The Concept of 'Egemonia' in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci: Some Notes on Interpretation

Author(s): Gwyn A. Williams

Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1960), pp. 586-599
Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press
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 THE CONCEPT OF 'EGEMONIA ' IN THE THOUGHT OF
ANTONIO GRAMSCI: SOME NOTES ON INTERPRETATION

BY GWYNA. WILLIAMS

As happenedso oftenin Gramsci'swritings," says ProfessorH. Stuart

Hughesin hismagisterial study,Consciousness and Society," a totalitarian
thoughtwas clothedin liberalguise."1 He is speakingof Gramsci'scon-
cept of egemonia,a focalpointin the controversy whichcenterson this
imaginative and culturedhumanist whowas thefirstleaderof the Italian
Communist Partyin theturbulent daysofMussolini'smarchto power,and
whosewritings, in the formof notesand letterscomposedin prisonunder
appallingdifficulties, have establishedhimas themostsignificant thinker in
the enigmatic traditionof 'liberal Communism' and have createdwhatis
virtuallya Gramscicultin his homeland.2
His originality stemsfromhis novelconception oftheroleoftheintel-
lectand theintellectuals in thedialecticalprocessesof historical material-
ism. As Professor Hughesjustlyremarks, withGramsciMarxismreturned
' to its idealistbeginnings.'3 His pointof departure was Lenin'srenewed
emphasison humanwilland individualinitiative.Thishe developedintoa
theoryof intellectual preparation and actionwhichso farshiftedthe em-
phasisintothe fieldof 'morale' that it envisagedthe culmination of the
Marxistprocessas a 'total culturalreintegration' ofsociety. Gramscicer-
tainlyretainedthe structural base of Marxisttheory,but he himselfwas
preoccupied withthecelebrated ' superstructure,'whichconcepthe handled
witha subtletyand penetration unparalleled in any otherMarxistthinker.
Consequently, his workaboundsin brilliant,if partial,insightsinto the
problemof consciousness, class,social and national,the role of a revolu-
tionaryintelligentsia, and the dialecticalcharacterof culturaldevelop-
ment. He boldlyannexedforMarxismCroce'sown conceptof 'ethico-
political' historyand the rangeof his disciplined imagination is at times
breathtaking. Whatkindofa Marxistwas it whocouldcomparetheMarx-
ism of his ownday to theReformation in its cruderideologicalformation
andwholookedto thephilosophy ofCroce(a latter-day Erasmus)to trans-
formit intoa cultureoftheclassicstatureofGreeceor theRenaissanceas
1 H. StuartHughes,Consciousness and Society. The reorientationof European
socialthought, 1890-1930(London,1959),101.
2 Einaudiof Turinhave published Gramsci'sprisonwritings in a completeand
uniform seriesof Lettereand Quadernidel carcere,running to sevenvolumes,viz.
Letteredal carcere,II materialismo storicoe la filosofia
di B. Croce,Gli intellet-
tualie l'organizzazione
dellacultura, 11Risorgimento,Notesul Machiavelli, Lettera-
tura e vita nazionale,and Passato e presente.These are supplemented by an-
thologiesof earlierwritings, Scrittigiovanili(1914-1918) and L'OrdineNuovo
(1919-1920),all publishedunderthe generalhead of Operedi AntonioGramsci.
Individualvolumesrunto severaleditions;in his prisonwritings, Gramsciused a
simplecodeto defeatthecensorand somevolumesincludea glossary, e.g.the1955
editionofI1 materialismostorico.
3 Hughes,op. cit.,104. Professor Hughes'sstudy,besidesbeingthe firsteffec-
tivesynthesis on hissubject,is one ofthefewEnglishworksto deal withGramsci.
586

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 GRAMSCI S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 587

a preliminary to the re-unification of humanlife in an ' integralHu-

manism' ? 4
Centralto Gramsci'sschemais the conceptof egemonia.Sincethisis
itselfthesubjectof controversy, it is as wellto beginby formulating it in
themostgeneralterms.5By 'hegemony'Gramsciseemsto meana socio-
politicalsituation,in his terminology a 'moment,'in whichthephilosophy
and practiceof a societyfuseor are in equilibrium; an orderin whicha
certainway oflifeand thought is dominant, in whichoneconceptofreality
is diffusedthroughout societyin all its institutional and privatemanifesta-
tions,informing withits spiritall taste,morality, customs,religiousand
politicalprinciples,and all socialrelations,particularly in theirintellectual
and moralconnotation.An elementof direction and control, notnecessar-
ily conscious,is implied.This hegemony corresponds to a statepowercon-
ceivedin stockMarxisttermsas thedictatorship of a class.
Thus the assumption of powerby theproletariat is to be paralleledby
the assumptionof a hegemony.The relationship betweenthe two is by
no meanssimple. Gramsci'sideas neverare; he was too consciousof the
complexity of historicalreality. Togliatti'sversionof this processis a
crudevulgarization, withrival classes wearingtheirideologieslike uni-
forms,a grossmutilationof Gramsci'sthesis.6 The relationship is des-
cribedby Gramsciin termsof a complexand reciprocalinteraction dia-
lecticallyconceived.Heretheroleoftheintellectuals is crucial. It is their
historicalfunction, by meansof the hegemony, to bridgethe gap between
themand the popularmasses (thosemasseswho are always presentin
the mindof Gramscithe Sardinianeven whenhe is handlingthe most
abstruseideas) and to reintegrate thewholeofsocietyin a newand super-
ior culturalorder.
The Communist orthodox reducethisconceptto a glosson Lenin'sdoc-
trineof revolution.PalmiroTogliattiat the RomanCongressof Gramsci
Studiesin January1958dismissed Gramsci'sdistinction betweenthepoliti-
cal and thecivilsocietyas methodological ratherthanorganic. Was there
a differencebetweenthe termsegemoniaand dittatura?-"Una differenza
4From a host of critical,hagiographical, and propagandist publications,one
mayperhapssingleout as particularly usefulintroductions theanthologiesofessays
and papersin Studi Gramsciani:Attidel convegno tenutoa Roma nei giorni11-
12 gennaio1958,IstitutoAntonioGramsci,(Rome,1958),and in La cittafutura,
saggisullafigurae il pensierodi AntonioGramsci, ed. AlbertoCaraccioloand Gianni
Scalia (Milan, 1959). See also the earlieranthology Gramsci(Milan,1955) and,
amongindividual studies,CarloL. Ottino,Concetti fondamentalinellateoriapolitica
di AntonioGramsci(Milan,1956),and Aldo Garosci," Totalitarismo e storicismo
nel pensierodi Gramsci,"Pensieropoliticoe storiografia moderna;saggidi storia
contemporanea, I (Pisa, 1954).
5The idea recursfrequently in Gramsci'swritings.For somekey references,
see Inmaterialismo storico,
5ff.,189,201; II Risorgimento,70,71; Notesul Machia-
velli,8, 68; Gli intellettuali,
9; Passato e presente,138,158,166; Letteredal car-
cere,137and passim.
6See P. Togliatti," Il leninismo nel pensieroe nell'azionedi A. Gramsci,"in
Studi Gramsciani, esp. 30-35,and his addressat the Congresson " Gramscie il
leninismo," 419ff.

