Mandan Grammar Edward Kennard International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 9, No. 1. (Aug., 1936), pp. 1-43. Stable URL htp:/flinks.jstor-org/sicisici=( 120-7071 % 28193608%299%3A 1%3C1%3AMG%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3 International Journal of American Linguistics is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hup:/www,jstororglabout/terms.hml. ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at hupulwww.jstor.orgijournalsuepress html. ch copy of any part of'a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sereen or printed page of such transmission, ISTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support @ jstor.org. hupulwww jstor.org/ Wed Jun 28 19:24:41 2006International Journal of American Linguistics Vouume IX NUMBERS 1 MANDAN GRAMMAR, By Epwarp Kenwarp TABLE OF CONTENTS Ternopveriow Puowovooy n Tee Consonants. 5-1. Vowels 8 Ti syllable 8 Duration 1-11, Accent : 12-17, Phonetic proceson 2...) Monruorooy 18. Grammatical processes 18, Stems 30. Composition of semis 21, Personal antl postesive pronouns 284 Tho Verdes 32, Charter and classes of verbs | 2527, Pronomina forms 29. General remarks 2A, Objective pronouns 25. Pronouns of transitive verbs 20, Infixed. pronouns : 21, Trrogalar pronouns 28-36. Verbal prefixes 28, Reflexive and zesiprocal verbs 20. Pomeasive verbal forms 30, Terative 31 Inceptive a: n 32, Instrumental prises 33, Profs 34, Profix a with verby of motion” 35, Prof ae 38, Prof & as insirumental Br Pree eae 38, Prox 0 futures. 1200000001 30-48, Nominaliaing prefixes 207 30, o- nominalizer = 40, Profi agentive ka A Protx tore 42, Prefix fo: with adverbs, nouns & 42, Bric fo Spang pati tind superlative. 4488. Verba! alfixon ‘44 Number, 2nd person plo 4. Nutter 3 foro pra. 48, Plural of noone wocmmossasanenwwned 6 as 15 re a5 16 8508, Quotative bat || 1 Suffix 1 Negative imperative . 2... |. Nogative mik 3: Conjunctive -ni . Address of men and women. Present tense. : Completive and evidential “te. Future he : Proterite -tecss cs Narrative past -omak- . Compulsory -st Dubitative ae oneness Customary sha: Usitative -ka- Intentive te - Incredulity -niduk | Imperative «- Mild imperative “hob. | Interrogative -2 Conditional =f, at. Optative do— ki "Temporal subordination, “ha ‘Temporal subordination, “hi. ‘Temporal subordination, -tiki The suffix nik... Causal subordination -sonik. Disjunctive suffixes hanks. Participle -na - Participle -& ‘Almost -nate J. Again ke Suffix “ah so... ‘aha with nouns. Suffix -eeka, as if Suffix ‘nae Negative. Suffix ni before ere to want Indirvct Objects se. tsee+e ‘The Noun . 185. Character of noun 86, Nominal prefix... 5798. Nominal suffixes 37 88, 39. Tndieeot object Instrumental sha Locative -ta.. “oka and2 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vou. 1x Paco 90, Directional -+ 25 91, Locative -20 25 92, Locntive -er0 25 98. Classifying -naceni 26 94. Even to taro ss 26 95. Definite articles... 26 96, ‘article 26 97. 26 98. Emphatic -ona 26 99-101. Possessive pronouns 2 99, Separable anc inseparable a 100, Terms of relationship . 28 101, Possessives of verbal nouns 25 102—103, Demonstrative pronouns 25 102, Demonstratives ae noun 25 103, Demonstrative adject 25 104, Interrogative pronouns ry 105. Inte pronouns 29 4106. Adverbs . 29 101. The Numerals 2» 117. Compound verbs 39 108. The Causative. 39 108. tue veeeeeee 2 110. Bir 30 ML. ereh 30 112. fei" 20 113, mt no 20 114, Position 2.2.) 0 115, Standing Js... a1 116, Sitting En la LIT. Lying a1 118-119. Reduplication 31 118. Repetition 119. Distribution 120, Verba of motion. 121, Habitual action =~ 122, Sound Symbolism 123, Interjections . 124, Word Order «. 125, Syntactic uses ‘Text wee INTRODUCTION ‘The Mandan language is spoken by about forty people on the Fort Berthold Reserva- tion in North Dakota. All of them are bilingual, speaking Hidatsa, another Siouan Janguage, closely related to Crow. Since the time of the smallpox epidemic in the middle of the last century, which reduced the number of the tribe to about 125, the Mandans have lived among and intermarried with the Hidatsa to such an extent, that there are only three people alive today, both of whose parents spoke Mandan, However, it is still used exclusively in three or four houscholds. This study is based on grammatical, lex- ical, and text material, obtained during the summers of 1933 and 1934 from the following informants: Bear on the Flat; Walter Face, ‘Edna Face, Nora Baker, Stephen Bird, Mark Mato, Bessie Medicine Stone, and Mary Atkins. Mary Atkins and Mark Mato trans- lated all the texts and furnished thegrammat- ical material. In practically all cases, examples of grammatical forms have been taken from texts, All the information of the earlier writers hhas been collected by Will and Spinden in | “The Mandans”, which includes a vocabulary of soven hundred words and a few grammat- ical notes. (Peabody Museum Publications in American Archeology and Ethnology vol. 3). There is a short text in Lowie's “Military Societies of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow. (Anthr. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist,, vol. 11). PHONOLOGY 1. consonanrs, Voiceleas Voiceloss Voiced Nasal Stop Fricative P Labial — Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal > t k e & 2. The above table is a schematic represen- tation of the Mandan consonants. The series of stops are all slightly aspirated. The degree of aspiration varies with the position of the sound, being more pronounced in initial and medial position than in final. Acoustically, the aspiration is stronger when the stop precedes a close vowel than an open one, although each representsonly o ne phoneme, ‘The glottal stop is of equal value with the | other consonants of the series.Nor ‘The spirants, # and c are the equivalents of the English » and sh respectively. The velar « approximates the ch in the German machen, ‘his clearly of equal value with the other continuous sounds of this series, as its morphological use indicates, but it may not be present acoustically when it follows an or ¢ in normal speech, as a result of assimila~ tion. Thus, ashuk — to go out, is always heard as a:‘ouk. 3. All of the consonants thus far described are surds and may occur in combination with one another. Two stops, spirant and stop, stop and spirant, two spirants, and occasion- ally stop-spirant-stop have been recorded. p,t and k appear in contact in such words as li buffalo, pke turtle, tkap brown, and pia autumn. However, none of these sounds ever ‘occurs in juxtaposition with a sonant, The- glottal stop never occurs preceding or follow- ing p, ¢ or & within a word, nor do the glottalized sounds p, t, k occur in Mandan, 4. The nasals and w are found in initial and ‘medial, never in final position. The sound represented by the symbol d is approximately like the nd in the English word ‘“hand”. It is produced with the tip of the tongue against, the upper tecth and in contact with the alveolar ridge. The quick release of the tongue from this position gives it the character of a stop. In some cases, particularly when it precedes a close vowel, it also acquires a distinct lateral quality. ‘This sound is related tor, which is not a true trill, but consists of a single quick contact of the tip of the tongue with the alveolar ridge. The flapped r occurs only in intervocalie position. ‘Three-consonantic clusters are avoided. For instance the second person plural suffix -nit before obligatory -sfoc becomes -ni (see §§ 53, 60), and the future -ktoc after a stem ending in a consonant becomes -ioc (see § 50). vownts 5, Mandan has seven pure oral and three nasalized vowels, They vary in regard to MANDAN GRAMMAR 3 length, but this will be discussed in another section. The qualities approximate those in the following English words, but without Aiphthongization: ans in father i as in “deep” asin open eas in “plate” w as in rule as in “got” ® as in unaccented a, as in “a ae ‘The nasalized vowels are q, j, and 4. 6. There are no diphthongs. Even in cases, in which two vowels are brought together as a result of affixation, there is no tendency to produce a glide. In these eases the vowels retain their individual qualities or they contract, producing generally a long vowel. ‘Examples: a’eukoe hho takes it out fa'rukoo ho will take it- out asic he follows asic he follows along ait ‘on top ia'kie toward the top a'pteho'e he eloped ‘oa‘ptho'e ‘he will elope Contractions: to moot T meet mist i> mit ‘imaha’poc he is lost ‘mismaha’poc Tam lost nich i> mie Whikwtec he helps himself mictietco T help myself wa} > wi Wruawroe he plows with it wwivrezw the plow (what he plows ‘with)| ‘The first person plural pronoun, nu is always contracted when used with verbs having a locative prefix, o, a, ori, losing its w Examples: mu a> no he hides we hide4 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vou. 1x mut i> ni Thekoe he knows nihekoe we know fpa’cirihoe he planned it ipa'oirthoe we planned it up 0> no ‘o’napoe he finds it rno'napoe we find it oke'tahoc he nailed it noba'tahoe we nailed it 7. Vowels may also be Jong, not as a result of contraction, but because they are different phonemes. ‘Examples: wood wound fox wild turnip THE SYLLABLE, 8, The syllable is closely related to the significant morphological units of the lan- guage. It may consist of a vowel, cv, eve, cove, or ove. By far the most common ayllabie unit is ov. The tendency of syllables to begin with a consonant is such that a syllable ending in a consonant, to which is suffixed an element beginning with a vowel, effects a transfer of the consonant to the succeeding syllable. Examples: Ki-pta’h. to turn back (stem) Ripa! hoo he turns back Bike-na ke to sit down (stem) Bi'skacna'-koe he sits down. pa-we’e to cut (stem) pasee’-00 he outs it orrwey k to hang down (stem) orrwcy'skoe it hangs down ako’ to scrape with a knife (ster) asko"-200 hho serapes it D ‘to taste (stem) da.ska’poc he tastes it DURATION 8. This item is closely related to that of accent, the tendeney being to lengthen an + c represents any consonant, ¥ any vowel accented syllable. There is no significant difference in the length of consonants, the length of a syllable being determined by vocalic quantity. ‘The vowel ¢ is approximately half the length of a, ¢, i, 0, w. Thus, the duration of a morphologic unit such as he're or ke’re sequal to pa or ka. The long vowels are about twice as long as the short ones. ‘The vowel a occurs only in the final syllable, as in suffixes like cok or rak, and is equal to ¢ or half a mora. This may be related to shortened unaceented a. Syllables are also lengthened for rhetorical effect, particularly certain elements which carry continuative connotations. ‘For example: daha:micmi: going along; (deh- stem to go, & ‘changes toa before ha; ha-continuative suffix; ‘i. an element indicating continuation, here recluplicated) ACCENT 10, Accent in Mandan is stress upon one or more syllables of a unit complex (word), and is related to the phenomena discussed under Duration. The stress is concerned with the thythm of speech, and does not affect the phonetic or grammatical processes of the language. There are no words differentiated by change of accent alone such as occur in Dakota. Frequently, the accent of a stem is changed ag a result of composition or affixa- tion, but the changes cannot be reduced to rule. The general tendency is one of alternat- ing stresses, the first being more pronounced than succeeding ones. And the units which are considered are those of length rather than syllables. numa una chiat H’muma'kei trickster nw'mgka'ki human. a’kinuma kaki Indian ‘The essential unit from which all the suceed- ing words are derived is nu'mat, but the accent changes frequently depending upon the length of the complex.No. MANDAN In some cases the accent is evenly distrib- uted, as in} nnatore ‘The rhythm of the above words is approxim- ately the same asthatof the French impossible. 11. The only instance in which change of accent is of grammatical significance, isin the future tense of a verb with the locative prefix o. The two o's (future time and locative prefix) are contracted and lengthened, and stressed. Even in this example, it is impossible to separate the change of accent from the related phenomenon of change in vocalic quantity. tobacco tunele (m. b. — vocative) orwey'toc it is hanging down ovrucwhoe it will hang down ‘hq'roe it is caving in ovharoe it will eave in fwa'kakakoe Tam mired tvwakaka'koe I will be mired ‘oka’ptitoe he shoots it down o'kaptitoc he will shoot it down PHONETIC PROCESSES 12, The sounds represented by the symbols 4, n, and r form two phonemes. d occurs only in initial position. In intervocalic position it changes to r, unless the preceding syllable consists of m or n and a vowel, in which case it changes to n. Examples of the change from dtorare: aehoe he goos ware TB tuze'boe he lifts it ‘waru’zokoe Tift it twiruzok an levator ao'thic hho strikes it waro‘tkic da'skapoe ‘wara’skapoc ‘ara‘skapoc you taste it ‘ora'skapoe he will taste it ‘Examples of the change from d to n are: dakoe hho buries it ‘mana‘koe ‘he buries me auza'boe hi lifts it ‘manuzokoe he lifts me GRAMMAR 3 duksi'bsiroe he tiekled hima ‘nunuksi'beiroe we tiekled him awiso he touches it ‘manutkee he touches me duusko'poe hho bends it ‘manu'ekopoe Tam bent The other phoneme consists of an initial n which changes to r in intervocalic position, unless the preceding vowel is preceded by a nasal consonant. nazw'mglee he was munching it, ‘orazu'roe he will rounch it napu'roe hie dishelieved it ‘wara’puroe —T disbelieve it 13, Although w and m are separate phon- emes in most instances, the w changes tom under the following conditions. When an element composed of w plus a vowel is prefixed to a stem or an element beginning with a nasal consonant, the w frequen changes to m. This is not absolute, since it i in some degree dependent upon the speed of articulation, and the closeness of integration of the elements involved. ‘ma'mannroe for ma'eanié'roe I steal it ‘ma:matacize for warma'tacizie she does not like me ‘mamanapes for mawa'napee I danced 14, When a syllable composed of a conson- ant plus a occurs between two close vowels, the a frequently changes to «, an effect of vocalic harmony. e’werehoc I want it, for e’warchoo ‘oi'resekoe you will do it, for of rasekoe Fuehekoc —T know it, for iwahekoo 16. Verb stems ending in e change the ¢ to a before the following suffixes: nia general connective suffix ta imperative mode, addressing men ‘na imperative mode, addressing women *tconditional mode “ha continuative “nit second person plural suffix (with prefix da) “Hi negative suffix (with prefix wa:) This change is not a strictly phonetic process, but must be regarded as a correlate of theGg INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vou. 1x grammatical process of suffixing. It is not limited to verb stems with final e, but affects those ending in -eh, the causative here, and the third person plural suffix -kere as well. It is analogous to the same type of change in Ponea and to the reverse change of a to «in Dakota, Examples: ni connective conjunction tevharani he killed it and — (te: to dies hara > here, causative, changed by the following -ni) nivkarani they climbed and — (ni to climb; chara’ > kere, third person plural suffix, changed by the following -ni) au’hing €72ho'makoe he wanted to go (deh to go: | ‘niconneotive suffix; the - is inserted avoiding the contact of @ voiced consonant with am ‘unvoivod one) do'pzant e'rehos he wants to come in (do'pa to enter; ni) plain ho ran, an — (plch to ran; ni) -40 imperative, addressing men ha‘ta look! (he to see; ta) dathia go! (deh to go; ta) ‘makina'ta tell met (me me; Kina’ to dua‘ take itt (duce to take; ta) -na imperative, addressing women dopar’na come int (do'pae 10 