Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
LIBER ANNUUS
LVI
Editor Eugenio Alliata
Co-editors Frderic Manns, L. Daniel Chrupcaa
Editorial Board Giovanni Bissoli, G. Claudio Bottini, A. Marcello
Buscemi, Gregor Geiger, Pietro Kaswalder, Giovanni
Loche, Alviero Niccacci, Carmelo Pappalardo, Massimo
Pazzini, Michele Piccirillo, Rosario Pierri, Tomislav Vuk
Articoli
Y. Zelinger
L. Di Segni A Fourth-Century Church near Lod (Diospolis) 459
G. Cravinho
S. Amorai-Stark A Jewish Intaglio from Roman Ammaia,
Lusitania 521
M. Piccirillo
G.C. Bottini Se stai per presentare la tua offerta
allaltare (Mt 5,23-24). La testimonianza
di uniscrizione palestinese 547
Introduction
1. Josefa Conceio Neves 1971 dissertation on the Collection mentions 19 glyptic items.
Her No. 2 in plate 1 is a Modern Art Nouveau piece. Therefore, the number of ancient
glyptic items in this collection totals 18 specimens.
2. For origin and description of all Ammaia gems cf. G. Cravinho, Glptica Romana em
Portugal, forthcoming Doctor Dissertation to be presented to the University of Santiago de
Compostela.
Description
Device
The shape of the Menorah nicolo, as of the Lyre nicolo found with it, is of
a popular Roman type shape F4 (Henig 1994: g. 1, page XXV), that is,
a gem with at top and base and angled sides. Both likewise present large
elongated central symbolic devices engraved on vertical axis on top of a
light blue layer; darker blue-brown layers encircle the motives as frames
and form the gems lower layers.
3. The excavation has continued since the late 20th c. under the auspicious of the Ammaia
Foundation and supervision of the Universities of Coimbra and vora. We examined these
6 glyptic pieces and the few other jewelry fragments found by this excavation within a
water tunnel of the Ammaia therma (Bath-House) in June 2005. To date only a very small
part of the Bath-House water tunnels has been excavated. Aside from other considerations
and constraints major parts of the baths water system is covered by a major road and by a
grove of protected trees. Of these 6 unpublished glyptic pieces, 1 is a nicolo intaglio (with
a herdsman device), 1 a nicolo paste intaglio (with a warrior?) and 1 a nicolo glass paste
cameo. The other 3 are intaglios: 1 a carnelian (with a sow), 1 a sardonyx (with a Muse)
and 1 a red jasper (with a warrior).
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 523
Formally, the two intaglios differ from each other only in few unim-
portant details. The Menorah stone is of larger dimensions (12.3 x 10.8 x
3.7 mm) than the one with the musical instrument (9.6 x 7.0 x 2.5 mm). Its
motifs basic engraving lines are cut into the same light-blue of the surface,
whereas the cuts forming the lyre reach the lower darker blue layer and
thus its motif contrasts strongly with the upper light-blue surface.
The design of the Menorah intaglio differs from that of the lyre intaglio
because the rst renders a central large object with three secondary objects
while the other presents a single object.
Their engraving technique and style is similar. It is an austere linear
engraving style in which the basic modeling is with a medium size rounded
drill and few detailing with long thin wheel grooves. In both specimens the
few thin linear details appear on the basic modelling as very thin to thin
decorative lines. For example, on the lyre body 1 continuous detailing line;
on the body of the citron fruit 3 short secondary lines; on the Menorahs
ames very short thin secondary lines, and on part of its central brunch
1 thin decorative line. Both techniques are typically Roman but the one
using wheel grooves to produce an overall austere linear design of devices
and symbols with few detailing or no detailing are more typical of Late Ro-
man-Early Byzantine period intaglios than of earlier Roman ones (Maaskant
Kleibrink 1978: No. 858; Boardman and Scarisbrick 1977: No. 83; Henig
and Whiting 1987: No. 67; Amorai-Stark 1993: Nos. 121, 124). However,
these styles are particularly common on magical gems depicting symbols
and gural motifs.4 These magical stones date chiey from the 2nd c. A.D.
onwards (Maaskant Kleibrink 1978: Nos. 1141, 1125, 1127; Philipp 1989:
Nos. 7, 31, 51, 104, 113, 121, 128, 136, 155, 168, 179, 187, 188, 193, with
references. Compare in particular 113c, 128c, 179b, 187, 188, 193). When
a single symbolic object is rendered on non-magical Roman intaglios, the
sacred object is usually depicted with greater feeling of volume than the
austere linear single musical object rendered on the Ammaia nicolos, and
with greater detailing (for example cf. Henig and Whiting 1987: No. 219;
Maaskant-Kleibrink 1978: No. 439; Invernizzi 2004: III, 0930-0952).
