Proceedings of the 2nd DeHaan Tourism

Management Conference

NOTTINGHAM UNIVERSITY BUSINESS SCHOOL

16TH DECEMBER 2003

Developing Cultural Tourism

NOTTINGHAM UNIVERSITY BUSINESS SCHOOL

2004/3
Christel DeHaan Tourism and Travel Research Institute
Nottingham University Business School
Jubilee Campus, Wollaton Road
Nottingham, Notts.
UK NG8 1BB
Email: ttri@nottingham.ac.uk
Tel: 0115 84 66606
PROCEEDINGS OF THE 2nd DEHAAN TOURISM MANAGEMENT
CONFERENCE
Developing Cultural Tourism

NOTTINGHAM UNIVERSITY BUSINESS SCHOOL

16TH DECEMBER 2003

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Abstract

2. The Cultural Tourism Dynamics

Alan Clarke, University of Derby

3. The Impact of Festivals on Cultural Tourism

Raj Razaq, Leeds Metropolitan University

4. Heritage versus Gaming: Odds on winning a piece of the tourist pie

Glenn McCartney, Institute for Tourism Studies, Macao, SAR

5. Educational Travel - Where does it lead?

David Bodger, School of Continuing Education, University of
Nottingham

6. What is remembered and what forgotten: a decade of redefining

culture and heritage for tourism in South Africa Heather Hughes,
University of Lincoln

7. The New Face of Mining: Identify and Cultural Tourism in former

Coalfield Areas
Heike Doring, Department of History, University of Nottingham

8. Quality issues and cultural tourism: the changing role of

reconstructions, re-enactments musical performances Paul Bracken,
Institute of Business History, University of Nottingham

9. Commodification and Authenticity in The Traditional Music and

Tourism Initiative
Lesley Stevenson, University of Glasgow
Abstract
The number of tourists who cite the arts, heritage and/or other cultural
activities as their reason for travel is increasing rapidly with both public
and private sectors responding with initiatives to develop and expand
cultural tourism. The benefits which may be realised from this form of
tourism are considerable in terms of both the preservation of cultures and
cultural resources as well as the economic impact of increased visitor
numbers. So are the potential costs. Understanding the nature of cultural
tourism, its impacts and the appropriate management strategies is a
major challenge for all those involved. This volume contains papers from
the 2nd DeHaan Tourism Management Conference, ranging across a
variety of topics and themes. All these papers contribute to our
understanding of the nature and development of cultural tourism, drawing
attention to the ways in which cultural tourism is managed across a
variety of locations and stakeholders.
 The Cultural Tourism Dynamic

Professor Alan Clarke

The traditional approaches to cultural tourism have looked at the issues of supply
and demand, largely from the demand side. This has led to constructions of cultural
tourism based upon the regimes of cultures consumed by the tourists and packaged
by the industry. This paper attempts to unpack the dynamic relationship between
the different types of cultures involved in the complex construction of cultural
tourism. To do this it is necessary to clarify the terms being used and the sense
given to the terms which are being constructed. This may seem pedantic but it is
important that the connotations of culture are fully explored in order to register the
significance of the processes involved in the development of the cultural tourism
offer.

One of the debates which has focussed around the cultural in tourism has been the
concern for 'authenticity'. What this paper will try and explore is how this
authenticity can be recognised and how it can be differently constituted through
different relationships in the promotion, development and consumption of cultural
tourism.

The issue has often been seen to be about what types of culture are offered to the
tourist for their consumption. This however is far too simplistic as there is a dynamic
involved in the promotion and consumption of the offer, which has to be addressed.
The argument here is that it is important to recognise the cultural contributions of
three sectors within the development of the cultural tourism relationship - the
tourists, the resident cultures and the cultural entrepreneurs involved in the
promotion. The question of authenticity has to be viewed and reviewed from all
three of these cultural locations, which in practice will encompass far more than the
three generic views as the paper will demonstrate.