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588 GWYN A. WILLIAMS

vi e, ma non di sostanza."7 GiuseppeTamburrano, on the otherhand,

stressesthe" esigenzademocratica del concettodi egemonia," and in a Con-
gresspaper,refined laterby an analysisofthechronological development of
the idea in Gramsci'swritings, directsattention to the elementof consent
undoubtedly presentin the conception, and fromit constructs an imageof
Gramscias a peculiarly'Western'thinker ofliberaltendency.Hegemony
" is an essentiallydemocratic conception and signalsa returnto classical
Marxism.... It implies,ifwe are notmistaken, democratic conquestand
democratic maintenance of proletarianpower. The difference is of sub-
stance,e come! " 8
Both interpretations seemundulydogmatic. Withoutdoubt,Gramsci
himself conceived ofhishegemony as a versionordevelopment ofLeninism:
" theelaboration and realizationofthetheoryofhegemony by Ilici (Lenin)
was also a great' metaphysical' event,"9 he assertsand in takingissuewith
he
Croce, repeatedly claimsthatLenin'selaboration ofthetheoryof revo-
lution,withits stresson theactiverOleoftheintellect and thepersonality,
has resultedin the absorption of Croce'sownethico-political historyinto
the Marxistcanon. What,he asks, is the 'instrumental'importance of
Croce'sphilosophy?The answerlies in thesignificance ethico-political
his-
toryattachesto cultureand thought, to thefunction of greatmindsin the
organiclifeofcivilsocietyand thestate,and to the" moment ofhegemony
and of consentas thenecessary formoftheconcrete historicalbloc [blocco
storico]." For,he adds,contemporaneously withCroce:
thegreatestmoderntheoretician ofthephilosophy of action[Lenin]on the
planeofpoliticalstruggleand organization,
in politicalterminology,has,in
to the various'economistic
opposition ' tendencies,re-establishedthe con-
ceptofstruggleon theculturalfrontand constructed the doctrine
of hege-
monyas a complement to thetheoryoftheState-as-force.10
Thereis in theseassertionssomeevidenceof a thankfulsnatchingat
canonicalwarrantforpersonalexperiment, sinceLenin'sdoctrinecannot
trulybearGramsci'sinterpretationofit. Lenin'spreoccupations werestra-
tegicand tactical;Gramsciwas dealingwithmuchwiderand morefunda-
mentalissues. Indeed,he goeson so to developthe'ethico-political' factor
in historical
materialism
thatit becomesdifficultto see it,in hisinterpreta-
tion,as anythingotherthanthedecisiveforce.
The natureand extentofintellectual and spiritualautonomy, of course,
wereand remainthecentralambiguities in Marxisthistorical theory.Marx
himselfhad establishedthe basic distinctionbetweenthe social-economic
7P. Togliatti,StudiGramsciani, 34. All lengthy quotations fromItaliansources
have beentranslated intoEnglish. For his assistancein checking thetranslation I
am grateful to Mr. J. Killa Williamsof the Department of Frenchand Romance
Languagesat Aberystwyth.
8 See G. Tamburrano, " Gramscie l'egemoniadel proletario," in Studi Gram-
sciani,277-286,and " Fasi di sviluppodel pensieropoliticodi Gramsci,"in La citta'
futura,117-136. For thequotations, see Studi,285,and La cittafutura,131. See
also SerafinoCambareri, " Il concettodi egemonianel pensierodi A. Gramsci,"in
StudiGramsciani, 87-94.
9 Gramsci,n materialismo storico,32.
10Gramsci, II materialismo storico,201; 187-89.

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 GRAMSCI S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 589

