Notes on Mopan Lexicon and Lexical Morphology*

Charles Andrew Hofling

Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
ahofling@siu.edu

Keywords: Yukatekan Maya, historical linguistics, language contact, morphosyntactic

change, lexicon

1. Introduction
Mopan Maya is a member of the Yukatekan branch of the Maya language family spoken
primarily in the south-central Petn in Guatemala and in the Maya Mountains region of southern
Belize. Population estimates of current speakers vary considerably, ranging from about 10,000 to
15,000 (Grimes, 2000:263; ALMG, 2001:25). Mopan is likely largely a descendent of a variety of
Yukatekan spoken in this region since the Postclassic (1000 A.D.) or earlier (Jones 1998, Hofling,
2004, 2006a) and it appears to me, like Kaufman (1991), that Mopan is most different from other
varieties, suggesting an ancient divergence. While several grammars and dictionaries have
appeared recently (Schumann, 1997; ALMG 2001, 2003), the dictionary compiled by the Ulrichs
(1976) remains the most extensive source of lexical data, but with approximately 3500 entries, is
not comprehensive. In reviewing previously collected lexical materials, I encountered information
that was often contradictory and incomplete.
For the last three years I have been engaged in fieldwork to more completely document Itzaj
and Mopan Maya as part of a larger project to document the linguistic and cultural history of
Yukatekans. I conducted fieldwork on Mopan in San Lus, Petn, during June and July of 2006
with the intention of checking existing data with current speakers and expanding upon it. All
major sources known to me, including the Proyecto Lingstico Francisco Marroqun word list
collected in the 1970s (PLFM, 1971), Ulrich and Ulrich's (1976) dictionary, Schumann's (1997)
grammar and word list, the Academia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala (ALMG) 2003 dictionary,
and the Oxjajuuj Maya' Ajtz'iib' (OKMA) (2003) comparative word list were checked in
developing a lexical database of approximately 7,000 entries. During June and July of 2007 I
returned to San Lus and expanded on the database using dictionaries of other Yukatekan
languages as elicitation tools, and the database now contains over 12,800 entries. In the course of
this research I discovered a number of difficulties with the existing sources and discovered a
number of gaps in the lexical morphology that I will describe below.
Data on Mopan is critical for the reconstruction of Proto-Yukatekan because, according to
the model proposed by Kaufman (1991), which I follow, the earliest split in the Yukatekan branch
is between Mopan and the rest of Yukatekan (Figure 1). Therefore, the presence of cognate forms
in both Yukateko and Mopan is evidence of reconstructable forms in Proto-Yukatekan. As can be
seen from a comparison of Maps 1 and 2, the demography of the region changed dramatically
between 1500 and 1750. During the 17th century, Ch'olan speakers were removed from the
Lakantun forest region of Chiapas. The Spanish conquered the Itzaj capital of Tajitza in 1697, and

1
Research on Itzaj and Mopan from 2005-07 has been supported by the National Science Foundation,
grant number: NSF-BCS-0445231. Thanks are due to Nora England and all who assisted in the organization
and running of CILLA-III-07.
soon established congregaciones, or missionary settlements, around the Lake Petn Itz, where
different ethnic groups including Kowojs, Itzajs and Mopans were forced to live together. Various
Yukatekan speakers fled into the Lakantun forest for refuge, whose descendents are the modern
Lakantun Maya. As noted in the diagram in Figure 1, I believe that Northen Lakantuns are
especially linked to Itzajs, while Southern Lakantuns are more closely linked to Yukatekos
(Hofling, 2004, 2006a, 2006b).

2. Phonology
Mopan phonology is different from that of other Yukatekan languages in a number of ways.
It has innovated d', from 'l, a change previously observed by Fisher (1973). More data suggest that
the phonological process is broader, with possible examples of 'n > d' (1d)2 and 'm > b' (1n). One
may also observe that the intransitive status suffix -el, which is well documented in Colonial
Yukateko (cy), has been retained in many more Mopan verbs than in cognate verbs in other
varieties (1b, 1d, 1i, 1j, 1k, 1m). It also noteworthy that Mopan has several doublets of examples
that have and have not underdone the shift to d' (1d, 1k, 1l).

Mopan Itzaj Yukateko

(1) a. ad'ik a'lik a'alik 'say it'
b. chud'el chu'lul ch'u'ulul 'get wet'
c. jad'i' ja'li' ja'alili' 'only'
d. jed'el ~ je'nel je'lel je'elel 'rest'
e. jed'e'ek je'le'ej je'le'le' 'assurative asp'
a. k'ad'l k'a'll k'a'alal 'get stuck'
g. sud'ak su'lak su'lak 'ashamed'
h. ted'o' te'lo' te'elo' 'there
i. tud'el tu'lul tu'ulul 'fill'
j. ud'el u'lul u'ulul 'arrive here'
k. b'ud'el ~ b'u'lel b'u'lul b'u'ulul 'sink'
l. tz'id'ik ~ tz'i'lik tz'ib'-oltik tz'ib'-oltik 'desire'
m. xud'el xu'lul xu'ulul 'end'
n. job'ol jo'mol jo'mol (cy) 'end'

In addition, the l > r shift that has been documented in Northern and Southern Lakantun
(Justeson 1986; Hofling 2006a) is also evident in Mopan, which has r-initial and r-final words that
are not Spanish borrowings, a feature shared with Ch'orti' which was spoken to the south, but
unlike Itzaj and Yukateko.