enter; na) dehha’rana send him! (deh to go; ha'ra > here, causative: na) Aaata'na to itt (aske” to tio: na) sak’ zekirw’peana listen! (nako' ze cars; Bir pee ‘0 stand tp; na) Jha contin pla’ha running (ptch to run; ha) Irwcaha grasping it (iruee to grasp; ha) daha ma'niha going along (deh to g0; Ra) ‘eat’ shat tying them in bunches (Laske’ totic, ‘rom ata relupleated, "in bunches” ha) -nit second person plural suffix ‘ware’hraharan tk if you put something there {ea something; reh = deh to gos ra > da pro- noun, you; Rara > here, ausatives nit second person plural; ki subordinating sux) orarahinitoe you will go (0 futuro: a > da yous rah > deh to go; nit second person plural suffix, | “i separating surd and sonant; oe verbal suffix, addressing men) ei'raharani'tore you did it wll (ci good; radayou: hhara > heré, causative; nit; ore verbal suffix, addressing women) {t’raharanitki when you kill it; (te to dios ra you; hhara from here, causative: nit; Hi temporal subordination) at, ¢ conditional mode ‘te'kakara't they can take caro of themselves (ite’ka; kara > kere, third person plural suffix; ¢ conditional mode) Miri'ereki obina’karat if they got back, they: ‘will tell kina’ to tell; o future time; Lara > ere, third person plural suffix; t) ooi'at it would be good (0 future time; ei good; at) orw'kvakara’t they would cross (0 future time; @u’bxa to cross; kara > kere, third person Plural suffix ¢) -niz, -2i negative suitix ‘ma:'nukiha zie wo did not see (ma: > wa nega- ‘tivo profix; nu wo; ha > he to soo; 2 negative suffix, ¢ verbal ending adressing men) swa:owara’hinizo're T'm not going (wa: negative pofix; o future time; wa T; rah > deh, to go; nix; ore verb ending, addressing women) swara’hinizok maybe he did not go (rah > deh, as in preceding example) wa’aplahi nézoe he did not run away (soa: nega: tive prefix; a’ptah rom apteh, to Tun away; riz; oe verbal ending, addressing men) 16. A sonant and a surd may never occur in combination. When, as a result of affixa- tion, this would oceur, the vowel of the suffix is inserted between the surd and sonant. Examples: Kipta’hiné (Kipta’h plus ni) ho turned back and peiwe’cana (pave's plus na) cut itt ‘itech nistoe (niaek plus nistoe) lot us do itt inickapatine'ts (Chapae plas nite) your origin 17, Whenever a suffix beginning with « vowel is used with a stem ending in a vowel, an r is inserted between the two vowels Examples: pire (pti plus ¢) a buffalo Guzw'roe (duzu’ plus oc) he plows ‘s'r0c (0i plus 0¢) it is yellow ppasa're (paaa’ plus ¢) a creek In other cases two vowels may stand in contact (see § 6). Thisis evidently a common trait of Mandan and Winnebago. In Winnebago when the first consonant of a cluster is a surd, a palatal ordental spirant, and the second is a labial or dental surd or spirant these cannot appear in contact, but the vowel following theNor second consonant is repeated between the | first and second consonant.t Tn Mandan we have virie to slice, ‘Teton sletoa fcanah to. thresh ana vinth cold Sani Bini to crumble Sani to tremble Kiri to arrive sgl pirih to spread out}, mnt Avoidance of consonantie clusters is also indicated in cir’ to orawl ‘Toton slo(ha’) wero to jingle ela zero to rattle 3 za MORPHOLOGY ORAMMATICAT, PROCESSES 18, Mandan employs the processes of affixation, reduplication, and position to express all grammatical ‘relations, and the composition of stems to form derivatives. ‘Locative ideas and those of instrumentality and direction are expressed by prefixing. ‘Morphemes indicating tense, mode, number, definiteness, indefiniteness, aspect, andexclu- sion are suffixed to the stem. ‘The demon- strative adjectives classify all objects accord- ing to position or form standing, sitting or lying, corresponding to the forms of erect, round or horizontal objects, and are suffixed to the noun. Reduplication as a free process is little used today, the concepts of distribution and repetition being expressed in other ways. That it was a more regular process in the past may be surmised from the fact that all examples are taken from the texts obtained from old informants, ‘Tho relation of subject and object is deter- ‘mined by the order of the words in a sentence, the subject always preceding, except in the case of personal pronouns where the first person always precedes the second (see § 25). + Seo Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bull. 40 Bureau American Ethnology, Part 1, 888, MANDAN GRAMMAR z Al types of stems may be compounded in the formation of derivatives — noun and noun, noun and verb, and verb and verb, ‘The compound may be either noun or verb. STEMS 19. There is a clear distinction between nominal and verbal stems. This distinction is important, because the majority of affixed elements, although primarily verbal in character, may be used with nouns, When used in this manner, the verbal suffixes are the equivalent of the English verb “to be”, and form predicate nouns of the stems to which they are affixed. Although it is possible to nominalize verbs, one can never form verbal derivatives from nouns. The causative is an exception to this statement, since it can he used in conjunction with all types of stems, COMPOSITION OF STEMS 20, All types of composition occur in the formation of compound nouns; noun and noun; and noun and verb. ‘Noun and noun {sthmina’ki' moon nta’mint tears (ity nights mina’ki san) (ata’ eyes mini” water) fhivwoake Tips (ih mouth; waka edge) ‘ma'tama’na forest (mac‘ta river; ma’na wood) iava’barte veil fisti” face; a’kaxte cover) Fhmint saliva (ih mouth; mini? water) ‘ma’naihi'me sap (ma'na wood shi’me juice) Noun and neutral verb evthacka mountain (cyt tail; ha‘eka long) ion eu'tkeuk muskrat ce’zte hurricane ‘mini'zte lake ikir’eiaupe cheese (out tail; heuk thin) (ce wind; 202 big) (mini” water; 21 big) (iri grease; vi yellows ‘zupe stink) mini’? wine (mini? water; se? red) wmakha'ckas the tall (mu’mak man; ha‘eka tall; ‘man the) swapa’ministkere a (wapa’minis bundle; the: heavy bundle heavy: -[rJe indefinite article) ‘maqkpei flat land (n/a? qk andl; pei flat)v INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS no'priocara'theres the (no'pzi hides ovara't piled piled up hides ‘up; -kere plural; -# defin- ite article) meni‘okrakze're a (meni’s horse; _kea’ke into horse spotted; -[rJe indefinite article) ‘Noun and active verb ista’oru’psi eyelid —fista’ eye; 0 nominalizing suffix; du’pai to skin) (menia horse; we exer ‘mont ru from du to oat) (ma’na wood; kata’s to ext meni‘ewerut dog ‘ma‘natkata'2e wood poker notches; -£ indefinite ar- ticle) mini’muminika whirl. (mini water; numini’ka ‘pool to twist) ‘ma'nao'phuz chips (ma’na wood; o'ptur to ‘crumble into small pieces, active) Compound verbs are formed by the com- position of verb and noun and verb and verb stems, ‘Noun and verb sminégnoe toewim (mint wate; poo’ to uth away) herueo'p to pucker (ihe mouth; rueo’p from the lips duco'p to guthor in folds) Vherok do to mumble (he mouth; rok within do to speaks) Jethue to gazo or stare (he to s00; tue real, true} Neutral verbs are also formed by the process of composition of nouns and verbs ‘na‘tkanup to be undecided (na’tka heart; nup two} Whesak to be thirsty (Whe mouth; sak dry) ‘ea’hy to be expensive (ica’ price, value; hy many) rna'tkaxip to be lazy (na'tka heart xip wrinkled) PERSONAL AND POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS 21, The pronouns are limited to the first and second persons singular and the first person plural. ‘The independent personal pronouns are: mi oT ni you ‘They may be emphasized by suffixing -ona to form a relative clause (see § 48). ‘mi’ona_ Tam the one who nifona you are tho one who ona ho is the ono (i-doos not exist alone) ‘nu'ona wo are the onos Vor. 1x We find also miveak —-L-mysolf, even 1 nieak you yourself, even you Veak he himself, even he nieak we ourselves, even we ‘The dependent forms which combine with the verbs are: Subjeot —_Objeot 1 wa tne thon da. m yo da—nit ni —nit they here store The possessive forms are: my mie and thy nv his = your mi —nite their “here ‘The use of the verbal pronoun will bediseussed in the followingsections, that of thepossessive in § 99, ‘THE VERB Character and Classes of Verbs. 22, As is common in American Indian languages, the verbal complex expresses most of the grammatical relations and may form ‘a complete sentence in itself. Locative ideas, tense, mode, number, instrumentality, sub- ordination, and pronominal relations are all indicated by affixes to the verb stem. Conceptually, there are two kinds of stems: (1) those indicating an activity and (2) those indicating a state or condition. ‘Nouns and stems expressing qualities may beverbalizedand belongtothelatterclass.'The distinction between these two types of verbs is made morphologically by the uso of differ- ent subject pronouns. ‘The same pronouns which are used with the neutral verbs, are used with nouns and adjectives. 2 in verbs with the profixes 4, 0, -mi-, no- Boo § 85.Pronominal Forms. 23. General remarks. — The personal pronouns are ordinarily prefixed to the verbal complex. In some of the compound verbs they are prefixed to the second stem (see § 108-117). Prefixing is much more regular than in Dakota. The pronouns precede all instrumental prefixes (§§ 32). | They follow the locatives o- and i. Tnfixing ‘occurs in a few verbs only (§ 26). While in Dakota the only non-pronominal indication ‘of number consists in the use of -pi for plurality, not only of the verb but of the ‘whole expression, and of witea- for the third person plural object, Mandan hasnon-pronom- inal plural suffixes, one for the second person, one for the third person. ‘The latter is algo used with nouns (§§ 4446). 24, Subjective and Objective Pronouns. Subjective pronouns are used as subjects of active verbs, Objective pronouns are used as objects of transitive verbs and as subjects with those verbs which indicate a state or condition and with predicate nouns and adjectives. ‘Examples with Active Verbs:* toa’zkahoe Lbroke carap (tea: I; abah stom to break ‘camp; -0c, suffix of present time) wasektoe I will make it (a T; 4+ prefix, function not known; sek, to make; -Koe sufix of future time) daro’prekioe you will enter (da- you; do‘pze to ‘enter: Eto, future tense) ahi ltoe you willartive (da-you; ‘gone; Heo, future) smiiki‘ckeltos wo wil think it over (nu- wo; kiki'cke to consider; ko, future tense) aoe we went (nit- wo; neh from deh, to go $125 oc present tense used as narrative past) The following examples of this kind of predication are taken from texts zopini‘sonik since he was sacred (zopini’ sacred; “onik causal subordination) péi’ re hyf'sonik buffalo being plentifal pe buffalo; “e indefinite articles hy many; -sonik) toarrivehaving + For plural forms of second and third persons which have suffixes see §§ 4446. MANDAN GRAMMAR 9 se‘ki when it was big (ate big; -bi temporal subor- ination) rezanaicki when it was light enough (ire light; ‘nae enough; -ki) ‘mikso’e there was nothing (ik nothing: -90e pro ‘erite) nusri"Htukae it is always dangerous (nu2i’ktu dan- ‘gerous; hae alway is) wari’hoatinizka'e you are never eareful (wa nega- tive prefix; ni- you; keat careful; -niz negative suffix; Kae customary action) Aifkukac itis always hard (hi’ku hard; -kac custom- ‘ary action za'makereka"™ thoy woro small, it is said (xa'ma small; kere third parson plural -ka"®* quotative) zmoai‘kereka®™ they were Tost, it is said (2mwa’ Tost; -heve third person plural; -a™* quotative) ‘Examples of pronouns with neutral verbs: oma‘ pliksoe 1 fell (ma- I; o’ptik stom to fal ‘proterite) orirweykoe you are hanging (ri- from ni- you; ‘orw’eyk to hang, suspended; -oc prosent tanco) ‘mi’mahgpoe Tam lost (mi- fom ma- and j- contrac: ted: i’mahgp to be lost; -oe present tense) ‘i’maitee you lost your balance (ni- you; t'matke ‘to lose one's balaneo: ¢ present tense) ‘minisoc Tam alive (mi: contraction of ma- and i-; ‘nis to be alive; -oe present tense) anirara’kinitoe you are brave (ni- yous zara’k stem, ‘brave: -nit 2 person plural; -or, present tense) ‘masi‘htas T used to be strong (ma- I; sih strong: ‘bas wsitative) Examples of pronouns with nouns ni‘numa’koe you aro a man (ni- you; nw’mak noun ‘man; ce present tonso ending with a noun equi valent to the verb to bo) ni‘numa'sonik since you are aman (-eoniE causal subordination) numu”etaroe we are Mandans (nu- we; nu’eta Man- Gan; -roe present tense) ninuma’kitoe you will be ciel (ni- yous muma'et chief; -Aioe future tense) ‘mara'ksukeo'nik sine he was a bird (mare’ksuk bied: ‘oni causal subordination) ath when t was night (isty’h night; -kitemporal subordination) These pronouns are also the objects of transitive verbs. ‘Examples are: tmami'kaberemikeres they igmored me (ma- m ‘mika nothing; “here catsatives -mi continuativ ‘ere third person plural suffix)10 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vou. 1X ‘maku’ kina’nista lot them tell me (ma- me; ku to ‘givo, hore used to indicate tho indirect objects ina’ to tell; -nista imperative plaral) makw'ta give it to me (ma- me; ku to gives la imperative addressing men) niku’I2oe he will give it to you (ni- yous kx togives ‘Hoe future tense) rno’hesce he sa Us (0: co) ‘mana’sta name me (ma- me; na'se to name; ta imperative, addressing men) 25. Pronouns of transitive verbs. When both subject and object pronouns occur in the verbal complex, the first person always precedes the second. The complete table of these forms including the second person plural, indicated by the suffix -nit, is given below. i; Re t0 600; -s00 preterite 1 thou we ye thee mint nun “ us dora doranites you mininit. The Ithee form is irregular, which is analogous to the Dakota -tci, but it might be the result of the tendency’ toward vocalie harmony discussed in § 14. umunit ‘Examples from text: mini'bubto're T will give it to you (mini. T-yous ‘hu to give; -ktore future tense) swasi’manakiha’xiktos you might forget me (wa: — 17 prefix and suffix of negation § 79; mana- you- smo; ihihek to remember; -kioe future tense) ‘mana’kuki if you give me (mana- yourme; ku to ‘ive; “ki subordinating suffix) ora’hanitoe you will see us (dora-nit- yousus; ha ‘rom he § 16 to 800) nunu’kina’ktce we will tell you (nunus wo-yous ‘Hina’ to tell; Hoe future time) ‘mini‘pesoe T said it to you (mini- Lyou; e’pe first person stem of iregular verb; ~soe preterite) twaonunuls’nizoe we won't give it to you (sa: ‘negative prefix; o- future times nunc we-Vou; Iku to gives -nix negative suffix § 79% -0e present, tense suffix) ‘As may be seen from the above examples there is no distinetion in. the pronouns between the direct and the indirect object. The intervocalie r changes the initial n to 2. 