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World Englishes, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 103121, 2003. 08832919

``Who is it that can tell me who I am?''

The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires

FLORENCIA CORTES-CONDE*

ABSTRACT: This study examines discourse on communal identity that accompanies language shift
processes. In a study carried out in 1990, self-ascribed Anglo-Argentines responded to a lengthy
questionnaire concerning what makes an Anglo-Argentine different from either of its perceived component
identities the Anglo and the Argentine. The study found a diffused boundary that maps a multi-layered
self. Responses presented an emotional perspective of how ``I feel'' as an Anglo-Argentine and also
maximum level of abstraction of how ``Anglos are.'' What is surprising about the study of the Anglo-
Argentines is that it demonstrates that not even a world language can maintain its speakers' communal
identity.

Doth any here know me? Why, this is not Lear:

Doth Lear walk thus? Speak thus? Where are his eyes?
Either his notion weakens, or his discernings
Are lethargized Ha! Waking? 'tis not so.
Who is it that can tell me who I am?
King Lear. Act I, Scene iv

INTRODUCTION
Language shift and language maintenance studies have progressively become studies about
ethnic identity and its structural crisis when the shift occurs or maintenance is achieved.
The role of language as an identity marker became a central concern of works such as
those of Susan Gal (1979, 1987), Kathryn Woolard (1989), and Monica Heller (1995).
Before these studies the concern was on the outcome and the factors affecting this
outcome. Susan Gal, in her study of German-speaking villagers of Oberwart, saw that
what determined language choice was the need to use the language in a social network to
``mean'' a certain identity. She claimed the aim of language shift studies should be the
process itself not its outcome. Woolard saw in the Catalan situation in Spain that even
when the battle over maintenance was won, the question of the identity of its speakers was
far from solved. As Catalan gained status as the co-official language of Catalonia,
monolingual Castilian speakers became the new disadvantaged community. Monica
Heller, in her study of the Francophone in Ontario, saw a monolingual paradigm emerging
after the battle for maintenance. While standard French acquired a co-official status with
English, French vernaculars were once again segregated to the peripheries. In previous
work on the Anglo-Argentine (Cortes-Conde, 1993, 1994, 1996), I stated that maintenance
of instrumentality of English is achieved, but that the home language and the local identity
linked to it are lost. In Reversing Language Shift (1991), Fishman calls for defense of local

* Department of Humanities, Universidad de San Andres, Buenos Aires, Argentina. E-mail: fcortes@
udesa.edu.ar

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identities: ``RLS . . . espouses the right and the ability of small cultures to live and to
inform life for their own members as well as to contribute thereby to the enrichment of
humankind as a whole'' (p. 35). But, if local identities are to be safeguarded through
maintenance then more has to be understood about the pressures that these identities are
under to assimilate and become part of the collective one-language, one-culture paradigm
imposed by the members of the nation-state.
This study examines discourse on communal identity that accompanies language shift
processes. In response to the question of what makes an Anglo-Argentine different from
either of its perceived component identities the Anglo and the Argentine we find
diffused boundaries that map a multileveled understanding of identities within the self.
These identities are presented in written discourse from the intra-subjective perspective of
how ``I feel'' to the maximum level of detachment and generalization that states how
``Anglos are.'' What is surprising about the study of the Anglo-Argentine, is that it
demonstrates that not even a world language can maintain its speakers' communal
identity if the nation-state does not make room for it; that is, that the national principle
based on a collectivistic ideology is inherently authoritarian (Greenfeld, 1992) for it
perceives that cohesion can only be achieved if the bicultural-bilingual are assimilated
by the monolingual collective.
The frameworks from which I will analyze the data stem from the understanding that
language shift is a process that affects the construction of identity as was seen in the studies
of Susan Gal (1979), Kathryn Woolard (1989), Monica Heller (1995), that is, that choice of
language is itself an act of identity (Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, 1985).
The question of a community undergoing shift and structural identity crisis, the question
that plagues King Lear and the Anglo-Argentines is: ``Who is it that can tell me who I
am?'' If we are to try at an answer we must first contextualize this community, locate it
within the politics and economics of language.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The influx of foreign capital marked the beginning of Argentine prosperity and
European immigration. By 1914, one third of the population in Argentina was foreign.
The proportion was even greater in Buenos Aires where 50 percent of the population had
been born outside the country. As was the case in the United States, assimilation to the
Spanish-speaking mainstream was achieved by the second generation. With the influx of
capital came the need for a skilled workforce. British workers that, in most cases, came
under contract filled this need: bank clerks, engineers, mechanics, and telegraphers. From
1869 to 1914, the community almost tripled. Still small in comparison to the rest of the
immigrant population in Argentina, the British community wielded an enormous amount
of power. By the turn of the century, 80 percent of the foreign investment in Argentina was
British, and the British residing in Buenos Aires were in many cases the administrators of
that capital (Ferns, 1960).
Unlike the majority of the immigrants coming to Argentina, the British found little
incentive for learning Spanish. Schools were created that, at first, taught only English St.
Andrew's, Northlands, Barker College, St. Alban's, and St. Hilda's, among others. The
British had exclusive clubs like the Hurlingham club created in 1898 that went as far as
restricting their own offspring from entering the club. The Tigre Rowing Club, at one time,
would only admit individuals born in Great Britain (MacFarlane, personal interview).