(2) Mopan Itzaj Yuk

a. ran-k'in 'sling'
b. reex 'ash bird'
c. rin 'stretch'

2
Sources for Itzaj are Hofling and Tesucun (2000) and fieldwork since. Information on modern
Yukateko (Yuk) comes from Durbin, (1999), Bricker et al. (1998) and the Academia de la Lengua Maya de
Yucatn (ALMY) (2002). Barrerra Vasquez et al. (1980) is the source of information on Colonial Yukateko
(cy). Northern Lakantun (N Lak) data come from a database created by Hofling based on Bruce (1968, 1974,
1975, 1976); Davis (1978); Borremanse (1998); McGee (1982, 1990) and Cook and Carlson (2004)Southern
Lakantun (S Lak) data are taken from Canger (1995).
 d. rok' 'wet'
e. rum 'lengthen vertically'
f. ruumb'aj 'buzz'
g. ixk'erk'er 'flower of wild banana' (onom)
h. ajk'irk'ir ajk'ilk'il 'sparrowhawk'
i. nar nali' 'earwig'
j. tr 'have sex'
k. muruux mulix mulix 'curly'
l. juru'ux 'drag on butt'
m. kurutz' 'cartlidge'
n. t'erech 'eaten away
o. xili'ix ~ xiri'ix 'featherless

Mopan also has innovated a change form final Vw to Vj in bisyllabic words (*CVCVW >
CVCVJ; Justeson 1986:20). This shift partially occurs in Itzaj for disyllabic forms (3b, 3c).
Interestingly, the w > j shift in monosyllabic words occurs in Itzaj, but not in Mopan (3h-l).

(3) Mopan Itzaj N. Lak S. Lak Yuk

a. kkj kakaw kakaw kkw kakaw 'chocolate'
b. jaalej jalej jarew jarew jaaleb' 'tepesquitle'
c. chkj chokoj, chokwil choko' chkw chokow, chokoj 'hot'
d. kasew 'male pacaya'
e. sincheew chejew 'spiny bambu'
f. koyow koyoj 'wildavocado'
g. xewenak xejb'aj 'gritty'
h. chuw chuj chuj chuj chuj 'burn'
i. ajch'a'aw 'owl'
j. saw saj 'grain of wood'
k. xow xoj 'weevil'
l. ajt'iiw 'eagle'

There are also interesting vowel alternations among Yukatekan varieties, especially among the
high vowels , i, u, and between u and o.

(4) Mopan Itzaj N. Lak S. Lak Yuk

a. ajjil-ja'as ixjl-ja'as 'female plantain'
b. psk'al pusik'al puksi'ik'al 'heart'
c. xa'num xann 'errand'
d. xlab' xulab' 'star'
e. sa'tl satl sa'atal sa'tr sa'atal 'lose'
f. su'tul -- su'utul 'turn'
g. xoom xeem 'bad smelling'
h. yk yek yk (?) yk 'strong smelling'
i. pujuk pojok 'loose (clothing)
j. sajom soom sojom 'mojarra fish'
k. ajjonoon ajjunuun, jolom jolom 'wasp'
l. k'oyem k'eyem k'eyem 'pozole'

There are also alterations among the bilabial stops: p ~ p' ~ b', and in Mopan, the contrast
among them is especially difficult to detect word-finally.
(5) Mopan Itzaj N. Lak S. Lak Yuk
a. ixpichich b'i'chich 'strainer'
b. ixtib'-te' ixtip'-te' tip'te' (cy) 'cyrrus'
c. jopoch ~ job'on job'on jab'an jab'an job'on 'hollow'
d. xep' xeb' xe'ep' 'pinch'
e. top' top' top' toob' to'op' 'flower'

3. Lexicon and Borrowing

Mopan has been in intense contact with Q'eqchi' speakers in modern times and perhaps much
longer. As a result, it has a number of Queqchi' loans not found in other Yukatekan languages.
Currrently, some Mopan speakers are attempting to eliminate Q'eqchi' loans from Mopan.

(6) Mopan Q'eqchi'3 N. Lak S Lak Yuk

a. chiw-chiw ch'iwch'otk 'cheep cheep'
b. ch'iip ch'i'ip 'youngest child
c. ch'ajom ch'ajom, 'young man'
d. tz'ub' tz'ub', 'grandchild' 'small child'
e. ch'ikwaan ch'ikwan 'small bird'
f. ixkuluk kuluk 'caterpillar'
g. poy-te' poy-te' poy-te' poy-te' poy-te (cy) 'raft'
h. samaat samat 'parsley'
i. ajjonoon jolo'on 'wasp'

Mopan has come into contact with Eastern Ch'olan4 (Ch'olti' and Ch'orti') more intensively
than the other Yukatekan languages have. As a result, it has more lexical borrowings from Eastern
Ch'olan. In (7e) it is also notable that Mopan and Chorti' initial /k/ corresponds to Itzaj and
Yukateko have /ch/, while in (7f) Mopan and Ch'orti' /t/. correspond to Itzaj and Yukateko /ch/.