structure and thesuperstructure of humanconsciousness.Decisiveimpor-

tancewas attributed to theformer, butMarxwentfurther in hisrecognition
ofthecomplexity and independence ofthesuperstructure thanmanyofhis
followers.Thisrecognition ofcomplexity, as RaymondWilliamsaptlyputs
it, is the ' firstcontrol'in any attemptat a valid Marxisttheoryof cul-
ture.1' Engels complicated the positionfurther by introducing a duality
intothe superstructure itselfbetweenpoliticalformson the one handand
'the reflexes ofall theseactualstruggles in thebrainsofthecombatants' on
theother. Theselatter,he indicated, 'also exercisetheirinfluenceuponthe
courseofthehistorical strugglesand in manycases preponderate in deter-
mining theirform.'12 The key,ofcourse,liesinthecomplexity oftheinter-
actionwhichall thebestMarxistwriters stressbutwhichnoneofthemex-
plain. NeitherGorkinorPlekhanovnoranywriterafterEngelssucceeded
in clarifying thepicturebeyondemphasizing complexityand theoverriding
significance of the economicstructure.Lenin,of course,postulatedguid-
anceand controloftheintellectual processas an elementofthedictatorship
oftheproletariat.'3
WhatGramscididin effect was to takeEngels'sthreefold division,refine
it,beginworkontheactualcharacter oftheinteraction,and aboveall, allot
to the 'reflexes'a decisivefunction in thedialecticalprocess. His base is
orthodox enough.It is in thestructure thattheforcesare generated which
willmakepossibleand necessary thefinalstruggle fortheemancipation of
mankind.
The totalityofthematerialforcesofproduction is at oncea crystallization
of thewholeof past historyand thebasis of presentand futurehistory,is
at oncedocument and activepropulsive
force.14
But the superstructure
was no less 'una realta . .. oggettivae operante.' It
is necessaryto remember howmuchGramsci,as oneofhisinterpreters puts
it,had been'conditioned'by Crocewhosenamebulksso largein hiswrit-
ings,15
and notonlyby Crocebutby thewholeItalianliterary and cultural
tradition,bytheobliquelypenetrating insights
intotheinter-relationship of
thought and actionwhichhe foundin GeorgesSorel,indeedby theintrinsic
qualityofhisownmind. For Gramscisaw thefinalvictoryofSocialismas
a phenomenon whichwas,in essence,cultural,'ethico-political.'European
culture,'la sola storicamente
e concretamenteuniversale,'had undergone a
processof unification,culminatingin Hegelianismand its critics. It was
nowin a stateof decomposition and the function of historical
materialism
was to carrymankindintoa newsynthesis.Socialism,in fact,meantnoth-
inglessthanthe' unificazioneculturaledel genereumano.'16
The keyto thistransformationlay in thesuperstructure. The relation-
11R. Williams, CultureandSociety,1780-1950(London,1958),267.
12 F. Engelsto J. Bloch,21 Sept.1890,quotedby Williams, ibid.
13 "We must
guidethis processaccordingto a plan and formits results"-
Lenin'sremarks to Clara Zetkin,quotedin ibid.,283.
14 Gramsci,IRmaterialismo storico,161.
15 EugenioGarin, " AntonioGramscinellaculturaitaliana,"StudiGramsciani,
9.
16 For examples ofthisthinking, common to all hiswritings,
see Gramsci,
11ma-
terialismostorico,104-5; 49, 80, 128,139,199,200; 157.

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590 GWYN A. WILLIAMS

shipbetweenstructure and superstructure was notsimpleand direct-that

was an ' infantilismo
primitivo '-it was complexand dialectical.The start-
ing pointwas a conceptcommonto Marxistsand non-Marxists alike:
" mostmenare philosophers in as muchas theyoperateon the practical
level and in theirpractice(in the controlling patternof theirconduct)a
conception oftheworld,a philosophy is implicit."17 The functionofintel-
lectwas to maketheimplicit explicit;itsrolewas to generate consciousness.
" If menacquireconsciousness oftheirsocialpositionand oftheirfunctions
on theplaneofthesuperstructure, thissignifiesthatbetweenstructure and
superstructurethereexistsa necessaryand vital nexus."18 Togetherthey
form, in Sorelianterms,'un bloccostorico.'Thenand onlythencan social
forcesbecomehistorically 'instrumental,' and as changein thestructure de-
velopsfromthequantitative intothequalitative, transform society,resolve
thecultural' frattura' of theold orderand createa new,unifiedand inte-
gratedway of lifein whichphilosophy and practicefuse. At all thevital
stagesin Gramsci'sscheme,it is theintellect and theethico-political which
play thevitalroleas creatorsofthatconsciousness without whichthe'pro-
pulsiveforces' remainmerelylatent. It is forthisreasonthatGramsciis
so concerned withtheproblemofconsciousness; it is herethattheinfluence,
bothattractive and repellent, of Croce,Sorel,and ofhis owndeepand dis-
criminating commitment to culturalvaluesbecomeseffective.That is why
Gramsci,almostaloneamongMarxistthinkers, is absorbedin theproblem
ofthesuperstructure.'9
He followsEngelsin considering it in two aspects. He distinguishes a
politicaland a civilsociety,givingthe old distinction a Marxistcontent.
And thisdistinction runsclear throughall his writings.The attemptof
Togliattiand othersto diminishits significance is invalid. Thereis too
muchcategorical definition.The supremacy ofa socialgroup,he writesin
his Risorgirnento,
manifests itselfin twoforms, politicaldominioand intel-
lectualand moral'direction,' 20 thetwospheres ofthesuperstructure:
onecan ... distinguish twogreat' floors' ofthesuperstructure,
thatofwhat
one maycall 'civil society,'thatis, ofthetotalityof organismscommonly
called 'private' and thatof 'politicalsocietyor State' and whichcorre-
spondto the function of 'hegemony ' whichthe dominantgroupexercises
throughout societyand to that of 'direct rule' or of powerof command
whichis expressed in theStateand in 'juridical' government.21
Thereis a qualitativedifferencebetweenthem. The stateis regarded
as a politicalsociety(or a dictatorship
or a coerciveapparatusto shape
[conformare] thepopularmassaccording to thetypeofproduction and the
economyof a givenmoment)and not as an equilibrium betweenpolitical
and civilsociety(orthehegemony ofa socialgroupovertheentirenational
society exercised through so-called private organizations,such as the
Church,the municipalities,
the schools,etc.). It is preciselywithincivil
societythatintellectuals
in particular
operate.22
17Ibid.,21-2,96. 18 Ibid.,238,39.
19For an informative and stimulatingessayon thegeneralpatternof Gramsci's
work,see E. Agazzi," Filosofiadellaprassie fiilosofia
dellospirito,"
La cittafutura,
189-255. 20 Gramsci,Il Risorgimento, 70.
21 Gramsci, Gli intellettuali,
9. 22 Gramsci,Letteredal carcere,137.

