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2013
CONTENTS
Introduction: The Greek city and its religions after the Classical age 1
Onno van Nijf, Richard Alston and Christina Williamson
Rachel Mairs
Introduction
The site of Ai Khanoum is, at present, the only major settlement of the
Hellenistic Greek kingdom of Bactria to have been subject to extensive
excavation. As such, it provides an invaluable, if problematic, source of
information on this most remote and little-investigated of the Hellenistic
states. This paper will consider the citys major religious institution, the
Temple with Indented Niches, in the context of wider questions on the
ethnic and civic identity of the citys inhabitants. The topic is a conten-
tious one: the Mesopotamian style of the temple and the question of its
relation to other civic institutions have provoked considerable debate, and
the cultural dynamics of the city remain, to a great extent, obscure. Nev-
ertheless, there are approaches which may not only lead to a better under-
standing of Ai Khanoum itself, but may also prove of wider applicability
to other regions of the Hellenistic world.
What I seek to demonstrate in the present study is the potential of the
archaeological record for gleaning useful material on the construction and
articulation of ethnicity, and on the dynamics of Greek culture and iden-
tity in a Hellenistic colonial environment. As will be discussed below, the
concept that the urban layout of Ai Khanoum, the style and pattern of use
of its civic institutions, reflects some underlying social reality is not a
novel one. My argument is rather that this approach is one which we may
productively use to ground our understanding of the site as a whole.
The following discussion commences with some background informa-
tion on Hellenistic Bactria and the site of Ai Khanoum, before introduc-
ing the temple and its various problematic features. It then moves on to
consider how we might resolve some of our questions about this temple,
by reference to its wider urban context, and concludes by seeing what
basis this might give us for drawing up some hypotheses about the ethnic
and civic identities of the population of Ai Khanoum.
86 rachel mairs
1 This paper derives, in part, from a PhD thesis (University of Cambridge, Mairs 2006b)
written under the supervision of Dr. Dorothy J. Thompson, whom I thank for her advice
and support. A briefer account of my views on ethnic identity and the urban landscape of
Ai Khanoum has since been published in Mairs 2008.
Bernard et al. 2004; Shaked 2004; Flandrin and Bopearachchi 2005; and Clarysse and
Thompson 2007.
2 See e.g. Strabo 15.1.3. On the curious appearance of Graeco-Bactrian kings in medi-
aeval tradition, see Bivar 1950.
3 For critical discussion of the dynastic history of the Hellenistic Far East, see, in gen-
eral, Holt 1999, who also supplies a useful compendium of the relevant Classical sources.
4 On Bactria under Alexander and the Diodotids, see Holt 1988.
5 According to the analysis of Bopearachchi 1991.
6 Attested in Classical and Chinese sources, and by archaeological evidence from Ai
Khanoum and elsewhere in Bactria: Bernard 1985; Lyonnet 1991.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 87
7 On the historiography of the Greeks in Bactria and India, see Mairs 2006a.
8 Foucher 1942-47, 73-75, 310. On Foucher and the establishment of the Dlgation
archologique franaise en Afghanistan (DAFA), see Olivier-Utard 1997, Part 1; note, how-
ever, Grenets 1999 critical review of the latter part of this work. For another history of the
DAFA, see Bernard 2002.
9 Schlumberger 1960, 152.
10 On the Bactrian mirage and the archaeological reality, see Kuzmina 1976 and Holt
1987.
11 Francfort 1984, 4.
12 Holt 1999, 9-20.
88 rachel mairs
built and inhabited these sites.13 The next stage in the investigative process
must be to examine how the evidence currently at our disposal may be
used to look at the people and processes behind the material Mischkultur
of the Hellenistic Far East.14 In this, both as our most abundant source of
archaeological material and as a site which now possesses a substantial
bibliographical and historiographic tradition of its own, Ai Khanoum is
a fitting case study.
Ai Khanoum
13 For a critical discussion of the use of the concept of hybridity in the archaeology
of the Hellenistic Far East, see Mairs 2011a.
