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THE STRATEGY OF SOVIET PROPAGANDA
HAROLD D. LASSWELL
Yale Law School
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68 THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE WORLD [VoL. XXIV
the mark to say that the traditionof the Russian ruling class
is to discount both ideas and the human mind; for the strategy
of Russian propaganda acts upon pessimisticassumptionsabout
the capabilities of mankind for enlightenmentby peaceful
persuasion.
Consider for a moment the doctrinal frameworkin which
propaganda operations are conceived. Distrust of the "ideo-
logical " can readily be derived from the stressput upon the
primacy of " material" factors in history. This inheritance
fromMarxismwas given a special twist in the lives of the chief
conspirativeleaders of Russian socialism. Lenin was only too
conscious of being in a minority. His conceptionsof revolu-
tionaryaction reflectedthe helplessnessthat he felt in the face
of the task of winning the Russian masses by peaceful per-
suasion. He saw in the ideologicalstructureof Russian peasants
and workersthe imprintof the materialascendancyof the old
ruling class. The sluggishness,stubbornnessand stupidityof
the Russian masses, against which Lenin railed at times, were
ideological factorsin history. But these gigantic icebergswere
frozen into shape by the " material" forces at the disposal of
the older elites.
And how were these ideological residuesto be brokenup and
melted down? Not by persuasion,concluded Lenin. Only by
sweeping material transformations. But how was this to be
reconciled with the use of propaganda?2
It is not necessaryto assume that Lenin solved the problem
of the interplayof materialand ideologicalfactorsin a manner
free of contradiction or entirely in harmony with scientific
knowledge. But the conspirativeactivistsof Russia hammered
out strategy and tactics that continue to influence Russian
leaders. The making of propaganda is primarilya " material"
activityin the sense that it dependsupon the controlof instru-
ments of production, such as presses capable of turning out
magazines, pamphlets and books; and it depends upon hours
of labor devoted to processing and distributingthe product.
It is " material" in the added sense that it is possible to con-
centrate upon audiences who occupy disadvantageousmaterial
2 Concerning the theory of propaganda used by Soviet leaders see Alex
Inkeles, Public Opinion in Soviet Russia (Cambridge, I950).
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No. 2] SOVIET PROPAGANDA 69
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70 THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE WORLD [VotL. XXIV
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No. 2] SOVIET PROPAGANDA 71
strategiesof Russian propaganda. Many essentialfeatureswere
exhibitedin the preparationby Lenin for the seizure of power
in Russia. If we go back to the yearsof deepestdepressionfor
the revolutionarymovement (after the collapse of 1905), we
find that the firsttask of Lenin was to form primarynuclei
capable of furtherexpansion. Lenin and his followers pro-
vided the man-hoursfor propaganda work. They were often
able to gain recruits by direct personal propaganda, often
preceded and facilitatedby the output of the party presses.
When the primary nuclei became sufficientlyabundant to
operateas a significantpart of the power processin tradeunions,
in political partiesand in parliament,a second task took shape.
The problem was to find allies without losing independence.
Now allies,whetherinside or outside of the socialistmovement,
were full of danger to the towering ambitionsof a Lenin (or
Leninists). Without allies thereis the threatof being crushed
entirelyby a combinationof hostileelementswhose strengthis
potentiallyoverwhelming, The propaganda strategyof Lenin
was to keep alive an attitude of suspicion toward allies, while
at the same time lulling the ally into complacency,or diverting
his attention to a common enemy, or fanning disunity.
Propaganda has many means of contributing to the com-
placency of an ally. There is the direct declarationof mutual
friendshipand admiration. And there is the nullifying of
hostile or disturbingmanifestations. The propaganda goal of
diverting attention to a common enemy is comparatively
obvious, but the tactic of fomentingdisunity is exceedingly
complicated. Plainly the ally must not be allowed to weaken
below a point where his usefulnessagainst a common enemy
is lost. But internal tension can absorb attention, and thus
divert attentionfrom inconvenientfeaturesof the Leninist-led
group. The strategyof divisionpaves the way for
coperating
with minoritiesin wreckingor taking over the control of the
ally at some future date.
The thirdstage is the seizureof power, and this sets a some-
what differentpropaganda task, which is to demoralize the
potential opposition, and to gain support, by creating an im-
pressionthat all furtheropposition,or nonco6peration,is both
uselessand immoral.