26, Infixed pronouns, — Several verbs in Mandan, insert the personal pronouns, in the middle of the stem. This may indicate that the verbs originated through compo- sition, but it is impossible to analyze the stems. Examples are ‘many’ to steal ‘mamany'rec I steal ‘mananu'ree you steal manunu'roc wo steal wwika’ to buy ‘wiwa’karoe Tuy wwira’karce you buy wwirwaroe we buy. ‘ma‘nape to danco ‘mama‘napee I dance ‘mana’napec you dance manu'napec we dance 21. Irregular pronouns. — The verb to say is irregular having strongly modified personal pronouns. Its paradigm in the present is as follows: e'pee deheroe elec etanitoe hee eheker’e ‘The verb to want, wish, think, is e'reh and its paradigm in the present is: e'wershoo de'rchoo errerchoe e'rarahinitos erehoe e'rehker’c Verbs the first syllable of which is ta- use pronouns identical in form with possessive pronouns (see § 99). Thus, taci’ to like, has the following forms: placi’e nu'tacte hi'tac’e rnitac ito lacie taci’keree When a pronominal object is to be ex- pressed and the subject is first or second person, the regular pronominal combinations subject object are used after the initial péa- and nita-. ‘Therefore these verbs cannot be considered as nominal forms. Bamini’cie ni'tamanacie Examples from texts: alte a'we —muma’koie tai'tereromakoe ‘and everyone chief tho. liked they past, (end overyone liked the chief) T like you ‘you like moNO. MANDAN GRAMMAR a swahe'ckanik But those T saw pa’zeruke'na Corn Tassel ‘placi’-mikoe To not like toctbarthe liked that it is said ‘VERBAL PREFIXES 28. Reflexive and reciprocal verbs, — The reflexive pronouns are derived from the objective pronoun by the element -ki-, ma~ of the first person becoming mi- asin theform mini- T-thee. mike niki i The reflexives are prefixed to the verb stem, in the same manner as the other person- al pronouns. When the action is reciprocal, the form Aiki is used in the same manner as -ki- of the reflexive. Examples from text ‘eiki’hutani they helped each other and (Liki- rect. ‘prooal pronoun; ky’te to helps -e changes to a before -ni, a general connective § 15) ‘ikiki’rokereka™ they talked to each other (taking sides in a dispute) it is suid (i- locative prefix: +o from do to speak § 12; -kere third person plural suffix § 45; -ka*¥ quotative § 57) ima‘hihe'reka'®™ he mace himself into an srrow (i. reflexive pronoun; mahi arrow: -here causa- tives ka™ quotative § 67) Iieu’kihereka*®™* he mado himsalf into a child (ti- ‘reflexive pronoun; suk child; ¢- verbal prefix into”; in Alicates that object is possessed by subject rea from duce to takes ka" quotative) rita’menia kite’harata Kill “your horsa (nita- ‘possessive pronoun second person; meni’s horses jates that the owner isto act on his to die; -hara from -here, causative $15; -ta imperative mode addressing men) «suk kirw'zoko'makoe she lifted up hor child (suk child; fi indicates object is possessed by subjects ‘ruzo'k from duo‘ to lift;-o'makoe narrative past) 30. Iterative ki. The prefix ki is also used in an iterative sense and seems to be the ‘equivalent of the English prefix “re-” in such words as “remarry, reconvene. restate”. Examples: Aitow’kereka** they lay down again it iteratives kw stem; okere third person plural; karst quotative) dakirweeki if you got him again (da- yous hi ‘rwee from duce stem; -ki subordinating suffix) ‘makita give it back to me (ma- me; Iie, bu to sive; -a imperative mode addressing men) iro‘tikereka'®* they camped again itis said! (i; ‘o'kti from doi, to camp; kere third person plural; ka" quotative) Kirasiru'tomakoe he slipped again (ki; ra: from da, Instrumental prefix "with the foot™;sirut stern; ‘omakoe narrative past) ‘bplehbare™ ho ran back it “ta®¥ quotative) ‘makirioata take me back aguin (ma-mesru‘eafrom duce stem [§ 15] to take; -ta imperative to men) When the first syllable of the stem consists of d plus an open vowel the prefix takes the form ka-. This change isin accordance with the principle of vocalic harmony discussed in § 14. ‘ayo’pzani he went in again (for Firo'pzani) ta/menia karotkikat®™ he struck his horve it is sai (for biro'tkikar) aro‘tike'reka™ they camped again it is said (elso kiro'Etike'rekar™™) Ihara‘citoc he Kicked it again (for ira‘cikoe) 31. Inceptive ka-. —ka- is also used as an inceptive in some instances. Examples: arataxka’®™ he began to ery it said (bis pteh to runs * Also haro‘ktile'rekar®,i? INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Ihara’plehereko* he began to light it, it is said, (ha. inceptives ra- for na- instrumental prefix, with fire; “here causative; -ka'®*© quotative) ‘kama napeka’*¥ he began to dance (ka- inceptive; ‘ma‘nape stem, to dance; -ka"™ quotative) tuk ka’minizke reka™® the children began to play. (ouk children; ka- incoptivo: mini’2 to play ;-kere thind person plural; -ha"™™ quotative) 32. Instrumental prefixes. — Mandan shares with other Siouan languages one of the characteristic traits of the stock — an extended use of verbal prefixes indicating the instrument by which an action is perform- ed. This is no longer a free process, the prefix having become an integral part of the stem in most cases. The normal order of elements in such a verbal complex is locative, pronoun, instrumental, stem, and suffixes. (1) du- with the hand, motion toward the body (Dakota yx-) au’pir?h to spread out | duce’ca to carry with dupa'r to break by a handle pulling duce to take dwike to touch with | duso't to unti thehand” | duse'na to picle up in use’ to open, bunch duini to crumble | duha’ to pick from with the hand a tree duzka’ska to shake by | duho'p to bore a hole hhand duke” to uncover dukasa’ to hold tight | dubi’t to take off, « ddukei'isi t0 tele Tittloat a time duza'p to skin dupa ddutia’ to feel. with the hand, | dw’pasi rubbing dupj't to sontter dubjt totan (aide) | dusti’ka to squeeze duipze to lot down a | ducle” to weave pack duza” to husk dusko'p to bend (2) da- with the foot (Dakota na-) daci’t to kick over | dapi’z to scatter dapei’k to kick off swith the foot dlata’h to bosmear | dadu’r to breake by swith the foot | stepping on dapei’ toflattenwith | da’sirw't to slip the foot | dase’ to kick dacy’ to spill with | dacka’p to pinch with the foot the toes date’ to stand dacka’eka to prance Vou. 1x (3) na- with the mouth (Dakota, ya-) na‘ce to bite natu’rte to chew nazu:’ to munch | nackn’p to pinch with ‘napa‘h to open one's the teeth mouth ata’ to ery nazki’ to orack with | nai" to hold in the the teeth mouth nasare’ to eat the | napu’e to crunch moat off @ with tooth bone nazi'k to ertivize, na‘tana's to out with blame the tooth (4) na- by heat ot fire (absent in Dakota) All stems using this prefix are compounded with the causative here, which distinguishes them from those using na- with the mouth, ‘The personal pronouns precede the causative, navhoc here to consume | na‘ee here to melt in fio hna’se here to heat red a-ooa'k here to wither hot na‘zu here to char | na‘si hereto smoke nnaka’e here to singe | naciruFhere to warm nnare’c here to heat | na’zerep here to boil off na‘sit here to roast the bone na’ptchere to burn — | nasi’p here to brand (6) wa- with a point (Dakota wo-) twaski’ —tocut open | wapo'r to make a Voatara’k to seme hole in the walkie’ torana spin. fies tor wwatke’ to remove hair swacka'p to prick froma hide twazki” to split (6) ka- by striking (Dakota ka-) inte’ topound | birth to smash by few'r to break by throwing, striking dows Atri to seater by | ko‘eana’h to thresh striking | ha'srd Eto shatter by ashi’ to erack by striking stoking | karst splash Anta'r to knock or | Ropa'k tolnock down ‘ata’ te boat, hit ‘motion keine apes’ to fell, knock sang town bow Ia'parae to whipNO. MANDAN GRAMMAR 13 ka- by outing (") Aawe’e tochop | kaptu’z to cut fine Jaci’p to cut Iafeirve to cut into Tarp toskin strips a'tana’s toout with an | kakoko'pa to kick ax ako'e to scrape lap’ to Jake's to serateh off asa‘p to cut moat swith knife from the bone | kake’s to shave off aca’p to chip off swith a knife Kakwka to hollow out, (7) pa- by cutting (Dakota wa-) pawe'e to cut ppakana’ to butcher ppaskiski’homakoc he made slight cut ask,’ to ip up the belly ‘a in skinning (8) pa- by pushing, motion away from the body (Dakota. pa-) pakke’ to pluck papei’k to push or mask’ to rip up the shove belly, as in | pape’k to roll over skinning pasa’si to polish paki'e towipeorsub | paoy’h to spill pako’h to saw paskivka tosqueeze out paksi’s to fold double | pata'p to poel on itself pavtara’ to shut a door pa'min’e to fold some- | pawiwi’hiné to flourish ‘or brandish a ‘weapon 33. Prefix a-. ‘The prefix a- is used in a general locative or directional sense, to mean “to, on, toward”, Like the instrumental prefixes, it has become an integral part of the stem, and follows the personal pronouns in the verbal complex. It is contracted with all pronouns. In this respect it differs from the analogous prefixes o- and i-, but it is treated here with them because in Dakota, the cor- responding a precedes the personal pronouns. Verbs with the locative prefix a- are a to travel a’akee to moot a'zaue to hide avtazee to overflow ‘a’nate to charge (an | avkara'kie to block, enemy) hhead off aika’nacu to spill on | akira’ ptok to. sprinkle (aka on top | akirw'rkap to patch of) ‘a'kakee to step ‘abama’k 40 ride (= to over on) | The paradigm in the present tense for “amu is as follows stp. sing. wa:'aawee | Ist p. plural na/zawec 2nd sing dav'zawee | 2nd plural dar"zaue~ cinitoe Bed sing, ac'zawee | Srd_ plural ac‘zmee'ke- 34. Prefiz: a- with verbs of motion. — With verbs of motion, the prefix a- preceding the personal pronoun adds the idea of carrying something or accompanying someone. Ex- amples: aro‘prekereka™™ thoy took him in it is said (a. ‘profix “along with" ;ro'pre from do’pze to enter: “kere third porson plural suffix; -ha*§* quotative) amatic he brought me (a- prefix with verb of ‘motion; tito arrive here; e- present tense suffix, used a8 narrative past) ‘a’hiro'makor he arrived with him (a- prefix with verd of motion; hi to arrive there; -frJo'makoe distant. past time) arehomakoe ho went with him (a- prefix with verb of motion; reh from deh; -omakoe narrative past) abihinik having returned with it (a- prefix with ‘verb of motion; fih- to arrive back at starting place; -i- inserted between surd and sonant; ik past participle, se § 68) 35, Prefiz i-. This is used with many verbs (and adverbs) in the directional sense of toward or into. In some cases, like i'sek to do and i'hek to know, the stem is not used without it, and its significance has become obscure. Examples of this type of verb are: ware’ to stop Wek todo ikyte to throw Thek to know fa’zawe to cover fpa'eirih to plan, in. zat to look at tend ira’rinw’t to drive Whaske to tio to finee to grasp, frweah to wrap up Vara’ to sow iarh to putin ikke to wait for | ivhara’p topassaround ‘The pronouns always follow the locative prefixes i- and o-, except in the first person plural. This precedes and is contracted with the i or the o- giving the form ni- or no (see § 6). The present tense of i'sek, to do is as follows:u Suasekoe I do it | ni’sekoe wo do it Frasekoe you do it | 36, Prefix i- as instrumental. — i- is also prefixed to many verb stems to from a general instrumental. Example are: ‘wat’ pawee something one cuts with (1sa- somethings ic instrumental; paue’e to cut) wai’hkes what one digs with (wa- something; instrumental; fke v0 dig) soi'ruzu a plough (vi is @ contraction of wa-some- ‘thing and ¢- the instrumental; ru’rw is fromdu'zu to plough) wwi'ruakik 0 wringer (wi- contraction of wa- and é. ‘es in tho preceding example; ruski’k from duski’k to wring) wirwtanas seissors (wi- du'tana’s to out) wi'ruig a sleigh (te- a8 aboves ruta’ from dua’ to drag) With the prefix wa both the uncontracted form wai- and the contracted form wi- may bbe used. above; rw'tana's from 37. Prefia: o-. As a locative prefix with certain verbs its meaning is general, as may bbe seen from the following examples: orw’ptik to pull down omi’s to paint oka’h to show o'rak to set fire to ota’ptik to shoot down ota't to be on the good side of someone oka’kak to bo mired foka’zkot to strike and dent ok to wear in the hair ‘Morphologically, it is treated in the same way as the prefix i- discussed in § 35, 38, Prefix o-, future, The prefix o- forms the future tense, when used in conjunction with the verbal suffix of the present tense It precedes the personal pronouns in the complex. If this form is used with a verb which has the locative prefix o-, the two os are contracted and receive the primary stress, (See § 11.) Examples: o'warehoe T shall go (o- future tense; wa- ‘rom deh to go; -0e prosent tense suffix) cohu'keree they” will come (o- future time: hu to ‘come; -kere third person plural sulfix; -e present tense ending) a INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vor. 1 onikiru’keale'reki if they surround you (o- future times ni- object pronoun, you; Kiru'ker to sur- round, kere third person plural suffix; ii subordinating suffix) ‘mana’kuki ora zerereif You give me it, you will live (mana- you-me; ku to give; >ki subordinating suffix; o- future time; ra- yous zere to live; -re ending adressing women) awe owapire e*heka’*™* T will devour it all he said is said (awe all; o- future timo; wa- T; pi to devour; -roe verb ending; e'he ho said; “kare iquotative) ofkina'karat they will tell about it (o- futur times kina’ to tel, -kara from -Lere, third person plural suffix; t conditional mode suffix) NOMINALIZING PREFIXES 39, Nominalizing o-. Verbs and adjectives ‘are nominalized by the use of the prefix o- Active verbs take on a passive meaning: kaptux to cut, oka’ plus something cut off, piece, part. Generally, either the definite or the indefinite article is suffixed to the stem. ‘Examples are: o’minie celebration (o-; mini’ to play) ‘ro're a pictograph or aymbol (0-5 70 from do to ‘speak; € indefinite article) okcir’ce a fringe (o-; ka’eirie to cut a fringes f indefinite article) o'poi flatness, plains o'tke: heaviness o’pei blackness ofhgcka tallnoss o'sana'k roundness o'aa paleness o'sasap roughness In the above examples, the neutral verbs are nominalized by the use of the prefix 0. With certain verbs, particularly those of ‘motion, the prefix o- performs a dual fune- tion — locative and nominalizer. Its use is illustrated by the following examples: o’ni footprints (where he walked) lokey'keres where they had lain (o-; kev to liedowns vere third pervon plural suffix; -# definite article) coru’zkeso: tho place where he sank (o-; ru’zke from du’zke to sink; -c0 definite localization "right there”) ohu’keres where they came from (0-; hu to come; “kere third person plural suffix; -# definite article) ore'he the way he went (0+; reh from deh to gos “¢ indefinite article)NOT c'raktkanaks the place where you sat down (0+; ‘ra from da you: ki’kana'l to sit down; -# definite article) ci'kapzeke'res tho placo where they landed (o-; ‘Whapze to land; “kere third person plural suffix; 1s definite article) 40. Agentive ka-. This prefix, with verb stems, forms the agentive. It is usually follow- ed by the articles. If it is used in conjune- tion with the usitative suffix -kas, it indicates an habitual or regular action on the part of the agent. Thus, karo’re speaker (the one who spoke) Karo‘kas the speaker (one who holds that office) Examples from text: ‘kates the killer (ka agentive prefix; te- to dies here causative; 4 definite article) -katanikereka'na owners of medicine (ka- agentive ‘prefix; ta- thind person possessive pronoun; ka- to have; -na an emphatic suffix) shaka‘herele'reka'™ they made him an owner it is said (ka- agentive; Ea to have; “here causative: ‘kere third person plural; «ka quotative) a:'tana’ke a rider (ka- agentive: a’kanak to rides “¢ indefinite article) ‘ama’ napeke'res the dancers (ka- agentive; manage {to dance: kere third person plural; -* definite article) Ja’ptehe a runner (fa- agentive; pieh to runs + in- ‘definite article) 41. Prefix ko-. The prefix ko- forms an agentive, but in what way it differs from ka~ is not clear. Tt is probable that the element ko- does not actually form the nomina actoris, but a relative clause which might be more accurately translated “the one who”. Io'ptche the runner (bo: agentive; ptch to runs «# definite article) howa:'kikin’ zkeres those who did not get back (fo- ‘agentive; wa: negative prefix; kih vo arrive back from starting placo: -- inserted between sonant and surd; -ntz negative suffix; -keve third person aral; -¢ definite artile) ko'kina’ kas the one who used to tell about it (ko agentive: kina’ to tell; -kas usitative suffix) ‘toma‘hes the one who save me (ko: agentives ma- ‘me he to s00;-¢ definite article) 42. The Prefix ko- with adverbs, nouns and pronouns. —Ttisused withadverbs, nounsand. MANDAN GRAMMAR 15 pronouns, particularly when one from a group or several from a group are to be singled out for emphasis. Examples are: ‘oma’pet the ono below (ma‘pet below) o'tewe which one (te'we who) ‘oma’ zanas the other one /ma’zana one; - definite ‘artele) oni'teres the bad ones (xik bad; -kore plural; -» ‘definite article) oware’hka the loader (ware’hka leader) o'remg'kehe this very one (de’makche this one) 43. Prefix ko- expressing comparative and superlative. In this sense it is also used to express the comparative. oot’ Ihettor, i. . the one who is good oly’ ku more difficult ope’ flatter eke” heavier osa'sap rougher ‘The superlative is formed by suffixing -mika’ to the comparative. Examples are: oci’mika’ eat Lohi’eumika’ most difficult opei’mika’ fattest othe:'mika’ heaviest oha’ekamika’ tallest kora’mamika’ smallest VERDAL SUYFINES. 