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 105

English-speaking neighborhoods were stratified into social classes, with the skilled
workers, mechanics, and engine drivers residing in the south (Temperley, Jose Marmol,
Lomas de Zamora); the middle and upper class in the north (Olivos, San Isidro,
Accassuso); and the landowners in the west (Hurlingham).
Churches were fundamental not only in keeping the faith, but also in uniting the
community and keeping it very much separated from the influence of Spanish-speaking
Catholics. To this was added the tendency of the English to trade, but not to mix: ``The
Englishman in Buenos Aires does not even associate freely with his own countrymen either
in business or pleasure. The various sections of the English colony prefer to live alone''
(Graham-Yooll, 1981: 167).
World War II was a golden era for the Anglo-Argentine community. The community
came together in favor of the allied force. Anglo-Argentines rushed to the British consulate
to volunteer for service; 1,739 men and 541 women joined the different forces to fight
against the Axis (Graham-Yooll, 1981: 242). After World War II, however, things
deteriorated rapidly. With the decline of the British Empire, British money left Argentina,
and so did many of the community members. The United Kingdom was no longer the
privileged market for Argentine grain and beef. The British railroads were nationalized in
1947. ``Se me derrumbo el mundo,'' exclaimed Mr. C who, with the nationalization of
the railroads, lost his job as a mechanic by being forced into early retirement. Since then,
Mr. C earns his keep as an English tutor (personal communication).
The economic changes triggered the decline of the Anglo-Argentine community. The
capital invested had always been in Great Britain; when it was no longer forthcoming, the
community's economic standing dropped. With few if any new immigrants, exogamy
became more common. Schools, clubs and churches had to open their doors to Argentines
of all descents if they wanted to survive.
The most recent census data available of the community is a June, 1976 Hausard census
that recorded 17,500 British subjects in Argentina. The data included native-born Britons
as well as their Argentine-born descendants up to two generations (Graham-Yooll, 1981:
245). At present, Anglo-Argentines in Buenos Aires are no longer isolated from the
Spanish-speaking community. Marriage outside the community is very common now. In
fact it is very hard to find younger members of the community whose ancestry is purely
British. The Anglican Church, historically the bastion of the community, gives services in
Spanish during the most preferred times of day. At the time of the survey some older
Anglo-Argentines expressed their resentment of the change since they claimed not to be
able to ``talk to God in Spanish.''

DATA
Questionnaires were distributed in bilingual schools, Anglican and Presbyterian churches, in
community clubs and through Anglo-Argentines who offered to distribute them among their
friends. A random method or even a stratified method of obtaining the sample population would
not have been very appropriate considering the difficulty of locating the language group that was
the target of the study. Although the British immigrants originally settled in very specific
suburban areas, they are dispersed throughout the city of Buenos Aires. Only 35 percent of
them were living in neighborhoods with a high percentage of British descendants at the time of the
distribution of the questionnaire.
A passive knowledge of English was assumed since the questionnaires were written in that
language. The questionnaire was written as simply as possible so that no more than passive

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knowledge was required. Nevertheless, the respondents were given the option to write out their
answers to open questions in Spanish. This option added a measuring tool on the respondent's
dominance. Most respondents chose to answer in English. It was assumed that English would be
over-reported, since this is the language of international communication and the one valued for
social advancement. Any bias was in favor of English maintenance. This was done to make up for
any need of respondents to converge to the expectations of the researcher.
A series of interviews with older members of the community (Arrol MacFarlane, Mrs. P,
Mrs. S, Mr. C, Lida Von Shey, Mrs. M), heads of community associations (two members of the
British Community Council), Church heads (Anglican church in the city of Buenos Aires,
Anglican churches in Hurlingham and Olivos) were carried out in order to get a better comparison
between how the community had been in the past, and how it is at present. These interviews were,
in some cases recorded, but a diary of all meetings was kept with personal observations as well as
unplanned conversations.

DESCRIPTION OF THE COMMUNITY AND ITS LANGUAGE SITUATION

The sample population was predominantly Anglican at 45 percent; Roman Catholics are
the second highest with 35 percent. Religious barriers that were once one of the major
sources of social distance between the English- and the Spanish-speaking communities are
no longer of major importance.
The majority of the sample comes from the northern suburbs of Buenos Aires, 42
percent. As was stated, with the coming of the railways, a social distinction was created
between north, south and west. Skilled workers, railroad employees, and mechanics settled
in the south. When the children of these workers moved up socially, they also moved to the
north. Although questionnaires were distributed in both suburbs as evenly as possible,
there are higher percentages of respondents coming from the northern suburbs. The
Anglo-Argentine community, although middle-class, was not, on the whole, considered a
very wealthy community. Some of the people interviewed made comments on the general
impoverishment of the community.
Ancestry is a rather difficult matter to sort out in a country of immigrants. In order to
see how common intermarriage was, and for what generation, an ancestry frequency count
was made for each of the age groups. For those of age 66 and over, 51% had a mother born
in the UK, and 60% had their father born in Britain. For those aged 45 to 65 the
percentages were 32% for mother and 52% for father. For those between the ages of 19 and
45, the decrease was even greater, 16% and 15%. If we examine the younger generation, age
10 to 18, we find that only 8% have a mother born in the UK, and 5% a father.
Although exogamy can be considered a factor affecting language shift, it is not
necessarily a fundamental one. A community can make extreme efforts at language
maintenance when it is considered convenient. For example, the Germans in Romania
in order to avoid the loss of language due to mixed marriages sent their children back home
to live with kin or moved to areas of higher German concentration (Gal, 1987: 647). In an
interview, the Director of the British hospital explained how his Italian wife, whom he had
taught to speak in English, had taken extreme pains in making this language the home
language so that their children would speak it as their mother tongue. One must also
consider that even the older members are the products of mixed marriages. Only half of
them have a mother born in Great Britain. Given these facts, one cannot establish
exogamy as the only factor or most important factor determining language displacement,
although it is an important one.