When dealing with cultural tourism, there has to be a full recognition of the different
categories of touristic experiences involved in the phenomena. The World Tourism
Organisation's definition is admirable, effectively defining cultural tourism as the
movements of persons for essentially cultural motivations, which they suggest
includes study tours, performing arts, cultural tours, travel to festivals, visits to
historic sites and monuments, folklore and pilgrimages (WTO, 1985)

However the problem with the WTO's definition can be found in its tautologous
nature and its failure to address the complexity of the concept which lies at the
heart of its definition. As Jenks (1993) has argued The dominant European
linguistic convention equates culture largely with the idea of civilisation; they are
regarded as synonymous. Both ideas may be used interchangeably with integrity in
opposition to notions of that which is vulgar, backward, ignorant, or retrogressive
(Jenks, 1993: 9). It is therefore not very helpful when the definition states that
cultural tourism is tourism involving culture, especially when there is no attempt to
open the debate around the concept of culture. What we see in practice is a received
definition of culture, located within the traditions of high arts and heritage cultures.
As studies of cultural analyses have shown there are many definitions of culture
which challenge this safe and comfortable definition.
A more open and challenging definition of culture and therefore of the opportunities
for cultural tourism comes from the tradition of Raymond Williams and Stuart Hall.
Williams argued that if we look for our own cultural identity we find here a
particular sense of life, a particular community of experience hardly needing
expression, through which the characteristics of our way of life that an external
analyst would describe are in some way passed, giving them a particular and
characteristic colour. (Williams, 1965: 57). Hall goes further rejecting the notion of
a culture as a descriptive sum of the mores and folkways of societies.. It is
threaded through all social practice, and is the sum of their interrelationship. (Hall,
1990: 22 cited in Clarke, 2000)) Applying this approach to the question of cultural
tourism means that we have to recognise and value the vulgar, the backward, the
ignorant and the retrogressive however we define them. We have to also
recognise that different groupings societies will construct these definitions differently
and meanings will be constructed across these differences as well as through
consensual readings of our cultures.

The cultural offers cannot be defined in a touristic vacuum. They are drawn from and
imposed upon the local lived cultures of the societies that host the tourist experience.
These lived realities of the everyday lives of the everyday folk are often ignored in
favour of historic cultures that are revitalised for the tourist experience. For cultural
tourism folklore is often seen to be more important than the folk in the destination.
The tourists themselves bring with them their own cultures and their own
expectations of the cultures they will be able to consume. The cultural tourism offer
also exploits and explores these preconstructed notions of what the cultural tourism
experience 'should' be. The third element in this dynamic relationship comes from
the entrepreneurs who put together elements of the available cultures for the
immediate consumption of the tourists. This group have their own cultural values,
some drawing from strong links to cultural groups others owing more to a business
culture. These influences do affect the offer made to the tourists and constitute the
basis of the dynamic being addressed here.

Entrepreneurial cultures and the cultural entrepreneurs

The recent work which this section of the paper draws upon has been looking at the
role of the entrepreneur in developing cultural tourism offers. It began from a
concern that is highlighted in some of the literature on entrepreneurship which
argues that all entrepreneurs share certain traits, in regard to risk and
product/service development (Bolton and Thompson, 2003). Working with groups
involved in promoting new arts festivals and developing wine tourism in Hungary, it
became apparent that the two groups shared different expectations about tourism
and about the relationship between what they were doing and what the tourists
would want. This also led to severe differences in decisions about how they should
address the demands.

The people we looked at involved with wine were primarily concerned with wine
production and wine sales. Historically there is a long tradition of local wine
production for local wine consumption, based around small vineyards and small
wineries. There had been attempts to consolidate production through both state
direction and co-operative developments but the most popular form remained the
small independent producer. The emergence of tourism and the concept of 'wine
routes' were seen to sit well with this style of production. In this region there were
few large estate type developments and the small, almost domestic production was
well suited to the introduction of a low scale, low impact form of tourism. The region
is recognised as the second most important wine region within the country and is
gaining a higher reputation as the Villnyi wines are exported into the wider wine
markets. The extra demand was accommodated within the traditional wine cellars of
the region around Villnykvesd, with minimum disruption to the primary task of
wine production. For the wine producers, the tourism experience was a secondary,
additional interest to them. The tourists became a source of likely sales but not the
focus of their activities, which continued to be on the production of the wine. The
need to treat tourists differently from other customers was not readily recognised,
as the object of the relationship was a simple commercial transaction. The
accommodation made for the tourists was minimal, with the wine tasting areas
adopting the local architectural aesthetic, using local wood to fashion functional
furniture. The offer was also simple: you could taste the wines and buy them.
Initially there was nothing else in the offer. Subsequently simple dishes have been
added to a menu by some of the wine producers but the offer does not match the
complexity of 'wine tourism' developed in other regions and more noticeably in other
countries.