44, Number, 2nd person plural. — In the first person, the distinction between singular and plural is indicated by the pronominal | prefixes. In the second person singular and plural the pronoun remains the same, but the element -nit is suffixed to the stem in the plural, Singular Phurat ‘ta’pawe'eoe da'pawe'cinitoe you out it daie’sce — davhanitso'e you saw him, nitihoc —_nit’hinitoc you are outside simian mond tinine you ar « man nivvara'hoc ni’zara'kinitoe you are brave ‘As may be seen from the above examples, this suffix is employed with nouns when they are predicates. 45, Number, 3rd person plural. — Mandan lacks pronouns for the third person, but uses the suffix -kere in the plural. Examples are:6 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vor. 1x swastaci‘kerero'makoe they did not like it_ (wa: negative prefix [see § 78] act third porson,irrogu- lar verb, to like; -Rere: romakoe narrative past) 1pa'kana'kerero'matoe they butchered it (pa'kana’ ‘tems -kere; -ro’makoo narrative past) ou kkerék they came out (suk to come outs kere; ‘past, participle) Kahara‘tkerero'makoe they picketed it (ha‘hara't stom; “kere; -ro’makoe narrative past) ehekererd'matoe they said («he irregular verb, to say; bere; -ro’makoe narrative past) 46, Plural of nouns. Thesulfix-kere(s) forms the plural of nouns. Examples are: ‘nw ’maghle'res the men ‘ho‘pheres the holes paro'priterce the scalps iva’ re the goose nw’mak ito‘pkeres the four men ‘The final -s is the definite article (see § 95). When -kere is suffixed to a noun, without the definite article, it performs an exclusive function rather than @ plural one. Examples mini'bere nothing but wator ‘makiru’skakere nothing but snakes °askakere that kind only: e'here that alone nikon women only’ nu etake' re just the Mandans 47, Address of men and women. In all declarative forms, the imperative, optative and interrogative, Mandan distinguishes between speech addressed to men and to women. The quotative declarative is the only form in which there is no distinction. ‘Phe essential unit is the final element of the verbal complex, which is usually the final element in a sentence. In all tenses of the indicative mode, the final element of the morpheme is -¢ in speech addressed to men, ‘and -re in speech addressed to women. In other Siouan dialects there is a distine- tion between man speaking and woman speaking, mostly expressed by particles some of which are in close connection with the verb. The two forms here described are analogous to the particles of other dialects. -¢ corresponds to Teton lo, -re to ‘Teton le. ‘These elements appear at the end of all finite statements ending with a verb. They may be followed by the interrogative -a and -na (§ 62). Their connection with the verb is irregular. In some cases they are attached to the stem or to the stem suffix, in others an_-o- the origin of which is not clear pre- ‘cedes the endings. The use of -o- depends upon the final sound of the stem. According to the general phonetic rules a stem ending in a Yowel will have an -r- between the terminal vowel and the suffixed -o-. In a number of ‘cases the -¢ and -re are attached directly to stems ending in -e and i ‘The following finite forms require the suffix -¢ or re: 1. Prosent no suffix preceding © oF -re 2 Completive te followed by -¢ oF sre 3. Future Le 00 OF ore 4 Protorito * 0 oe OF ore 5. Narrative past -omak-., 00 or ore 6. Compulsory “ot. “oe OF -OrE T.Dubitative —— “ozere-r ce ore 8 Customary “har ce or sre 9. Usitative ko), ce or re In the present (1), completive (2), and dubitative (7) the simple -c is attached after terminal é or ¢ of the stem. This phonetic, rule does not hold good in the customary(§), usitative (9) and the suffix -ecka (§ 77), which have no -0- inserted after the terminal a of the suffix. Furthermore the usitative has the suffix -s instead of -c which suggests some older form that brought about this change. ‘The -o- which is found after consonantic endings and after all terminal vowels except { and ¢ appears also before the narrative past (6), the dubitative (7) and in certain forms before the completive (2). It is never affected by the preceding i or e and is always retained. Lt is likely to be the same in origin as the -o- of oc and -ore. No form in -re has been recorded for the aubitative (7). ‘The imperative and interrogative have also distinct forms for addressing men or women.NO MANDAN GRAMMAR Offinite clauses only the optative do—kis the intentive -te; the quotative -La’*** lack the distinct forms for addressing the two Subordinate clauses do not differentiate between the sexes addressed. -(a)t condi- tional; ha temporal (while); -ti temporal (when); -sonik causal; -na present participle; *k past participle. 48. Present tense. — In the present tense declarative -¢ or -re are attached to stems ending in the vowels -i or -c. Thus si to wandor twasi’e T wandor (addressing a man); wai’re T wander (addressing a woman). duce" to take twarw'cee, warw’eere T tak it Other verbs of this type are: doth — to strike te to stand doi to camp ske to jump twnei’ to command —irw’ee_—_‘to grasp paki’ to choose Kima'ze to ask & to arrive there a"nawe to hide hi to arrive hore hike to wait emi’ to vomit ma’nape to dance do'pze to enter According to the rule stated in § 7stems ending in any other vowel, suffix -roc or -rore in the present. izes’ to quit ina’ to tell twakive’roe wakize‘rore | wakina’roe wakina’rore Mabie roc dabixe'rore | dakina’roc dakina'rore izes izerore Kina'roe kina'rore Other verbs belonging to this class are hana to sleep by to trap tu’ todmg iu togive iia toed cine toerawl wivta to buy he to como ana” toapproach | t to dio pom’ to flab Stems ending in a consonant suffix -oc or-ore in the present. ‘The phonetic variation in the last two types is an example of the general rrule described in § 17 duka’h to refuse ‘warw’kahoe swarw’kahore daru'kahoe daru'kahore du’kahoe au'kahore ‘mun ’hahoe snunw’'bahore daru'kahinite'e — daru’kahinito're duka’heree uka’hkerere 7 Other verbs of this class are: pawe'’e tout da‘skap to tasto Veek todo dusko'p to bond Thek to know ci'nih to be cold kertir?’k to shatter | de'rch to return ipaeirih to plan pich to run eh to go mini’s to play Hipta’h to then back The same principle is followed when the present tense suffixes are used with nominal stems as predicates. Examples from text: ara’sana'Kkere'e they were in groups (hora'sana’ ‘soup; kere third porson plural; ve present tence) up se'karani nap pa'ereka'™™ to wore ted ancl thro wore black itis said (ae red; -hara for tere, {hind person plural; ni general connective; pat black sere a'™™ quotative) sala’ when it was dry (aak dry; a past participle) irate it must be good (i good} -rotee ovidential) ‘oxVbore it wil be bad fo-fatures sik bad -ore pres font tonse ending, addresting wornen) ‘at sa‘rates that ono was a woll (2a'rae wolls prevent tense suffix, oro wed as narrative past) 49. Completive and Hvidential. — The sulfix -te is primarily an element indicating a completed action, or the state resulting from a completed action. In certain instances, itis used to form the evidential, and takes the form -ote. If the perfective or the evidential idea is the most important one expressed in ‘the verbal complex, the complete form becomes -tec or -tere, depending on whether a man or a woman is addressed. Examples from text: noka’ki cikte'® if he keeps us, it will be good (no- uss ka tohave, to keep; “hy subordinating sufi; ‘i goon; -Hec isa combination of the future kt/¢e) tnd tee, the perfect) do: nanarotere here you wee (do: here; na- from da You; nak to be sittings “tere perfect, addressing Inwrotee he has come (Ihe to come; -[rotee- perfect) ‘parw zkatek when he had shaken his head (pa head ‘ru'zka from du’rka to shake; -te the perfect; past participle) ullererote thoy must have driven him out (suk to drive out; kere; -[rJo'te evidential) a’makakirote it must be a person. (numakaki ‘human; -/rjote evidential) -iw'hererotee they must have given it back (i+ ‘back; ku to give; kere-; «{rjotce evidential) dehotec hormust have gone (dehtogo;-otecevidential)8 INTERNATYONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. 1X 50, Future. — Future time is indicated either by the prefix o- with present tense endings (see § 38) or by the suffix -lt-, in the forms -Kioe (-Klore). That the latter is prob- ably the older form is shown by the fact that the future in Dakota is expressed by the postpositional particle ka. Whether o- was ‘used as an intentive at one time is question- able since these forms can be interchanged without affecting the meaning at all. Examples: nini'buktore Twill give it to you (minis Lyon; ku to give; "Hore future tense, addressing’ woman) Srease Hoe T will make it (wa- T; vsek to make; “ioe future, addressing: man) daro'pzeltoe you will entor (da- you; ropze from ddo'pze to antor; -Hloe future tenso) nubile ekektoc we will think it over (nwo; bili’eke ‘stom; -ktoe future) ahi’kioe you will arr hte future) arat’He you will bring it (a- prefix with verbs of ‘motion, to carry; ra from da you; # to arrive; “lo futuro) there (da you; hi stom; When the stem ends in a consonant, the future appears as -toc. Examples are: nvnasi‘ptoe you will burn (ni- pronoun; nasi’p- stem with instrumental prefix; -toc Suture) ure’htoc we will go (nu: pronoun; reh- stem from ‘eh; toe future) nu’mint 2toe (nu pronoun; mini’2 stem; toc future) Future time in a subordinate clause is expressed by the suffix -ktek. ‘This is partic- ularly true of the conditional and sentences involving indirect discourse. Examples: a’ua20 kek eheka'**, I might swallow it he said it inaaid (a-locative prefix; wa- pronoun; 20-stem; “Heh. imamncoltek e"heka'®¥® ho might take me he said it is said (ma- pronoun ;nuce- stem from duce; tek) ware'prekiek e’heka'™™ T might enter he said it is ‘idl (voa- pronoun; ro'pre- stem from do'pze; Hk) sakie ’heke'reka’*® it would dry they said it is aid (oak- stem; Kel) ha'wekere'Hek e'rehka’®™ they would choose he ‘thought itis suid (awe- stom; kere- third person plural kek) With stems ending in a consonant, the above form becomes -tck, as in the following example: waska’ pk I would taste it (prefix: wa-pronoun: ‘kup- stom; tek) #1. Preterite. The suffix -s- in the forms -soc and -sore forms the preterite. Examples from text: ’pesoc I sad it (e’pe; third person of irregular verb; <2 the negative suffix; ~oe proterite) ‘mie there was none (mik- notbing-#e preterite) ‘mini’pesoe T said to you (mini- Lyou; e’pe first person of irregular Vorb; -00e protorite) swakiti/ckesce I triod (wa: T; Bilv‘eke stom; -soc proterite) ‘rase'ksoea did you make it (ra-(da) you; isek ‘stom; -0ve proterite; -a interrogative mode} achkeresoe thoy went (deh- stam, “kere third porson plural; -ave proterito) 52, Narrative past. —'The suffix -omak{ oc] is used in narrative to refer to distant past time. Examples from texts are: Iaha‘ckerero'makoe they slaughtered them (kaka‘e stem “kere; -[r]o'matoc) w'ekanaco makze he resembled him (he was some- ‘what like that) (*y’eka to be that way; -nae kind of, changes stem to "resemble"; -o'makoe narra tive past) ehenactore he would imply (he would kind of say) (e’he third person of irregular verb; -nae changes stem from “to say” to “to imply’; fore future to women) 79. Negative. —The negative is formed by the prefix wa:- and the suffix -2i for stems ending in e ori. If the stem ends in any other vowel, -niz, and if in a consonant, -iniz is suffixed, the é separating the surd terminal of the stem from the sonant n of the suffix. Examples are: Stems ending in ¢ or i ‘macma'tacizie she doss not like me (ma:- negative ‘prafix, tho w to m before ma mo; tai’ third per ton of irregular verb -2i negative suffix; -c pres tent tense), wwasa'rakir?2iki if you don’t bring him back (war ‘nogative prefix; a- with verb of motion, indicates something earried along da- yous bir” stem to arrive back at starting placo; -2i suffix of nega tion; -£i subordinating suffix)24 Stems ending in vowels other than ¢ or i son:‘ominikw'nizoe T won't give it to you (we: ‘negative prefix; o- future time; mini T-you; ku to give; -niz negative suffi; or present tense suffix, to men) swarkita’néski when he did not wake up (wa:- nega. tivo prefix: kta’ stems oni negative suffix: kt temporal subordination). ‘masmakina’niza without telling me (ma: n prefix, the w changing 0 m before ma me; kina’ tom; “nix negative suffix: a isha, the durative, the h hing absorbed by the preceding 2) swri’hinizdmakoe he did not get back (wa:- negative prefix; kik stem; -i- inserted between sonont and surd; -niz nogative suffix; o’makoe narrative past) Contracted forms of the negative suffix. are not rare. Thus regularly i'wahq'zikoe instead of wa:'wake'kinizo'e I don’t. know. Another example from a text is, swasi’manaia’ xiktoo you might: not remember me (kinek to remember: Hoe future) ‘There are also forms without prefix w or without -2i: o’kiow'kerika’™™ he could not get out it ia said twaitac’kerero'makoe they did not Tike it 80. Negative imperative. In the imperative mode, the negative is expressed by prefixing a‘re to the stem. Examples are: Ja‘reou'kta don't go out (ka’re- negative prefix: ‘suk stem; -a imperative mode to men) Jkarehat harata don't let it come (ka’re; hu to comes “here causative; ta imperative to men) Irerata'zharana’ don't ‘make him ery (Kae, ‘data’s to cry; -here causative; -na imperative ‘mode to women) ha'rera'ha don’t go (a'r; rah from deh to go; -ta imperative modo to men) 81, Negative mik, —Certain negative forms result from the use of the noun stem mik nothing. ‘Thus, the negative answer to a question is miko‘e or miko're, depending on whether man or woman is addressed. ‘Examples are: Erare’h miko'e you don’t think of that (erch to ‘ink; da- you; mik nothing; -oe present tense) ‘mah mi'tkerero'makor there were no arrows (mah ‘arrows; mik nothing bere thied person plurals ‘frJo'makoe narrative past) I hemita’ without a wife (kyk wife: ¢ indefinite ‘article: mik none) ative INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vou. 1x swn?akna‘remika’ without sickness (wwakna're sick ‘ness; mike nothing) 82, Conjunctive -ni. — This is a very general connective, and serves to connect two verbs of equal force; it also connects nouns and adjectives. Examples are: ‘vn he arrived and (hi- ster; -ni) dduzo'tin’ sho untied it and (du- instrumental prefix, with the hand; 2o't stem; -i. inserted betweon ssurd and aonant; -ni) du’piri hin’ she spread ie out and (du- instrumental prefix, with the hands pirth stem; +i- inserted between surd and sonant; ni) rno'prini way robes and many things (no’pat robes: -ni eonjunetion; wa thinga; hi many) -kate’bani macka‘ekapkani minise’ chokecherries and Dull berries and willows (kate%a- stem; -ni ‘connective; macka‘ekapka stem; -ni connective) up psi’ni nup se” two black and two red (mup two; ‘pet black; -ni) 83. Suffix -ni before erch, to want. — Any verb used in conjunction with e’reh, to want, takes the suffix -ni as the final element of the complex. In such cases, it is not trans- lated. Example are: Huase hint c'wereho're T want to make it (wa- Ts ‘sek to do; -ni; we- from wa I, changed according to voealic harmony’ e'reh to! wants -ore present tense to women) duca'ni erehka™* he wanted to take it it i said {(dwen’ from duee’- stem, -nis e'7eh