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 107

It is interesting to note that in most cases this ancestry comes from the paternal side,
with 54 percent of the sample having a paternal grandfather born in the UK and 36 percent
of them having a maternal grandmother coming from that country. This is consistent with
the historical data that indicated that double the number of men over women were
immigrating to Argentina in the 1914 census. Thus, even with the older generation,
exogamy could have not been altogether uncommon for those who decided to remain, or
had no option but to stay in Argentina. The place of origin of most of the respondents was
England, with 45 percent of the respondents' ancestors coming from this area. The second
highest number was a combination of English, Scottish, and Welsh backgrounds.
The referents for both languages were elicited in open-ended questions ``What does
English mean to you personally?'' ``What does Spanish mean to you personally?'' The
majority of the responses stated that language was just a means of communication. One
third of the respondents felt that Spanish was ``the language of my country,'' ``my mother
tongue,'' but just as many felt it was simply a tool of communication.
Only 17 percent claimed English to be their mother tongue, while 32 percent claimed to
have Spanish as either the language of their country or their mother tongue. Twenty three
percent of the respondents considered English an important language because of its
international value. This response subsumes the idea of English as an important language
to know when one is travelling for business; in brief, it values the language as a tool of
communication with the outside world. This was no different for many other Argentines of
other descent who also send their children to school because of the value of English as a
lingua franca. Eighty four percent of the respondents attended a bilingual school, and
when asked about the importance of language in the maintenance of the Anglo-Argentine
identity, 44 percent considered it indispensable while 44 percent considered it important,
but not indispensable. More than a third of the respondents considered that, at that
moment, the community was united by common goals and a sense of belonging; but they
were not as positive about the future possibilities.
Factor analysis carried out for the younger generation demonstrated that the younger
Anglo-Argentines did not use English with their peers, nor did they use it with their
siblings at home; thus, although English was still acquired in school as an instrument of the
elite, it was no longer a marker of local identity (Cortes-Conde, 1994). If language was no
longer a marker of ethnicity, what was? If the Anglo-Argentine community still felt a sense
of community, what was the basis marking group membership?

CATEGORIZATION: SOME THEORETICAL ISSUES

The categories used to perceive ``ethnic'' behavior are based on Idealized Cognitive
Models (ICM) of ethnicity (Lakoff, 1987).1 Ethnic identity, as a complex ICM, subsumes
such abstract concepts as ancestry, history, tradition, culture, networks of face-to-face
interaction, and institutional education. Each of these concepts will have more or less
relevance depending on socio-historical, political, and economic conditions. The question
is not whether individuals have these as commonalities, but whether they perceive they have
a commonality that will allow them to develop a ``we-reflexivity'' and a ``we-solidarity.''
The way categories themselves are structured will have an important effect on how the
Self perceives its identity. For instance, classical categories have strict boundaries. One
must have all the properties to fit the category, i.e. are or are not members there is
no possibility of ``in-betweens.'' Radial categories allow for central and peripheral

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memberships, i.e. talk of mainstream culture assumes the existence of a peripheral one.
Graded categories have degrees of membership and fuzzy boundaries, i.e. several respon-
dents said they were ``more or less'' part of a group. The type of category employed and the
process of categorization will determine the features that individuals consider important
for individual and group identity. In other words, an ``ideal'' for the category becomes the
measuring rod against which fit is measured.
Individuals will take their learned experiences of the world, their individual and personal
experience, and their understanding of the social circumstances around them to internalize
a collective identity. The collective identity, unlike the personal identity, relies on popular
consensus to make it a distinctive emotional and cognitive unit. For example, the question
of who is Catalan is answered with: ``A Catalan is a person who uses Catalan in a native-
like way as a first, home, and or habitual language'' (Woolard, 1989: 39). Politicians in
Barcelona have been unable to generate a popular consensus that would include in this
definition Castilian-speaking immigrants, although Castilians have legal status as such if
they choose residence in the municipality of Catalonia. In the United States, the
individuals categorized as ``Hispanic'' by the US government in the 1980 census persist
in claiming diversity, and do so by rejecting this name as a label. The notion that they are a
Spanish-speaking group and that they define their loyalty in linguistic terms has also been
over-emphasized. Collective identity therefore does not depend on the experience of one
individual, nor can that individual's experience change the meaning the identity will have.

WHAT MAKES AN ANGLO-ARGENTINE?

One of the problems I confronted when I began my study was whether there was an
Anglo-Argentine community at all. There had been a community in the past, but was there
one at the moment of the survey? Immigration had ended more than 50 years before; many
of the community members had either died or emigrated. Thus, it was important to ask
respondents if there was at the time enough cohesion among descendents of British
immigrants to make them a community; 68 percent responded that there was. When asked
if they thought this unity would persist in the future, only 37 percent responded that it
would not. In other words, community members in general saw their community as
subsisting. But in examining different age groups an interesting pattern emerges; almost
half of those aged 19 to 45 and those aged 46 to 65 thought cohesion would not persist.
These two age groups are the ones that have suffered the greatest impact from the loss of
isolation. Their belief that the community will not persist in the future has to do with the
comparison they make between their parents and their experience; their community is far
less cohesive than the one that existed in their parents' era; at least this is how they perceive
it.
A subsequent question asked how respondents like to be considered as ``Argentine,''
``Anglo-Argentine,'' or ``both.'' Almost half of them, 48%, answered both; 25% preferred
to be considered Anglo-Argentines; 28% wanted to be considered as only Argentines.
These percentages vary with age. For those aged 66 and above, only 23% responded
``both''; 31% wanted to be called ``Anglo-Argentine''; and 29% gave no response. Most
who gave no response explained that they considered themselves British since they had
been born in that country. For the younger age group (ages 46 to 65), the responses were
60% responding ``both'' and 24% responding ``Argentine.'' For those between 19 and 45,
33% of them wanted to be perceived as ``Argentine.'' This group suffered the greatest