Vestiges of metal remain within the basic modeling engraving lines of
both stones (Figs. 1b and 2b). Unfortunately, neither intaglio could be submit-
4. The linear engraving style of both Ammaia gems differs greatly from various engraving
styles of lantique intaglios manufactured at Italian, English and other European Modern
(16th-19th c.) workshops. Their output commonly renders devices with much more round
basic modeling, and more detailing than that of the Menorah and lyre Ammaia nicolos, and
depiction of single or more symbolic objects is rare (Brown 1997).
524 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
5. For example, by a high microscope such as a KEOL 840 SEM (Scanning Electron Micro-
scope) equipped with an energy dispersive spectrometer (EOM). No such microscope exists
in a Portuguese laboratory and a permission to take the intaglios to a laboratory outside of
Portugal was not obtained.
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 525
2005: 31, gs. 2, 5). Thus, in early Jewish rendering of scenes, and of
scenes combined with symbols the imagery conveys also the suggestion
of timelessness (Posek 2005: 38, 6-8). The anti-realistic effects of Jewish
scenes suggest a deliberate differentiation of the pictorial representation
from what it represents, thereby conveying the suggestion of timelessness
(Posek 2005: 50). The same conclusion applies also to representations of
sacred non-gural Jewish symbolic objects rendered on blank backgrounds.
It is particularly apparent in compositions of Jewish non-gural arrange-
ments of sacred objects rendered in imperfectly bilateral symmetry with
formal irregularity depicting two Menorahs anking the destroyed Temple
of Jerusalem, thereby commemorating it and the cessation of the sacred
liturgy, a typical modality of synagogue mosaic pavements from the Land
of Israel (Posek 2005: 39-45, gs. 9-12).
The modality of the single Menorah motif with 3 ritual emblems, of
which the Ammaia intaglio is an example, is not discussed by Posek. How-
ever, there is no doubt that it derived from the ancient Jewish asymmetrical
dual depictions dating from the Roman period. By presenting the single
central Menorah itself in perfect symmetry with its ames converging to
center, the design of the Ammaia Menorah reects earlier and concurrent
depictions of the Menorah based on the symmetrical physical form of the
sacred Menorah, which also promotes a sense of order and harmony. But,
by representing 2 of its ritual symbols on one side of the symmetrical
Menorah, and a single emblem on its other side in asymmetrical layout
it also shows its dependency on Israeli and latter also Diaspora render-
ings of the dual Menorah anking a central motif, where each Menorahs
ritual emblems are asymmetrical. Asymmetry was perceived as represent-
ing an impermanent, accidental, and potentially changeable situation. The
combined message of symmetry and asymmetry was apparently meant to
indicate the visionary character of the Ammaia Jewish non-gural sacred
objects. Thus, the meaning of the spatial design of this intaglio presents
the same basic symbolic layout of each of the dual Menorah with ritual
emblems in the panels with the central Temple of Jerusalem but in a more
condensed form. Its formal meaning expresses the same basic ideology
as that of the more sophisticated combinations of bilateral plan symmetry
with asymmetrical details found on the Dura Europos panel and the dual
depictions of 2 Menorah anking a central Temple of Jerusalem shown
on mosaic pavements. The choice of rendering this motif on a blank blue
unied background exemplied by the Ammaia nicolo enhances in this
intaglio the ideological meaning of the motif, and in this relates directly to
the blue background of the Dura Europos fresco. If the metal vestiges in
528 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
6. It cannot be inferred that the engraver/patron of the Ammaia gem was personally ac-
quainted with the Dura Europos fresco but rather that this symbolic color modality was
plausibly at rst a feature of non-oor renderings of Menorahs but above all that the Am-
maia gem presents the same basic formal color ideological meaning.
7. However, since due to the peripheral location of Dura Europos and the mixed stylistic
origins of its overall early phase frescos to which the Menorah fresco belongs it is doubtful
that the rst prototype of this spatial modality originated in Dura Europos. Future nds may
show that this prototype may well pre dates the mid 3rd c. A.D.