(7) Mopan Itzaj Ch'orti' Other Yuk

a. nk'chan nk'-chan nak'-chan 'roof beams'
b. ajwoyotz' ajkiritz' wayutx' (Qan, WM) 'kinkajou'
c. ajb'ub' b'ub' b'ub' (cy) 'tadpole'
d. aj'usij usij 'buzzard'
e. ixkames ixchemes kamis chemes 'centipede'
f. ptaj pichi' *pta(h) (pch') pichi' 'guava'
g. t'ot' t'ot' *t'ot' (pch') ul 'snail'
h. ajt'urich ~ ajt'u'ul t'u'ul t'ur t'u'ul 'rabbit'
i. meles melen merex meelem 'useless'

4. Mopan lexicon in relation to other Yukatekan languages

New evidence from Mopan shows that many more terms terms for flora and fauna than
previously documented are reconstructable for Proto-Yukatekan. These data also indicate that the
masculine noun classifier aj- and the feminine classifier ix- are more robust in Mopan and Itzaj

3
Information on Qeqchi comes from PLFM (2003).

4
Data for Eastern Ch'olan are taken from Kaufman and Norman (1984), Kaufman 2003 and PLFM, (1996).
In (7) Qan is an abbreviation of Qanjobal and WM for Western Mayan.
than in other Yukatekan varieties. Many of the gaps in Northern and Southern Lakantun are likely
the result of incomplete documentation.

(8) Reconstructable for Proto-Yukatekan

Mopan Itzaj N. lak S. Lak Yuk
a. ajch'umak ajch'umak ch'omak 'gray fox'
b. ajch'umpaat ixchupaat chapat 'milipede'
c. chikaj chikaj chkaj chakaj ~ 'gumbolimbo'
chikaj (c)
d. chuluul chuluul chulul chulul 'heart of tree'
e. ch'anaan ixch'nay ajch'anex ixch'anan (c) 'small cricket'
f. ixch'ayuk ixch'a'yuk cha'-uk' 'nightshade'
g. ajch'eje' ajch'eje' ~ jch'ujum ch'ejun 'woodpecker'
ajch'ejun
h. ixch'elem ch'elem ch'eelem 'agave (type)'
i. ch'o'oj ajch'o' ch'o' ch'o' ch'o' 'rat'
g. ixk'ok'o'-ta' ixk'ok' k'ok' ta' xk'ook' 'zenzontle'
h. ixp'u'uk ixpu' xpu' 'chicken (type)'
i. ixta'-maay ta'-ma'ay ta'a-may 'tree species'
j. ixtoolok ajtolok tolok 'small lizard'
k. ixtz'it iztz'it -tz'it (ncl) 'elote, tamal'
l. pn pn pan pan 'toucan'
u. toolok ajtolok jtolok toorok tolok 'skink'

A substantial set of terms for flora and fauna indicate areal contact, with a close
relationship between Mopan and Itzaj, and significant ties with Northern and Southern Lakantun.
Thus, there are areal features that distinguish southern Yukatekan varieties from Northern
Yukateko.

(9) Southern vs. Northern Yukatekan (areal)

Mopan Itzaj N. Lak S. Lak Yuk
a. ajtoy ajtoy jtoy toy 'am 'spider'
b. ajxut' ajxut' xut' 'frog species'
c. chil ajch'nay jmaas maas hmas 'cricket'
ajch'inay (ch'l)
d. chimun ajchimun jchimon 'wild fig'
e. ixchuj-kib' ajchuuj-kib'il 'dove species'
f. ixkookom kokom 'vine'
g. jach jachil nl jaach 'elote'
h. luwin luwin jluwin 'luwin tree'
i. tutu' ajtutu' tunu' 'jute snail'
` j. tz'iy-a' tzula'il ja' 'otter'
k. way waay 'zapote seed'
l. wt'j wch' 'tamarind'

There are also a large number of terms for flora and fauna the occur only in Mopan and
Itzaj, indicating a long period of close contact.
(10) Mopan and Itzaj
Mopan Itzaj
a. ajkuri ajkuri
b. ajteren-saak' ixtensaak' 'itchy vine'
c. ajtuwi'is ajtuwi'is 'jumping bird'
d. chikilab' chikila' 'platanillo'
e. ixch'uw-ek' ixch'uj 'bromeliad'
f. ixkolool ixmn-kolool 'tinamou'
g. ixk'ele'-tux ajk'ele'-tux 'tapir rib tree'
h. ixnab'a' ku'uk ajnab'a'-ku'uk 'allspice seed'
i. ixpiriwook ixpuruwok 'ground dove'
j. ixteren-saak ixten-saak' 'thorny vine'
k. ixtukib' ixtuki' 'sincuya tree'

A considerable number of terms for flora and fauna are unique to Mopan (of Yukatekan
varieties).