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 109

impact from the South Atlantic Conflict over the Falkland Islands as some were, at the
time, draft age and were forced by these circumstances to take a stance concerning their
national loyalty (see Cortes-Conde, 2000).
Respondents were asked if being Anglo-Argentine was different from being any other
kind of Argentine. The community seems divided on the issue, with 55% answering ``yes''
to 45% responding ``no.'' What is more important is how they comment on this difference.
Ethnic identity is only one aspect of a person's social identity but it is an aspect that
according to Giles must be examined through the analysis of discourse: ``The commu-
nication of intergroup perceptions and beliefs is important to study, since it is through such
communication that people become aware of their own status as group members, and of
the implications of that group membership'' (1979: 1923).
What I found in the responses was that individual ethnicity and group membership are
not congruent models. Thus, one might be classified as an Anglo-Argentine, but not see
oneself as a community member. On the other hand, one might not be an Anglo-Argentine
and yet consider oneself part of the community. These are seldom presented as two distinct
and different choices. The ``ideal'' seems to be that the Anglo-Argentine community was
composed of Anglo-Argentine individuals. However, I have found this to be one of many
``ideals.'' In general, people have many different conceptual models at any one point in
time: ``A given person may hold one or more folk theories . . . it is common place for such
idealized cognitive models to be inconsistent with one another'' (Lakoff, 1987: 121). This is
what makes self-definition and classification of others fluid and not static. This is what
makes for a multiplicity of identities that must be negotiated at all times, yet are not salient
or relevant for an individual at all times.
For this sample sub-population, respondents preferred to be known both as ``Anglo-
Argentine'' and as ``Argentine''; 28 percent preferred to be known only as ``Argentine'' and
almost as many preferred the term ``Anglo-Argentine.'' More of the younger age-group
preferred to be considered either as ``both,'' or just as ``Argentine.'' Some older members
stated that they were British, and could not be categorized as either.
A different set of questions elicited features for determining what the labels meant: How
would one identify an Argentine individual? What are the characteristics of that indivi-
dual? What are the characteristics of the community as a whole? Figures 1, 2, and 3 show
the response to the coded questions. (These questions were coded using the answers given
during the pilot tests in order to avoid bias.)

IDENTIFICATION OF THE ANGLO-ARGENTINE INDIVIDUAL

When asked which factors classify someone as an Anglo-Argentine, more than half the
respondents considered ancestry to be the most important factor; 15 percent responded
cultural background, and only 13 percent language. None considered religion a distinctive
parameter (see Figure 1). Given that almost half of the respondents are Roman Catholic
and the others are Protestants, this is not a surprising result. In spite of minor scandals in
the past century, there were many English-speaking members who were already Catholic,
the Irish among them, so the potential for this becoming a permanent boundary was never
present. This does not mean that religion is unimportant. It only means that it is not a
group boundary.2
Ancestry as criteria for identifying an Anglo-Argentine was much more powerful. The
problem resides in how to define ancestry given that, at present, exogamy is prevalent.

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Figure 1. Factors that identify the Anglo-Argentine individual

Anc ancestry; Rel religion; CB cultural background; Ed education; Lan language.

Endogamy was never strictly enforced in the past. Many of the traders who arrived to
Buenos Aires married Creole women so they would be allowed to stay in the Spanish
colonies (Saenz Quesada, 1996). However, endogamy was a common practice among
middle-class and upper-middle-class Irish (Korol and Sabato, 1981). The demographics of
the sample show that half of the respondents were products of mixed ancestry. Ancestry
was the most important parameter for acceptance in parochial schools in the past, but not
a consideration at present. Anglos in Argentina have no clear-cut definitions for which
ancestral lines define ethnicity.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ANGLO-ARGENTINE COMMUNITY

Ancestry is a complex notion that can encompass both inherited genes and learned
cultural practices. Culture and tradition can be seen as a by-product of ancestry, what one
inherits from one's parents along with their genes. However, shared traditions and culture
can also be acquired by interacting and growing up in a certain community, or going to
schools where certain culture and traditions are taught. It was because the community was
aware of its exogamic patterns that they seemed to make a distinction between the
community as a collective, and the individuals that might choose to be part of it. Thus,
ancestry was but one parameter used to define membership in this community. As shown
in Figure 2, the most important feature for the participants in my study was common
traditions and culture, ancestry was not a consideration.

Figure 2. Characteristics of the Anglo-Argentine community

FP British tradition of fair play; EL English language; CTC Common traditions and culture;
HE&SS High educational level and social status.

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 111

Figure 3. Characteristics of the Anglo-Argentine individual

Friend friendship; Honest honesty; WE work ethics; SR sense of responsibility; IN initiative.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ANGLO-ARGENTINE

English was not an important determinant in identifying an Anglo-Argentine individual,

but when considering the community as a whole, language was an important feature for at
least 27% of the respondents. Honesty was seen as the most important characteristic of the
Anglo-Argentine individual by 36% of the respondents (see Figures 2 and 3), while the
British tradition of fair play was important to only 18% of them. Given that ``fair play''
was a central notion among older members, who frequently used it to justify the super-
iority of the ``Englishman,'' it is interesting to see that this was not part of the vocabulary
of some of the younger respondents.