to wants -ea®¥€ quotative) Aa’ hini ero make he wanted to go (dak from deh to g03 -nize'eh to want; -o’makoc narrative past) ne'keni e'reho'makor she intended to put it (nee to put; oni; e’reho'makoe as above) ‘The Indirect Object 84. Mandan uses the pronouns with the verb ku, to give, to express the indirect pro- | nominal object. For the nominal, indirect object see § 87. Examples are: ‘ecka makw'ta make it for me! (sek stem; ma- me: ‘iu indieates the indirect object; ta- imperative ‘mode to men) bu kina’nista tell it to them! (ku indirect object; ‘Kina’ stem; -nista- imperative plural) kazi’pa makw'nista skin it for mol (kaxi’p stem; ‘ma- mo: ku indirect object: -nista imperative plural)NOT MANDAN GRAMMAR 25 ku’ e*heka’®¥ he said to them, it ia said (Ru indireot object; e'he third person of irregular verb; -hur™™ ‘quotative) a’liha kwkeroki when they brought it for him (a'kih to rotuen with; fu indicates the indirect objects -Kere tind person plural; -ki suborl ing sulfix) ‘THE NOUN Character of Noun 85. Noun stems are quite distinct from verbs. Although it is possible to nominalize verb stems by prefixing o-, (see § 89), and to form other derivatives from verbs by prefixing wai-, ka-, or ko- (see §§ 36, 40, 41) nouns are never verbalized. Nominal Prefix 86. The prefix i- occurs rarely with nouns, giving emphasis. Thus, numak — the man It is used here to indicate the head of the household. Nominal Suffixes 87. Indirect object. — With nouns, the indirect object is expressed by the postposi- tion ut (uta). Examples are: swarato'kzis ‘uta e'hero'makoc he said to the old ‘man (warato‘kais old mans i'wa postposi tlement "to" e’he third person of irregular verb; ‘[r]o’makoe narrative past) ta‘te wt Kina'romakoe ho told it to father (tate father; ut postpositive “to”; Kina stem: -[r]o- matoc) sks uta ku’ give it to the child, (ouk childs # definite article; uta postposition “to”; ku stem; “ta imperative to men) mumat’icis ‘uta daro'soca did you speak to the chief t (muma’kei chief; -2 definite articles ya postpositive element, "to's da- yous do. stem; “tor preterite; -a interrogative made} 88, Instrumental -ha, — When the mor- pheme -/ar is suffixed to a noun, it indicates ‘the instrament or means by which an action is performed. Examples are: evhakia with baskets o’manetgoha with the axe (o'manet stem; -s definite ‘article; -ha) ‘ma:‘ha with arrows (mach- stem; -ha) ‘mana o'kacha with hard wood (ma’na wood: o'kse hhards -ha) wwerehuy'plaha by means of the smoke hole 89. Locative -ta. — ‘The suffix -a is locative in character, indicating either place where or direction to. Examples are: ‘maaita on the ground aminita in the water ‘minizopini'ta at Devil’ sacred -ta) marakkweta inside the earth (maak earth; kuet inside ta) smenisicata in a travois 90, Directional - be related to ta, but is essentially directional in function. These two morphemes tend to overlap. Examples are: arhakt at the end Yakit upward aki above; both i and ¢ are direc- tional) pa’aut in the nose “iehat this far {thenat high on the wall 91. Locative -#0. — The suffix -s0 is also locative element, but it localizes more strictly than -ta; it refers to the exact spot. ‘This element may limit in time as well as in space, Examples: ‘ma’naso in the woods ‘manake’tkiso at the cross timber there (ma'na ‘wood: ko’thi refers to timber running horizontally on a hillside; -20) tamina’kso at his mound (ta- possessive pronouns ‘mina’k stem: 00) na'hibuso on the road na.’kaso the very last time (naka stem; 0 “the very”) ark ze00 right opposite (ku'ze stem; +0 “right”) 92. Locative -ero. — ‘The suffix -ero is identical in function with-so, and what difference there may be in meaning is not clear. -ero frequently follows demonstrative suffixes. Examples are: Lake (mini’ waters zopini” tami‘tisero at his village (ta- possessive pronoun; ‘mi'ti stem; -# definite articla; ero locative) okzy’Kerest'ro right whore they lay (o- nominalizing Tocative prefix; kirw’ to lie; -Rere; ero) ‘pa‘zuma'pero right below his nose (pa'ru nose; ‘map below -ér0)ry INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ‘maak kero this hill, here (maak stom; hak de- ‘monstrative, refers to position as standing; -ero) @/tero right over there fnutamitiha'lero this village of ours, right hore (muta- possessive pronoun; mitt’ stem; hak emonstrative, this; ero) 93. Classifying -nacini. — ‘The suffix -na'cin’ is a classifier, in that it refers to the class of objects to which the noun belongs. It is related to the verbal suffix -nac which expands the stem to include actions not ordinarily included (see §78). Examples are: ‘hate hana’ cin such a8 ehokechorvies (Rate’ka stem; ‘na’cint classifier) maka’ cini omni’ bana’ int ‘and beans (mako:’ stom; na’eini) sivna'eini things such as tallow ‘meni‘ena'eing such as horses 94, Even to, -taro. — The suffix -taro is translated by “even to” or “even including” In the following examples, the noun stem is that part of the complex which precedes taro. pa'taro ‘even to his head fsta'taro feven to his face pahi'taro feven the sealp eetare ‘even the winds twah’taro even the bones hy’pkereta'ro even to their moccasins swiruai'taro even including a hide stroteher twa’ra onwnitaro even to the fireplace 95. Definite article. — Mandan forms the definite and indefinite articles by suffixes to the noun stem. The definite article is the suffix -s, Examples are: mini’iwa'kes tho shore mini'zies the lako nikasis the calf ina‘nahjs the root nw'makeres the men te'kio ‘the shell ‘mika the woman, ‘wapa’minis works 96. Indefinite article. — The indefinite article is the suffix -e. Examples are: OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS _VOl. IX wasoni’re game pii're @ buffalo ote 4 lodge ma bill nu’ngke = @ man ‘na’he arrows anise 8 horse 97. Emphatic -nat. —If the speaker wishes to designate either the subject or the object as the important element of the sentence, the suffix -na is used. It occurs frequently with the general demonstrative ein the form ena. Example are: eoketna a yellow hawk (ish hawk; «i yellows ‘na emphatic) mater'na it was a chief who (ni'maber ehiets ‘nua emphatic) suke’nae’na that boy (boy-a-emphatie that-empha- tie (Peohe naw pi (Wok ips ne) [eekase'na the maker (ki'seka maker; -s definite articlo: «ena emphatic) 98. Emphatic -ona, — This often occurs with the element o, in which case it is best translated by a relative clause in English. Examples are: mi’hona. ‘the women were the ones who yhona his wife was the one who a'ware'hkaso'na the leader was the ene who wi'keakre' kona it-was @ magpie that ‘ma’numgko'na ‘Tam the man who It seems probable that the o which gives the verbal character to the suffix is related to the o which occurs in the majority of the independent verbal suffixes like -oc, -s0c, -omakoc, ~ktoc, ete. ‘Thus, o'roe is like “That ‘one did it”, ‘The following examples from texts of the independent use of o with verbal suffixes, in’the sense of the English verb ‘‘to be”. id zeret oki cor ehekere- Faraway ifit is it would not be good they said kate itis said min’ —o'wakara're i’mapet _o'rat Water wayitflows down it would be | £800 §72. | 800g 21.MANDAN GRAMMAR 27 Nom hgki kit —oro'tiki o'mikoc ‘The other set of possessive pronouns are: ‘And above ifitis, —therewillbenone | pa my uta a ‘ta your hita—nite your dna mamttahok na o'roe | o eee 80. wo, not having reached it that was it vvoubtedy svhont trom vita by mu pla is undoubtedly dirived from mita by mini reik roe assimilation. “Where there has been water it is ‘The possessive pronouns with meni’s, horse psqika —ce'reki mini'tuk | are as follows: Frog if there is noise of that water has boon ‘tatmanie en _ ‘laments ——-ita’men snite itn (it moans) tment eeaeaes . . For the use of pla- with verbal forms see 2 ma’nakini —o'r0e sz. That "aspring is ceta’ hint oro’ tiki 100. Terms of relationship*. Cold air if chore is Type 1. macyt datirikerek Plamihe my sister (man speaking) ‘The dress, when they stepped on it (past participle), | "amie thy 2 ohate D that was it, it is said. POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS 99. Separable and inseparable possession. — ‘There are two distinct sets of possessive pro- nouns in Mandan, the one used with parts of the body, things worn on the body, and cer- tain kinship terms. The other set is used with all other objects. The basis for the classifica- tion is not wholly clear, unless the objects worn on the body are conceived to be exten- sions of the body. With the kinship terms, their use is wholly irregular, and does not follow lines of biood relation and affinal relation. The pronouns are prefixed to the nouns. Like the verb, the second and third persons plural have added suffixes. Those for the personal category are: mi mys our ni your is — nite your — his Tere their ‘The possessive pronouns with pa’aw nose are as follows: rmipa'zu my nose mupa’ru our noses hipa'zw your oso nipezunile your noses pam —isnose—paswlere heir noses awi’haka grandchild, daughter-in law ito haka Rotawihaka plaro‘hakamihe mother's brother's wife nitaro‘hakamihe Kotaro‘hakamihe plawa'ratos (stom nato) mother's brother ni'tawa'ratee ertowa rates plawa'ratozkas father-in-law itave'ratozkas otawa’ratozkas ‘Type 2 Plaka my younger sister (woman speaking) rita’ka Iota plu'minike fathr’s sisters in all generations ‘nt’ minike otw’miniks tuts my son-in-law nitn’ts kotw'te + Some of those forms are given without article, others with definite article -s, still others with indefinite article -c.ptw’hinike mother-in-law itu hin otw’hinike ptw’hqzas sister's son, man speaking initw’hqkas otw’haxkas Type 3. amizy'ka younger brother, younger male parallel nicu'ka Ioow'ka ‘minw'ks my elder sister (woman speaking) inwhke Ronn'ke ‘mi'nike my son, mother's “hild of clan” ni'nie Bonike brother's son, male mminu'hake my daughter, female “child of olan” in hake Romuhake Type 4. late’ voc. father, father's brother, father's sister's son, mother’s sister's husband ‘mats hate ots date es'theres ‘my’kag elder brother, elder malo parallel cousin nw’kas Ievhas murhe my wite he hephe Type 5, rna’e’ voc. and 1 porson. mother, mother father's brother's wi nihu'e Iohus’ snuhu’'s ‘nihnite oh ‘heres sisters, ‘na’zie voo. and 1 person. grandmother nihy'sia Kohu'zis INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL, (OF AMERICAN LINGUISTI vor. 1 | 101. Possessive of verbal nouns. — The | nominalized form of the verb employs the | regular subjects pronouns for possessive o'rasi're your trip (da thou) o'wara's my speech (wa T) o'raka’nana ‘your singing (da thou) However, there are a few examples of nouns, derived from verbs, in which the verb no longer exists in Mandan. ‘Thus, the word 81ti, lodge is composed of the locative nomin- alizer, o- and the stem, fi to dwell. t¥ is the verb to dwell in Dakota, but is not used in Mandan; yet, the use of the subject pronouns for possessives makes this derivation prac- tically certain. owa'ti —oru'tt ora'ti ——ora'tinite ot otike're DEMONSTRATIVES: 102. Demonstrative pronouns. — There are throe demonstratives in Mandan: de this that @ a general demonstrative As pronouns, both de and at indicate the form of the antecedent as standing, sitting, or lying (see §§ 114—117), de'mak this ono, lying e'nak this one, sitting dehak this one, standing atemak that one, lying Qtenak that one, sitting qiehak that one, standing ‘The plural of the demonstrative pronouns is formed by suffixing -ehe to the forms given above. 103. Demonstrative adjectives and adverbs. As adjectives, the demonstratives are suffixed to the noun stem. For this -mak, -nak, and -hgk are used. For that, -at is used regardless of the shape or position of the noun it modifies Examples are: ottiiqk this lodge ‘ma‘tamgk this river ha'renak this cloud otigt that lodge ma’taat — that river fa'reat that cloudNour MANDAN GRAMMAR 29 Adverbs are: ‘The suffix -ha with the cardinal numbers 4o hore qtero there indicates the number of times — once, twice, deta hither Vieta not found) | ete. ma’ aa once is exceptional. ‘a/oka in this manner weka in that manner INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS, 104. There are several pronouns used only with the interrogative mode or with an interrogative subordinate clause. They are always in the initial position of the sentence or the clause they introduce. tewe who ‘matewe’ what eve’ where otewe which one fe’uena who is it tacka’k how ta°q: how much, how many w’usta to whore 105, DEFINITE PRONOUNS. ADVERBS twa-, something, precedes the verbal complex 108, Adverbs are formed by suffixing -ha to certain stems. Examples are: tataha separately ceir’hasoattored ‘ra'zapha roughly anveaha swiftly cerekha noisily ‘THE NUMERALS 107. The Mandan numerical system is decimal. The cardinal numbers are as follows: | 1, ma’zana 12. 2 nup 19. a 8. nas'mini 20, 4 top 21, np pir 'bini Boke ‘manana 6. kina 30, na'niniha pirat 1. hp 40. to’pha prob Si tertukt 100. hy’eukma’2a 9. ma’zpe 101. hy’oukma’zani 10. pik ma'zana 11. aka ma’zana 1000. fou ika’kohi ‘The ordinals are formed by prefixing i- to the cardinal numbers. There is one exception to this; first is we ‘The suffix -ca indicates the total number. to'pea all four of them rnu’pea both of them {evtukica all oight of thom Numerical groupings such as one by one, two by two, etc. are indicated by reduplica- tion mazana’na one by one nunu'p, two by two na:mini’mini three by three toto'p by fours Bint’ru by fives ‘The same idea is conveyed with certain adjectives by reduplication, as ‘za'ma little za’mama little by little COMPOUND VERBS 108. The Causative. — ‘The causative, Je're, is compounded with verb, noun, and adjective stems to form verbs. With all types of stems, the order of the elements in the complex is stem, pronoun, causative, tense ‘or modal suffix. Examples are: ‘o'eira'heree he had us camp (do'k- stem ro from do us; here causative ve prsent tense, used as hnarative past) duugatere’e I roads it drog (du instrumental ‘refit stem wa- pronoun; here causative; ‘ present tense in narrative past) xwhereka*™™ he had her lig down it 8 said zw ‘stam; ere oaaative; ka quotative) linhereKtoe wo will bocome bufaos (pt buffalo: ‘ns, mu and. prfix ¢ contracted; fee causative; "oe future tense) psi’herero'matvoe he blackened it (psi stems here ‘eatnaive; -[rJo™makoc narrative past) sakwaheree I dried it (oak stem; wa 1; her cause tives -¢ present tense) poinu'heresor we flattened it (pet stom; mu- wos “here enusativos-eve protrite) 109. tu-. — The use of tu- is confined to verbs of motion. It is an independent imper- sonal verb with two forms, fue there is, and tukeree. there are. Prefixed to the verbs of motion, it adds the idea of going or coming to get something which is known to exist. Examples:30 Intwore'ore Lm going attr (tu 09 above: wa Ts ‘oh from deh to gos_ore prevent tense, addresing women) Iirahiné be went after them and (bx- as above: ‘ak: from dh to go; i insorted between sonant {ind surd; oni genoral connective) turehomatoe he went after them there (tu: as ‘abover reh- from deh to go; -omakoo narrative et) ‘sza'ie T came to got them (tu- as above; wt Ty ito arrive there, having gone; e present tone, siddreming men} tura’hinata'you tost go get them (‘1 8 abo tah from deh to gos: iserted batween sonant fd sur naa operative pal 110, kiru-, — Like tu, this element is used with verbs of motion, and indicates purpose in the action. In certain contexts either form could be used to convey the same meaning, but the limitations imposed by fu- are nar- rower than kiru-, although included in the same general category. Examples from text: Iirwrehkerero'makoo they wont after it (kin prefix indicating purpose; rek from deh to go; ‘kere third person. plural suffix; -[rJo’makoe Aistant past timo). Kirveikereba®® Thy arrived for it (kinw- for a ‘purpose; ti to arrive there, having gone: -Kere third person plural; -ka'®™ quotative) Linwwahic T