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 GRAMSCI'S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 591

Throughout Gramsci'swork,thisdistinction is maintained.It is in the

sphereof dominiothatchange in the structure becomes immediately effec-
tive and dominiois alwaysassociatedwith coercion, statepower, the 'mo-
mentof force.' Egemonia,on the otherhand,is always associated with
equilibrium, persuasion, consent, and consolidation. In his analysis of the
communal regimeofmedievalItaly,forexample,Gramscimakesthepoint
thatwhilethe Communesestablisheda dominio,theyfailedto createan
egemoniaand so failedto evolvean integrated society. The distinction
emerges powerfully in his criticism of Croce'shistorical work. This closely
parallelsthecurrent criticism ofthe'Namier school' ofhistorians in Eng-
land,whichpointsout that the 'Namierite' concentration on interestas
politicalmotivation, to the exclusionof conviction, can be effective only
forperiodswheninterest did in factoutweigh conviction.Thereis a similar
question-begging elementin Croce'shistoriography. He beginshis history
ofItalyin 1871,afterthestruggle forunification; hishistory ofEuropebe-
gins in 1815,when the revolutionary and Napoleonicturmoilis over.
Gramscipertinently suggeststhat Croce'speculiartypeof blandidealism
can be effective onlyforperiodswhensocietywas in fact' bland.' Andthis
'blandness' he associateswithegemonia, the momentof equilibrium and
consent, as opposed to the ' cathartic' moment of force.23
AndwhileGramscidoesnotdepartfromtheMarxistconception of the
stateas a coerciveinstrument of class rule, he introduces several imnportant
modifications intoitspracticalapplication.He impliesstrongly throughout
and on occasionsexplicitlystatesthat egemoniais the 'normal' formof
control,forceand coercionbecoming dominant onlyat timesofcrisis.24In
fact,a legitimate inference fromhisthought is thepostulatethatthequal-
ityand durationoftherevolutionary moment offorcedependdirectly upon
the qualityof the embryonic egemoniapreviously developedin the prole-
tariat. This inference he makeshimself in a comparison betweenEast and
Westwhoseimplications are far-reaching. Wherecivilsociety,thedomain
of egemonia,is undeveloped, Gramscimaintains, a periodof 'statolatry'
maybe necessary, butthisshouldin no sensebe construed as a permanent
condition or elevatedintoa theoretical principle.In a country wherecivil
societyis fullydeveloped, thenecessity simplydoesnotarise.25
The same qualification appearsevenin his discussionof revolutionary
tactics,wherehe was mostconsciously a Leninist.Nowherein Gramscido
the'masses' function as merematerialto be mouldedby their'enlightened
vanguard.' For his massesembracenot onlythe 'semplici' of his native
Sardinia,but the self-conscious and sophisticated artisansof Turin,those
aristocrats of Italian labor whom he had led into the WorksCouncilmove-
mentand the Occupation of theFactories in 1919-20, theonlyconstructive
enterprise the
to grace postwarhistory of the Italian Left. This awareness
of and beliefin the creative capacity of the workingclass is perhapsthe
clearestdifferentiating factorin Gramsci'sthought, its dominant motif.It
23 I materialismo
Gramsci, storico,192-93;Letteredal carcere,137-8,187.
66ff.;Passatoe
Notesul Machiavelli,
24 Gramsci, presente,166ff.See theargu-
mentofG. Tamburrano in StudiGramsciani, and in La citta'futura,131ff.
282ff.
Note sul Machiavelli,
25 Gramsci, 66-68; Passatoe presente,165-6.

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592 GWYN A. WILLIAMS

expressesitselfnot onlyin thesetechnicalmodifications

of Leninistprac-
tice,but in his wholehearted of the emphasisto the 'educational'
shifting
functionof Socialismin an analysispregnant withpluralistconceptsand
Sorelianexpositionsof themoraland social efficacy
of philosophy.Every
socialgroup
has its ownspecializedcategoryof intellectuals.
. . . Everysocial group,
comingintoexistenceon the originalbasis of an essentialfunctionin the
worldof economicproduction, createssimultaneously, one or
organically,
moreintellectual groupswhichgive it homogeneity and awarenessof its
properfunction not onlyin the economic,but in the social and political
fieldas well.26
These intellectuals represent the 'autocoscienzacritica' of the group,the
creatorsofthatconsciousness whichwillturnthehistorical materialism im-
plicitin workingelass practiceinto a world-renovating social force. For
everymember is to be ' dirigente,'
thatis ' specialista in sharpcon-
+ politico,'
trastto the Croceanintellectual eliteof detachedand asocial dilettantes.27
It is this " greatbreachbetweenthe popularmassesand intellectual
circles" whicharousesGramsci'sliveliestapprehensions:
The popularelement'feels,'but does notalwaysunderstand or know;the
intellectualelement'knows' but does not alwaysunderstand and in par-
ticular'feel.' The two extremes are in factpedantryand philistinism on
the one hand and blindpassionand factiousness on the other.. . . The
errorof the intellectual consistsin the beliefthat one can knowwithout
understanding and in particular withoutfeelingand beingimpassioned (not
onlyof knowingin itself,butby theobjectoftheknowing),namely,that
theintellectual can be sucha person(nota purepedant),detachedandself-
withdrawn fromthenation-people, thatis, withoutfeelingthe elementary
passionsof the people,comprehending and so explainingand justifying
themwithinthe determined historical situation,and integratingthemdia-
lecticallywiththe laws of history, witha superiorconceptof the world,
scientifically
and coherently articulated.28
It is the functionof the intellectuals to bridgethis gap, to informthe
inchoateaspirationsof the masseswiththeircanon,and to tap forthem-
selvesthelifegiving rootofpopularradicalism, to acquirethatsenseofand
feelingforpopularradicalismwhichGramscifoundto be thesavinggrace
in Sorel.29
What is striking in Gramsci'sthought, however, is thatthisprocessof
integrationis not restricted to the normalMarxistcategories.It is not
merelya matterofgenerating a sociallyeffective
class-consciousness. That
is thefunction of'ideology,'a lowerformofintellectual activitywhosere-
lationshipto philosophy, according to Gramsci,is analogousto thatof the
Catholicism ofthemassesto theCatholicism oftheChurchintelligentsia.30
The wholeprocessis conceived in muchwiderterms.His writings are frag-
Gliintellettuali,
26 Gramsci, 3.
27 Gramsci,ll materialismo
storico,174; Gli intellettuali,
7.
28 Gramsci,
Il materialismo storico,19,114-5.
29 Gramsci,
Passatoe presente, 186-7.
80 See Gramsci,ll materialismo
storico,
181-3,222-39.