At any given moment the Lenin-led groups might find it
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72 THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE WORLD [VoL. XXIV
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No. 2] SOVIET PROPAGANDA 73
cerned with public order and information). The third stage
came with the seizure and consolidation of power by coup
d'e'tat (within a " frameworkof legality"). It was during
the second stage that the greatestversatilitywas requiredin the
handling of Russian propaganda, since it was necessaryto keep
in balance the often contradictorytasks of fosteringa dis-
tinctivesenseof mission,complacencyon the part of potential
enemies (including allies), diversionof attentionto common
enemies, and disunity. This was the period in which such
illusionswere useful as that Russian policy has at last " settled
down " to peaceful coexistenceand to the restorationof genuine
co6perativeeffort. The third stag8 is less subtle and far more
ruthless,sinceit involvesthe spreadingof terror,often by means
of close correlationand co6perationwith acts of violence.4
Looking at the world picture as a whole, it can be said that
Russian propaganda is best served at the firststage (penetrat-
ing a new community) by propaganda that possesseshigh doc-
trinal content. It is the function of propaganda during this
period to provide a professionalnucleus of revolutionariesto
give skillful direction to ensuing activities. Suppose we ask
ourselves why the propagandistsof the Kremlin continue to
repeat so many of the time-worn doctrines of the Marxist
tradition. Clearly the answer is that most of the traditional
doctrinesare of demonstratedeffectiveness in appealing to the
disaffectedof many lands, whetherin the heartlandsof modern
industrialism,or among the peoples long subject to the economic
expansionismof Western states. It is an old story that the
dissolutionof ancient loyaltiesand the break-up of old religious
faiths and philosophicaltraditionshave been signs of, and in
turn contributoryto, the vast transformationsthrough which
mankind is passing in our historicalperiod. It is an old story
that Marxist doctrinehas provided a secular substitutefor the
universalityof aim, of cosmic outlook, and of personal identi-
ficationwith destinywhich were part of earliersystems. No
4 Consult these authoritativeand concise case studies: Ivo Duchacek,
"The Strategyof Communist Infiltration:
Czechoslovakia,1944-48",World
Politics, vol. II, No. 3 (April 1950), pp. 345-72, and "The February Coup
in Czechoslovakia", ibid., July 1950, pp. 511-32; Stephen D. Kertesz, "The
Methods of Communist Conquest: Hungary, 1944-1947", ibid., October
1950, pp. 20-54.
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74 THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE WORLD [VOL. XXIV
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No. 2] SOVIET PROPAGANDA 75
Think finally of the revision which the "imperialism and
war " thesishas undergonein recentyears. I referto the con-
ception of capitalistencirclementof the " SocialistFatherland",
and the promotionof armamentand war as means of preparing
an attack upon Russia, particularlyin the hope of diverting
against an outside group the gatheringrage of the unemployed
massesof a collapsingcapitalism. Is it not true that capitalistic
countrieshave been steppingup theirexpendituresof arms?
These doctrinallines have an importantplace in the strategic
balance of Russian propaganda appeals. Recruits continue to
be sought by means of study groups devoted to the writingsof
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and other acceptable figuresin the
canonical list. That these study groups are effectiveinstru-
mentsof Russian power has been demonstratedmore than once.
May I remindyou that when the Canadian governmentlooked
into the spy ring in Canada, the trail led to study groupsorgan-
ized privatelyas recruitingstationsfor personsof high intellect
and culture. WhereverMarxism-Leninism-Stalinism is ignored
in the advanced educational systemsof a country, or tossed
aside with conspicuousprejudice by teacherswho are obviously
ignorantof the subject, the basis is laid for curiositiesthat may
be gratifiedin privateand faintly(or overtly) clandestinestudy
groups. In these intellectual" speak-easies" the doctrinalsys-
tem is expounded in a pious atmospherefreeof the critical,de-
flating effectof vigorous evalution on a comparative basis.
Study groups are an importantexample of the tactical principle
that it is possibleto move toward effectivepower in an indiffer-
ent or hostilesocietyby limitedconcentrationsof superiorityof
books and man-hours in propaganda work. (The step from
private study to espionageor sabotage is not too long for many
persons to make.)
It is noteworthythat the greatestsuccessesof Russian propa-
ganda have been scored among nonindustrialpeoples. This is
a good example of the choice of audience anywherein the world
wherevermaterial or ideological factors have created tension.
These activitiesare vital at all stages of the power-seizingproc-
ess, but create special resonancesat stages one and two above.