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 529
Iconography 8
The nding of the Menorah intaglio points to the presence of a Jew (or
Jews) in mid 2nd-3rd c. to 5th c. A.D. Ammaia. However, the following
iconographical discussion9 sugests that the upper date of this intaglio may
be further limited to the 4th or rst half of the 5th c. A.D. at the latest.
The Menorah with its accompanying ritual objects is a common Jewish
motif depicted predominantly in synagogue and funerary art, particularly
from the 3rd c. A.D. onwards.
The formal type of the Menorah with tripode-base and round semi-
circular branches, seen on the Ammaia stone, presents the most common
8. A discussion on the iconography of the Ammaia lyre nicolo device is beyond the scope of
this article. Sufce it to mention that the lyre had pagan symbolic meaning, for example as
Apollos lyre or Orpheus instrument, examples of which were found also in Roman Portu-
gal (for example, Orpheus playing the lyre to his animals is depicted on a 4th c. mosaic from
Martim Gil, near Leiria, now in the Museu de Arqueologia in Belm, Portugal, MNA, inv.
No. 999.142.1). Some ancients believed that the ringstone of Polycrates was engraved with
the representation of a Chelys, or Lyre (Berry 1969: 107, No. 196). The lyre in the hand of
these Pagan gures or as their single symbolic attributes is occasionally portrayed on Roman
gems (Zwierlein-Diehl 1986: 130, No. 218; Breglia 1941: 74, No. 597; Sena Chiesa 1966:
415, pl. LXXVI, No. 1508; Maaskant-Kleibrink 1978: 128, No. 170; Johns 1997: 94, No.
219; Ambrosio and Carolis 1997: 46, pl. X, No. 106). However, the lyre also represents in
Jewish-Christian ancient art King Davids musical instrument (the Kinnor), and as such the
Ammaia lyre maybe another Jewish stone, or a Christian gem. According to St Clement of
Alexandria, the lyre was a suitable Christian symbol (Henig 1974: 28; Braun 2002: 189-95,
249-74, 287-90, 297-9, V.59b, V.60d).
Morphologically the Ammaia gem lyre appears to be a stylized depiction of the ancient
crescent-like Eastern lyres with high, symmetrical curved arms of same length, straight
yoke, three-strings and crescent-like body (Lawergren 1993: 55, 63-4, g. 9) of which type
B lyre on the Jewish Bar-Khochba coins (132-5 A.D.) is one Roman period sub-type (Braun
2002: 287-91, g. V.57c-d). The thin body of the Ammaia lyre is not typical to ancient
lyres and is unpractical for it lacks a sound-box. This rendering appears to be a reduction
of the characteristically crescent-like lyre body into a continuous, straight, thin body.
This unrealistic depiction of a lyre is not uncommon in Roman times, for in this period
portrayals of lyres do not always depict the instruments realistically. A very similar simpli-
ed three-string lyre of the same basic type as the Ammaia lyre occurs, for example, on a
small metal tesserae found near Caesarea Maritima, Israel (Braun 2002: 298, g. V.59b).
Such unrealistic depictions of lyres conrm the instruments standing as a symbol during
Hellenistic-Roman times (Braun 2002: 297). The stylized standing base of the Ammaia
lyre strengthens this musical instrument aspect as a symbol. Depictions of lyres on a stand
are known, but comparanda on gems are rare (Zwierlein-Diehl 1969: 529, g. 3:1). Such
examples are occasionally found in other art media. For example, a realistically rendered
lyre placed on a box-like podium with the inscription Apollon is the central motif of a
mid 3rd c. Roman mosaic pavement from Elis (Yaluris 1992: 427, tab. 92,1).
9. The following discussion is primarily based on Rachel Hachlili comprehensive mono-
graph on the Menorah in Roman-Byzantine Periods Jewish art (Hachlili 2001).
530 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
Menorah type found in Jewish art from the 3rd c. A.D. (Hachlili 2001: 137,
Fig. III: 12). Variations on this type of Menorah, commonly without the
Menorah cross-bar; frequently lighted (with little ames) and anked by
ritual objects, are popular nds in Diaspora funerary art, such as the cata-
combs of Rome dating to the late 2nd-4th c. A.D. or in tombs and objects
from tombs elsewhere in Italy, Sicily, Carthage, Malta, Spain and the East
(Hachlili 2001: 87-95, gs. II-28; II-29).