14 Droysens Mischkultur and its problems are discussed by Momigliano 1970, Praux
1978, 7ff, and Ritner 1992, inter alia.
15 Mairs 2011b provides an introductory overview, with further bibliographical refer-
ences, of the archaeology of the Hellenistic Far East as a whole.
16 Gentelle 1989; Lyonnet 1997; Gardin 1998.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 89
Ai Khanoum lies at the junction of the Oxus and Kokcha rivers on the
northern border of modern Afghanistan. The ancient name of the city and
the precise circumstances of its foundation are unknown. The city com-
manded a large agricultural hinterland, and its military and economic
importance can be seen from its position on the routes south to the mines
of Badakshan, the only major source of lapis lazuli in the ancient world,
and north into Central Asia. The site itself was well-defended, with a large
natural acropolis and heavy fortifications. Even so, the city was sacked in
the mid second century BC, around the time that the Greek kingdom of
Bactria as a whole fell to nomadic invasions from the north. Many of the
citys buildings were burnt or quarried for building material in the after-
math of the conquest, and later inhabitants disrupted or moved around
artefacts an issue which will be of some importance when we come to
consider the Temple with Indented Niches. More recent warfare has also
had its impact on the site: the Northern Alliance built a gun battery on
the acropolis, and extensive looting has taken place.23 The odds of survival
of the material excavated during the 1960s and 70s and taken to the
National Museum of Afghanistan in Kabul are, incidentally, better than
might have been expected. A large amount of material escaped the
destruction of the museum in storage,24 and during the present authors
visit in August 2005 one inscription from Ai Khanoum was even on dis-
play. Many items from Ai Khanoum were included in the major exhibi-
tion Afghanistan: Hidden Treasures from the National Museum, Kabul,
which toured various European and North American cities from 2006.25
Although the site has revealed some strikingly Greek architectural fea-
tures, such as a gymnasium and theatre, the hybrid Graeco-Oriental style
of other institutions has also provoked much comment. The palace or
administrative quarter (the terminology employed for this structure var-
ies from publication to publication), for example, is laid out on a plan
reminiscent of Persian palaces, but its colonnades were lined with Greek-
style columns, and Greek administrative texts, and even imprints of liter-
ary and philosophical works, were recovered from its treasury. But what
does such apparent cultural fusion in the art and architecture of this city
tell us about the identity of its inhabitants?
Anyone acquainted with the Hellenistic or Roman period in the Near
East is familiar with the methodological problems underlying such a
23 For the history of the site since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, see Bernard 2001.
24 Personal communication, Omara Khan Masoudi (Director of the National Museum),
August 2005.
25 French catalogue: Cambon and Jarrige 2006; English catalogue: Hiebert and Cam-
bon 2008.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 91
29 The Temple with Indented Niches goes by two names in the original publications
of the site: temple niches indentes and temple redans. In adopting Temple with
Indented Niches here, I follow Francforts 1984 usage in the series Fouilles dA Khanoum.
It should be noted, however, that terminological variation persists.
30 Bernard 1969; 1970; 1972; 1974; Bernard and Francfort in Bernard 1971.
31 Guillaume 1983.
32 Bernard 1974, 287-289; Bernard 1976a, 303-306; Bernard 1976b, 272.
33 Described briefly in Bernard 1976a, 306-307; Downey 1988, 75; and Bernard 1990,
54. Boyce and Grenet 1991, 181-183, draw on unpublished material.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 93
practice for which there are Iranian and local Bactrian parallels. The Tem-
ple with Indented Niches is therefore the only major temple known at Ai
Khanoum. The city possessed nothing which we would recognise as a
typical Greek-style temple.
The non-Greek character of the temple and many of the artefacts
recovered from it is striking, and raises numerous questions about the
cultural identity of the people who used it. I intend to focus on two par-
ticularly problematic issues. First, the nature and diversity of cult practice
within the temple and its sanctuary. Is there a more productive approach
which we might seek to take to this, than the conventional identification
of a Greek/non-Greek dichotomy?