However the arts organisers had a different conception. Lying in the rural hinterland
between Veszprm and Pcs, there are five villages in the so-called 'Valley of the
Arts'. Kapolcs, Taljndrgd, Vigntpetend, Monostorapti and cs first came to the
public's attention in 1989, when the arts festival organised by the composer Istvn
Mrta was first held. According to one of the major guidebooks, "Each year since
then, tens of thousands of people have attended the festival, including many big
names from the world of music. Since that first festival the villages have been
smartened up a bit, and many craftsmen and artists have settled in the valley."
(Palmer, 2001:456) The organisers recognised that high spending and differently
cultured tourists would require a specific type of product. They revisited the local
events and sought ways to 'add' to their appeal. This meant securing additional
income through sponsorship and media coverage which allowed them to extend
invitations to performers with established European reputations - and subsequently
international reputations. Venues were smartened and the marketing was upgraded.
Local people were still involved and still enjoyed the events, indeed they became
very fashionable occasions for the local peoples to be seen at. However the streets
became crowded with touristic vehicles, most obviously the large BMWs and
Mercedes belonging to the German tourists. The arts promoters had transformed
their activities and the nature of the villages themselves. They are aware that they
have a valuable commodity in their grasp and maintain a positive attitude towards
further growth, with more of the surrounding villages being courted to join in the
Festival.

The lessons we drew from this for the development of cultural tourism are
interesting. The entrepreneurial spirit has to be important but the focus of the
activity has to be clarified. The development of cultural tourism for singularly
touristic purposes will follow a more direct commercial direction and the experience
offered to the tourists will come to be more standardised and recognisable. However
if we look at the development of culture more widely, then the addition of visitor
facilities may not be done in such a commercial way. The chance to interact with the
local people and the local organisers will be greater but the experience will be
fundamentally different. What can be identified are two very different constructions
of the entrepreneurial culture, with very different consequences for the development
of the cultural tourism offer.

Resident cultures
The cultural settings of tourism should also be seen as an important consideration in
the development of tourism, even where they are not explicitly acknowledged as
such in the planning of tourism. The local peoples bear the local cultures in the
Althusserian sense, but are not culturally isolated. Even though we were working in
the rural areas of Hungary, the advent of sophisticated communications technology
was apparent with noticeable impacts on the lived cultures of the regions. The level
of penetration of multinational broadcasting is far higher than a judgement based on
the provision in the UK would suggest. Satellite links carried Hungarian, German,
French, Spanish, Italian, Polish, Russian and American stations into the heart of the
rural communities. This should not surprise us but we should acknowledge its impact
on the cultural dynamics of the societies we are working with.

One clear consequence of the pressures of cultural modernisation has been the
presentation of the music itself. The Festival encourages a variety of musical forms
in a range of settings but given the increasing popularity of the event and the size of
the crowds, all the music is being adopted to conform to the needs of amplification
and recording technologies. Sometimes this simply restricts movement around the
stage but also it can involve the transformation of the music and the musical
instruments into electronic forms. This simple change can have direct impacts on the
cultural forms, restricting sites where music can be performed and placing additional
barriers in the way of participation. Folk forms are particularly sensitive to this
intrusion of technology as it cuts across both performance and rehearsal. It can shift
the music from an inclusive activity to an exclusive one.

The lived realities of everyday life incorporate a recognition of the histories of the
area as well as the potential futures, but the significance of these linkages have their
own internal limitations. Given that this conference is being held in Nottingham, it is
perfectly legitimate to conjure up images of Robin Hood but it is not realistic to
expect our hosts to be dressed in Lincoln Green. The peoples of Nottingham will be
aware of the myths and the legends - some more so than others - but they will not
structure their every day lives around the re-enactment of the rites and rituals of the
time.