(11) Unique to Mopan

a. ajk'ijom 'small bird'
b. ajk'iyon 'sentzontle'
c. ajsul 'moth'
d. ajteleel 'small locust'
e. ajwen 'frog'
f. ajxip'i' 'pig flea'
g. ajxiyoj 'tree of San Juan'
h. ixmorot' 'dwarf banana'
i. ixkaralu' 'amaranth'
j. ix'oretz' 'frog'
k pumpu' 'bot fly'
l. t'ulij 'small bird'
m. t'ulul 'small owl'
n. walawich' 'majagua tree'
o. teey 'snail'

Vocabulary in other semantic domains have somewhat different implications for linguistic
and cultural history. There are many items in various domains that are reconstructable to Proto-
Yukatekan, as in (12).

(12) Other Vocabulary reconstructable to Proto-Yukatekan

Mopan Itzaj N. Lak S. Lak Yuk
a. jalan jan jan 'quickly'
b. jiliil ~ jiil jiil jil jil 'drag'
c. kuluul ~ -kuul -kuul -kul -kul 'round (ncl)
d. k'ab'ax k'ab'ax k'ab'ax 'cooked
simply'
e. k'exuul k'exul (child) 'godson'
f. k'omoj k'omoj k'omoj 'rancid'
g. k'ooj k'oj (cy) 'mask'
h. k'unix ~ k'u'un k'un ~ k'u'un k'un (cy) 'soft, loose'
i. lekeb' lekeb' lekeb' (cy) 'crossbeam'
 j. mulix mulix mulix mura'ch mulix 'curly'
k. nokoy nokoy nokoy 'cloudy'
l. noroot' ~ noot' noot' not' 'nibble'
m. omon ~ oom oom oom ~ oom om 'boil, foam'
omankl
n. sab'ukan sab'ukan sab'ukaan 'woven bag'
o. syaab' sayab' sya' syab' sayab' 'spring'
p. sutuul sut sut suut 'top, 'revolve'
q. taab' taab' ta'ab' 'salt'
r. t'y t'y t'ay 'thick'
s. wich ich wich ich ich 'eye'
t. sb'k sb'k sb'k sab'ak sab'ak '(coal) soot'
u. yo'nel onen (?) o'onel 'distant
relative'
v. yo'om yo'om yo'om 'pregnant'
w. yuuch' yuuch' 'fishing skein'

Some vocabulary from other domains, but not large numbers, indicate the areal features
suggested by the terms for flora and fauna, as shown in (13)-(15).

(13) Southern vs. Northern Yukatekan (areal)

Mopan Itzaj N. Lak S. Lak
a. moch- ~ jomol jomoch jomoch 'rapid'
b. tml-chi' tml-chi' tmj-chi' 'bad omen'
c. tk-te' tj-te' tj-te' 'pine'
d. tich'-k'aak'tik tich'-k'aak'tik tich-kat
e. xlab' xulab' 'star'

(14) Mopan and Itzaj

Mopan Itzaj
a. tankilon talan-talan 'ding-dong'
b. wlk'-ta' wlk'-ta' 'inside out'
c. xa'num xann 'errand'
d. yb'k yb'k 'roof soot'

(15) Uniquely Mopan

a. inyaj 'sir'
b. ch'alaam 'fish poison'
c. ch'ixel 'rib'
d. mam 'mucous'
e. kulux 'sucio'
f. nb''s 'plain'
g. penk'e'es 'fat'
h. pirix 'watery'
i. tlam 'respectful'
j. top 'very'
k. t'oyooj 'featherless'
l. yolooj 'loose'
5. Lexical Morphology
5.1. Instrumental with -eeb'
Mopan, unlike other modern Yukatekan languages, has a productive instrumental suffix -eeb'.
This suffix also appears in colonial Yukateko texts (Bolles and Bolles 2001:31), suggesting it is
reconstructable to Proto-Yukatekan. In Mopan it is suffixed directly to intransitive intransitive
roots (16). With positional roots it appears after -l- (17). Otherwise it appears after the passive
marker -(V)b' (18). Over 230 example appear in the database. It provides a convenient mechanism
for creating neologisms for modern technology.

(16) Instransitive Roots

a. jok'ol 'leave' jok'eeb' 'exit'
b. kajal 'begin kajeeb' 'beginning'
c. okol 'enter' okeeb' 'entry'
d. talel 'come' taleeb' 'something for bringing'
e. emel 'descend' emeeb' 'something for getting down'

(17) Positional Roots

a. k'intal 'warm' k'inleeb' 'thing that warms' 'sweater'
b. etz'tal 'pool' etz'leeb'al 'place where water pools'
c. kuxtal 'live' kuxleeb'al 'something that gives life'
d. tintal 'sit' tinleeb' 'bench'

(18) Transitive stems

a. talesik 'bring' talesab'eeb' 'something for bringing things'
b. emsik 'lower emsab'eeb' 'something for lowering'
c. antik 'help' antab'eeb' 'something for helping'
d. jaaltik 'remove' jaalb'eeb' 'something for removing'
e. ilik 'see it' ilb'eeb' 'something for seeing'
f. b'jik 'nail' bjb'eeb' 'something for nailing'
g. jeb'ik ' open' jeb'b'eeb' 'something for opening'

5.2. Positional participles with -ka'al

Mopan, unlike other modern Yukatekan varieties, forms participles from positional roots with
the suffix -ka'al. Over 150 examples appear in the database.