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 GRAMSCI S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 593

mentary and unfinished, clearthatwhatGramsciwas

but it is abundantly
wrestling within essencewas the problemof alienation,that alienation
whichMarx had alreadypostulatedin theeconomicsphereand whichhis
treatsin the widersensemade familiarby contemporary
Italian follower
schoolsofsocialanalysts.
No man was moreconsciousof the subtleand significant interplayof
social and culturalvalues,nonewas moreaware of the peculiarcultural
problems posedby an industrial community.Sometimes he talkslikeWil-
liamMorris:
The demagogy, thetrickery,theuntruth,thecorruption ofcapitalistsociety
are notaccidentalby-productsofitsstructure; theyare inherentin thedis-
of brutalpassions,in the ferocious
order,in the unleashing competitionin
whichand by whichcapitalistsocietylives... . Capitalistprivateproperty
dissolveseveryrelationof commoninterest,blinds and confusescon-
science.... The life of men,the gains of civilization,the present,the fu-
tureare in perpetualdanger.3'
The salvationof the disinherited lies in theirown hands. The worker
" daily winshis own spiritualautonomyand his creativefreedomin the
realmof ideas,battlingagainstfatigue,againstuttertedium,againstthe
physicalmonotony whichtendsto mechanize and so to killtheinnerlife."32
for
Socialism, Gramsci, an
becomes enterprise " to raisetheintellectual
tone
and level of the masses . . . a complexcivilizingmission,"its finalachieve-
mentthe " coronamento di un'operadi civilta,"of " interior
" as well as
socialsignificance.33
Hegemony in thisscheme, whileconceivedin Marxistterms,becomesan
instrument of culturalrenovation aboveand beyondtheconventional cate-
goriesof Marxism. The complement to thevictoryof theworkers, indeed
its historicalrealization,is theachievement of an integrated
culture.This
preoccupation with the creationof a commoncultureshinesthrough
Gramsci'sMarxistformulations like lamplight through paper. It explains
hisobsessiveinterest in theReformation alongwithitscomplexinterplay of
intellect,
interest, superstition,and socialaction-between'illuminati'and
'semplici'; it givesmeaningto hissearchforsensocommune-that instinc-
tivepopularunderstanding whichhe calls the'folklore'ofphilosophy and
whichis to serveas the basis forthe higherintegration.34 No Marxist
writer,indeedfewwriters ofanykindbeforeourownday,have givensuch
potentexpression to an intuitiveunderstanding of popularculture. The
manyanalysesofthetypeand qualityof his examination, forexample,of
fromOrdineNuovoby EugenioGarinin StudiGramsciani,
81 Quotation 407.
82 Gramsci,
L'OrdineNuovo,157.
33See, forexample, I1 materialismo
Gramsci, storico,68, 137,145-6and passim.
There are some interestingcomments on this conceptionin Aldo Zanardo, II
'manuale' di Bukharinvistodai comunistitedeschie da Gramsci," in StudiGram-
sciani,esp. 351ff.
34See,forsomesamples,Gramsci, Inmaterialismostorico,17,105,199,200,224,
225 and passim;hisnotesin Passatoe presente
are particularlyrichin illustrations.
See also the intervention
by GilbertMogetat the RomeCongressin StudiGram-
sciani,491-501.

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594 GWYN A. WILLIAMS

thesenseof'melodrama'in popularexperience, are characteristicproducts

of the basic thinking whichinformed his livelyand sustainedcommitment
to thesocio-cultural interpretation ofItaliantraditions.35
In his searchfor reintegration, he displayeda remarkablesyncretic
capacity. Crocehimself was to be absorbedintohisMarxistsynthesis in a
processof ritraduzione (one of Gramsci'sfavoritewords). Thereare in-
dicationsof a projectto interpret Freudin 'egemonic'termsand to incor-
poratehis discoveries in theGramscianschema.36His handlingofthedia-
lecticis significantlysubtle,fullof feelingforthesyntheses and fusionsof
history.It acquiresnewdepthand subtletyin his analysesof suchsyn-
theticconceptsas Quinet's'revolution-restoration,' or Gioberti's'passive
revolution,'of Italian 'trasformismo ' itself.37His senseof continuity and
fusionbridgeseventhe'catharsis' ofrevolution." Theyhavebrokenwith
thepast,buttheyhave continued thepast; theyhaveshattered a tradition,
buttheyhave developedand enriched a tradition,"he wroteoftheRussian
revolutionaries in 1919; and in the same sensethe Italian revolutionary
classeswereto be " at oncea forceof movement and a repository of past
and presentculturalvalues,"untilin themoment ofhegemony theywereto
fallheirto everything thatwas valuablein thetraditions oftheircountry.38
In thisconceptof hegemony as a processof 'incivilimento,' of 'persua-
sionepermanente,' theactualseizureofpoweremerges as a stage,albeitan
essentialone. It, too,is conceivedin dialecticterms, in termsoffusion.As
therevolutionary classesdeveloptheirconsciousness, bourgeois intellectuals
rally,turnto questionthe realitiesof theirownsocietywhosecontradic-
tionsarriveat the crisismomentof a completecollapseof all values. A
transfer of powerand withit the hegemony of the revolutionary orderre-
sult. Indeed,in onestriking passageGramsciasserts that thetransfer can-
notoccuruntilthenewmoralegemoniaof theproletariat has passedfrom
thepotentialto theactual.
A socialgroupmay,indeedmusthave alreadybecomedirective[dirigente]
beforetheconquestof governmentalpower(thisitselfis one oftheprinci-
pal conditions
of that conquestof power); afterwards,whenit exercises
35For his analysisof 'melodrama,'see Gramsci, Passatoe presente, 148. That
volume,together withhis Letteredal carcereand his Letteratura e vita nazionale
are the best sourcesforhis literaryand culturalcriticism.See also on Gramsci's
Dante studies,etc.theessaysby RobertoGuiducci,Armanda
linguistics,
aesthetics,
Guiducci,LuigiRosiello,and GianniScaliain La cittafutura,271,299,329,369 and
by Rinodal Sasso,GiuseppePetronio, AdrianoSeroni,GiulioTrevisani,andRoberto
Cessiin StudiGramsciani, 123,223,259,287,469.
86 Crocefigures veryprominently in Gramsci'swritings.For thecoreof hisat-
tempted'translation'of the Croceanphilosophy, see Gramsci,In materialismo
storico,169-258. For the noteson Freud,see, forexample,Gramsci,Passato e
presente,216,217; Letteredal carcere,85, 122.
37 Gramsci, Note sul Machiavelli,71; Il materialismo
storico,135,185,and see
the stimulating essayby NorbertoBobbio," Nota sulla dialetticain Gramsci,"in
StudiGramsciani, 73-86.
38 Gramsci,L'OrdineNuovo,7; Il materialismo storico,199-200;RobertoGui-
ducci,La citta'futura,292.