have come after it (Firu'- purpose; tea. T; hi to arrives -c ending addrosing men) ‘4 Biru'rahta go got tho bufale (pi buffalo; Kira’ purpose; rah from deh to g0; -ta. imperative ‘Addressing men} LIL. ereh. — means to be “about to” or “just going to”. This element is identical in form with the verb to want, wish, hope, intend, think. Examples are: twate:rereho'e T am about to dio (wa- T; te: to die; ‘ereh; -00) o’plikrerehki if it was just going to fall (o‘ptik to fall; ech; -ki subordinating suffix, if") memakima’zanie'rehini sho was just going to ask ‘me something and (ma: [for wa-] somethings ma- smo; kima’ze to ask -ni seo § 83; rch; -ni general connective) inisiniercha'ka as ho was going to dip out (inis to dip; -ni see § 88; ereh; ~Agk: refers tosubject in a standing position) swaro'rerehl when T was about, to spealk (1a ‘to speak; erch; -ki subordinating suffix) ‘kana’rerehelva he was just going to sing, but (hana’ to sing; ereh; -oka disjunctive) INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vou. 1x 112, éei’. — The independent verb ia’, to seem, is frequently used as a suffix with approximately the same meaning. It is similar to the evidential, but it does not necessarily refer to a completed action or the state resulting from a completed action. It may occur in any tense. Examples are: swaska’beeie? k T must have met him (wa: 1 eon: ‘ractod with initial, @ of the stem: abakee to moot; fi; -k past participle) 'mahapicye bo teams to be Tost (®mahap stom; ‘ed present tense) eit looks like « batfalo (pti buffalo; ‘oom to bo; -c prevent tense) fe'rhiri'e maaybo he went home (ke’reh stom; ii’: -t present tense) imac'kanacicek it seemed easy (ma:‘ka easy; -nac ‘kind of; i”; past particspl) twain ’ngkakiz?cie he doos not seem to be human (ion. nogntive prefix; nu’nakasi hurnans =e negative suffix: ici” -c presont tense) orare’hicie maybe you'll go (o- future; ra from da ‘you; reh from deh t0 B03 ies -c) ‘it 118. mi. —‘The continuative aspect of the verb is expressed by the suffix -mi. Examples: ‘eeka' mike he kept doing it, it is said (sek to do; «8 from -ha; mi continuative; -ka"™ quota tivo) pla’hams: continuing to run along (plah from pich to run; -ha Gurative; -mi: eontinuative) {te‘haram®romakoe he continued to kill (te: to dios “chara from -here, causative; -mi continuative: <[rJo'makoe narrative past) ‘eek o'mina keep on doing itt (sek to dos o- see § 98; -mi continuative: -na imperative, address- ing woroen} pehamika™ yollod continuously it ia said. (poh to yell; “ha durative: -mi continuatives kar quotative) Javharam kereka'®™ thoy kept giving to them, itis ‘said (ka‘hara from ka‘heré to give to more than ‘ono; «ni continuative: -Kee third porwon plural’ “ka quotative) Position 114, Continuous action, is often expressed by the elements considered here, if the durative suffix ha is used in conjunction with them. However, the morphemes, igh, nak, ind mak refer to the position of the subject as standing, sitting, or lying, at the momentNot MANDAN GRAMMAR 3E he is conceived as performing the action. ‘They might literally be translated, “in the act of” 116, Standing. — ‘The suffix -hak indicates that the subject is in a standing position ‘Examples are: pla‘hakeka'®™ ho was running around (plah from: pieh to run; “hak standing; -ka’®™. quotative) sutini’chahgkeka’™® ho was eieling around (ru ‘minie- stem; cha durative; -hak standing; -kar™* quotative) data'zini ha keka"™® he was erying (data's to exys “i inserted between sonant and surd; -ni connec: tive(t); -hak standing; -ka™* quotative) -kana‘hakeroe he was singing (hana to sing; shat as ‘above: -roe prosent, used as narrative past) ‘mana’ paakskerero makoe they were dancing. (ma: ‘nap from ma'nae to danco; hak -kere:-[1]0 ‘makoe narrative past) 116. Sitling. — The suffix -nak refers to the subject in a sitting position. Examples: nu make'na na'kero'makoe 4. man was there (sitting) (nu’mak man; ¢- indofinite article; -na emphatic suffix; -nak- refers to the subject in a sitting position; -[+Jo makoe. narrative past) mah i'sekanakero’makoe he was making an arrow (mah arrow; Vsek- to make; a from ha, durative, the h being absorbed by the preceding &, -nak tas above; -/rJo'makoe narrative past) iil’pe Vwatard’ kenakoe she is sewing my mocen- sins (mi- my; hyp moceasin; » definite articlo: Vwatara'k- to sow; wa- instrumental prefix, with f point; -a- from -ha, the durative; -nak rotors to the subject in a sitting position; -oe present time) do:ma’nakoe hore I ama (I sit) do: hore; ma- 1; nak ‘to bo sitting: -oc presont tenso) 117. Lying. — The suffix -mgk refers to the subject in a lying position. Example are: ‘mah ki'karama'kakerere'makoe they were looking for arrows (mah arrows; li’kara to look for: -make; kere: [r.Jo'makoc) ‘mini’zamakcka he was playing (mini’s to play: -a- from -ha, the durative, the his lost in the preceding 2; mak refers to the subject in a lying positions kerehe the quotative) du'tamakaho'makoe they were eating (dut- to eat; “a from -ha, the durative; -mak-; -ho'makoe- narrative past) du'pirhmakeki when sho was spreading it out (dw pir’ to spread, -mak; “ki temporal subordin- ation) ‘These elements also form independent verbs, and take the place of the verb to be or exist. Consequently, all objects are classified accord- ing to form. Tall objects stand, round objects sit, and flat or long objects lie. Tf the object is standing stationary -te is used. If moving hak is used. ‘we'rex nako'e a pot was there (sitting) (we'rex pots ‘nak to sit; -oe present tense) ani'tiztena te’romakoe there was a big village (mitt villages zie big; -na emphatic; te to. stand; ‘[rJo makoo: narrative past) ‘maz’ta mako'makoe the river was there (may'ta rivers ‘mak o'makoe narrative past) swa ha’keka,2™ somothing was there (wa- something: hak; ka quotative) -REDUPLICATION 118. Repetition. — Reduplication of the verb stem (excluding prefixes) is used to express repetitive ideas. Possibly there are also bisyllabie stems, not analysable that repeat the second syllable. If the redupli- cated monosyllabic stem consists of eon- sonant or vowel; or consonant, consonant, vowel, the entire syllable is repeated; if, however, the syllable ends in a consonant, the final consonant is dropped. Examples are mactata’zka"™ ho tapped it, itis said pa-skiski’homakoe he made slight cuts atitka™™ ho stamped , it ia said futw’ka®* thore were here and there, it zhazka‘haniata shake yo it! Ja-wewe'ckerela®* they chopped it up, it issaid Hirwplapta’harata paddle on both sides! o-ka-cueu'karo'makoe it was made to fall trwttatka’homakoe he streaked it id ‘The following words are exceptions to the above rule in that they do not drop the final consonant of the repeated syllable. acqzig'romakoe he hammered it dicskopsko’pomakoo he bent it in soveral places falartazke™ he notched 119. Distribution, — Several neutral verb- stems are reduplicated to convey a distrib- utive idea, Example are Ikza‘kze spotted pu'pus. striped Pu'puce speckled3 sex-cocothue_thore were white spots Satin | fw here and there (oa a fow) Se'sap rough (like sand paper) ta‘ ‘streak Iottop nied ‘VERBS OF MOTION 120, Mandan possesses eight stems, indicat- ing motion. They are: deh to-go. fu to-come e'rch to go back Tuk to come back 1 toarrive, having gone Ii to arrive, having come Kiri’ to arrive, having gone back Tih to arrive, having come backe With these verbs, and others such as do'pze, to enter, suk, to go out, si, to travel, ete. the prefixes a-, tu-, and kiru- are used in a special sense, which has been discussed in §§ 84, 109, 110. HABITUAL ACTION 121, Habitual action is expressed idiomat ieally by the use of the stem with ai'hoc, to be strong. Examples are: seare’h weas’hoe 1 go habitually (sa: Ts deh to gos ‘ea-T; sth indicates habitual action; -0e present tense) sma'nan dasi’hoe you aro always stealing (man ‘stem; na- from da- you, infixed; sik habitual ‘tion; ~2e present tonse) a‘hana’l shoe ho in always riding (a'kana’k stem: ‘hoe aa before) uiki'ro nuaithoc we always tall to each other (nu. wo: Biki- roviprocal; do stems mux we; sikoe ‘as above) SOUND S¥MmOTISM 122, A number of words show sound symbolism analogous to that of Dakota.t sand 2 ‘uan'p to pull a little duzn'p to tear sero to jingle sero to rattle ‘dw'tero to ting a bell du’zero to ring «hand: ‘bell ‘the Dakota, ‘Teton Dialect; International Journal fof American Linguistics VIL, Nos. 3—4, p. 112. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Vor, 1x ‘aa'eap rough, like a 2a‘zap rough, like sand: file paper ‘pus striped ‘pur Hooked fhake’s to shave with kale’s to sorateh with ‘enife ‘knife (hako's to serape with ‘knife) |e and x pu'cak coarse sand — pu’zak fine sand ot white ot grey hna’ree hot nna’rex lukewarm, cand « oa’si smooth, like fee ea’ei smooth, like skin ‘The following seem to be related but do not show a regular sound symbolism: ‘hata’ to strike ‘ata’z to rap or knock ka'sir?l to shatter by ka'sir?' to splash striking apei’k to knock down something in motion cok a pile cop a stoop pile hna‘ee re hot nate ware Some of these may contain fossilized affixes. apei’ to fell, to knock: ‘down INTERSECTIONS 123. The following interjections are in use: now I remember (woman speaking) how ally exclamation of surprise or delight ‘what of itt In the above examples, when the sex of the speaker is not given, either may use the word. Word Order 124, The normal order of words in a Man- dan sentence is subject, object, verb. ‘The verb is generally the final element in the sentence, although for emphasis the subject may be placed in final position, followed by the emphatic ena. Subordinate clauses always precede the ‘main clause, the verb with the subordinating suffix being the last clement in the dependent clause.NO. MANDAN GRAMMAR Syntactic: Uses 125, The suffix -na (see § 97) is in prac- tically all sentences suffixed to the subject, and never used with the object. It is not grammatically incorrect to reverse this usage, since test sentences so formed evoked no criticism from my informants, but it is never s0 used by the native speakers of the language. TEXT kivrapuska’ ha:* a:'kita® na’ keka- Kirapuska sky above was living (sitting) ened apaoni'ne® —mi’kins® ta'mi- iti said. Game there was none and on his mina kt na’ kini® wae’ - stono mound hewas sitting and somethingheheard bw? phi0 ofa’ zenall itissaid buffalo roars eka, hho heard it is said. Gteweta!® — ore! sha’ aka? In which direction sound he know not itis said. ANALYSIS | Proper name “Burned himself in Streaks"; hi rofloxive, § 28; ra from na, instrumental prefix, §§ 82, 12; pus stem; -ka past. * Stem, 9 ai'ki stom; sa locative suffix, § 88. nak -stem Vo sit, used in the sense of the verb “to 4 Bes 5118; Fa" quotative, § 57 something; 0- nominalizing prefix, § 99; ‘ni stom; -e indefinite article, § 96; the n is erived from tho r, § 17, insorted between to vowels in affixation * mik. stom; is inserted between sonant and surd, § 16; -ni conneotive, § 82. ‘ta: posesive pronoun, § 99; im stom, stone, reduplicated t0 indicato collectivity; nak indi ates form aa round, § 116; + divectional, § 90. * Soe note 8 for «int * wea. somethings £ stom; -kw* quotative, § 57. stom, 1 o'az stem; - indefinite article, § 96; -na empha tic, § 97 1 Sea note 9. 1 9. locative prefix, § 87; ue interrogativestom, { 104; -ta directional suffix, § 89. 1 Vhgei irregular nogativeform of ihek; -ka’eh quotative, § 57. 3 33, wekanaka'® iky:ha? —aikle Teeontinuing that way far off he wandered mi’ kkarsro, ofharani® —_tami- ‘there was nothingit is said. From then on right on nalkso™ —na‘kini® —pli® ol taxa his mound he sat and buffalo roars the a'ni® —ta’mina’ks™ irw'taktahe'reka’s®, hho heard and his mound the he removed itis said. Gmapet® — aka leh pie’ Downward he looked it is said. And buffalo two xteka?®*°, mini’ —ikiru’ zkaha®® were great it is said, Water moving about ni?nat® ——herekaPese®s ek hand ‘walking they causod itis said. And he looked nab kin® “ware Me™ erehkaP en, and sat end “T'lgo” ho thought it in said, Ss yeka “that way"; nak, §116; -a from ha, the durative, § + the h boing absorbed by tho 1 pi stom; -k past participle, § 72. 1 Seo notes 6, 4. Conjunction, “from then on" 1 a: posesive pronoun, §99; mi’nak, asin note 7; “40 definite looative suffix, § 91 % o'taz- atom; &- definite article, § 95 4% 4 from ¢, stom, to heat, the € t0 a, § 15, before ‘nie connective, § 82. 4 ta. posseasives -# definite article © {locative prafix, §35; rw. from du, §12, instru mental profix, § 82; tak stom; a locative suffix, 09; -heve causative, §108; ka". quotative, 31 + | Nogativ prefix § 25; mape som; + drctonal suffix, § 90. 1 Seo note 9. 2 Conjunetion. 2% ptf stern; -# indefinite article, § 96 between two vowels in affixation, § 17. % wa- something; 2te adjectival stem, “big”, and ‘used in a genoral senso like English “very”; “ke quotative, § 57. % i Tocative prefix, $85; Ki- reflexive, § 28; ru’zka stom (duzka), § 12; -ha durative suffix, 55. % ni stom; -na prosont participle, § 71. 8 here causative, § 108; ka quotative, § 57. %Conjunetion. & ha stom from he, § 15; -ni connective, § 82. wa- pronoun, §°21; reh stom (deh), § 12; te intentivo, § 58. 9 Soe note 9, InserteduM INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS “ko tewe® iwarehki® cieckat” ——_ereh- “Which one if T go as will it be good” he thought kv", ani’. bia’ hihe'reka ene ‘tissu. Andhimeefintoanarrow horadeitissai, tama’ he!® hit Kirwhanahini®® ima‘ hi- Hiserrow feather —hetorwotf and himsolf into Baranis# Iuka, nit farrow he made and he eame it fs said. Coming amini’ eamika?®™, Li'paekarem ‘owas civling around it issaid. He landed i insaid napulse™ — tamitise 705 oharani® o:ka- Charred in Streaks hisvillageat. ‘Then therohe Kqhini®* — okiswkexika’®™, re. gotatuckand hecouldnot get outitissa. A prairie nat tris napupw’shereka?®™s#, fire arrived and it bummed him in streaks itis sid. % Interrogative pronoun, § 104 j= prefix, § 85; wa- pronoun, § 21; reh stom, soe note 39; -i subordinating aux, 08. “enka suffix tending to make stem ‘more vigwo in moaning, § 7. # Conjunction 4 Li-rfloxiv, §28; mahstom, arrow i $35; here causative, §108; La" quotative, § 57 tas Nis; mah arrow indalinte article hi feather. “4 f.profix,indiating that objoct is posesied by the subject, § 20; ru’hanah stem from dwhanah, fs in §-12; du. instrumontal prefix, § 32; - Inserted between sonant and snd, § 16; oni connootive, § 82. + feo note 40; har from here, § 15; -ni connective, $82. how, § 120. Inu ni, $6 120,82 ‘© ka'minio stem; a from -ha, durative, § 65, the h being absorbed by the proveding e; mi contin: uuntive, § 113; ko" quotative, § 7 senna by fires pus tobe staked % sae possosive pronoun, § 08; mi¥é tem: definite article, § 95; ero loeative sults, § 02. 8 sharani 5 9 locative prefix, § 37; hathak- stems i a8 in $10; ni- connoctiv, § 82. 190. locative profix, 437; Ki suflexive, § 28; wut ‘Som; ai nogaive suffix, §70; ka" quotative, $51. 60 stom: -- inserted botween vowels, § 175 -¢ {ndet.aeticlo§ 963 -na emphatic, § 97. 5 Listom, to arrive ere, §120; ni connective, $82. 5 yainstrumontel prefix, §32(4); pus stem, ody Treated, § 119; here- causative, § 108; "ko" quotative § 57. tek nat kini*® “o'manakhq kero® ‘And ho sat and “At this spot where T sit mana’ init” ercha?en, if thore wore but @ spring” he thought itis sai. ‘rw’ xkahanake'ba’**, ign’ kkareheso, | Ho swayed toand froitissaid. He got out it issaid. ‘harani®™ na! kini® Then he sat and erchkerenes, “mi Vrarek*® cohol” “T being alone is bad” anit “ptams’ ti ta kit he thought itis said, And “my village if there is oci’at"*S—erchka’?™, tama’ halt {it would be good” he thought it is said, is arrow ‘si nucp kiki’ kyhe'rekaremes, (det) feather two he joined to each other it is said. Kani’ thi ‘mat hskiley- And feather to arrow he joined Rerekar®, smash’ piks it is said, to arrow head bik hereka?®™™, tama'na irw'pa culo’kaske he joined itissaid, His bow. ainews iley’hereka?