(19) a. b'itzka'al 'bent over'

b. b'uyka'al 'piled up'
c. chelka'al 'spread out'
d. chinka'al 'head first'
e. ch'eb'ka'al 'twisted'
f. ch'uyka'al 'hanging'
g. ech'ka'al 'with leges apart'
h. jwka'al 'lying face up'
k. jemka'al 'hung up'
l. jilka'al 'lying lengthwise'
m. kopka'al 'curled'
n. k'lka'al 'closed'
o. k'opka'al 'rolled up'
 A couple of examples of adjectives derived from positional roots with -l-in were
encountered.

(20) a. kux-l-in ja'5

live-POSIT-ADJ water
'spring'

b. ch'op-l-in
bubble-POSIT-ADJ
'bubbling'

5.3. Affective morphology

Like Itzaj and Yukateko, Mopan may derive verbs, adjectives and participles from affective
roots/stems with -b'aj or bal, -kij and -nak, respectively. Affectives are a lexical category of
words involving sensual semantics including texture, shape and movement. The derivation of
intransitive verbs with -b'aj (21) is not common in Mopan, but is common in Itzaj and Yukateko.
Deriving adjectives with -kij is productive and involves reduplication in all three modern varieties
(22). Mopan usually derives participles with a
-Vnak suffix (23a-d), but reduplicated forms also appear (23e). Itzaj participles with -nak are
always reduplicated. Colonial Yukateko had forms with -Vknak (23b) and reduplicated forms with
-nak (23f) (Smailus 1989:144-45; Bolles and Bolles 2001:62).

(21) Affective verbs

Mopan Itzaj Yukateko
a. p'is-b'aj p'isb'aj p'isb'a (cy) 'fight'
fight-AFV
b. yuumb'aj yuumb'aj yumb'al 'swing'
c. k'uyb'aj k'uyb'aj k'uyb'a (cy) 'twist'
d. leemb'aj lembaj lenb'al 'shine'

(22) Affective adjectives

Mopan Itzaj Yukateko
a. t-tk'-kij t'tk'kij tata'kil 'sticky'
REDUP-sticky-ADJ2
b. b'b'jkij b'b'jkij b'ab'ajkil 'easily planted'
c. b'ub'ujkij b'ub'ujkij b'ub'ujkil 'splitable'
d. chochok'kij cho'chok'kij chocho'kil 'crammed in'

(23) Affective participles

Mopan Itzaj C. Yukateko
a. b'j-nak b'b'jnak 'firm'
firm-PART4
b. potonak potoknak 'full of holes'

5
The following grammatical abbreviations are used: ADJ, adjective; AFV, affective verb; AP,
antipassive; CAUS, causative; CELER, celeritive; CIS, completive intransitive status; DETRAN, detransitivizer; IIS,
incompletive intransitive status; INTR, intransitive; ITS, incompletive transitive status; PART, participle; PAS,
passive; PERF, perfect; POSIT, positional; REDUP, reduplication.
 c. b'ujunak b'ub'ujnak 'splitting'
d. ch'ilinak ch'ich'ilnak 'sprouting'
e. chechek'nak 'stiff'
f. kikipnak 'slippery'

In Mopan, affective roots may also an -m suffix to derive intransitive verbs, causative verbs,
and adjectives, a process not found in modern Itzaj or Yukateko. In colonial Yukateko, there was a
set of intransitive verbs derived with -m (Smailus 1989:28-29; Bolles 2001:121).

(23) Intransitive verbs.

a. jk'-m-l 'drown'
b. drown-INTR-IIS
c. pechmel, 'crush'
d. pitmil 'slip'
e. pok'mol 'rot from water'
f. p'olmol 'blister'
g. rok'mol 'soak'
h. slml 'air-dry'
i. sotmol 'fall asleep (body part)
j. t'jml 'drip'
k. t'it'mil 'scatter'

Causatives may be derives from -m intransitves with the es causative suffix, as in (24).

(24) Causatives.
a. ch'il-m-es-ik 'stiffen'
stiff-INTR-CAUS-ITS
b. jk'mesik 'drown'
c. pechmesik 'crush'
d. pitmesik 'make slippery'
e. pok'mesik 'overly soak'
f. rok'mesik 'soak'
g. slmesik 'air-dry'
h. sotmesik 'paralyze'
i. t'jmesik 'drip'
j. t'it'mesik 'scatter'

Adjectives are formed with m-en. Approximately 100 examples appear in the database.