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 GRAMSCI S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 595

power,and evenif it retainsa firmgraspon it, it becomesdominantbut

mustcontinueto be directive.39
Like mostMarxistconceptions, thishas its ownobviousand built-inambi-
guity,but clearlyin Gramsci'smindtherevolution itselfwas to be as dia-
lectical,as syncretic,
as themoraland intellectual reintegration whichwas
at onceitscauseand consummation.
This formulation of course,is no easy one to comprehend.Gramsci,
writingunderdifficulties,makesit no easier. It is not alwayspossibleto
distinguish betweenegemoniaas 'una teoriaimmediatamente tattica' and
as an idea viewed'sulle grandidistanzestoriche.'Certainly, thelatterap-
proachis themorefrequent, and hisdescription ofthedecomposition ofthe
old orderand theprogressive establishment of a newegemoniain a society
whichis regolata,readslike nothingso muchas an exposition in Marxist
termsof Durkheim'sconceptof anomie,thatstateof social disequilibrium
in whichthehierarchy ofvaluescollapsesand in which,consequently, there
is no regulation.40
Even whenegemoniais treatedas a moreimmediate, practicalissue,
thereis a notabledeviationfromorthodoxy.The primefunction ofthenew
society,working through its intellectuals,
is the achievement of a common
culture. To thisend the intellectuals mustdirecttheirenergies.Conse-
quently, theirsocietyis to be a 'regulated'order. Herewe are on familiar
groundand the familiarquestionspose themselves.In whatway and to
whatextentis thespiritto be regulated?GramscicannotavoidtheLenin-
ist ambiguities.He ringsthechangeson a conceptoftheself-imposed dis-
ciplineofa directiveintelligentsia-' autolimitechei dirigentipongonoalla
propriaattivita.' But his wholevisionof Socialismas an ethico-political
educativeprocessand thepre-emninent rolehe assignsto theintellectimpel
his thoughtin one direction.Howeverconscioushe may be of the harsh
exigenciesoftheclassstruggle, hisformulation ofhistoricalmaterialismand
its culminating synthesis requiresthat the mind even the collectiveand
organized mind,be givenits freedom.Andhisstatement, in thefinalanal-
ysis, is explicit.
It seemsnecessary thatthehardworkof researchintonewtruthsand into
better,morecoherent, and clearerformulations of the truthsthemselves
shouldbe leftto the freeinitiativeof individualscholars,evenif thevery
principleswhichseemmostessentialare continually putto thequestion.41
His emphasison consciousness and thecreativeroleoftheintellect and
thelibertarian cast of hismindsufficein themselves to distinguishGramsci
amongMarxists. Even moreinteresting are thenumerous, if scattered,
in-
dicationsin hiswriting ofthemotivesandpreoccupations whichdirected his
thinking.It is thisevidence, sketchyas it is, whichaffords an insightinto
the hinterland of thought,evenmoreof feeling, whichlay behindhis pro-
grammatic formulations. His preoccupation withthe ' moral' function of
culture,his feelingforthequalityof workingelass life,his senseof thein-
39Gramsci,
I1 Risorgimento,
70; and seePieroGobetti,Coscienzaliberalee classe
operaia(Turin,1951),223.
40 See Hughes,Consciousness
and Society,282-3; 75-78.
41 Gramsci,I materialismo
storico,18.