The grouping of the ritual emblems that ank the Menorah on this
nicolo present one of the most common groupings of ritual objects: lulav,
etrog and shofar in Late Roman Jewish art. It constitutes one of the most
widespread groupings of emblems in Diaspora art where the total of this
grouping is of a higher percentage than in Menorah representations from
the Land of Israel (Hachlili 2001: 221-4, 226-7, tabs. V.2-V.3).
The lulav is the preferred ritual object in Diaspora art. The closest for-
mal type of lulav to the one on the Ammaia gem appears on objects from
Diaspora tombs. The motif of the lulav anking a Menorah with other ritual
objects seems to appear only from the 3rd c. A.D. onwards. The realistic
palm-branch lulav type on our gem is the typical formal type of lulav found
in Diaspora tombs. In comparison, this type of realistically rendered lulav
is rare in depictions of this ritual object from the Land of Israel. Hachlili
suggests that preference for the lulav in the Diaspora might be explained
by a passage from the Mishna (Hachlili 2001: 226, Rosh Hashana 4, 310).
In the art of Israel the lulav is commonly depicted as part of the Tabernacle
Feast bundle together with one or two other branches (representing the
Hadass and/or the Aravah) and with the etrog.
The etrog is also rendered realistically in Diaspora art more commonly
than in the art from the Land of Israel, in synagogue as well as in tomb art
(Hachlili 2001: 218-9, g. V-7).
The Shofar rst appears in synagogue and funerary art of the 2nd-3rd c.
A.D.11 In Jewish Diaspora art, the shofar is the second most frequently de-
picted ritual object, commonly paired with the lulav and the etrog (Hachlili
2001: 211; 212; 215, g. V-4; table V-1). However, in Diaspora art the lulav
and the etrog seldom appear on the same side of the Menorah or together
(Hachlili 2001: 216-8, g. V-6). Diaspora depictions of the joint motif of the
Menorah with the three ritual objects mainly date from the 4th-5th c. A.D.
10. According to this Mishnah after the Temple was destroyed, Rabban Johanan ben Zakkai
ordained that the lulav should be used for seven days in the provinces, in remembrance of
the Temple.
11. But see Braun 2002: 192.
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 531
Therefore, because on the Ammaia gem the lulav and the etrog are
not joined, nor appear on the same side of the Menorah, and because the
etrog and the lulav are rendered realistically we can infer that this gem is
a product of a Diaspora workshop, whose upper date is most probably the
4th c. or rst half of the 5th c. A.D., at the latest.
Similar variations of the Menorah to that on the Ammaia nicolo, some-
times anked by the same or different groupings of the ritual objects, are
found on gems, seals and jewelry items from the Diaspora. The existence of
such small artifacts indicate that the Ammaia gem is not a unique example
of jewelry from the Diaspora with a representation of the Menorah anked
by the ritual objects joint motif, but rather that it belongs to a fairly com-
mon class of Jewish jewelry and small artifacts. By having these symbols
rendered their owners proclaimed their Jewishness, personal and national
hopes. However, only in few cases, is the origin of these miniature artifacts
secure. Within this group a fairly large number of securely provenanced
specimens come from the Western part of the Roman empire (for example,
a gold ring from Bordeaux; a ring from Moesia, Sicily; a ring from S. An-
tioco, Sardinia; a ring from Spain; a bronze seal from Rome; two lead seals
from Trier. Cf. Hachlili 2001: 108-9; Wolfe and Sternberg 1999: 89, No.
324). This geographical spread plausibly further indicates that the custom
of depicting the Menorah with its ritual objects on rings and seals was a
fairly common practice mainly (?) of Jews living in the Western part of the
empires Diaspora. However, within the generic types of jewelry and small
artifacts the number of published gems depicting the Menorah is small: 6
stones. None of them originate in excavations and thus their provenance
is not certain. 1, a carnelian, is assumed to be from Aquileia (Zwierlein-
Diehl 1991: 123, No. 2055); 1, another carnelian, is said to come from Italy
(Henig 1983: 109-10, g. 1a; Henig and MacGregor 2004: 132, No. 14.26);
1 unidentied stone, with Greek inscription, is plausibely from Rome, and
1, an amethyst, comes from an unidentied diaspora region (Hachlili 2001:
D 11.3, D 11.5); and 2, a red jasper12 and a carnelian are attributed to Israel
(Hachlili 2001: IS 16.2, IS 16.23). Thus, in none of these published gems
is the Menorah motif depicted on a blue nicolo background as it is on the
Ammaia intaglio. This background, as stated above, enhances the heavenly,
non-temporal, timeless symbolic meaning of the motif to an even larger
extent than the red-orange, red, and purple of the other extant Menorah
gems.
