Bible and the Brussels-
Marquette Bible; and with Arras, four large Bibles: Arras 561(1), 1(3),
575(465)-789(440) (limited relationship to the group), Boulogne 4, and the
smaller Yates Thompson 22. Also aligned with Arras are the missals Arras
309(959) and 448(368), and peripherally related in style, Arras 38(58) and
444(888); and a monastic rule, Arras 295(952). The Brussels Boethius is
linked with Tournai, the Lansburgh and Stockholm fragments with Cam-
bron, and the Cambrai Lectionary with that city. In number Arras clearly
dominates and for this reason Beer preferred Arras as the site of the
Philomena shop, with its relations to Arras 1(3) and 561(1), Boulogne 4, and
Yates Thompson 22.40 Lille, however, presents a challenge to Arras in the
number of luxury Bibles decorated at the peak of the style.
As previously noted, among manuscripts associated with Lille, only Lille
835-838 appears to have thirteenth-century connections with that city. The
Marquette Bible and Brussels-Marquette Bible could as easily have been
made for institutions elsewhere, their connections with Marquette estab-
lished only by the late fourteenth or fifteenth century. Likewise, most of the
Arras manuscripts (missals excepted) have unproven association with Arras
until a seventeenth or eighteenth-century ex libris. A new dimension is added
to these matters of origin, however, when evidence in an ex libris heretofore
overlooked in Arras 1(3) is taken into account. On fol. 165v of the first
volume a thirteenth-century hand wrote: "Iste liber p(er)tinet ecclesia [sic]
sancti petri insule(nsis)," referring to the collegiate church of St.-Pierre at
Lille. Founded in 1066 by Baudouin V of Flanders, St.-Pierre was long the
most important ecclesiastical institution of the city and site of an active
school.41 This discovery is complicated by an Arras ownership of the manu-
39
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," fig. 14.
40
Beer, "Das Scriptorium," pp. 36-37.
41
Since its founding St.-Pierre had served as the leading religious and educational center of
Lille, and was heavily endowed with money and dependencies. The buildings were totally
destroyed during the French Revolution; excavations are now being made which reveal facts of
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 43