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596 GVVYN A. WILLIAMS

terplayamongtraditions, and his overriding concernwithalienationand

reintegration give his writinga peculiarlycontemporary tone. The mind
is the mindof a Marxist,but the emotionsand the sensitivity whichin-
formed it weresurelyofthesamequalitativeorderas thosewhichimpelled
Sorel,even in his Syndicalistphase,to denouncesabotageas morallyin-
juriousto theproletarian ethos,and whichdrovetheartistWilliamMorris
intotheuncongenial MarxistBritishSocial DemocraticFederation.
It is thisqualitywhichmakesGramscisuchan unexpectedly congenial
writerto readersfamiliarwiththe current Britishliteratureon social and
culturalrelationships, whichowesnota littleto Morris. For muchofthis
literature is beingproducedby Socialistthinkers who,fora varietyofrea-
sons,are becomingincreasingly preoccupiedwithproblemsof a similar
character. Indeed to come fromGramscito, say, RaymondWilliams's
classicstudyoftheinterplay ofsocialand culturalvaluesin modernBritish
history, Cultureand Society,1780-1950, is to experiencea peculiarsenseof
contactand continuity.Of course,therecan be littleor no directcontact
betweena criticand social analystwhoserootslie so deep in the British
radicaltraditionand a SardinianMarxistwhosecareerof activepolitical
leadershipwas haltedonlyby coercion. But the underlying rhythms of
thought, even more,the intuitivefeelingforcontinuity and synthesis are
strikingly similar. Williams, too,is primarilyconcerned witha 're-integra-
tion' of the life of the spirit,withthe 'people' and its alienation. His
' solidarity ' is notfarremovedfromGramsci'ssensocommune in someof
its manifestations. His rigorous assessmentsof Marxisttheoriesof culture
focuspreciselyon that issue of consciousness and intellectualleadership
whichis theirchiefweaknessand whichwas equally Gramsci'sconcern.
Despitethe obviousdifferences, thetoneis curiously familiar,
particularly
whenhe is dealingwiththecreationofa common culture.
The idea of solidarity the real basis of a society. Yet it is
is potentially
subject,in ourtime,to twoimportant difficulties.
For it has been,basically,
a defensive attitude,thenaturalmentality ofthelongsiege. .. thenegative
elementsthusproducedwill have to be converted intopositivesin a fully
democratic society. . . diversityhas to be substantiated withinan effective
community whichdisposesof majoritypower. A culturein common. . .
will be a verycomplexorganization.... At root,thefeelingof solidarity
is the onlyconceivableelementof stabilization in so difficult an organiza-
tion. . . thisfirstdifficulty-the compatibility of increasing specialization
witha genuinely commonculture-isonlysolublein a contextofmaterial
community and by thefulldemocratic process.... A goodcommunity ...
will activelyencourageall and any who can contribute to the advancein
consciousness whichis the common need. . . we can . . . listento and con-
siderwhatever maybe offered and takeup whatwe can ... indeedit is on
growth, as metaphor and as fact,thattheultimateemphasismustbe placed.
Here,finally, is thearea wherewe havemostneedto re-interpret ... in the
working-class movement, whiletheclenchedfistis a necessarysymbol,the
clenching oughtneverto be suchthatthehandcannotopen,and thefingers
extend,to discoverand givea shapeto thenewlyforming reality.42
This correlationbecomesmoreobviousifwe turnto egemonia itself. On
mostoccasions, thisis treatedin a schematic and theoretical manner, butat
42 Raymond Cultureand
Williams, Society,1750-1950(London,1958),332-5.

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 GRAMSCI' S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 597

timesGramscireveals,almostin parenthesis, exactlywhathis conceptof

hegemony as a concretehistorical realitywas. This emergesmostclearly,
as mightbe expected, whenhe is considering theworkofCroce. In a letter
of7 September 1931in which,speakingoftheCommunes, he writesof" the
government of an economicclass whichwas unableto evolveits owncate-
goryofintellectuals and so to exercisea hegemony aboveand beyonda dic-
tatorship,"he pointsin contrast to the'bourgeois'Italianregimeand com-
ments," BenedettoCroce,forexample,is a speciesof lay pope and an ex-
tremelyeffective instrument ofhegemony." 43
This is not developeduntilthe following June,afterthe appearanceof
Croce'shistory ofXIXth-century Europe,when,in replyto someobjections
raisedby his correspondent, Gramscielaborateshis idea of egemoniaand
Croce'srolein it.
Crocehas expoundedmanyofhiscurrent ideasin thereviewPolitica edited
by Coppolaand the minister
Rocco,and not onlyCoppola,I believe,but
manyothersare convincedof the usefulness
of the positiontakenup by
Croce,whichcreatesa situationfavorableto the practicaleducationto
Statelifeof thenewdirective
groupswhichhave mushroomed in thepost-
war period.
He goeson to interpretthe historyof Italy,indeedof WesternEurope
in theXIXth century in termsof a progressiveand 'molecular'absorption
intothe oligarchyof " the politicalpersonnelwhichmass movements, in
originsubversive,threwup." He citesas examplethe partyof actionof
1860-76,Mazzinianand Garibaldianin origin,and its 'absorption'by the
monarchy, leavingas futileremnant the republican party,whichhad 'piiu
un significato ' is
che storico-poltico.'Italian 'trasformismo
folcloristico
a classicinstance. In France,he dates the processfromthe Revolution;
in England,fromCromwell.
SincetheWorldWar,thesystemhas becomemoredifficult to manage,
buttherulinggroupsstillhavetheirdiversewaysand means.
Croce'sactivityis one of thoseways and means; his teachingproduces
perhapsthe greatestquantityof 'gastricjuices' necessaryto theworkof
digestion.Set in historicalperspective,
that of Italian history,
naturally,
Croce'sworkappearsas the mosteffective instrument forshaping[con-
formare]thenewforcesto its vital interests(futureno less thanimmedi-
ate) thattherulifigclass todaypossesses.44
The idea of historysubsumedunderthe conceptof a gastricjuice has its
ownentertainment value,but evidentlyGramsci,whenhe spokeof a con-
cretehistoricalhegemony, had in mindnothingmoreor less than what
present-day Englishpublicistsmeanwhentheytalk,as theyso oftendo,
of an Establishment.
This peculiarconsonance betweenmanyoftheconceptsofGramsciand
thoseof thecurrent BritishLeftis notthefreakishcoincidence
it appears.
Englishconcernwiththe 'Establishment,' with a suspectedoligarchical
tendency withinmodern parliamentary democracy,
is butonemanifestation
of the sustainedprocessof criticalre-examination to which Socialist
43Gramsci,Letteredal carcere,
137-8.
44Ibid.,193.