If we explore the Robin Hood example a little further the complexity of the cultural
relations we are dealing with becomes apparent. Civil society for Robin Hood was
heavily structured feudal experience, even before the decision to live outside the law
and in the Forest. The connections to today's lived reality are distanced by social
reform and technological revolutions. Today's concerns in Nottingham do not
romanticise the outlaw and gun crime is recognised as a phenomenon worth
mentioning in debate on national radio. Longbows conjure up an entirely different
imagery. Our search for authenticity does not lead us to the conclusion that drive by
shootings should be undertaken with a bow and arrow from horseback. The sad fact
for those looking for the traces of Robin Hood is that they may find the statue in the
city but the living legend is otherwise safely contained in the 'experience'. When we
look at the cultural offers of many destinations can we be certain that such distance
has been put between the offer, the traditions and the lived experience of the local
peoples.

Although the city has moved on, the traces of the cultural memories will still remain.
It would be interesting to explore the significance of such cultural memories within
the different groupings that constitute contemporary Nottingham. How many share
the roots of the Nottingham County set amongst the new comers to Nottingham? Do
second and third generation immigrant families draw on the myths of Robin Hood to
inform their own senses of identity? The complex elements of identity will draw on
these historic cultural roots but how they are shaped will vary. Even amongst those
recognising Robin Hood, the image of Robin Hood will vary. It can draw on the black
and white television image of Robin Hood or the more recent Hollywood takes on the
same theme (even within this there are significant differences between Mel Brookes'
men in tights and Kevin Costner's reconstruction of the legend.) The images you
construct will be determined by your own background and the exposure to the
different elements you have happened across and which of those have registered
within your memory, becoming a part of your common sense construction.

This not only works with iconic images such as Robin Hood but will occur with
greater or lesser degrees of clarity for all parts of the world. In Derbyshire the
traditions of the annual well dressings continue. Historically rooted in the expression
of gratitude for a continued and continuous water supply, the attempts to please the
gods and glorify their largesse have witnessed many changes. This pagan rite has
been transformed into its contemporary form but still retains vestiges of the original
meanings for the local communities. Although Christianity has largely replaced the
pagan gods in the iconography of the floral tributes and the water supplies are
provided through the mains systems, the villages still come together around the
construction of the tableaux and still celebrate the placing of the displays as a local
party. This local value echoes one part of the original local meanings of the annual
ceremonies. The largely touristic consumption of the displays in the days that follows
takes the rituals into a further dimension, often removing the process from the
locals altogether. These new meanings are no less valid than the original constructs
but have to be seen as different, reflecting the external pressures for change which
operate upon the local cultures as well as the dynamics within the cultures.

There are many strands in a destination's cultural fabric and the construction of the
offer will inflect that texture in different ways. The integration of the cultural product
within the fabric of the destination may have positive and negative impacts. There
has been considerable debate about the role of tourism in contributing to a growth
or a decline in the local cultures in areas that support tourism. There are coherently
argued accounts of how cultural tourism and heritage tourism have preserved
traditional skills and memories of the old traditions. There are arguments that the
re-creation of traditional cultures for touristic consumption can be a positive element
within a culture as it allows the cultural elements to survive and reach new
generations.

This raises serious questions about the authenticity of such practices in local
communities. If the events are still positioned within the lived realties of the local
peoples and they continue to have meaning, then the new forms of tableaux are just
as authentic as the historic ones. However if the cultural element is removed from
its original context and re-presented does it retain the same cultural meaning? We
have seen the commission of a new tradition with the installation of a well dressing
on the water sculpture in the market square in Derby city centre. The tableaux are
constructed using traditional methods and traditional materials within the Tourism
Information Centre. Is this an authentic addition to the tradition or merely a
commodified copy seeking to exploit the commercial potential of the tradition within
the city? If the question of authenticity is addressed from a traditional approach, the
best that can be claimed for the Derby endeavour is that it has staged authenticity.
Yet this underestimates the significance of the event for the local people in Derby,
who volunteer in larger numbers every year to join in the preparation of the
tableaux. There is a connection from the staged re-creation to the everyday realities
of some of the people of Derby. It is possible that what started as a Tourism Office
gimmick would continue if the tourism staff no longer supported the initiative. The
support for the well dressing has moved it from a simple commodity into a part of
the cultures of the local communities (or at least some of them).
Resident cultures are dynamic and developing. They contain some points of fixity
and some of historical memory, but they will also come to contain new elements as
they continue to develop. This places the cultural dynamic at the forefront of
concerns with culture as lived reality and also underpins the need to reconsider
carefully historical interpretations as the connotations of those moments will be
challenged by the changes within the resident culture.