script also in the thirteenth century, noted by Beer, which is confirmed by an

ex libris in a hand of that period on fol. 1 of the first volume: "Iste liber
p(er)tinet atrebat(um)", meaning the cathedral of Arras.42 Arras 1(3) was
probably in Arras originally and afterwards in Lille, for another note on I,
fol. 165v, in an almost illegible later hand, apparently late fourteenth cen-
tury, indicates that the manuscript was still located at St.-Pierre at this time:
"Iste liber p(er)tinet ecc(lesiam) c(a)p(ituli) sancti ( . . . . ) insulen(sis)." A third
fourteenth-century ex libris of the collegial church (also difficult to read)
occurs on the same folio. The St.-Pierre ownership is reinforced by the 1397
catalogue of the collegial library where there are three complete Bibles
listed, jone a "Biblia vetus in IIII or voluminibus similibus et cooperta corio
albo."43 All four volumes of Arras 1(3) still have their white thirteenth-
century bindings. A note on the inside front cover of Arras 1(3) describes
the Bible's return to Arras in 1778 by purchase from a Tournai bookseller
who had obtained it from the estate of the Marquis de Vesterloot of
Brussels.44 How the marquis came by the Bible is not known. A St.-Vaast ex
libris of 1779 appears on fol. 1 of the first volume, and since that time the
Bible has remained at Arras.
There had been an important scriptorium at the Benedictine abbey of
St.-Vaast at Arras for several centuries.45 Although no document records
thirteenth-century book production anywhere in Arras until the end of the
century, the number of fine thirteenth-century manuscripts associated with
the ecclesiastical institutions of the city point to considerable activity at that
time, either in monastic or commercial ateliers. There is good reason, then,
for supposing that the brilliant style of this group developed at Arras,
especially if Arras 1(3) were indeed originally at the cathedral. In fact, all the
manuscripts of the present group could have been made at Arras. Neverthe-
less, the proposal of a different origin for the Bibles associated with Lille
seems justifiable, as follows.
both the eleventh and the thirteenth-century churches. For details, the basic study is E.
Hautcoeur, Histoire de I'eglise collegiale et du chapitre de Saint-Pierre de Lille, 3 vols. (Lille, 1896,
1897, 1899); see also G. Fourquin et al., Histoire de Lille, 1 (Lille, 1971), ch. 28 a n d passim.
42
Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p . 209, suggests that the reading is "p(er)tinet vedasti." T h e
inscription is faded, but with good magnification the last word is clearly "atrebat(um)."
43
C a n o n D e h a i n e s , Documents et extraits diverse concernants Thistoire de I'art dans la Flandre,
VArtois et le Hainaut avant le XV siick (Lille, 1886), p. 757; Archives communales de Lille. The
previous entry in the catalogue records a "Biblia nova in IIII or voluminibus; que volumina sunt
de novo scripta de eadem littera . . ." One is tempted to suggest that this "new Bible in four
volumes," an unusual format in the late fourteenth century, was "newly written from the same
text" of the "old Bible," or Arras 1(3). If this were so, the "biblia nova" could be the Brussels-
Marquette Bible; comparative text samplings support this suggestion.
44
The text of this note is given by Beer, "Liller Bibelcodices," p. 209, who reads "Visterloot."
45
See Sigrid Schulten, "Die Buchmalerei des 11. Jhrs. im Kloster St. Vaast in Arras,"
Munchner Jakrbvch der bildenden Kunst 7 (1956), 49-90; Grierson, "La bibliotheque," pp.
117-140. Osbert, a twelfth-century monk of St.-Vaast, was asked by Stephen Harding, abbot of
Citeaux 1109-1133, to make for the new order manuscripts that would rival the splendor of
Cluniac illumination: Andre Boutemy, "La Miniature (VIII e -XII e siecle)," in E. de Moreau,
Histoire de I'Eglise en Belgique, 2 (Brussels, 1945), 352.
 44 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
As important an ecclesiastical and educational institution as St.-Pierre
probably had a scriptorium for the production of texts. The 1397 catalogue
lists some 154 books, though there is no way of knowing how many of these
were acquired by purchase or gift, or made after our period. Whatever their
interest in book production, the canons could scarcely have overlooked the
brilliant new style at nearby Arras; nor would their patron, the count of
Flanders, have wished to do less by a family institution than the Arras
merchants did for churches and abbeys in their city.46 It would not have
been unusual for St.-Pierre to have acquired the great Bible at Arras
Cathedral, either by gift from the count or some other noble, or by pur-
chase, drawing on the collegial's own considerable wealth.47 Such a splendid
manuscript would surely have prompted other Lille institutions to want
equally fine books, and a team or a complete shop of Arras painters,
probably lay professionals, might then have been brought to Lille. The Arras
Bible would logically have become a stylistic and iconographic model for
Bibles and other books made by the Arrageois at Lille.
In consequence, it can be proposed that at least three large Bibles in the
Arras style were produced at Lille: Lille 835-838, the Marquette Bible, and
the Brussels-Marquette Bible. The reminiscenses of Mont-St.-Eloi decoration
in the Lille Bible and the Mont-St.-Eloi artists of the Marquette Bible indi-
cate that there would have been several style tendencies in the atelier. The
painters were assigned as teams within the shop to different projects, for
example the large Marquette Bible team and the smaller one of the
Brussels-Marquette Bible. Even the presence of an Arras scribe at Lille is
suggested, for it appears that the principal hand of Arras 1(3) is identical
with the hand of the Brussels-Marquette Bible.48 The year 1264, when the
text of the Lille Bible was corrected, is probably close to the date of the
Brussels-Marquette Bible, and to the central years of the Bible production at
Lille.49
46
F o r brief accounts of p a t r o n a g e by Arrageois m e r c h a n t s , see two works by Abbe J e a n
Lestocquoy, "Les etapes d u d e v e l o p p e m e n t urbain d'Arras," Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire
23 (1944), p . 178 ff, a n d Arras au temps jadis (Arras, 1971), p p . 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 .
47
There are a number of reports of manuscripts being bought and sold by clergy in the
Middle Ages; see W. Wattenbach, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1896), e.g., pp.
547-548.
48
Lille p r o b a b l y h a d scribes o f its o w n as well, e v i d e n t i n a n a c c o u n t b o o k of G u y of F l a n d e r s
in 1270 recording payment to a Master Gilon of Bruges for two manuscripts bought and
therefore probably copied at Lille ("pour un messel et un tropier acate a Lille . . ."):
Dehaines, Documents, p. 63. Gilon must have been either an illuminator or a binder. Another
account book of 1272-1273 notes payment for bringing a Lille scribe to Namur to copy a
breviary ("I escrivent, ke me dame de Namur avoit mande de Lille pour son breviare escrire."):
Dehaines, Documents, p. 66. A complete study of the scribes of the entire group here in question
would further elucidate matters of relationships between the manuscripts, and, as Branner
suggested ("A Cutting," p. 225), help clarify workshop practice. It is undoubtedly significant
that there are no scribal correspondences among the 30 and 31-line Bibles except for that
between Arras 1(3) and the Brussels-Marquette Bible.
49
The Cambron Augustine (Brussels 11,2297), written in 1277, if included in the larger group
on the basis of its fingree decoration (see note 30), may Vie\p date the late period of the shop's
activity.
 -m icthon* mumtum

filtl
annum
IG. 1. Initial for Zephaniah, Brussels 11,2523-11, fol.
296v. (Photo: Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale)