(25) Adjectives
a. ch'eej-m-en 'sticky'
complress-INTR-ADJ
b. lop'men 'dented'
c. pitmen 'slippery'
d. poch'men 'squashed'
e. porotz'men 'burst'
f. p'olmen 'blistered'
g. rok'men 'wet (place)'
h. slmen 'damp'
i. sotmen 'paralyzed'
 j. tk'men 'sticky'
k. t'jmen 'hardened drip'
l. t'ymen 'thick'
m. 'it'men' 'scattered'
n. t'uchmen 'stiff'
o. xitmen 'peeled'
p. ych'men 'watery'

5.4. Voice morphology

Yukateko and Itzaj have very similar voice-marking morphology including the antipassive
voice, marked by -n (26a), a present perfect marked my -m (26b), and the minor voices celeritive,
marked by -k' (26c), and agentless passive, marked by -p (26d). In both Itzaj and Yukateko, the
antipassive marker -n occurs in the completive and dependent statuses, but not the incompletive
status.

(26) Itzaj Yukateko

a. kch-n-aj-ij kach-n-aj-ij
break-AP-CIS-CIS break-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he broke (something)' 's/he broke (something)'

b. u-kach-m-aj u-kach-m-aj
3A-break-PERF-CIS 3A-break-PERF-CIS
's/he has broken it' 's/he has broken it'

c. kch-k'-aj-ij kach-k'-aj-ij
break-CELER-CIS-CIS break-CELER-CIS-CIS
'it broke suddenly' 'it broke suddenly'

d. kch-p-aj-ij kch-p-aj-ij
break-PAS2-CIS-CIS break-PAS2-CIS-CIS
'it was broken' 'it was broken'

Mopan has none of these voice markers, except for a trace of the antipassive -n and celerative -
k'. Unlike Itzaj and Yukateko, Mopan does have a few forms with an -n suffix in the incompletive
status, as in (27a, 27f). Completive forms in Mopan do not have the completive intransitive status
marker -aj, unlike Itzaj and modern Yukateko. David Mora-Marn pointed out to me (personal
communication, November 6, 2007) that completive forms with n-i are also described in colonial
Yukateko by Beltran (1859 [1746]: 19). One root that apparently allows the celeritive -k' was
observed (26k-l). Thus, the voice system of Mopan is quite different from that of other Yukatekan
groups.

(27) Mopan Itzaj

a. alka'-n-l alka'
slip.loose-AP-IIS run

b. alka'-n-i alka'-n-aj-i
slip.loose-AP-CIS run-AP-CIS-CIS
'it slipped loose' 'he/she ran'
 c. ich-k-il ich-k-il
bathe-?-AVN bathe-?-AVN
'bathing' 'bathing'

d. ich-n-i ich-k-il-n-aj-i
bathe-AP-CIS bathe-?-AVN-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he bathed' 's/he bathed'

e. na'aj-tal na'aj-tal
full-INCH full-INCH
'become full' 'become full'

f. na'aj-n-l
full-AP?-IIS
'become full'

g. oop' op'
'toast' 'toast'

h. oop'-n-i op'-n-aj-i
toast-AP?-CIS toast-AP-CIS
'it toasted' 's/he toasted'

i. wy-l waay
sleep- AVN enchant

j. wy-n-i waay-n-aj-i
sleep-AP?-CIS enchant-AP-CIS-CIS
's/he slept' 's/he enchanted'

k. us-k'-al sut-k'-aJ-al
return-CELER-DETR/IIS return-CELER-DETR-IIS
'return' 'return'

l. us-k'-aj-i sut-k'-aj-i
return-CELER-DETR-CIS return-CELER-DETR-CIS
's/he returned' 's/he returned'

In the incompletive status, most Mopan antipassive forms of transitive roots have no suffix,
like other Yukatekan languages (28), while derived transitive verbs take an -aj detransitivizing
suffix (29)-(30). Examples of
-s causative antipassive forms appear in (29). As indicated by (29e-f), the -s causative is more
widely distributed in Mopan than in Itzaj.

(28) Incompletive antipassive forms of transitive roots

Mopan Itzaj
a. b'k' ~ b'ak b'k' ~ b'ak' 'coil'
b. b'on b'on 'paint'
c. chuy chuy 'sew'
 d. ch'ot ~ ch'ot-ool ch'ot 'twist'
e. twist-AVN
f. jtz' ~ jatz' ~ jatzaj jtz- ~ jatz' 'whip'
whip-DETR
g. sut-uul sut 'turn over'
turn-AVN

(29) Incompletive antipassive dorms of causatives with -s.

Mopan Itzaj
a. ch'ij-s-aj ch'ij-s-aj 'rear'
grow-CAUS-DETR grow-CAUS-DETR
b. em-s-aj em-s-aj 'lower'
descend-CAUS-DETR descend CAUS-DETR
c. jok'-s-aj jok'-s-aj 'take out'
leave-CAUS-DETR leave-CAUS-DETR
d. chuk-ul-b'-es-aj chuk-b'-es-aj 'complete'
reach-AVN?-?-CAUS-DETR reach-?-CAUS-DETR
e. kuk-l-es-aj kuk-ul 'roll'
roll-AVN?-CAUS-DETR roll-AVN
f. p'ol-m-es-aj 'blister'
blister-AFV-CAUS-DETR

Mopan also has incompletive antipassive forms with -aj for causatives derived from nouns
or adjectives with -kUn-(-t), unlike Itzaj or Yukateko.6

(30) Causatives with -kUn

a. ch'uuk-kin-t-aj
sweet-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'sweeten'

b. b'utz'-kin-aj
smoke-CAUS-DETR
'smoke'

c. ket-kun-aj
even-CAUS-DETR
'make level'

d. kool-kin-aj
loose-CAUS-DETR
'loosen'

Causatives derived from positional roots with -kUn(-t) may also have incompletive antipassive
forms with -aj, unlike Itzaj and Yukateko.