REASONS FOR BELONGING TO THE ANGLO-ARGENTINE COMMUNITY

Ancestry was the most frequently cited reason for belonging to the community (44%);
17% thought it was education; and only 14% selected language as a reason for
belonging to the community (see Figure 4). Although these responses are more
congruent with the factors that identify an Anglo-Argentine individual, they are less
than half of the sample.
As I have discussed previously, common ancestry can be a subjective criterion. Thus, an
Argentine individual can select from among his or her ancestors the one that best fits the
needs for ethnic identity. For example, the children of Lida von Schey, whose parents were

Figure 4. Respondents' reasons for belonging to the Anglo-Argentine community

Anc ancestry; Ed education; Lan language; CF community friends; Rel religion; Club
club association (sample 225).

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112 Florencia Cortes-Conde

Irish, and her husband, an Austrian, were considered Anglo-Argentine. Although not
having a British surname, the Rugeronni family, who once owned the Buenos Aires Herald,
spoke in English amongst themselves and considered themselves Anglo-Argentines.
As the responses showed, the features considered salient in defining community
members do not always coincide with those assigned to an Anglo-Argentine individual.
However, these features are sometimes fused individual and community are seen as one
and at other times presented as quite distinct. A look at written commentaries from some
of the respondents better illustrates the problems associated with categorization of
collective identities.

WHO DOES NOT BELONG TO THE COMMUNITY?

At least 41 individuals did not consider themselves part of the community. In terms of
language dominance this group did not vary much from those who did consider themselves
part of it. More importantly, some community members considered themselves either
Anglo-Argentines or community members otherwise they would not have received the
questionnaire.
Although the sample number for the non-member group was lower than necessary for
statistical significance, the demographics of the group did not deviate too much from the
rest of the sample. The one factor that distinguished them was their marriage patterns;
78 percent of those who said they were non-members came from ``mixed'' marriages as
compared to half of those who considered themselves part of the community. However, as
will be seen this has not always been the reason given for not belonging.
The written responses of these 41 individuals classify them into four groups according to
their reasons for not considering themselves part of the community: (1) lack of participa-
tion in community life; (2) ancestry; (3) rejection of the community life; and (4) a feeling of
just not belonging.

Lack of participation in community life

The six respondents from this first group were all born in Argentina. They are not active
in the life of the community since they did not participate in activities or social life,
which they regarded a fundamental part of belonging to the community. Representative
comments were:
The main environment of my life does not really include the said community (R. 226)
Although I read in English, etc. I have very little community activities. (R. 227)
Our work . . . and activities, do not involve only Anglo-Argentines. We mix consistently with
Argentines. (R. 230)
I did not attend a secondary bilingual school and do not take part in community activities. (R. 239)
Because in the society I live in, it's completely different. (R. 252)
I am an Argentine of British extraction most of my friends are Argentines of Latin extraction. I
scarcely ever attend community activities. (R. 263)

Respondent 230 seems to imply that since ``we Anglo-Argentines'' (to be understood
only as people of British descent) mix with ``Argentines,'' there is no separate community.
But it also indicates that Anglo-Argentines have an awareness of a difference since mixing

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 113

cannot be equated with being an Argentine. Underlying this response is the notion that to
some extent the Argentine culture has a different ``ethnic sense,'' that is, a sense of a
different ancestral past.
For respondent 239, that she did not attend a secondary bilingual school was alluded to
as the reason for not participating in community activities. This was also the case with
other community members whom I had the opportunity to interview more extensively.
They initially had attended bilingual schools, but when they could no longer afford them
they lost their link to the Anglo-Argentine social network.
The last respondent was a male whose father was born in Great Britain and whose
maternal grandparents also came from the United Kingdom. He chose to define himself as
an ``Argentine of British extraction'' whose friends are ``Argentine of Latin extraction.''
This same individual wrote, ``There is little doubt that the Anglo-Argentine community is
losing the English language. Few of our children will marry English-speaking partners. The
next step will be the loss of cultural standards'' (R. 263). The possessive our can be taken as
an admission that he considers himself an Anglo-Argentine individual but not a member of
the community. On the other hand, our has as a direct referent which is ``Anglo-Argentine
community.'' Thus, the apparent contradiction is resolved if it is allowed that different
models are used for categorization. He belongs in terms of his ancestry although he
chooses not make this membership active.

Ancestry
For this group the lack of a clear ancestral link made belonging to the community
impossible. The following comments represent their positions.
Because the British community are the ones who came from England. (R. 233)

I am fourth-generation English therefore I consider myself Argentine. (R. 238)

My mother is of Spaniard descent, my husband is also of Spanish descent so we tend to grow

apart from the community. (R. 243)

Because I don't have British b[l]ood. (R. 249)

Because my great-grandfather came from the UK and I don't think he is too close to be calling
myself an Anglo-Argentine. (R. 256)

The first respondent equates ``Anglo-Argentine community'' with ``British community,''

the latter term sometimes used in reference to British residents who form a community.
Two of her paternal grandparents were born in Newcastle, England, thus, giving her a
closer connection to British ancestry than many other respondents who considered
themselves part of the community. This was the case in spite of the fact that the term
used in the question was ``Anglo-Argentine.'' This respondent was in her teens, and it
seems she had not been socialized to associate her ancestry with Britain, as had the past
generation.
The second respondent also considered her ancestry not pertinent for present self-
definition. She was considered Anglo-Argentine by many of her friends and she
resented the fact. She added: ``I don't feel Anglo-Argentine.'' By making the
definition one of feeling and not of being, she distances herself from her friends
and makes self-identification a question of emotional loyalty; her emotional loyalty
was to Argentina.