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598 GWYN A. WILLIAMS

thinkersare subjectingtheirbasic doctrines.This 're-thinking'is the

productof a particularconstellation of politicaland culturalforces. The
exhaustion oftheLaborMovement's ethicand its electoraldefeatscoincide
withtheapparentestablishment in Britainof a newformof ' managerial '
and 'affluent'societybased on active consentand clearlyenteringits
' momentof hegemony.'Confronted withthis bleak prospect,increasing
numbersof BritishSocialistsare abandoning the apparently bankruptor-
thodoxyofFabian empiricism and seekingenlightenment in a reinterpreta-
tion,in modernterms,oftheirolderand morefundamental traditions.At
thesametime,theparticular viewofculturewhichfirstfoundexpression in
Dr. F. R. Leavis's Mass Civilizationand MinorityCultureand whichhas
sincevirtuallyassumedthecharacter ofan Englishorthodoxy, the
stressing
claims of tradition, the organiccommunity, and minority enlightenment
in an allegedlyinvertebrate industrial democracy, has attainedthatstatus,
thatmeasureofacceptanceto makea revaluation virtuallyinevitable.The
essentialfeaturesofthisrevaluation are beingelaboratedby thinkers, gen-
erallyofSocialisttendency, whoare intensely awareofthe'popular' com-
ponentofanyway of life. In consequence therehas comeintoexistence a
wholeschoolof writersin Britain,rangingfromscholarslike Raymond
Williamsand RichardHoggart,authorof the sympathetic and highlyin-
fluentialstudyofworkingelass culture,The Uses ofLiteracy,to publicists,
politicaltacticians,and theyoungsociologists and neo-Marxists oftheNew
Left Review,whichis busilyengagedwiththoseveryproblemsof self-
perpetuating oligarchy, culturalintegration, and Socialistmoralitywhich
so exercisedGramsci. Illustrative quotationcouldbe pushedto thepoint
ofnausea.45 Suffice it to say thatthinkers oftheLeftin Britainare today
deliberately returning to the intellectual climateof late XIXth- and early
XXth-century Socialism,to thatperiodwhichfurnished Gramsciwithhis
immediate intellectual inheritance, and re-examining it in thelightofsocial
and ethicalconceptsand preoccupations no less centralfortheItalian.
Perhapsthebestillustration is thatprovidedby theessay"A House of
Theory" bytheOxfordphilosopher Iris Murdoch, sinceit is a directappeal
to theBritishLabormovement to sheditsempiricism and adopta morecon-
structive approachto theoretical formulation. " Socialism,"she writes
willcontinue to attempt to constitute itselfa science,inthesenseofa highly
organizedinvestigation of the mechanicsof society. But, and especially
sinceit cannotnowclaimto be thescientific studyof an inevitablequasi-
biologicaldevelopment, it should,in my view,also farmorefranklyand
moresystematically declareitselfa morality.46
In developing thisidea,Miss Murdoch,working independently in a totally
differentenvironment, nevertheless propounds an argument whosesimilari-
tiesto thatof Gramsciare sometimes striking.
45See, forexample,Williams,op. cit.; R. Hoggart,The Uses ofLiteracy(Lon-
don,1957) and especially,
the anthology of essays(including
contributions
by Mr.
Hoggartand Mr. Williams),Conviction, ed. NormanMackenzie(London,1958).
The 'Establishment'is becomingtheobjectof serious,ifpolemical,study-seeThe
Establishment,ed. HughThomas(a contributor to Conviction)(London,1959).
46 I. Murdoch,
" A HouseofTheory," in Conviction,
227.

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 GRAMSCI S CONCEPT OF EGEMONIA 599

The dangerrepresented by whatis calledthe 'managerialsociety' is the

danger(alreadydiagnosedby Marx as characteristic of capitalism)of the
divisionof the populationintoexpertsand ignorant(thoughperhapscon-
tented)masseswithno communication betweenthem;and we havenowthe
additionalspectacleof the divisionof the expertsintomutuallynon-com-
prehending groups. Whatis neededis an area of translation, an area in
whichspecializedconceptsand recommendations can be seen and under-
stoodin thelightof moraland socialideas whichhave a certaindegreeof
complexity and yetare notthesoleproperty oftechnicians.47
This formulation,of course,operatesoutsidethe categoriesof conven-
tionalMarxism(thoughnot,possibly,outsidethoseof Gramscihimself),
but 'echoes' continue to reverberate.For a largervision,says Miss Mur-
doch,EnglishSocialistshave " to lookback to Laski or Tawney,or search
forhintsin eccentricand little-known worksby Christiansor Marxists."
It is essentialthatthemovement bringback intothecenterof its thinking
itsoriginalsourceofinspiration,theproblemoflabor,
theproblem, thatis, ofthetransformationof labourfromsomething sense-
less whichformsno real partofthepersonality of thelabourerintosome-
thingcreativeand significant.To do thiswouldinvolvea re-thinking and
re-grouping on thetheoreticalplaneof conceptssuchas ' exploitation'and
' alienation'whichwere formerly gatheredabout the Labour Theoryof
Value. The familiarideasof' equality,''democracy,' 'freedom' needto be
understood anewin the lightof the problemof labourand not treatedas
independent ' absolutes' whosemeaningis takenforgranted.
Andaftera glanceat theGuildSocialists,
whosetheorycorrespondsin some
importantparticularsto Gramsci'srevolutionary
practicein 1919-20,she
concludes:
It is timenowto go backand exploretheotherroad,to go backto thepoint
ofdivergence,thepointnotso veryfarback at whichwe retainedas a liv-
ingmorality ideaswhichwerecommon to Marxandto WilliamMorris.48
This,surely,is thetruesignificance ofGramsci.He stoodat 'the point
of divergence';his was sucha morality.Absolvedby circumstance from
the exigencies and compromises of practicalleadership,
he was able to de-
velophis thought, in whichso manywideand variedinterests werefitted
intohis ownversionof the Marxistdialectic,accordingto its own inner
logic. The expression ofthatthought underthecircumstances,
is,inevitably
incomplete, fragmentary, and sometimes ambiguous.Onlythe mostsus-
tainedexegeticstudycan bringoutits fullmeaning.
It is the contention of thispaper,firstly,thatsuchan enterprise is as
necessary as it is attractive,forthecorollariesofGramsci'stheorems appear
to be of someconsequence, and not onlyforthe Marxistworld;secondly,
thatthestudentwhoundertakes it willbe themoresuccessfulto theextent
thathismindis as attunedto thecategories ofMorrisas to thoseofMarx.
University CollegeofWales,Aberystwyth.
47Ibid., 227-8.
48 Ibid.,229,230-31,232,233.

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