Touristic cultures

Tourists bring with them a set of cultural baggage, sometimes as well matched as
their hand luggage but often unconfirmed and managing to contain several different
cultural elements which if explicated would prove to be contradictory. The cultural
understandings and cultural expectations vary across time, geography and
experience. It is therefore difficult to know where to pitch the levels of interpretation
of cultures to make them meaningful to the visitors. What are seen as recognisable
patterns are themselves culturally specific and formulations of these have to be
understood in welcoming tourists from different cultural backgrounds. On a simplistic
level, these can be seen in the stereotypes which exist in countries about people
from other countries or even different regions within the same country. The
stereotypes are not wrong (and indeed they are not right) but they capture an
amalgamation of characteristics ascribed to certain peoples (Travlou, 2002). They
are an example of cultural production at a very informal level which can permeate a
society and inform the cultural understandings of the tourists.

No one expects to meet the archetypal Scot or Irish person but they recognise the
construction if they come from a background where the myths have been in
circulation. Where they do not share this cultural heritage, the meanings are lost
and the images may take on entirely different connotations. They are a part of what
Gramsci referred to as the sediments of common sense and as such impact, to a
greater or lesser extents, on all our interpretations. Common sense consists of a
series of unconnected yet connected, unthought yet thought through elements which
constitute a world view. Our experiences are mapped into this understanding and
the judgements we make about the world are shaped by it - as well as reshaping it.
This process is central to the meanings generated within tourism both by and for the
tourists.

It is important to recognise these elements in the formation of the cultural

experience as the tourists contribute to the development as much as the producers
of the event. This contribution may not be fed back directly to the 'performers' but it
will be apparent in the audience reactions and in their retelling of the experience
back in the comfort zone of their own domestic cultural settings.

What we can see when the definition of culture as simply a collection of the received
arts and heritage collections is challenged is that a large number of other activities
come into play and the relationship between culture and the touristic experience is
shifted. If we adopt a contemporary definition of culture as the cement which holds
together everyday life with the norms and mores of everyday interaction different
elements of cultural life come into play. The concern for heritage and historic
monuments can still be considered but they are in need of some reconsideration.
The tourist brings a perfectly legitimate desire to witness the heritage and to situate
that experience within their construction of the historical traditions they have come
to accept. The debates around post-colonialism have opened up many sites for
reinterpretation but the arguments apply not only to the recent patterns of
colonisation but also the ones which build up the classic heritage of our societies.
The 'meaning' of the triumphal arches in Rome should be just as much a subject of
contestation as the relationships with the imperial powers and their colonies in the
post second world war period

The cultural tourist cannot be limited to those who seek to explore the visited
culture on an approved educational pilgrimage. There has to be a less elitist notion
of participation and involvement with the local cultures. Dahles (1996) described the
process as soaking up the atmosphere of the destination, by sampling local food,
visiting local neighbourhoods and citizens' homes. We have to take on board these
varied cultural constructions of those who are differently cultured. One of the
biggest cultural tourism experiences of 2004 is going to be the European Football
tournament in Portugal throughout June and yet for many commentators this
sporting event lacks cultural respectability and the prospect of outbreaks of
hooliganism does nothing to add to its social standing. Yet clearly this event
connects directly into the everyday lives of millions of people and is valued by them.
The sport will be fiercely contested and the drama will be seen not just by audiences
in the stadia in Portugal but around the world via the television broadcasts. It is not
that the importance of the event is questioned but the social standing of what the
event is. Despite the efforts of Melvyn Bragg, Nick Hornsby and several recently
discovered Chelsea supporters, football has not reached the same levels of cultural
acceptability as other cultural forms, such as opera or theatre. It is not possible to
elaborate Bourdieu's work on cultural capital here, but it is worth underlining that
valuing (and devaluing) of cultural forms does take place in societies and across
societies. (Bourdieu, 1984) It is also an important element in the dynamic which
structures the cultural tourism market, in terms of both the provision of cultural
packages and the experience of them. A study of the cultural programme which
supported the football World Cup in Italy in 1990 noted a distinct lack of support for
the programme from the supporters of the football teams. Many other people
benefited but not the football supporters, who even found the bars being closed
before and after the fixtures even though the museums and galleries were still open
(Clarke, 1990).