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Rejection of community life

The third group considered it erroneous to have membership in any community or
believed that there was no community to belong to. The first respondent claimed that she
was ``open-minded,'' thereby implying that belonging to any such community would be
limiting. What was not clear was what she meant by ``either group.'' Was this other group
the Argentines of Latin decent or just Argentines? She and the others had the following to
say:
I've led a rather open-minded life and education, and I think that I have picked the best of both
groups and tried to disregard the worse. I don't think I belong to either group at all!! (R. 228.
Emphasis in original.)
As my father was German, he did not believe in community life and insisted we became as
Argentine as possible. (R. 237)
I live my own life. I don't have a specific community. I get involved with both Argentines and
foreigners, not only Anglos. (R. 240)
Friends that I have lost. (R. 247)
Because I am a Latin (Argentine) at heart. (R. 248)
Because all English are stupid. (R. 255)
The Anglo-Argentine community is not united enough as it was during World War II. (R. 258)
The British community is stagnant. The Argentines consider us Brits and in Great Britain I am a
foreigner. (R. 260)
Because I love the country where I was born. (R. 261)
We have drifted apart. (R. 262)
Because I don't feel there is a community. (R. 265)
I don't like this community or any other. (R. 267)
I feel I'm part of the Argentine community and that the Anglo-Argentine community will
disappear. (R. 268)

Others considered the community to be stagnant or in the process of disappearing, thus

they did not want to be associated with it. In this group of responses, as in many of the
written responses, the issues of ethnicity and nationality were frequently fused. Although
questions were asked about the Anglo-Argentine community specifically, being British and
being Anglo-Argentine were frequently seen as one and the same.

I just don't belong

The fourth group consists of those who found it difficult to say why they didn't belong.
All three were in their teens and perhaps could not yet find the words to articulate their
feelings. Nevertheless, their convictions seemed deeply rooted, e.g. ``because I'm not part
of it.'' Although they could have left the space blank, they chose to write an answer, but
not give a reason for it.
Reasons for accepting group membership differ as do the salient factors that determine
whether one does or does not belong to a group. Respondents were operating with several
conceptual models, and this might make their answers seem contradictory. At one point

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 115

they were thinking in terms of active participation in community activities; at another, they
were considering birthplace, ancestry, or legal status. Determining one's ethnic identity in a
country of immigrants is not easy, and the boundaries between groups are not always
clear, especially when one does not know exactly what determines group membership. In
the case of the Anglo-Argentine, just examining hair color, skin tonality, and eye shape will
not go far in determining boundaries, and language seems to be lost as a marker of
distinction as well.

WHO IS AN ANGLO-ARGENTINE?
Historically, the term Anglo-Argentine was coined in reference to individuals born in
Argentina whose parents were British citizens. In the words of one of the participants in
this study, ``An Anglo-Argentine is a person born in Argentina of British born parents
(both), not all the English-speaking people should be considered Anglo-Argentine''
(R. 258). This was a classic category defined in terms of properties that all individuals
must posses in order to belong. In this restricted sense, Anglo-Argentine would designate
only second generation individuals. For the community to exist, its members needed to be
defined in these terms. Nonetheless, having the properties did not mean instant member-
ship. In fact, the respondent cited above, although considered a ``true Anglo-Argentine,''
claimed not to be part of the community. In many cases, the definition of an ``Anglo'' was
opposed to ``Latin.'' However, a more recent immigrant born in Great Britain illustrates
the difficulty in categorizing all British born as sharing an ``Anglo'' ancestry in the present
day Great Britain. She came to Argentina in 1986 with her English mother, father from
Iran, and paternal grandmother born in Pakistan.
Ancestry was usually conceptualized as a classical category one either has this trait or
not making it a strict boundary. If the community based membership on this model,
then, as some respondents have claimed, there was no community. But community identity
was not as narrowly defined. To categorize community membership another respondent
used a link schema in which a person might not be an Anglo-Argentine, but has a network
of friends that defines one as a community member: ``I should perhaps clarify that I am not
strictly speaking an Anglo-Argentine, having been born in Chile. However, I have lived
over 50 years in Argentina and to all intents and purposes I am a member of the A[nglo]-
A[rgentine] community and non-community members accept me as such'' (R. 044).
Expressions such as ``strictly speaking'' show that the term ``Anglo-Argentine'' was
defined in a narrow sense when applied to an individual, but in a broader sense in
reference to community. This narrow definition which does not apply to this respondent
did not exclude him from membership in the group. However, he did not address the
question whether community members would accept him as an Anglo-Argentine as well.
A Brazilian born respondent explains the complexity of affiliations that can arise from
the different networks in which one can participate: ``We have a triple cultural identity.
Most of the time is spent in the Argentine community, some of the time in the Anglo-
Argentine, and occasionally in the pure English, in the UK'' (R. 068). In this case, Anglo-
Argentines are not ``pure'' English, which was determined by residence. The triple
``cultural identity'' was defined in terms of ``time spent'' exposed to a culture generated
by a group. This is a linear schema and the graded categories derived from this
conceptualization might make one ``more'' one identity than another solely by being in
contact with this ``culture.''