12. Perhaps a forgery. IS16.20 might also be a gem but its material is not mentioned
(Hachlili 2001: 342, 345).
532 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
a member of the Cohen family (Tavares 2004: 14-5).13 Some objects relat-
ing to Jews, primarily ceramic oil lamps, were found in the ruins of Tria
citys harbor, Lusitania (its ancient Roman name is uncertain). At least 2
are decorated with the Menorah (Mantas 2004: 68). Recently, remains of a
structure found close to Trias industrial structures identied as cetariae
for the garum industry were identied by Mantas as probable remains of a
synagogue (and by other scholars as a Paleo-Christian basilica).14
Thus, although the Menorah intaglio is at present the single archaeo-
logical evidence to Jewish presence in Roman Ammaia the evidence from
Lusitania supports the plausible existence of individual Jews and perhaps
even of a Jewish community in this central city.
The following elaboration on the Menorah gems material and its presumed
origin will show that this Jewish gem is in all likelihood of local (Am-
maia)-regional (Lusitania) production.
The word Nicolo refers to a hard quartz stone (silicon dioxide SiO2;
hardness of 7 on the Mohs scale) of the microcrystalline quartz group. It
is thus of the same mineralogical group as carnelian, chalcedony, sard,
sardonyx, agate, jasper, etc. In antiquity there existed a wide range of
quartzes of varying colors and appearance to which different names were
applied (Spier 1992: 5; Konuk and Arslan 2000: 4-5). These microcrys-
talline quartzes have the same mineralogical consistency as the macroc-
rystalline quartzes (amethyst, rock crystal, white opaque-milky crystals).
The varieties often merge in Nature into each other in a less precise way
than is suggested by the ancient or modern terminology (Ogden 1982:
105). The term sardonyx is used to describe various sub-types of chal-
cedony with straight bands of alternating brown or blue bands or blue-
brown-white straight bands. However, in modern terminology the term
13. A carnelian intaglio with a Greek inscription on both sides, dated to the 3rd-4th c.
(Ginner 1996: 110-11, No. 49) said to have been discovered in the 18th c. by a herdsman
in Almeida, a town located in Lusitania (Yebenes, 2000: 41-4), is a Jewish or Christian
piece. Reverted into Latin characters the inscriptions read: Face A: TON THEON SOI
TON UPSISSTON MH ME ADIKHSIS; Face B: MEGA TO ONOMA. Ginner believes
that the divinity invoked in face A might be Iao and that face B could refer to Iao Sabaoth
or to Adonai. Another interpretation is that this apparently magical stone refers to Serapis
or Zeus-Serapis.
14. We thank Prof. Mantas of the University of Coimbra for sharing with us his thoughts.
534 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
15. Besides the Menorah and lyre nicolos, Dr. Delmiras collection contains 5 other nicolos
whose devices are: 1. a hero, perhaps Alexander the Great; 2. Mars Ultor; 3. Jupiter To-
nans; 4. Eros/babys face, set in a golden ring. The devices on these 4 specimens are like
the Menorah and the lyre cut on vertical axis; 5. Eros extracting a thorn from a lions paw,
device cut on horizontal axis. The collection also contains 2 nicolo pastes: 1. Victory/Nike
in ight, also cut on the vertical axis; 2. stylized symbol probably wheat on circular surface.
The 8th nicolo with a device of a herdsman standing by a tree, and the 3rd nicolo paste with
a warrior device, were recently excavated by S. Borges in a water-pipe of Ammaias baths.
Both devices are likewise cut on the vertical axis. (These 10 pieces are to be published in
the Corpus of Gems from Portugal by Graa Cravinho, cf. supra n.1).