Secondly, there is the basic architectural plan of the temple, which is
commonly referred to as Mesopotamian in inspiration, and has been
compared to the later temples of Dura Europos. What does this actually
signify, what might it have meant to the people who used this temple, and
can we find a way of reconciling it to the temples local Bactrian context?
Finally, I will consider the Temple with Indented Niches in its urban
setting at Ai Khanoum, and ask how it related to the citys other struc-
tures, where displays of Greek identity might be more overt. Does it com-
promise our picture of a strong Greek enclave at Ai Khanoum, or is there
a way in which we might attempt to view the operation of the city and the
cultural and religious lives of its inhabitants on a more organic level? How
did the citys population use their urban environment in the construction
and assertion of their identities?
The temple building itself was roughly square, with sides of around 20
metres, and stood on top of a stepped, raised platform. At all periods, it
appears to have comprised a vestibule or pronaos, reached by a set of
stairs, and a cella, which in later periods was flanked by two smaller sac-
risties. The temples distinctive indented niches, from which it derives its
modern appellation, lay along its exterior walls.34 The excavators identi-
fied five architectural phases, dating the earliest to the late fourth or early
third century BC.35 The chronology of the structure can only be sketched
The vases were upturned, and designed to receive libations poured directly
onto the earth: residues of liquid remained inside them. In later phases,
extensive renovations were made in the temple platform; the practice of
chthonic libations, however, continued.43 Chthonic libations of this sort
fit into a long-standing Central Asian tradition, from the late Bronze Age
onwards.44 Although this practice was evidently accepted at the Temple
with Indented Niches it persisted over a long period of time, and involved
physical engagement with the structure of the temples platform we may
perhaps see it as an example of the ways in which official cult and reli-
gious architecture could be adapted to the needs and practices of the peo-
ple who used it. In terms of the relationship between this local practice
and the main cult in the temple building, we should note that the libations
were made at the back of the temple, outside the line of approach to the
main cult which took place inside, but still providing a close point of
physical proximity to the sacred site, perhaps without having to negotiate
the schemata of behaviour and cult practice associated with entering the
temple itself.