(31) Causatives of positionals with kUn-(t)-aj

6
The vowel in the -kUn suffix is disharmonic, appearing as -kun following syllables with
unrounded vowels, but as -kin following syllables with rounded vowels.
 a. ch'uy-kin-t-aj
hang-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'hang'

b. much'-kin-t-aj
gather-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'gather', 'pile'

c. pk-kun-t-aj
lie.face.down-CAUS-TRN-DETR
'place face down'

While Mopan does not have an agentless passive with -p-aj, unlike Itzaj and Yukateko (26d), it
does have agentless antipassive forms marked it with -b'aan. Such forms do not appear in modern
Yukateko, but are documented in colonial Yukateko (Smailus 1989:37; Bolles and Bolles
2001:107).

(32) Mopan passives with -b'aan

a. kch-b'aan-l 'it is broken'

break-PAS2-IIS
b. knb'aanl 'be learned
c. kxb'aanl 'be found'
d. kojb'aanl 'be poisoned (fish)'
e. k'ok'olb'aanl 'be rolled'
f. k'uyb'aanl 'be twisted'
g. ljb'aanl 'be hit'
h. ptb'aanl 'be sculpted'
i. potz'b'aanl 'be skinned'
j. toxb'aanl 'be scattered'
k. t'ochb'aanl 'be pulled out'

6. Conclusion
New lexical evidence from Mopan is critical for the task of reconstructing Proto-Yukatekan
and hundreds if not thousands of new cognates have been identified. Mopan lexicon also provides
strong evidence of contacts with Kekchi speakers, well documented in modern times, and with
Eastern Ch'olan speakers, documented ethnohistorically. There is also good evidence of contact
with Itzaj speakers, and shared terms for flora and fauna are especially notable. The presence of
certain doublets with Itzaj and Mopan variants of the same terms suggests that Itzaj speakers may
have fled south after the 1697 Spanish conquest of their capital. There is also evidence of contact
with Lakantun speakers, suggesting that Mopans were among the groups to flee to the Lakantun
forest for refuge after the Spanish conquest of the Itzajs in 1697.
Regarding lexical morphology, a variety of processes have been identified that are unique to
Mopan including Mopan positional participles marked with -ka'al, and antipassive marking. Other
processes appear to be unique today, including instrumental nouns with -eeb', derivations from
affective roots/stems with -m, and passives with -b'aan, but are documented in colonial Yukateko,
and therefore evidence for reconstructing them in Proto-Yukateko. The current findings are
summarized in (33). Careful documentation of Mopan is, therefore, critically important for an
understanding of the linguistic and cultural history of the Yukatekan branch of the Maya language
family.

(33) Mopan Itzaj Yukateko c. Yukateko Proto-Yukateko

-eeb' instrumental + - - + +
-ka'al positional participle + - - - -
-m affective derivations + - - + +
-n antipassive (+) + + + +
-b'aan passive + - - + +