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 535
16. Aside from glyptic, that is intaglios and cameos, these materials served also for cutting
of statuettes (particularly banded agate), inlays, and beads (usage of these materials for
beads declines by the latter 2nd c. A.D., nicolo beads are wanting). All were lapidary cut,
carved and engraved by lapidary workshops located in Rome, Alexandria, Aquileia (Chiesa
1966), Caesarea Maritima, Israel (Amorai-Stark 1999), but probably also in other regional
centers around the Roman empire.
17. Intaglios of layered microcrystalline banded agate are comparatively uncommon in
comparison to sardonyx, onyx and nicolos within the overall Corpus of Roman intaglios
(Ogden 1982: 109). The number of banded agates from Roman Portugal (35) is compara-
tively large. On the whole the usage of banded agates for ringstone intaglios, as well as
for beads starts to decline within the empire after the 1st c. A.D. The reasons for this
phenomenon are probably chiey within the realm of fashion considerations since both
the supply of the raw material and the technique of enhancing layered microcrystalline
into banded agates were unchanged or improved from previous periods. Furthermore, it
appears that banded agate continued to be used as cameos, statuettes, small vessels and
inlay material. Thus the nding of 2 brown/white/orange layered banded agate intaglios in
Ammaia dating from the later 1st c. B.C.-1st c. A.D. is in accordance with the overall usage
536 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
intensied the search after raw materials that is, for rich quartz layers
within the Roman empire.
Stones of the microcrystalline group were then preferred over stones
of the large quartz crystals for cutting and engraving because their
minute structure of crystals could be easily worked and they do not
have a weakness orientation or cleavage, as do the large macrocrystal-
line quartzes. Thus, ne quality carnelians, onyxes and sardonyxes were
not only very popular for intaglios but also the preferred stones for
engraving Roman cameos (Henig 1990: 134). This is well exemplied
by the nds from Portugal. Of the 26 Roman cameos from Portugal 18
21 are of quartz. Of these, 18 are layered microcrystallines (6 nicolos,
4 sardonyxes, 2 pale chalcedony, 1 agate and 1 dark onyx) and 4 are
carnelians.19 Many of these 21 specimens are unprovennanced or said
to come from Lusitania, particularly from Algarve or Alentejo. All 5
cameos of secured provenance come from sites or regions in Lusitania
(1 nicolo excavated in Fies; 1 white-brown sardonyx from Setbal; 1
white-red sardonyx and the single onyx from Alentejo; 1 carnelian from
Ammaia [in Dr. Mass collection]). Thus, percentage of nicolo cameos
(6 pieces), is 28.6% of the quartz cameos (18 pieces) and 23.1% of the
overall Roman cameos (26 pieces) from Portugal. This is an uncom-
monly high percentage.
of banded agate as intaglio material in the empire, but the overall high number of Roman
banded agates intaglios in the Corpus from Portugal is not. The devices of the 2 Ammaia
banded agates are of single horses: grazing and Pegasus. In both, the upper layer consists
of dark-white-dark stripes over which the horses are engraved. The artisans did not utilize
the agates stones layers to any compositional advantages. In Roman jewelry, for example
in cameos and beads the vertical banded layers of agates are commonly used to the utmost
ornamental, artistic and iconographic advantage drawn from the differences between the
layers of the banded agate. On the comparatively few banded agate Roman intaglios of
this brown/red/white/brown type, the devices were usually depicted on horizontal layers
(Amorai-Stark 1993: 92, No. 116; Henig 1994: 120-1, No. 227; Cravinho 2001: 155-7,
No. 6, later 1st c. B.C., provenanced from Conimbriga, Portugal). The example from
Conimbriga shows that both the common and less common forms of engraving banded
agate gems were known in Western Iberia during the early Roman times. The fact that
both Ammaia agates are cut in the less common Roman fashion for banded agate gems
plausibly supports the possible existence of microquartz workshops in Ammaia already
during its early days.
18. To date the number of up to 16th century cameos from Portugal total 32, 6 of them are
Post Roman-Early Byzantine.
19. The other 5 Roman cameos from Portugal are 4 pastes (1 a white-black glass paste
imitates onyx excavated in Ammaias Bath House) and 1 is a malachite.