®*s, he joined, itis aaid. ‘ma! xana cud kaskes® ‘The sinew na’kini mi'ti Sitting village ofharani mani’ Wtes™ ‘Then hunting what helied nw peaska®® doth ecko’ homadeit said, o- looative prefix, §39; ma- pronoun with neutral verb, f 24; na‘kigk stom; ero locative suffix, $92, 5% mma’nahini stom; -kisubordinating suffix, § 66. Soa note 25. © Li-rofloxive, §28;eukstem ska’ quotative, §7 § independent personal pronoun, § 2. ® j/2a stem; -rak past participle, § 72. © pta- possessive pronoun, § 99; mi stem. fu stom; ki- subordinating suffix, § 68. 4 o. future tonse, § 88; ei stom; “at conditional suffix, § 63. kiki. reciprocal, § 28; yh stom; here causative, f 108; ta" quotative, § 7 ©. locative prefix, § 35; mah stem; -s definite Article; 1- reflexive, § 28; Luh stom; here- cau- ative, § 108; -karO quotative, § 57. cuko’ unanalyzabla; baske +0 tio; ~+ definite article, §95. *% pup stom “two” ca: suffix indicating the total number, § 107. 1 te. stom; # definite article, here used in a ‘nominalizing sense.NO ikahekkana'cka’®™? tasu’knumaks™ ma:'ni? hehad plenty itissaid. “His young men hunting sini ica maca’peckahe'rekeoreka’™, went and they too enjoyed themselves itis said. tanu'makcikeres™® — napu'se __dtiztehe'- ‘Thoit chiot Charred in Streaks (his) lodge rekaenet, mitina'ta ica’ k Dighe made itis said, In center of village himselt kifhe mika, o’harani® ma’qk ‘wife was none itis said, ‘Then Ground wie, ‘arrived it is uma kei Chiet mic’ ka twat ni “My younger brother something great and miti¥® cizteéc™™ ——e’heha*™ village is very good," he said itis sai. wea atakas sau Enum’ cia to 0 grost extent young man atv good ta’ni ka’he mika? na‘ keca’” (looking) and wife without ean they live(sitting) 1” Chek, “deta a’kaha’ka ho said it is said. “At this place in the south smi’ naki konu hqk’® ihe’ stant Sun's daughter being very beautiful woman i'kahekkanac. "ta possoaive pronoun, § 993 suk adj. stems ‘numak noun stom; -- definite article, § 85. 1 mac pecka: stom; here- causative, § 108; Bere third person plural suffix, §45; ka" quotative, for. * ta- possessive pronoun, § 99; mu’mak- stom, rman; ei- good, henee chief; Kere- third person plural, § 45; 4 definite article, § 95. 1% oft atom; ate big; here causative, § 108; -ka™ quotative, §87. # ik nothing. mni- possessive pronoun used for parts of the body and some kinship torms, § 1003.u’ka- stem. a- something, § 1035 2te very; -mi and. nita- possessive pronoun, § 108: mit stem. 6 good; ate very: -¢ prosent, addressed to men, $4 tint id. Hie arrived and ni'ta- “han “And "kyle stom; €- indefinite article, § 96; mik- “nothing” negative, § 81. © nak. stom; e- prosont tonso, add mon, $47; a- intorrogative mode, § 62. de this, §102; -ta locatives § 88. & § 100. ‘if woman; of good; 2te very; -ni and. MANDAN GRAMMAR 35 na'ksc”® Cheha, qld 187 nal - lives (sit) ho said itis sia se na in Streaks dom.) choke" ho said itis “ua‘cka ea “In some way “ta’cka wat herero’xereca?”® “How amI todo it?” agkte’k# ma’*qk numa keina ji, Ando Ground Chief (dern.) dara’ hini®® — i’rakiru.’ktoo™* you go and you will court her hea, “'raru'cani®® napa’ sasuni™ hosaiditissaid. “Embrace her and strip her arakcyhtoc™ = eheka’*™*, ght k ‘and youwillliowith her,” heaaiditis said, And 0 Iivrapuse deikas, “mat tewe Charred in Stroaks wont it is said. “What if mickeki®® cite’ rehkaPene, impersonate would be good,” he thought it isa. kan’ hima? si herokaress, And himself into eagle he changod it is sa kant’ rehka?®™, mih iki ki Ho soared it is said. © Woman to court hint oltikere —ac‘tit nu:mini’ he arrived and lodge their above he was, aha’ keka?®%, ea’ suki’ hs cireling it is said. Herself young woman the S00 note 34. © wa- pronoun, § 24; here causative, § 108; -roxere Gubitative, § 64; e- addressing men, § 47; a interrogative mode, § 62. 9 da- pronoun, § 21; rah stem, the r from d, § 12, land the a from, § 15: i inserted between ward and sonant, § 18; ni- connective, § 82. {= lovative prefix, § 85; ra- pronoun, § 21, the r from d, § 12; Vkirw: stem; -Koe future tense to men, §50. ' S-Tocative profix, § 35; ra-seo note 1 ;ruca’ stom, to take, ther fromd,§ Zand thoafrome,§15; du instrumental profix, §82; i- connective, § 82 © napa’saeu- stam; ni- connective § 82. qe prefix with verbs of motion, § 34; ra- sce note 01; Kayh stem; toc- future tense, § 60, k Grops out between two consonants, % mis» contraction of pronoun ma and i of stem, $24; the stem; -Li subordinating suffix, § 6. ci stom; -kice subordinate future, § 50.; +k past participle, § 72. 1 nwminie- stom; a- from ha, the durative, § 65; higke indicatas position of subject as standing ‘and moving, § 115; -kw¥*. quotativo, § 57. Soo § 21.x INTERNATIONAL JOURNAT OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS Von Ix mi'naki—a:‘kereski™ ta’ pe Kika’ ‘ikirw'ki®! dare'hs™8?" — e'heka’®™*, “wa:- fin “aide facing ioe” wastooking | "court yourtrip?” ‘how itia mid. "You nakeka?®rU Kihq!nakha™ — a'- ara kiriai'ch ehekarer. hakte’ ke for (ting) itis said, While Tooking, sun | dia not bring hor back” ho sid inid. Aso Kereskes™ i’ wahinw 'kinite’kar™02, jf qhipo> “niona™ ‘napa’ sasuni ara bum the ‘wae shadowed its sad, ‘Upward | “ou arethe one who chord her wal'eou he bi na puse tkeaha- | ary’ Moo” “etek Twase kin thon sholooked Charred in Steaks waslaughing | iat timber” “Waoteon saa waite Kecka?enstot, oc harani®® pa’ xeruks | ypakw’hoe™20 eheka*, Me (standing) it is said. ‘Then ‘Paxeruks | Teame home.” He said it is said. (disgust) awere® — birufcanil® amin 'zie resckoc!™ ——na'pae” ‘her pail ‘took her own and — water went | something great youdid Charred in Streaks,”” rehkarerre, fqkte'k —na’puse'na— mi? | wheeq@ere, —mal’qh numa’koina “vrarw’ forivissnid, And so Charred im Strosks stone | © fOm@S. mata numa'keina i raru\- rexe’na®® o/hara pard'thika™, —pa’ka- | anime ny'hinil®® —alrakw'htoe y'e frenshuoont "with Bead hit i is said, Hocut | (arin, ght rand price ee ny na’naka*2, bani’ mie a! tarta nd | acl” eheka"™, napus Terupitiesid, And thewoman Hocovered ad | ig Mocmlecn”,, hha na pu wpa kawhka®™, —malkini kind’) gong “ysta q’ska etektoo” tani™® — ke'rehka?eres8, i hak™ chekw®™, 6! haray hake : Wharani mat hakere- and returned it is said. ‘Having arrived | yo said it issaid. ‘Then they lived there (lying) ma’qk —numa'keina “ta'cka e'ca mith pene, i atu’ 135, Ground Chief (emph.) “How was it to eae ie na’ atw'nacok 1 1 direction towards § 90. 1 ki. indicates that object is possoased by the subject, § 29: ha: stom: nake- subject in a sitting position, § 116; kar quotative, § 57 111 Boe note 100; ‘ha, § 63 ‘m2 hime to disappears eahinu kinite’- deriva tive, to be oast in shadow; ka", quotative. 4 looative prefix, § 35; aki stem} -! directional suffix, § 90. 11 ra stom; hake: indigates subject standing and ‘moving, § 115; -kv quotative, § 97. 108 a possessive pronoun, § 005 we're stem 190 ki. object possessed by subject, § 20; rucca soo note 92; -ni connective, § 82. 10" mani waters deh to go. to" fer translucent, ena. 1 pa head do‘th “kar quotative. 18‘pa. instrumental profix, § 32; kana- stom; reduplicated as in § 118; -kar*€ quotative, i q'barta'ni; a"haste 10 cover. 12 i. ropetitive, § 30; nata stem, thea from &, § 153 ni connective, e’reh- stom to return, § 120; -a€ quotative. it issaid. Living (lying) several seasons later 48 das pronoun, § 21; deh to gos -# definite article nnominalizing, § 95. 18 weac- negative prefix, § 79; a- profix with verbs ‘of motion, § 34; da- pronoun; iri” ater; -ri nogative suffix, § 79; ending addressing men, sa 11 pi- independent personal pronoun, § 21; ona- ‘emphatic sufix, §21 118 ee second porson of irregular stem, § 27; -k past participle, § 72 1» Vek stem; ton: I, § 21; -- between sonant and surd, § 16; -ni eonneotive, § 82 440 wa- I, § 21; Fuh stom, § 120; or present tense to men, § 47, 10 (gk stem re- pronoun from da, asin §§ 12, 145 ‘ee present tense to men. ut pu’h your wife, 2 wo/ke- stom; wa. pronous ‘addressing men. 24 S00 note 118; -Atoc Future tense to men, § 50. 1% maohi- season; maa- reduplicated ““soveral seasons”; fu- to exist; nac- § 78; -2k past partic infix ¢ eultix 2314 Fuh stom, § 120; 2k past participle, § 72. ciple.)NOT ta’ mina’ kta? his mound at na ika?*¥ hhosat i iasaid, aghte’k te'pa- ‘Andso Meadow sira’hkana Lark ena “wack! na ita itwas who, “Somethinglots you to ni? keree na puse.”——“*mana- thoyare travelling Charredin Streaks.” “Embank. to'pha® echt” — cheka?*, ment four rmoke,” he said it is said. ght’ na'tani® Rerehkar, And 20, he got up and went back itis said. ka’rahami:1 ki'hint "ye Going along home he got back and instantly skied aiken, forgot it is said ini ina’ 4! kanacok na’ kini Again after a time sitting mi’nakta? —de'hka®™, —_‘ki’kana‘kkana’k- mound to hewent it issaid. He wassitting down har102, it hind arrived and ina’ k te pasira’ hkana Again Meadow Lark heko™, ssid it is sid, said, ‘mana’ kinire'na “An embankment ina’ k goin epesoe Teaid rat puse —wacku:'na®® niyo Charred in Streaks many you to ehekas™, ——>y chanaka aid. After a while de’ hoki when he had gone cheba, sniditiseaid, ni? kerec”” are travelling sto’ phat® the fourth time te pasira’ bhase'na Mondow Lark “mana kin’ “Embankment sweace reki398 Some noise tihu’ roe. is approaching, ena €'pesoe 1 spoke of 8 was. somethings hw many; -na present partic. ‘ple, § 71. 38 is independent pronoun, § 21 tion of direction, § 87. top fours -ha suffix “times”, § 107. 19 {'Sek stom; -ta imperative modo to men, § 60. 190 nate 8 ja'rah- stom from ke'rch, § 15s -ha durative, § 65: mi continuative, § 113. 42 Likanak stem; roduplicated, § 1185 -ka'™* quo- 1 e'pe L said, § 27; -s0e proterte, § 51 14 ach. stem: ak- past participle, § 72. twa. something: ee'tck stem; -ki aubordinating suffix, § 66. sta post posi MANDAN GRAMMAR | 37 ta’ kit if there ie ka're don’t whta” 0 out,” na'tani!®® za'xahaq’ckana Hogotupand gram tall he took ancl o'kika’*™, otkini kal stuckinhishead itisanid, Heworeitand going rahami™™ think ruc ikiha’= Along home hearriveand at onoo forgot it, rik 18, ght’ — “mak — numa ei i issaid. — And'so, “Ground "Chief wa:'ickaxi os” et heka*h, fi not ondinary,”" he said itis said. tcl" hekaren there is” he sid i i iste” ghekad*¥, yet" hosaid i i anid. eheka™, bh said itis said. wea ni “wo'rakiis® A plume ‘Taeki- Dui “mana kini ia. “Embankment “hqlte’k numa kini “And so mon and he he said ehenit® ‘and awe ohana'nitana'®” women and all join in,” kar, ica’ na puse issuid. ‘They t00, Charred in Streaks maak numa kei ‘eckama’ Ground" Chiet making they were ercka’*%18, wa'ra irw'pani eka? itis sid. And a bow hemadeitissaid gkte’k ma’qk numa’kei Thace'ceka I ami’ hini mach Andso Ground Chief buck brush stem. ara acu'st —deharani™ — kiru'canake- live coal he put on and took back 136 tu to be oki, § 66. 1 Prohibitive particle ka're with the imperative rmode,§ 80; § 60. 1% wa:- negative profix, § 70; veka stom “ordinary, for nothing”; -ri negative suffix, §705 -¢ present tense to men, § 47 2 wo- contraction of wa- something and o- of stern; ‘okt stem; ra- pronoun; -- inserted between two vowals, § 17; -eindafinito artiolo, § 96. 10 Vek stom; -(i)nista: imperative plural, § 60, M1 ohana stem; -nita from nil, soeond person plural sufix, § 44; thee to a, § 15; -na impor tive to women, § 60. 38 conjunction. 48 Vseka stem; -a from -ha, durative, § 85; mak. position of subject lying, § 117; -keve third per- fon plural, § 45; -ka™* quotative. 14 deh stom, to go; -hara from here causative, § 108; toa, § 15; -ni connective, § 82.B INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL, OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. 1X a8, mahi? sekini si'pucka “na puse ——te'manaha’rani—e'rchni= itissaid. Arowshomado and prairio chicken | “Charred in Streaks tokillme you rwally isi shi herekae®, mq | miko. nitams'tis® kivhata™® — hex feathers arrow feathers homadeit issaid. While | "want. Your village ook at,” hesaid aka ce'reka*, mekaha | are, Aight’ tami'tis —pi's*hana’h= so doing there was a noise itis said. Meanwhile | it issaid. And then his village as (sat) in smoke numa’ keis o'ti waro'pzektel* — e’heke'~ | jypeneso, o.’harani ma'papirakse’na —ma’s the chief lodge might enter they said | j¢ is said. ‘Thon woasel the (emph,) to eka, suko'nal? ce'rekha*® wa! zkaha- ; 5 nacctet! aki’ hkaenee na puse. itieeald. Children ne werechasing | “woods brought back Charred in Streaks, nana kaa*¥, ue dopant | alte’ “ho'tewe'® i'warehki® _cikte'k” something it ix maid, ‘Thus, he entered and | eee ne ee wilt te toud™ ‘mat hiseks we dapi’t- ‘ “gabithoc” a erehkaP®™, ‘waki'hoe” —e'reh- the arrows made 80 the scattered them with is |, gucvone ici sald. “Larivede” he Wenge ae ag, paltee hue | napuse | we, ye kiko mark foot ie is sald. And that way Charred in Streaks | iy isaid, ‘That way when he got back Ground pa'taro® i'n w pat Fi kaka, “pla head even he shot at from place to place | ™uma’kei data’ xini ha’ keka’e™. - ° Chief was crying (standing) itissaid, “My karo skeka’®™81, —oma’papi'rok si’rena oe ee Rae asa ae Siew | Aazka¥®® tami'ti ci'soc” —heka?e¥, losconded itis sai ease yellow . ea duketebeennte, jglacre | MPH Bitvllage wan god,” ho aid xa that one woored “Mimo is said. And then | ,MA”Pake'kin’ | ity’hareholse® data’ bi He mourned and night toward —rying he te pasira’hkana wa:'ehest®® —ikiha’xika’*™, | | * a , Mondow Lark’s saying heforgotitissnid. | /a’'pini ——worw'tise' kin ven kirut- an 5 7 | stopped and something to cat mado and they were Kani’ wa'ra iru’panaduca'ni aka’ And hotookand chasod him hereka?®®*, —— do'thini e'rehini™™#—“tima- it issaid, Tohit himashewasabout to, “Center atsukta™6 eheka™. ‘take out,” he suid it is said ‘abow post Mi ki. iterative profix, § 30; duea to tako; nake position sitting, § 110; -ka"®™* quotative #wa- something; do‘pre stem; -kiek “‘might", future dubitative, suk. stom; ona- emphatic, § 98. 16 ce'rck stem; “ha adverbial suffix, § 108. 10 wa'zka-hanama’te. ‘9 pa stem; taro noun suffix, § 94. 18 aro‘ake M2 yatka heart; du. instrumental prefix, § 325 dukei'e “to bother"; -ka*¥* quotative. 19 ya. something; e’he he said; -# definite article, 99, nominalizing in function. 4 eiych, § 111. 8 fimana-eina re. 4 profix with verbs of motion, § 34; euk stem; sta imperative mode to men, § 60. 7 1e stem, to die; mana- pronouns, § 25; -hara from here, causative, § 108, the ¢ to a, § 18; ni connective, § 82; -ereh- soo note 154; ni- pro: noun, § 21; mik nogative, § 81; -oe present tense nding. 188 nita- possessive pronoun, § 99; mitt stem; -# finite article, §95. 1» Li object possosiod by subject, § 20; ha stem from he, § 15; a imperative to men, § 00. smoke; tha in midst of; nak- stem to be itting, § 116; a" quotative. 28 mana wood; -2te big; -t directional suffix, § 90. 12g: profix with vorbs of motion, § 34; bih- ster, § 120; -ka™* quotative. 2 interrogative pronoun, § 104. 164 ih. stem; ak- past participle, § 72. 21 ptu- contracted from pla- possessive pronoun and {1 of stom. 3 ew’h night; -arch towards -0k past participle, 52. 17 wo: contraction of wa- something and o-nominal- izing prefix, § 39; dut, stem; ieek stem; + inserted between urd and sonant, § 16! -ri ‘connective, § 82.NOT. m@kakercka"®*©%, 0 harani ma’qk numa kei eating itis said. Then Ground Chief hake kkare™, ko'tamihs hho remembered it is said, His sister oxi kena® te! waha'rani cellar T will kill him and waka xtektoc"™ ——e’heka?e, T will cover him,” he said it is said, ini he’ kereka?enstt, went and looked it is said ana’ kka?