There were two subsidiary chapels within the sanctuary. Both are on a
plan which we might view as more recognisably Greek, with columned
vestibules. The basic plan is, however, so simple that we cannot use it to
draw any major comparisons. No cult images or evidence of cult activity
were recovered from the chapels.45
Outside these main foci of activity the temple building, the libation
jars at the rear of the platform and the two smaller subsidiary chapels the
wider sanctuary reveals evidence of further forms of cult practice. Brick
altars stood on the upper exterior steps of the temple platform, and small
limestone pedestals were found throughout the site, whether inside the
temple itself, or in the sanctuary courtyard and the rooms surrounding
it.46 The most commonly accepted suggestion is that they supported metal
burners designed to receive offerings.47
A number of different artistic styles occur in the equipment from the
temple, ranging from ivory furniture in a Greek or Hellenistic style, to
objects in which Persian or Central Asian motifs are present. Although it
is worth noting that all of the necessary raw materials would have been
available to local craftsman, two examples of plaster mouldings demon-
strate one mechanism by which motifs might be propagated over a long
distance in the Hellenistic world: a rare point of access to the ways in
which ideas and artistic forms might physically be transmitted.48
Potentially more eloquent are the ivory figurines and terracottas. Only
a relatively small number of terracottas were recovered from the sanctu-
ary; these include male and female human figures, and roughly-modelled
animals. They form part of a more varied corpus of similar objects found
throughout the city and the region. Ivory fertility goddess figures also
occur.49 These too are representative of a much more widespread network
of practices. In terms of their context at the Temple with Indented Niches,
they do not enable us to say anything about the formal cult practised in
the main temple building, but may be used to add to our picture of the
spectrum of less formal religious practices for which this cult site could
become a focus.50
Having surveyed the evidence for religious practice in different areas
of the Temple with Indented Niches and its sanctuary, we may now return
to the question of how this complex functioned as a whole. Although I do
not propose any regulated internal coherence among the religious prac-
tices attested, we cannot afford to segregate our analysis of them the site
was clearly used for a variety of practices: formal and informal, ceremo-
nial and more everyday. Whether or not an individual engaged in more
than one form of religious activity in the course of a visit to the temple
or whether they might perform more than one form of religious activity,
but for different purposes on different occasions they cannot have been
unaware of the other uses to which the temple complex was put. Although
access to the main temple building, and further to its cella and sacristies,
may well have been restricted, the sanctuary courtyard was an open space,
with the potential for religious activity to be performed openly. A certain
amount of tunnel vision may have been in order, with the possibility of
ignoring activities in which one was not actively engaged, but it would
have required an unreasonable degree of denial and deliberate obtuseness
for an individual to mentally appropriate the temple as purely a temple
of Zeus, or anything else. Whether we suppose that anyone in fact did so
Mesopotamian analogies
51 For this inscription, see Robert 1968, with further commentary in Veuve 1987.
52 Obviously the temple was a meeting-place for local worshippers, Greek colonists,
and officials from the neighbouring palace, Boyce and Grenet 1991, 169.
53 Bernard 1969, 336-337.
54 See e.g. the temples at Assur and Uruk: Downey 1988, Figs. 5 and 66.
98 rachel mairs
stepped platform on which the temple sat (Figure 4). In addition, the basic
schema of a cella with lateral sacristies, preceded by a pronaos, closely
approximates that of the Parthian period temples at Dura Europos.55 In
Bactria, comparisons have also been drawn with Dilberdzhin and Takht-
i Sangin;56 similar motifs and layout recur at the second temple of Ai
Khanoum, outside the city walls. This apparent export of a Mesopotamian
temple type to Hellenistic Bactria is striking, and has provoked consider-
able debate. The question of the mechanism by which this form was trans-
mitted, and of what ethnic and cultural implications it holds, however,
requires some further consideration. My argument, to be outlined in
greater depth below, is that the origin of the Mesopotamian form of the
Temple with Indented Niches is to be sought in Achaemenid Bactria, and
that, whilst the choice of this form cannot be used to make assumptions
about the ethnic identity of the population of Ai Khanoum, it can be used,
in comparison with other institutions within the city, to make some pre-
liminary arguments about the particular locations which served as a focus
for the expression of (Greek) ethnic identity.
Maximalist interpretations of the evidence would hold that the Temple
with Indented Niches is the product of a deliberate policy of architectural
and, implicitly, cultural fusion, orchestrated by a central power.57 Downey
states that this combination of forms in the architecture of a distant col-
ony argues for a considered attempt to create new styles of architecture
based on an amalgamation of varied traditions.58 The fact that the Temple
with Indented Niches existed in much the same form from very early in
55 Dura Europos recurs as a frequent point of comparison: Bernard 1969, 334; Downey
1988, 85; Bernard 1990, 51; Rapin 1992b, 114-115. The problems of this otherwise neat
analogy are that: 1) although there are clear basic similarities in form, there are also numer-
ous differences; and 2) there is too wide a chronological and geographical gap between
Dura and Ai Khanoum to posit any direct relationship between the two; Downey 1988, 85;
Bernard 1990, 52. As I will argue below, reference to the common Achaemenid/Near East-
ern background explains many of these similarities, making the temples of the two cities
distant cousins rather than part of the same direct line. Analogies are also occasionally
drawn with the Parthian period at Bard-e Nechandeh and Masjid-i Solaiman, but these are
highly problematic: see e.g. Bernard 1990 in contrast to Bernard 1976b; Hannestad and
Potts 1990, 115; Boyce and Grenet 1991, 44-48; Rapin 1992b, 106-107.
56 Rapin 1992b, 112-113. There are several good surveys of the Hellenistic Bactrian
temples known from archaeological excavation, notably: Bernard 1990; Boyce and Grenet
1991, 165179; Hannestad and Potts 1990; and, in conjunction with the Seleukid evidence,
Downey 1988. Litvinskii and Pichikyan 2000, 283-293, explicitly consider the Temple of
the Oxus at Takht-i Sangin alongside Ai Khanoum and Dilberdzhin.