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Both Brazil and Chile have ``Anglo'' communities and several respondents came from
these countries. Some of them expressed a sense of insecurity concerning affiliations. A
Brazilian born respondent stated: ``I am neither British nor Argentine, and only arrived in
Argentina in 1984 (age 11). I have been in close contact with the community but am not
sure I actually belong.'' In her case ``time spent'' would make one a member only if it was
``a long time'': ``I feel the Anglo-Argentine community was made up of older members
those who have been here for a long time'' (R. 266). The graded category structured as a
linear schema is implied in the fact that time spent defines group membership. Using
Durkheim's terminology, contact generates a ``we feeling'' of solidarity that makes one a
legitimate member of the community; however, this ``feeling'' requires contact, and, more
important, time for the contact to generate bonds. The insecurity the respondent showed
was due to the problem of defining ``objectively'' the length of time needed to feel part of a
community; there is a fuzzy boundary at best. She perceived older members as not sharing
this conflict, but this might be due to the fact that they did not share her linear schema as
means of categorization. Older individuals had either a legal status to justify their self-
definition or were born into a close knit community; the bonds were already in place.
However, older respondents who were born in Great Britain tended to categorize in
terms of birthplace. As one respondent stated: ``I'm not A[nglo]-A[rgentine], I am British;''
and ``[English] is my native language'' (R. 044). Another, brought to Argentina as an
infant wrote, ``I'm British,'' and considered English ``my national language.'' When asked
to justify why she would prefer to travel to Great Britain, she said she ``would like to know
the country of my birth'' (R. 003). Time spent in the country of origin is of no importance
in her definition, because she had an ``objective'' criterion to define the national identity
she found best fitted her needs. These criteria were shared by a respondent born in Great
Britain and brought to Argentina at age 10, who considered that the term Anglo-Argentine
could not be used for the community because ``they are Argentine citizens'' (R 002). In
some cases, birthplace can be seen as quite accidental. One respondent was born in a war
camp in Germany, and when asked to choose between the label Anglo-Argentine and
Argentine gave the response ``neither I am British (my birth in Germany was the result of
unhappy times. My father had been killed by the Germans, my mother came back [to
Argentina] to her parents (all British))'' (R. 012). In her case the question of ancestry and
accidental birthplace define her as British, although, as she stated elsewhere, she had never
been in the country. For older respondents, then, the security in expressing identity ``I am
British'' versus ``I feel British'' was based on their legal status. Although this had become
a legitimate means of classifying individuals only in the nineteenth century, it was in the
mind of many and was considered an ``objective'' means to define oneself. However, was
this enough to create bonds? Could it generate a ``we feeling''?
Ancestry, as already discussed, does not always count as a sufficient credential for
membership: ``Since I'm of North American extraction the Anglo-Argentine community
has always considered my family as outsiders'' (R. 244). This respondent was born in
Argentina, and although she did not consider herself part of the Anglo-Argentine
community she preferred to be labeled as an Anglo-Argentine. Even though her ancestry
was ``Anglo,'' this did not make her acceptable to in-group members because, for ``them,''
being Anglo meant not only ancestry but place of birth. Thus, as clearly stated by
one respondent, ``you can't call an American or an American descen[dant] an Anglo-
Argentine'' (R. 168).
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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 117

how far can ancestry be taken? An older respondent stated, ``I am not an Anglo-Argentine,
being British by birth, but my children, great grandchildren and grandchildren are''
(R. 002). Yet, a younger respondent did not consider having a great-grandfather a close
enough link to allow her to adopt the Anglo-Argentine identity, ``my great-grandfather
came from the UK and I don't think he is too close to be calling myself an Anglo-
Argentine'' (R. 256).
In the traditional category, whether birthplace or ancestry, the boundaries are clear cut
one is either in or out. The category is a container with strictly defined boundaries that
label all those not sharing all properties of the category as outsiders. However, people
seldom relied on ``strict'' terminology. For the majority of the sample population, the
English-speaking community of British descent was the Anglo-Argentine community. In
fact, 88 percent of them agreed with the use of the term ``Anglo-Argentine community.''
Having agreed upon this, its meaning on an individual basis was up for discussion.
Consensus on the relevant properties was hard to come by. One participant said, ``I
would consider North Americans descendants, of the same community'' (R. 197), while for
another, ``Strictly speaking, [the Anglo-Argentine community] should be `British
Argentine' community'' (R. 170). As it turned out, many used the term British community
and Anglo-Argentine community as if they were equivalent terms. Thus, people from New
Zealand, Australia, or the United States, even when deriving their identities from an
``Anglo'' past cannot be strictly speaking ``British-Argentine.'' For that matter, neither can
the Anglo-Argentines of mixed ancestry. For some this means that there are really two
communities:
the English-speaking community of British descent differs from the Anglo-Argentine community
in that they keep up the English language, customs, traditions (dances), religion, culture, with the
Anglo-Argentine community does not care too much since the majority of its members was born
in this country and, in that way, they don't feel the same.'' (R. 215)

For some, there was no community: ``Realmente no creo que al menos en Buenos Aires
exista una comunidad Anglo-Argentina. [Really, I don't believe that at least in Buenos
Aires there is an Anglo-Argentine community]'' (R. 164). I was present when this
respondent was answering the questionnaire which he preferred to do in Spanish. He
felt that there was no unity, no group with which to identify. An older respondent agreed
with him: ``I am fourth-generation English, therefore I consider myself Argentine''
(R. 238). Birthplace is what defines Argentine citizenship, and for those operating
within the conceptual model of the nation-state defined in terms of solidarity among
those who share territorial boundaries, the maintenance of ethnic bonds is a betrayal of the
nation.

ENGLISH, IDENTITY, AND THE PAROCHIAL SCHOOL

As an instrument of empire building, Britain had the private boys' schools. Their
function was to ``perpetuate the Britisheness of the Empire'' and generate an active sense
of ``duty as loyal subjects.'' Schools inculcated those characteristics most valued in the
British character: sense of duty, fairness, courage, self-discipline, and common sense
(Morris, 1968; Sarup, 1996). The parochial schools in Argentina ``cultivated'' this
``ethnic sense,'' which in part generated a ``feeling'' of belonging to the Empire among
Anglo-Argentines.