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 537
20. Excluding the Post Byzantine-Modern gems, to date the total of glyptic pieces (intagl-
ios, cameos and impressions) in the Portugal Corpus is 513. As the material of 34 pieces
couldnt be conrmed (of the impressions and of few stones), the total of conrmed material
glyptic pieces is 479. Of these 479 glyptic pieces, 342 are microcrystalline quartz intaglios
(nicolo: 43; sardonyx: 6; agate: 34; onyx: 8; carnelian: 151; chalcedony: 20; sard: 35; jasper:
45). Thus, combined with the cameos (see supra n.18) there are: 49 nicolo pieces, 10 sar-
donyx; 9 onyx; 155 carnelian, 22 chalcedonies pieces; 35 agate (there are no sard or jasper
cameos in the Corpus). In Fig. 3 the carnelians are included among the others since they
are not layered and due to their overall frequency.
21. As stated in the text modern publications often do not present a clear-cut differentia-
tion between sardonyx, nicolo and onyx. For example, in some brown-red layered stones
are termed brown nicolos; in others blue-white-dark layered specimens are termed onyx;
in still others stones are termed sardonyx or onyx? Furthermore, since frequently the
stones are presented in black and white pictures or as impressions one cannot identify the
precise microcrystalline type of the stones. This problem has also been encountered in the
identication of few stones from Portugal. Therefore, the above counting and percentage
may in fact slightly differ.
22. There are 7 nicolo intaglios among the more than 400 Roman stones from Gadara, Jor-
dan in the Sad Collection (Henig and Whiting 1987); a single nicolo among the more than
100 engraved stones from Caesarea Maritima, Israel in the Sdot-Yam Museum (Amorai-
Stark 1999: 87-9) and 3 nicolos within the nearly 170 glyptic pieces in the Yusel Erimtan
Collection, Asia Minor (Konuk and Arslan 2000). The last 2 were not included in the tablet
for brevity reasons. Corpora of Roman glyptic nds from most Eastern regions, such as
Greece, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Turkey and Egypt, as well as from other major cities in these
regions are wanting. Absence of such a Corpus from Egypt or even from major Egyptian
centers such as Alexandria is particularly missed due to the Romans presumed belief that
nicolos originated in Egypt (see text).
538 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
nicolo during Roman times but also presumably to the availability of nicolo
in the western part of the empire. A different picture rises when the percent-
age of nicolo glyptic nds from Ammaia (27 pieces) is observed: 30%. This
is the highest in comparison to all cities and regions inspected. Furthermore,
the Ammaia percentage of glyptic microcrystallines and nicolo pastes is also
signicantly the highest among the examined locations (62.5%).
The existence of 8 nicolo intaglios within the present Ammaia glyptic
nds (27 pieces) which comprise c. 1/3 is the highest percentage in any sin-
gle site or regional Roman nds (together with the nicolo pastes they com-
prise nearly 1/2 (in fact: 40.7% = c. 41%) of the nds. See Tables 1-2 and
Fig. 3). It is an unusually large percentage of nicolos and/or nicolos+nicolo
pastes for any collection. This is not likely to be accidental.
23. The slight difference in the percentage of layered microcrystallines nds from Portugal
and their overall nd in the Iberian Peninsula might in the future be slightly altered and
the percentage of those from the Iberian Peninsula lowered. This might come about due to
further ndings and publications; future universally accepted scholarly terminology regard-
ing the precise identication of each and every microcrystalline glyptic nd from Spain
(cf. supra n. 21).
24. Among other questions future research into the precise origin of these nicolos at each site
and region will help to establish whether these nicolos come from the regions inner land, or
as we predict mainly from costal regions and harbor cities (like Aquileia); into existence of
Roman microcrystalline mines and of treated layered microcrystalline gems cutting centers in
Western European regions; as well as discussion of the established commercial ties between
Lusitania and these regions may help to establish Ammaia (and Lusitania) as the main, or one
of the most important sources of Western Roman treated layered microcrystalline gems.
25. The Elder Pliny, who died in A.D. 79, served as procurator in Tarraconensis (Iberia)
from 72 to 74.