57 The suggestion (Bernard 1976b, 270) that the Mesopotamian form of the temple may
be due to a sizeable Mesopotamian contingent in the settler population of Ai Khanoum
must, in the absence of any corroborating evidence, be held to be something of an inter-
pretative deus ex machina.
58 Downey 1988, 3.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 99
the life of the city might indeed appear to suggest this kind of deliberate
implantation, rather than a process of architectural and religious hybrid-
isation of longer gestation. In the absence of any earlier regional architec-
tural context, the form of the Temple with Indented Niches highly rem-
iniscent of Mesopotamian types, but with elements such as Greek columns
and statuary, and subsidiary chapels on a more recognisably Greek plan
is striking, and the argument that its form and style represent an artificial
construct is an attractive one. The heterogeneous nature of cult practice
within the temple and its sanctuary might also suggest that a deliberately
non-Greek or hybrid architectural form would be appropriate,59 although,
as I have argued above, this multiple dedication or use of a sanctuary
should in fact present no such conflict.
We should, however, be resistant to making the Temple with Indented
Niches and its origins any more synthetic or artificial than they need be.
Just because the interplay of artistic motifs and architectural forms is com-
plicated, this does not mean that this complexity must be deliberate.60
Given the early date of the temples foundation we have essentially two
choices in how we assess its architectural form and diversity of cult prac-
tices: either it represents a deliberate policy of fusion (which would still
have to be imposed in practice), or it is something, already at this early
stage, that its constituency would have found appropriate or at least accept-
able. This does not have to imply any great open-mindedness towards cul-
tural or ethnic fusion on the parts of either first-generation Greek settlers
or native Bactrians, simply that the bounds of the alien, and perhaps with
this the spectrum of ethnic indicia, had already been subtly reset:
il y a dabord ces modles orientaux que les constructeurs grco-bactriens
nont pas pu ou nont pas voulu ignorer et qui ont nourri et stimul leur
inspiration: modles qu la faveur de lunit politique ralise par la royaut
sleucide ils ont pu connatre dans tout lOrient non-mditerranen, du
Proche-Orient iranis, hritier des traditions msopotamiennes, jusqu
lAsie Centrale dont nous entrevoyons quelle dut exercer sur eux une pro-
fonde influence.61
The starting point of our discussion of the temple ought to be the more
minimalist approach of noting simply that similarities in form exist. I am
inclined, in general, to treat the drawing of architectural comparisons
with some scepticism. The Temple with Indented Niches is, perhaps, a
special case, with its particular layout, and such distinctive features as the
stepped platform and brick niches. Even for a Hellenistic city, this is no
ordinary temple, and its lack of any counterpart in more Classical Greek
style means that we must find a way of analysing its form which takes into
account the important role it must have played in the life of the city of Ai
Khanoum, with its Greek public inscriptions and institutions such as the
theatre and gymnasium. My question is two-fold: how did Ai Khanoum
come to have a Mesopotamian temple; and what cultural messages did
this building send out to the people who used it?
The most plausible explanation of the Temple with Indented Niches
form is, as with so many other aspects of the Hellenistic world, to see it
in an Achaemenid context.62 This recognition of the Achaemenid blue-
print underlying many of the forms and structures of the Hellenistic
world bureaucracy, administration, aspects of society and culture has
been particularly in evidence in the work of Pierre Briant,63 and provides
the basis for an approach which has the potential to give us a valuable
longer chronological perspective, as well as highlighting the strength and
importance of the various non-Greek cultures of the Hellenistic world.
Our response to something such as the Temple with Indented Niches, in
other words, ought to be less Classical and more Hellenistic, and implicit
in Hellenistic is Achaemenid.