®%192, veto it is said, side “A big mat sakena rawhide da’ ‘They ki’ kana- He was sitting kirweani ‘they took him and hakw hkerckar™2, —— ko'tamihs duh’ Drought him home it is sai. tanned lini Ingeini sekini waa’ we i sekaka’- fand leggings made and everything shedid for hherekar*s™,——_ruptaro™ maak hhim itis said, even to his moccasins. Ground numakei u'pa otis i hihekweM Chief with him house the watched i is said. ohiki Tk na = When he arrived there being plenty Charred puse mani de iki cha in Streaks tunting when the went that way ma'kaha —ma’’qk —numa’kei ica’ while living Ground Chiot ‘too ware’ Fehon, “mizeak something to go he wanted it is said. “I too twara'hini plami’he wase' ha: orw tin wa'~ Til goand my sister entrails edible some 1 wa- something; Ii- object possessed by subject, § 29; due to eat; maka lying, § 117; -Rere third person plural; -ka"™ quotative. 1 ok 198 f Tocative prefix, § 35; wa- pronoun, § 21; kazte Stem; -Hoe future tense to men, § 60. 10 dah stem from doh, aa in §§ 12 and 15; inserted Dobwoen surd and sonant, § 10; he stem; -kere third person plural; -ba"™€ quotative. ‘1 ha- contraction of Hi-, § $0 and a- prefix with verbs of motion, § 34; buh stem; -kere> as in note 171; -kar®* quotative. 19 Yeck stom; ka‘here to. give to more than one, hhere used as indirect object, § 84; -ka* quota tive. 11 jup stom; aro nominal suffix, § 94. MANDAN GRAMMAR 39 wake'haktoc'”®, weak hki oci'e” TMl got. ‘If Teomeback it will be good”, chekwe™, ght’ mani w’pa hosaid it issaid, And so hunting with him dchkae, ——ko'tamihs!™ —wase'ha: it ia said he went, His sister entrails oru'tini Keka‘ kuv’kae™, rycka edible he had for her itis said. ‘That way smq’kakereka’*™t6, ina’ — mani they wore living it is sid. Again hunting nw peacka™™ de hkereka’*¥. kv’h- ‘both went itis said. When they got kereki ko tami hkeres mati’ta% i kxahas® ackhome their sister outside laughing teka’®™, ——aghte'kma"®qk numa kei stood it is said. And then Ground Chief, “palta keke, — “plami’ha tkeaka “Look,” said it is said, “My sister laughing tec” chek, “pa ksahini- stands,” he said it ia said. “What could have Ik” etheka?sM,——_kikiri’kerek6* happened,” he said itissaid. When thoy got back. Kotami'hkeres teni te'ka®™*, ka wa! ‘their sistor dead stood itissaid. Giant zokana fini tik “ta'tarihe ‘arrived and having arrived, “Grandfather ‘ma'tewe darw toca" chek — gukmi’hs what do you eat?” said itis said the young 178 wa. somes wa: I; ke'ka stem; -ktoe future tenso, to men, 18 third person of kinship term which is irregular, § 100; s- definite article. pee 105. profix; nup stom; -ea suffix indicating total number, § 107. ‘matt stom; -aIocative suffi 10 (exe stom; -ha durative, § 68. ha stam from he, § 15; “ta imperative to men, 400, 1 wakeah stom; -i- inserted between sonant and urd; -nikuk, § 59. 1 fi iterative profix, § 30; iri” atom, § 1083 -Rere third person plural; -k past participle, § 72. 1 dae you; dul t0 ent; -c0 present tense to mens 4: interrogative mode, § 62. $908,ATIONAL JOURNAL ena. Agkteé’k —“e'xisih nasere’- woman (emph,). And so “stomach fat when phe'reki® warw’thare'®, mike xite™®” cooked Talwayseat. Woman pregnant avkiha — déhitiki —— waru'thare.”” “hie” above whenshehadputit Talwayseat.” “Yes,” theni — ack, gig nasere'p- sho said and did it its sid. The fat she put ha‘rani —inasit® — kaha — xi ‘onffire and beside it lying stomach arkiha dehhereka? OO, falta! kal wao'x- shove she put ititissaid, Andso Giant Kana du'tini ——_sukmi’hs xi ate and the young woman stomach uu xtha?e™, clawed itis said, a'wa0' vokana te’ harani Giant killed her and ich wasi'hini™ ma’na iwasi’hini na’ tha? mouth filled and sticks put inand standing teharanil®™ — de hha, submit he placed her and went itissnid. ‘The young woman exinte a" tasw'k having been pregnant — her child duca:'ni manahini'ta™ i byte ka, ho took and spring to he threw i itis said, ma'zana — duea'ni—tihafota one he took and wall against ivthikarss, de ha, koe he slarumed iti is said. He went itissaid. ‘The ceyka' heres kara'taxama kakereka’®*8, — ki- brothers were erying (lying) itis said. ‘They ina’ k Again 18 na. instrumental prefix, § 32; a7e'p stem; -Rere causative, § 108; “hi subordinating suffix, § 66. twa. T; dut to eaty kare customary action ‘addressing woman, § 55. e'xi stomach; ze bi 110. locative prefix, § 35; nasi stom; -t directional suifix, § 80. 1» keyh- stam: -ha durative, § 63. deh stom: -here causative, §108; -ka"¥* quotative. ‘wasiZh stom; -i- inserted betwoon surd and sonant; -ni connective, § 82. frat stem; -ha durative, § 65. oxi stom; zte big; -k past participle, § 72. ‘na’nahini stom} -ta Tocative suffix, § 89. Jka: inceptive, § 31; data’s stem; maka- position Tying, the a from -ha durative, § 605 “hire third person plural; -ka¥* quotative. (OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. 1X Eni maak “mi stopped and Ground My cw'ka na'puse ma’ziru'lahe youngorbrother Charred i Steaks creeping things maak miko'c” ec heka@*™, “aa’~ th arth therearenone,” he siditisaaid, “Even macka® ai'cka Tle ones ven oi ones ina’k ma‘ xa- too "just numa kei Chiet te’ nik will dio te'nik will die twa.'ihy'cka ‘ven in big families ka’pec” chek. hola will romain,” he said itis said, ‘The ehekaee, said it it in end, ume kaki people nakere™ swat ratos ena elder brother was the one who wo'rut i'kiseks wwalsiru’tame kakere~ Food prepared some they were eating (lying) kaPsA18, ghte’k maqk numa kei “wa:'ra- itissaid And then Ground Chief, “something cca? — hck@®* —_hocy’kasena. did youhear?” said the younger brother. Kqltek “miko'e” hela, inw’phqk' ‘And then, “No” hesaiditissaid. Socond time eherekaess, inutpeacka’® suk they heard it itis said. Both did it is said Child data x sna. “oi harani pla mike €xizte's!® crying it was, “Over there my sister pregnant, was ici ¢200” heb something must have happened” he said itis said na'tose’na. —oharani ma'na duck’ hint theelder one, Then wood he split and Wrexha'rani —Whycta kikara’ kere~ Tight and made house against they searched 1 sa'ma stem; -cka contracted from ecka. 1 ma’zana stem; -kere nominal suffix, § 46. i wwa- something; da- you; ¢ stem: -¢ procont tense to men, § 48; -a interrogative mode, § 62. ‘forms ordinal number; ha- suffix indicates “times” with numerals, § 107; - past participle, §7. 100 oa:- something; kea stem; dei”, §1125 -¢ present tense to men, § 48. 4m du- instrumental prefix, § 82; okjh stem; -i- Inserted between sued and sonants tive.NO MANDAN GRAMMAR # kaes*, uke oki*kanapka'rani##® kara’- itissaid. Thechild they found and they were Free Translation tahama kakercka’**5, oharani mini | _ Kirapuska was living up above in the sky prayingforhimitissaid. "Then they bathed | it is said. There was no game and he was karo'preha'rani na’tosma~—¢hekar®, | sitting on his stone mound and heard him and elder brother said itis said. | something it is said. He heard buffalo roars “décka mWigki oxikoct™ Chelase, | He did not know in which direction the “This way ifwe stay wilbebad,” hesaidi¢iseaid, | sound was. Tt continued like that. He wan- “oh buroc” Vheka®, “hake | dered far off (but) there was nothing. Then “twill hurd,” he said itis said, “And | Be sat right on his mound and heard the sh’ hmaltdofkata suk kirwtat, | buffalo roars and removed his mound it is ‘Tonight. howe keop it child eat. | Said. He looked down, Buffalo were great nvhalt ove? ehekare™,” gkt’e | things. Walking they caused the water to If westay itwillbegood,” he said itis said. And s0 na’ puse’na “Koni: ni’ nato'roc?® Charred in Streaks he, “You, you are the elder ni’ uteka ieekta” — chek, akte'k you first’ doit,” he said it issaid, And so ma?gk numa’ kei kotu'harkas®” — duea‘ni Ground" Chieé nephew toole and worara’kini —kahi’kharani®® — duwi' ka smudged himond smoked him and lifted him afkiha waki'kanani— kize:ni na over "sang and stopped and Charred in puse eu’, ica’k due Stroaks gave him to it is said. He too took can’ wo'ara’kini —waki'kanani kolu’- bimand smudged himand sangand bis haxkas duro’ kka*™, “ti ht i thi nephew ited it issaid. “Slammed Against Wall dé hkaroc"# ec hekare™s, all will bo,” ho suid i i aid 42, looative prefix, § 87; ki- object possessed by Subject, § 20; cmap atom; kara from -kere third porson plural; -ni connective. So. future tenso, § 88; ik bad; -oo ending fsddressing men, 26 ety’h night; ma: ying, § 117. #98 bi- object possessed by subject, § 29; dut to ont; a imperative mode to men, § 00. ‘io. nominal profix, selective and emphatic, § 41; nie independent personal pronoun, § 21; nat stem; -orce- present tense to men, § 48, = Third person of kinship terms which are irregul- $100. 4 ka’ incoptive, § 31; hjk- to be smoky; -here to cause, § 108; -ni, § 82. Tra. § 55; -roe- indicative, move about, it is said. So he looked and sat and “T'lgo,” hesaid. “Whom will it begood for me to impersonate?” he thought, And he made himself into an arrow, it is said. His arrow feather he tore off and made himself into an arrow and came it is said. Coming he was circling around it is said, He landed right at Charred in Streak’s village. Then he got stuck there and could not get out. A prairie fire arrived and burned him in streaks. And he sat and “At this spot where I sit, if there were only a spring,” he thought. He swayed to and fro, he got out. Then he sat and “My being alone is bad,” he thought. And “If I had a village it would be good,” he thought. ‘Two of his arrow feathers he joined to each other. And one feather he joined to the arrow. The sinew to the arrow head he joined. He sat and made a village. From then on, he hunted what he liked and had plenty. His young men went hunting and they too enjoyed themselves. Their chief, Charred in Streaks made a big village. In the center of the village (living) he himself had no wife. ‘Phen Ground Chief arrived. He arrived and, “My younger brother it is great, and your village is very good,” he said. “And mostly the young men are good looking and how can they live (sit) without wives?” he said. “At this place in the south Sun’s daughter, ‘a very beantiful woman lives (sits),” he said. And s0 Charred in Streaks said “How can I (possibly) do it?” And so Ground Chief said “In someway you will go and court her.”B INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL “Embrace her, and strip her and lie with her,” he said. And so Charred in Streaks went. “What would it be good for me to imperson- ate?” he thought. And he made himself into an eagle. He soared. He arrived to court the woman and was circling above their lodge ‘The young woman herself, facing the sun side was (sitting) looking for lice. While she was looking the sun’s beams were shadowed for a moment. When she looked up Charred in Streaks was (standing) laughing. Then Paxe ruks took her pail and went for water. And so Charred in Streaks hit her on the head with a translucent stone. He cut her 4 And he covered the woman and lay with her. He lay and got up and returned. Having arrived, Ground Chief said, “How was your courting trip?” “You did not bringher back,” he said. And then “You are the one who stripped her and lay with her.” “What you said, T did and came home,” he said. “e: something great you did, Charred in Streaks,” said Ground Chief. “Embrace her and marry her and bring her home; that is the way T meant,” he said. “You should have said it way first,” said Charred in Streaks. From then on, they lived (lying) there. While living there, several seasons later he was sitting at his mound, And 0 it was Meadow Lark who said, “Lots of something are travelling to you, Charred in Streaks.” “Build four embankments,” he said. And then he got up and went back. He was going along home and the moment he arrived he forgot it. Again after a time he went to the mound and sat. He was sitting down, Again Meadow Lark arrived and again he said, “An em- bankment T said, Charred in Streaks. Many are travelling to you,” he said. After a while, when he had gone to the mound a fourth time ‘Meadow Lark said, “An embankment I spoke of. It is approaching. If there is some noise, don’t go out,” he said. He got up and tall grass he took and stuck it in his head. He wore it and went along home, and the moment he arrived, he forgot. And then “Ground Chief is unusual,” he said. “There OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. IX is your plume,” he said. “Build an embank- ment,” he said. “And so men and women and everyone join in,” he said. Charredin Streaks and Ground Chief, also, were making arrows. And he made a bow. And then, Ground Chief put a live coal on a buck brush stem and took it back. He made arrows and from prairie chicken feathers he made arrow feathers. While so doing, there was a noise. Meanwhile, “Something might enter the Chief's lodge,” they said. The children were noisily chasing something. Then, he entered and scattered the arrows with his foot. And then Charred in Streaks shot at his head (when) he descended from place to place ‘That yellow weasel worried him, And then he forgot what Meadow Lark said, And he took a bow and chased him, As he was about tohit him, “Takeout thecenter post,” hesaid. “Charred in Streaks, you really want to kill me. Look at your village,” he said. And then his village was (sat) in smoke, And then wea- sel took Charred in Streaks back to the ‘woods. Andso, “Which one will it be good to 0s,” he thought. “T arrived,” he thought. So, when he got back Ground Chief was (standing) crying. “My nephew's village was | good,” he said. He mourned and toward night he stopped crying, and fixed something to eat and they were eating. Then, Ground Chief remembered. “In his sister's big pit I will kill him and coverhim with a rawhide,” he said. ‘They went and looked. He was sitting down. They took him inside and brought him home. His sister tanned and made leggings and did everything for him, even to his moceasins. Ground Chief with him watched the house. When he arrived there, there was plenty and when Charred in Streaks went hunting, so living, Ground Chief also wanted to go for something. “I, too, Pl go and get some edible entrails for my sister. If T come back it will be good,” he said. And so he went | hunting with him. He got edible entrails for his sister. That's the way they were living. | Again both of them went hunting. WhenNor they returned their sister stood outside Iaughing. And then, Ground Chief said, “Look.” “My sister stands laughing,” he said. When they got back their sister was standing there dead. Giant eame and when he had arrived, “Grandfather, what do you eat?” said the young woman. “I always eat the fat around the stomach when cooked. ‘When she puts it over a pregnant woman, T always eat it.” “Yes” she said and did it. ‘The fat she put on the fire and beside it lying she put it on her stomach. And then heateand clawed the young woman’sstomach. Giant killed her and filled her mouth and put sticks in and placed her standing up and went. ‘The young woman, having been pregnant, he took one child and threw it into the spring. Again he took the other and slammed it against the wall. Fe wont. The brothers were crying (lying). They stopped and Ground Chief said, ‘My younger brother, Charred in Streaks, there are no creeping things on earth. Even little ones will die, even old ones will die, even people of large families just one will live.” The elder MANDAN GRAMMAR B brother was the one who said this. They were eating some food (which had been) prepared. And then, “Ground Chief, did you hear something?” said the younger brother. And, “No,” hesaid. A second time they heard it. Both did. It was a child crying. “Over there something must have happened to my pregnant sister,” he said, the elder one did. Then he split wood and made a light and they searched next to the house. They found the child and they were praying for him. ‘Then they bathed him and the elder brother said, “If we continue this way it will be bad,” he said. “And so tonight if we keep the child here, eat it. If we go on, it will be good,” he said. And so Charred in Streaks said, “*You, youare the elder, you do it first.” And then, Ground Chief took his nephew and smudged him and smoked him and lifted him over and sang and stopped and gave him to Charred in Streaks. He too took him, smudged him, sang, and lifted up his nephew. “Slammed Against the Wall will be this (tall),” he said.