FIG. 3. Initial for Daniel, Brussels 11,2523-11,

fol. 246. (Photo: Brussels, Bibliotheque
Royale)

FIG. 2. Initial for Ephesians, Marquette IV,

fol. 16v. (Photo: the author)
 FIG. 4. Initial from Cambron(?) Antiphonal.
Lansburgh Collection, Colorado Springs.
(Photo: courtesy Mr. Lansburgh)
FIG. 6. Initials from Cambron(?) Antiphonal. National
Museum, Stockholm, inv. nr. 1730 (letter Q) and 1731
(letter T). (Photo: Nationalmuseum, Stockholm)
FIG. 5. Prologue to Tobit, Brussels 11,2523-1
fol. 217v. (Photo: Brussels, Bibliothequ-
Royale)
FIG. 7. Adoration of the Magi, Cambrai 189,
fol. 12. (Photo: the author)
 jft mutt urcpat* raw
" tfumte ommeami

HWMI!
n
fqncm
oftt CDfltitiatttttflltti FIG. 9. Prologue to Canonical Epistles, Marquette IV,
fol. 28. (Photo: the author)
IG. 8. Prologue to Jeremiah, Brussels
1,2523-11, fol. 131. (Photo: Brussels,
Bibliotheque Royale)

;. 10. Initial for the Introit for Easter,

rras 309(959), fol. 8. (Photo: the author)

FIG. 11. Illustration at the Canon of the Mass, Arras

309(959), fol. 39v. (Photo: the author)
FIG. 12. Initial for the Translation of St.
Vaast, Arras 309(959), fol. 59v. (Photo: the
author
) FIG. 13. Initial for II Timothy, Arras 789(440), fol. 42v.
(Photo: the author)

ricgmt ipop*
qm p
(tnionttram cfr mqral
tcUapmat caud qni4 ti
ftuun tp$ toqtmms neofflr
mam cr FlG
tmntO5 pOlT.frdnnt5 ** - 14- Prolo ue
S to E
lesiasticus, Arras 575(465),
fol. 60v. (Photo: the author)
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 45
The evidence in support of this proposal of Arras and Lille as production
centers for much of this large group of manuscripts argues against Gaspar
and Lyna's suggestion that Brussels 11,2523 had its origin at Tournai. The
basis of their theory is the thirteenth-century Tournai ex libris of the stylisti-
cally related Brussels Boethius, and Sir Thomas Phillipps' listing of the two
Brussels Bible volumes among his manuscripts from St.-Martin, Tournai. So
far as anyone knows, however, Phillipps had no evidence that Brussels
11,2523 had been at St.-Martin other than the fact of his buying it in a group
of manuscripts of St.-Martin provenance (see note 15). A missal for Tournai
(Tournai, Bible, cap. A 11), obviously part of the larger group, was as-
sociated by Branner with Brussels II,2523.50 On close examination of the
figures, however, his suggestion is without justification. Without other evi-
dence, there are too few important manuscripts of the larger group that can
be associated with Tournai, or for that matter Cambrai or Cambron, to
support a claim for these locales to match those of either Arras or Lille as
production centers for the style. A team of painters from the shop may well
have worked at Cambrai to decorate the luxurious Philomena lectionary
(Cambrai 189-190) and missals belonging to the larger group (Cambrai, Bibl.
Mun. 181 and 233), but no other evidence exists to reinforce such a pro-
posal. Though both Tournai and Cambrai were episcopal cities, and impor-
tant monasteries were located in or near both, these facts in themselves do
not suggest the presence of important manuscript paintshops. For now it
seems more likely that the Tournai, Cambrai and Cambron manuscripts
here related to the Brussels-Marquette Bible were painted either at Arras or
Lille.
The stylistic origin of this brilliant Arras-Lille shop is a problem beyond
the scope of the present article. The mature phase here considered is
characterized by refinement of detail, and by richness and bravado. Large-
fold drapery cloaks slender, sometimes elongated figures; lush foliage with
long cusping or pinwheeling stems adorns the miniatures; dragons, often
with striped bodies, encircle the capitals or lurk in the foliage; brilliant colors
and extensive use of burnished gold underscore the luxuriousness of the
style. These traits are shared, with subtle variations, by all manuscripts of the
larger group, suggesting forcefully that they are, as Branner suspected,
products of a single large shop, one which included various teams of artists,
and which could relocate when necessary. A broad expansion of the style,
with considerable variants, occurs in the last quarter of the century in
manuscripts associated with Liege, Bruges, Cambrai and elsewhere. A cer-
tain provincialism is often present in the derivative styles. There is also
evidence, seen in Arras 575(465)-789(440) for example, that in Arras and
Lille themselves shops of other traditions soon took up various traits of the
new style and iconography which are today considered synonymous with
High Gothic in northern French manuscript painting.
MARLBORO COLLEGE
50
Branner, "A Cutting," p. 224. The Tournai Missal is reproduced in Stones, "Missel" (see
note 5 above) and Stahl, "Le Bestiare" (see note 5 above), figs. 15 and 16.
46 Thirteenth-Century Illumination
APPENDIX: THE ARRAS-LILLE GROUP
BRANNER ("A Cutting") attributed all manuscripts in question, with the
possible exception of those from Mont-St.-Eloi, to one large paintshop com-
prised of several teams of painters. He included:

Large thirty or thirty-one line Bibles

Arras 1(3) (probably for Arras Cathedral; 31 lines)
Lille 835-838 (probably for St.-Jacques, Lille; 30 lines)
Marquette Bible I-III (? for Marquette Abbey, near Lille; 30 lines; H. P. Kraus,
New York)
Marquette Bible IV (? for Marquette Abbey, near Lille; 30 lines; H. P. Kraus, New
York)1
Brussels 11,2523 (? for Marquette Abbey, near Lille; 30 lines)1

Other Bibles and Bible fragments

Cleveland Museum of Art ace. no. 52.5652
Morgan Library, Glazier 642
Manchester, John Rylands Library 162
Brussels II.13392
Arras 561(1) (from Mont-St.-Eloi)
British Museum, Yates Thompson 22 (from Mont-St.-Eloi)
Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 162603

Manuscripts other than Bibles

Arras 448(888) (missal for Marchiennes Abbey)2
Arras 444(368) (missal for Arras)
Tournai, Bibl. cap. A l l (missal for Tournai Cathedral)
Cambrai 189-190 (lectionary for Cambrai, text copied by Philomena)1-3
Paris, Arsenal 280 (psalter)3
Brussels 11,1012 (Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae; from St.-Martin, Tournai)1
Fragments from an antiphonal, possibly of Cambron Abbey (Lansburgh Collec-
tion; Stockholm, National Museum)1
Arras 295(952) (Cassian, Institutiones monachorum; from Mont.St.-Eloi)

Late products of the shop

Oxford, Bodl. liturg. 369
Paris, Bibl. Nat. nouv. acq. 406 (psalter)
Paris, Bibl. Nat. fr. 6447 (miscellany and chronicle)
Cambrai 181 (missal for Cambrai)
Brussels 14682 (psalter)3
Brussels 10607 (Psalter of Guy de Dampierre)
Washington, Nat. Gal. ace. no. 15.390 (Crucifixion cutting)

1
Brussels-Marquette sub-group.
2
Cleveland leaf sub-group.
3
Philomena sub-group.
 Thirteenth-Century Illumination 47

BEER adds the following:

In "Das Scriptorium":
Oxford, Bodl. laud. lat. 85 (psalter)3
Arras 38 (missal for Mont-St.-Eloi)
Boulogne 4 (Bible from Mont-St.-Eloi)

In "Liller Bibelcodices":
Cambrai 345-346 (Bible from Cambrai Cathedral; unrelated?)
Brussels 11,2560 (Bible fragment from Cambron Abbey)

STONES ("Missel de la Cathedral de Tournai") discusses some of the manu-

scripts noted by Branner, and includes also:
Paris, Bibl. de 1'Arsenal 3139 ("Chevalier au cygne")
Cambrai 233 (missal for St.-Aubert, Cambrai)

To the above total the present article adds:

Arras 309(959) (missal for Arras Cathedral)3
Arras 575(465)-789(440) (large, 30-line Bible, probably for St.-Vaast, Arras;
limited relationship to the group)
Brussels 11,2297 (Augustine, Categoriae Aristotelis glosatae, from Cambron Abbey; on
the basis of filigree decoration)

1
Philomena sub-group.