The Russian elite has become progressivelyclearer about the
potential r6le of the " ex-colonial" victimsof " imperialism",
especiallysince so many of the " ex-colonials" live on the con-
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76 THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE WORLD [VOL. XXIV
tinent of Asia within the shadow of the Russian world. The
new noncommunistelitesof thesecountriesare relativelyweak,
while the old elites are largely discredited. The sentimentof
nationalismcan be turned against former" oppressors" and di-
rectly toward complacent cooperation with Russia. Further,
the resentmentof ex-colonials is fed by the rankling memory
of the indignitiesimposed upon them by the " white imperial-
ists". In the traditionalliteratureof socialismthe link between
race prejudice and capitalism has long been forged. The
formula is that capitalistsseek to divide the workersfrom one
another, and to drive wages down, by setting black against
white, yellow against white, and so on. Seizing upon these
cleavages in the respect structureof the non-Russian world,
the strategyof Russian propaganda is to identifyimperialism
and ethnic discriminationwith capitalism. For thispurposethe
chief targetis the strongestcapitalistPower, the United States;
hence, the distortedimage of America as a land with Negroes
hanging from the lampposts, lynched by miserable gangs of
sharecroppersand unemployed workers, incited by ruthless
agents of the plutocracy who are commissionedto keep the
workersat one another'sthroats.5
The conspirative tradition of pre-revolutionarytimes has
left an imprintupon the channelsas well as the contentand the
strategic-tacticalcorrelationof propaganda with total policy.
Consider from this point of view the method of dual organi-
zation. This is the use of an open channel of propaganda which
is closely paralleledby a closed, secretchannel. The technique
can be applied in many ways, as when one is labeled " govern-
mental" and the other "party". If the upper corridor is
closed for reasonsof expediency,the basementis kept in oper-
ation (as when the Comintern was publicly extinguishedin
1943). The secretchannel can be a faction which is entrusted
with the missionof controllingthepolicy of organizationswhich
are nominally independentof party control. Hence the vast
network of "come-on" organizationswhich are used by the
party to permeateevery national community,seeking to reach
the armed forces,the police, the foreign service, business,the
5 For the whole pictureconsult FrederickC. Barghoorn,The Soviet
Image of the UnitedStates; A Studyin Distortion(New York, 1950).
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No. 2] SOVIET PROPAGANDA 77
professions, trade unions, cobperatives, schools, publishing
houses, radio-television,films,and the like. There is a slot for
housewiveswho hate high prices,for motherswho hate war, and
for humanitariansof every hue. Through these organizational
networks a great number of special environmentsare made
available for the restampingof minds, and for expanding the
material facilitieswithin the reach of the Russian leadership.
The Russian technique parallels in a curious way the means by
which in a capitalisteconomythe controlof a giganticnetwork
of private corporationsis obtained througha seriesof minority
stock ownerships. The parallel includes the use of " fronts"
who are called " dummies" in the vernacular of capitalism,
and somethingless complimentaryin the private language of
Russian propaganda.
Dual control was a congenial method in the hands of con-
spiratorLenin, who employeda small clique of disciplesto con-
tinue to do what he wanted to do regardlessof the formalpro-
hibitions of his party. One striking example is the secret
organization by means of which funds were raised through
robbery,counterfeiting, seductionof rich women, and the like.
To this day the channels of Russian propaganda continue to
use the dual structureappropriateto conspiracy. In this way it
is possibleto conduct activitiesof the utmostunscrupulousness.
We can sum up the strategyof Soviet propaganda by say-
ing that the chief strategic aim is to economize the material
cost of protectingand extendingthe power of the Russian elite
at home and abroad. Such propaganda is a struggle for the
mind of man, from the Soviet point of view, only in the sense
that it is a struggle for the control of the material means by
which the mindsof the massesare believedto be molded. Hence
the purpose of Russian propaganda is not peaceful persuasion
of the majorityof the people in a given countryas a prelude to
the taking of power. Rather, the task is conceived as that of a
minority that must remain an ideological minority until it
succeeds in accumulating the materialmeans of obtaining con-
sensus. In the earlystage of penetratinga new community,the
basic task of propaganda is to assistin establishingand shaping
primarynuclei of potentialleadershipat the next stages. When
enough strengthis assembledto admit of a strategyof coalition,
the task is to maintain separatism,coupled with propaganda
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78 THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE WORLD [VOL.XXIV
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