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The problem for the Anglo-Argentines, in particular, was that Argentina was not part of
the British Empire. Legally speaking, the British were residing in a foreign nation,
although their children born in Argentina, by virtue of the laws of ius solis that governed
the country, automatically became Argentine citizens whether or not they held a British
passport. Older Anglo-Argentines had social networks that re-enforced these feelings,
younger ones did not. However, the parochial schools still to some extent hold on to the
need to ``cultivate'' a sense of Britishness. This situation and the fact that the students in
those schools expect to participate in job networks that will require English, may have
slowed the process of shift among the northern residents.3
Against this backdrop is the following analysis of answers given by younger respondents
to my questions concerning Anglo-Argentine identity. They are students of bilingual
schools. (Their answers have been transcribed as they were written. Bracketed corrections
are given when necessary for understanding.)
The case of students from St. Andrew's is of note because of the role of their parents in
providing another aspect of language maintenance support. These parents tended to
belong to the business world they were managers, owners of industries, and high ranking
professionals. It was very likely that students expected to follow in their parents' footsteps;
for them to travel in these circles English would be a necessity. In general, any individual
who expects to use English in the future is more likely to make greater efforts at choosing
networks that will allow for ``practice'' of English language skills. However, for these
students, their motivation was not directed towards participation in the Anglo-Argentine
community, but was more instrumental than integrative. In fact, many students expressed
an interest in acquiring a more ``American accent,'' although British pronunciation had
been valued in the past.
Historical, economic, and social changes have affected ethnic identity boundaries and
language maintenance efforts. Domains of use have been restricted so that what subsists as
an Anglo-Argentine community acquires English to a large extent as second language with
instrumental value. There is a continuum that ranges from a vestigial bilingualism to a
passive understanding of English to knowledge of a standard English learned in school,
but seldom spoken outside, and on to a bilingualism that is active at home and in school.
For the majority of the sample population, however, English is not a language that can
express or reflect community shared experiences because the language has not been
transmitted intergenerationally and does not create bonds among younger respondents.
In their commentaries few showed an internalization of an ethnic identity that would
reflect a ``we feeling.''4

CONCLUSION
As the written responses suggest, there is little consensus on what makes an individual an
Anglo-Argentine although the single most significant parameter is ancestry. Determining
who can be considered an Anglo-Argentine is also a question of determining the legitimacy
of individuals adopting a collective identity.
In the concepts analyzed above, participation in community activities alone did not
account for identity; yet, ancestry alone did not create group membership. Among
significant parameters were birthplace, ancestry, community contacts, and acceptance by
in-group members. For many of the older members, birthplace was the only legitimate
basis for distinguishing between British and Anglo-Argentines. Ancestry determined who

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The quest for ethnicity in the Anglo communities of Buenos Aires 119

was an Anglo-Argentine, but not necessarily who was a member of the community.
Ancestry could go only so far; in the stricter sense it encompassed only the second
generation. Membership in a community, though, could be defined more loosely because
communities are defined in terms of contact, solidarity, and affective terms. If community
contacts have been kept because of a person's ancestry and through these contacts the
person has gained community acceptance, then an individual could consider him or herself,
and be considered by the community, as an in-group member.5 Language is not a unifying
link in and of itself; it unifies as a by-product of ancestry, interaction, and acceptance by
in-group members. Language unifies only if it generates meanings that can only be
understood by other members, experiences that are shared. In this sense, it is not the
``standard'' language that can generate the ``we feeling,'' but the dialect generated by local
interaction.6
In the case of the Anglo-Argentine, the boundaries between who is an ``Anglo'' and
other Argentines that are based on ancestry do not allow for the generation of new
community members that can legitimately be called Anglo-Argentines. Their knowledge of
the English language has not been called in to act as a symbol of solidarity nor are physical
features considered salient. Of the 268 respondent who answered the questionnaire, only
one made a remark concerning skin color: ``Because of your colouring [and] you are not
considered at least by your looks a native Argentine'' (R. 049). Due to intermarriage
ancestry is not considered a legitimate boundary, and language or religion are no longer
pertinent boundaries either. In spite of this, some respondents persisted in considering
themselves part of a community. However, among younger respondents it seemed to be
more a response to the fact that this ``ethnic sense'' gave them an added advantage rather
than a sense of solidarity.

NOTES
1. Lakoff mentions explicitly that ethnicity is such a cognitive model. However, I assume this complex mental
representation constructed on other concepts or categories is what can be inferred from the answers to the
question on ethnicity.
2. St. Andrew's has in the last decades allowed non-Presbyterians to become part of the School's executive
committee. In the past, and due to the close links between the school and the church, only parents who were
Presbyterian were allowed to be part of this committee.
3. I interviewed an individual who had attended St. Andrew's although he had no ancestral connections to the
community. He stated that the school inculcated a certain veneration for everything British, professors brought
from England with no knowledge of Spanish had better salaries and had a higher status in the school. In
primary school those who had learned English at home were separated from those who had not; this distinction
did not carry over to high school.
4. Younger respondents need a language that will reflect their experience. For the majority of them, the
English language as taught in school can only express a standard ideology removed from in-group
solidarity.
5. I use a web schema defining membership in terms of several interlinked parameters.
6. Woolard (1989) states that people do not ``argue about their identities, they perform them.'' Nevertheless, their
performance must be perceived as acceptable by the community itself. But ancestry is not something one can
perform, it is something one has. One can only perform rituals and behavior associated with ancestry, not the
ancestry itself. Using a language for in-group contacts can be an observed behavior. Ancestry, unless one has
salient features associated with it, is not an observable criterion in and of itself. In the case of the Catalans in
Spain, the French in Quebec, and the Hispanics in the United States, ethnic identity is linked to the language,
not necessarily to their ancestry, but it is associated with language only because it expresses community
meanings. Catalan is not an official language of Catalonia, nor is French-Canadian in Quebec. The tensions
between standard and dialect are only now beginning to be experienced in both communities. In the United
States, there are some emergent tensions between ``standard'' Spanish and dialects derived from isolation of
Spanish-speaking communities.

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