540 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
26. The Roman city of Ammaia was one of the three major cities of provincia Lusitania.
It was founded a short while after the Romans arrived to the Iberian Peninsula on a site
with no evidence for occupation before Roman times. Claudius elevated it to the status of a
civitas. According to epigraphically and archaeological evidence, it was raised to the status
of municipium at the end of the 1st c. A.D. Ammaia controlled a vast territory, which coin-
cides more or less with the present district of Portalegre (Mantas 2002: 51; Alarco 1987:
54, and 1988: 49). As a central regional civic city it was connected to many places in the
province and throughout the Iberian Peninsula by an excellent road system (Map 3). This
extensive and good road system allowed export of the regions products as well as import
of other products from various regions of the empire. For example, excavations have un-
earthed objects originating from other locations in Hispania, Galia Narbonensis, Italy and
the Middle East. One of the earliest imported objects found is a Rhodian amphora dating
from the end of the 1st c. B.C. - early 1st c. A.D. (Carvalho 2002: 74, 82-3, g. 2). The
city continued to exist after the Barbarian Invasions of the 5th c. At some date between the
2nd half of the 5th and 9th c., the city was probably submerged by oods and rise of Sever
River (Rei 2002: 164-5; Pereira and De Meulemeester 2001: 1-2).
27. Attributing the rise of Ammaia to near by mines does not repudiate other possible
explanations raised by scholars regarding the importance of the city, for example Antnio
Rei suggestion that Ammaia was a Roman tourist center (Rei 2002: 164: a sua principal
funo seria a de funcionar como local de veraneio das elites emeritenses).
28. Mantas 2002: 52-3, No. 1; 58-60, No. 4.
A JEWISH INTAGLIO FROM ROMAN AMMAIA, LUSITANIA 541
immigrated to this region, lived in the city of Ammaia or its surrounding area,
who are normally associated with mine exploration as well as with seasonal
transference of herds (Carvalho 2002: 82).29
Oleiro in his 1954 survey report of Ammaia identied important re-
mains of ancient mine explorations in Cova da Moura, Porto da Espada in
the region of Ammaia (Oliveira J. 2002: 35) (Map 4).
Another quartz quarry has most probably been identied only recently
within the city perimeter of Ammaia.30
The Ammaia Museum contains a large amount of raw quartz speci-
mens and fragments found on the site. The majority is of the non-layered
or faintly layered microcrystalline chalcedony type.31 Absence of strongly
colored layered microcrystallines specimens strengthens the above sugges-
tion that the quarried quartzes were articially treated on site which is in
accordance with Galopim de Carvalhos theory regarding the geological
mineral nds of Portugal (Carvalho 2002: 275, 329, 341-3).
Undoubtedly ofcina gemmaria existed in Lusitania. Studies suggest
their existence, for example, in Conimbriga and Emerita Augusta (present
day Mrida), Lusitania (Luzon 1982: 135; Map 2). Our nds favor the ex-
istence of ofcina gemmaria also in Ammaia, since its establishment. The
total of 27 glyptic specimens from Ammaia is one of the largest from a
single site in Lusitania.32 Excluding the Menorah and lyre nicolo gems, the
date range of the other Ammaia nicolos and nicolo pastes, as well as of all
other ancient pieces from Ammaia which present a wide range of common
Roman motives is the 1st c. B.C. - 3rd c. A.D. To date no glyptic piece dat-
ing from the 4th c. onwards has come to light in Ammaia or its vicinity.33
The devices of the Ammaia 6 nicolos and 3 nicolo pastes34 are engraved in
3 distinctive common Roman engraving styles. Parallels to their engraving
styles are found among the other Roman gems from Ammaia. Thus, it is
probable that workshops specializing in fashioning treated raw quartz into
nicolo glyptic existed in the city side by side with other ofcina gemmaria
specializing in fashioning glyptic from other microcrystalline quartzes, or
more likely that the ofcina gemmaria in Ammaia worked all types of
quartzes at the same time. The schematic symbol (ear of corn) engraved
on a small F4 nicolo paste is the only other Ammaia gem which presents
a similar austere engraving style to that of the Menorah and lyre intaglios
(Fig. 4). It probably dates from the later 2nd-3rd c. A.D.
Considering this background it is highly certain that the nicolo material
of the Menorah intaglio comes from this local industry; its engraved Jewish
motif35 is a product of an Ammaia (or Lusitania) workshop; and that the
Menorah gems date is the 3rd c. A.D.
Summary
Graa Cravinho
Lisbon, Portugal
Shua Amorai-Stark
Beer-Shevah, Israel
35. Provided that this is the case then one has to assume that its engraver was either pre-
sented with a pattern book or had one in his possession; was acquainted with the motif due
to former/concurrent Jewish clientele; or was presented with some object which carried the
motif.
Acknowledgement: Our gratitude to Martin Henig for reading the article and for his help-
ful comments.
544 G. CRAVINHO - S. AMORAI-STARK
Bibliography