7. References
Academia de la Lengua Maya de Yucatn (ALMY). (2002). Diccionario Maya Popular. Merida,
Yucatn: Academia de la Lengua Maya de Yucatn, A.C.
Academia de Lenguas Mayas de Guatemala (ALMG), Comunidad Lingstica Mopan. (2001).
Tojkinb'eeb' T'an Mopan. Gramtica Descriptiva Mopan. Guatemala: ALMG.
-----. (2003). Much't'an Mopan. Vocabulario Mopan. Guatemala: ALMG.
Barrera Vsquez, Alfredo et al. Diccionario Cordemex. Maya-Espaol, Espaol - Maya. Merida,
Yucatn: Ediciones Cordemex.
Beltran de Santa Rosa Mara, R.P. (1859 [1746]). Arte del Idioma Maya reducido a sucintas
reglas y Semilexicon Yucateco. Merida, Yucatn: Imprenta de J.D. Espinosa.
Bolles, David and Alejandra Bolles. (2001). A Grammar of the Yucatecan Mayan Language.
Lancaster, California: Labyrinthos.
Borremanse, Didier. 1998. Hach Winik:The Lacandon Maya of Chiapas, Southern Mexico.
Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, Monograph 11. State University of New York at Albany.
Bricker, Victoria R, Eleuterio Po'ot Yah, and Ofelia Dzul de Po'ot. (1998). Dictionary of the Maya
Language as Spoken in Hocab, Yucatn. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
Bruce, Roberto D. (1968). Gramtica del Lakantun. Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e
Historia.
-----. (1974). El Libro de Chan K'in. Mexico: Instituto de Antropologa e Historia Colecin
Cientfica Lingstica 12.
-----. (1975). Lacandon Dream Symbolism. Mexico: Educiones Euroamericanas Klaus Thiele.
-----. (1976). Textos y dibujos Lacandones de Naj (Trilingual edition: Lacandn- Spanish-
English). Departamento de Lingstica 45. Coleccin cientifica lingustica. Mxico.
Canger, Una. (1995). (originally collected in 1969-70).Vocabulary of San Quintn. Ms.
Cook, Suzanne and Barry Carlson. (2004). Ethnobiological Inventories -Birds -Fish - Mammals -
Reptiles - Insects - Plants. http://web.uvic.ca/lacandon/language.htm.
Davis, Virginia Dale. (1978). Ritual of the Northern Lacandon Maya. Ph.D. Dissertation. Tulane
University.
Durbin, Marshall E. Yucatec Maya Dictionary. Ms.
Fisher, William Morrison. (1973). Towards the Reconstruction of Proto-Yucatec. Ph.D.
Dissertation. University of Chicago.
Grimes, Barbara F., ed. (2000). Ethnologue Vol. 1: Languages of the World. Dallas: SIL
International.
Hofling, Charles Andrew. (2000). Itzaj Maya Grammar. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
-----. (2004). Language and Cultural Contacts Among Yukatekan Mayans. Collegium
Antropologicum 28, Suppl. 1:241-48. Zagreb, Croatia.
-----. (2006a). La historia lingstica y cultural del maya yucateco durante el ltimo milenio. Los
Mayas de Ayer y Hoy: Memorias del Primer Congreso Internacional de la Cultura Maya,
 Alfredo Barrera Rubio and Ruth Gubler, eds. Vol 2:1196-1216.Mexico: Solar, Servicios
Editoriales, S.A. de C.V.
-----. (2006b). A Sketch of the History of the Verbal Complex in Yukatekan Mayan Languages.
International Journal of American Linguistics 73(3):367-96.
Hofling, Charles Andrew and Flix Fernando Tesucn. (2000). Tojt'an Maya' Itzaj: Diccionario
Maya Itzaj - Castellano. Guatemala: Cholsamaj.
Jones, Grant D. (1998). The Conquest of the Last Maya Kingdom. Stanford: Stanford University
Press.
Justeson, John S. (1986). Yucatecan Phonological History. Ms.
Justeson, John S., William M. Norman, Lyle Campbell, and Terrence Kaufman. (1985). The
Foreign Impact on Lowland Mayan Language and Script. Middle American Research
Institute Publication 53. New Orleans: Tulane University.
Kaufman, Terrence. (1991). Notes on tyhe Structure of Yukateko and other Yukatekan Languages.
Ms.
Kaufman, Terrance (with John S. Justeson). (2003). A Preliminary Mayan Etymological
Dictionary. http://www.famsi.org/reports/01051/pmed.pdf.
Kaufman, Terrence and William M. Norman. (1984). An Outline of Proto-Cholan Phonology,
Morphology, and Vocabulary. Phoneticism in Mayan Hieroglyphic Writing, John S. Justeson
and Lyle Campbell, eds., pp. 77-166. Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of
New York at Albany, Pub. No. 9.
McGee, Jon R. (1983). Sacrifice and Cannibalism: An Analysis of Myth and Ritual among the
Lacandon Maya of Chiapas Mexico. Ph.D. Dissertation. Rice University.
Oxlajuuj Keej Maya' Ajtz'iib'. (2003). Vocabulario Comparativo. Guatemala: Cholsamaj.
-----. (1990). Life, Ritual, and Religin Among the Lacandon Maya. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Proyecto Lingstico Francisco Marroqun. (1971). Cuestionario lingstico para la investigacin
de las variacones de las lenguas de Guatemala (de Mopn). Antigua, Guatemala: PLFM.
-----. 1996. Diccionario Ch'orti', Jocotan, Chiquimula: Ch'orti' - Espaol. Antigua, Guatemala:
PLFM.
-----. 2003. Diccionario Qeqchi. Iximilew, Guatemala: PLFM.
Schumann Glvez, Otto. (1997). Introduccin al Maya Mopan. Mexico City: Universidad
Nacional Autnoma de Mexico.
Smailus, Ortwin. (1989). Gramtica Maya. Hamburg: Wayasbah.
Ulrich, Mateo and Rosemary de Ulrich. (1976). Diccionario Bilinge Maya Mopn y Espaol,
Espaol y Maya Mopan. Guatemala: Impreso de los talleres del Instituto Lingstico de
Verano en Guatemala.

Department of Anthropology
Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
Carbondale, IL 62901-4502
USA
ahofling@siu.edu
1000 AD Proto-Yukatekan

1250 AD

1450 AD

Kowoj
1650 AD

2000 AD Mopan Itzaj N. Lakantun S. Lakantun Yukateko

Figure 1: The Yukatekan branch of the Mayan Language Family

 Chich'en Itz
Mayapn

Champotn Yukateko

Chontal
Ikaiche

Kejache
Tikal
Kowoj
Itzaj
Chol

Mopan

Cholti

Chorti

Map1:Lowland Mayan Languages 1500 AD

 Chich'en Itz
Mayapn

Yukateko

Chontal

Chol
Tikal
Itzaj
Lakantun

Mopan

Chorti

Map 2: Mayan Languages after 1700