Although Ai Khanoum, in its excavated form, is very much a Greek
colonial foundation, the history of occupation of the site and its hinter-
land is much longer.64 Archaeological evidence from Achaemenid Bac-
tria in general is, unfortunately, extremely scanty, although the 2005
excavations at Balkh (ancient Bactra) have yielded some material from
Achaemenid-period strata.65 The newly-discovered Aramaic documents
from Bactria provide an extremely valuable source of information on the
administration of the region under the Persians, and may also add some-
thing to our picture of religious life in Bactria at that period: the pres-
ence of theophoric names, and references to specific cults, suggest the
62 Bernard 1990, 52, rightly notes that the most likely solution to the problem of the
Temple with Indented Niches is to posit local antecedents in Achaemenid Bactria, which
have yet to be recovered archaeologically. My inclination here is to push this Achaemenid
angle still further.
63 For an ego-histoire, see Briant 1996, 9-11.
64 Synopsis of finds from periods from the Chalcolithic to the Islamic: Gardin 1998,
105-124. The strong evidence for Achaemenid period settlement at Ai Khanoum itself
(although no architecture remains) is noted by Leriche 1986, 71-72. On pre-Hellenistic
fortified sites in eastern Bactria, see Gardin 1995.
65 Personal communication, Roland Besenval, August 2005. See also now the publica-
tions of the recent DAFA work at Bactra in Bernard, Besenval and Marquis 2006 and
Besenval and Marquis 2007. Updates on the Balkh excavations available on the DAFA
website at www.dafa.org.af (accessed 27.10.2010).
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 101
66 Preliminary report in Shaked 2004; full edition Naveh and Shaked (forthcoming). I
am grateful to Professor Nicholas Sims-Williams (SOAS) for allowing me to read a manu-
script of the forthcoming full publication of these texts.
67 In general, Briant 1987; Egypt: Ray 1987; Bactria: Briant 1985.
68 Briant 1986.
69 On the notorious (but ambiguous) case of the Egyptian cult of the Apis bull, see
Herodotos 3.27-30; Posener 1936, 171-175, Plate 2.
70 Briant 1986, 438.
71 For case studies and discussion, see Downey 1988.
102 rachel mairs
78 Preliminary reports: Bernard 1967, 317-319; 1968, 276-279; 1976a, 293-302; Veuve
and Liger in Bernard et al. 1973, 40-45; full publication: Veuve 1987.
79 Editio princeps: Robert 1968, 417-241, now IK Estremo Oriente 381; further com-
mentary in Veuve 1987.
80 Veuve 1982.
81 Bernard 1976b, 274; Rapin 1992a, 115.
82 Hannestad and Potts 1990, 98.
83 Bernard 1976b, 274.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 105
84 The difficult question of the degree of intermarriage in the Greek settlements of the
Hellenistic Far East is here, of necessity, only briefly explored; for a more detailed discus-
sion, see Mairs 2006b, Ch.2.
85 Bernard et al. 1973; Grenet 1984, H8, provides a brief but convenient summary.
86 Editio princeps and commentary: Robert 1968, n.421-431; now IK Estremo Oriente
382-384.
87 A discussion of the inscription of Kineas, the Delphic connection to Greek colonisa-
tion and Ai Khanoum is under preparation in Mairs forthcoming. The general substance
of my argument there is that the Delphic maxims are an attempt to forge a connection
between Ai Khanoum and the centre of the Greek world, whose oracle gave divine man-
date for Archaic and Classical Greek colonies. But this connection is never stated to be
direct Ai Khanoum was not founded in the same way as a Classical Greek colony in the
Mediterranean and the date of the inscription, in the second or third generation of the
106 rachel mairs
Hellenistic city of Ai Khanoum, suggests a desire on the part of the citys population to
re-state their ethnic and cultural belonging to the wider Greek world at a time when their
Greek identity may have been felt to be under threat.
88 Mairs 2007.
89 Downey 1988, 53-55, 62.
90 Van der Spek 2005, 398-399.
the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 107
91 Notably Guillaume 1983 on the propylaia and Rapin 1992a on the treasury and
palace/administrative quarter.
92 I was able to consult this work in the library of DAFA in Kabul, for which I am
grateful to the Director of DAFA, Roland Besenval, and the library staff.
108 rachel mairs
Department of Classics
University of Reading
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the temple with indented niches at ai khanoum 115
Figure 3. The Temple with Indented Niches and its sanctuary (after Francfort 1984).