Moreover the cultural component involved in the touristic offer also varies. Many
years ago, as part of a project at the University of North London, we made videos of
the coach park at the Coliseum in Rome and mapped the activities of the tour
groups arriving there. The largest percentage of these cultural tourists were
primarily focussed on the convenience of the toilets and some returned directly to
the coaches having benefited from their comfort stop. However according to the
WTO, these people were still to be counted amongst the numbers of cultural tourists
at the site. The question has to be explored more fully if we are to understand the
nature of the cultural tourism dynamic.

Authenticity

One of the earliest formulations of this debate was the formulation by Boorstin
(1964) and the discussion of the significance of the pseudo-event in tourism. He saw
the isolation of the tourism experience from the local environment and local people,
with the pleasure of the experience being taken from the contrived attractions
designed for their entertainment. This condemnation of the mass tourist gullibly
enjoying the pseudo-event and disregarding the 'real' world has proved very
attractive and been refined by many more recent commentators. What cannot be
redrawn by the refinement is the sense of the search for the authentic as a core
component of the touristic experience. MacCannell (1976) goes so far as seeing the
tourist as a modern pilgrim seeking authenticity in other 'times' and other 'places'
than that of their every day lives. Urry (1990) argues that particular fascination is
shown by tourists in the real lives of others which somehow possess a reality which
is hard to discover in their own experiences. The modern tourist can therefore be
seen to be in quest of authenticity in the form of the primitive, the pristine, the
primitive, the natural - all that is as yet untouched by modernity (Cohen, 1988: 374)
Cohen (1988) then raises the pertinent question about the role of authenticity in our
own everyday lives and whether the tourists ever reflect on their own cultural
constructions and determine the authentic elements within it. It should be
remembered that the views of cultural processes developed here means that
authenticity itself cannot be seen as a preconstructed given but should be seen as a
construct. In effect this would mean that authenticity is negotiable and will have
different meanings to different peoples in different positions in societies.

MacCannell (1976) went so far as to point to the lack of authenticity in the whole of
modern society and saw this as the root for their quest. He then developed the
concept of 'staged authenticity' to explain the paradox of the tourists who were
searching for the real in their touristic travels and yet only saw the front of the stage,
without recognising or reacting to the back stage processes of production and
commodification. MacCannells suggestion was that destinations contained front and
back stage areas but this fails to grasp the complexity of the cultural processes and
suggests that the real does somehow exist in an attainable form. Pearce and
Moscado (1986) tried to go further than this and distinguished between the
authenticity of the setting and the authenticity of those gazed upon. This still does
not grasp the complexity of construction and suggests an ideal type scoring system
for tourists to check off their experiences on a scale of one to ten. They do not
address where the arbitration of the scale takes place.

Rather what we have been arguing is that the realities do exist but are only ever
partially achievable for others to understand and that other perceptions will change
the experience and construct alternative realities. Although these realities may be
tightly bound they will include differences of emphasis and value. This moves
beyond the notion of staged authenticity by recognising the elements of cultural
construction involved in all interchanges. Authenticity then becomes a question of
the ability of experiences to satisfy the tourist criteria of reality and meet the
specific demands of the tourists engaging in the activity. This means that all cultural
processes are negotiated and all experiences are constructions drawing on the
cultures of the residents, the tourists and the entrepreneurs.

The dynamic relationship constructs a cultural tourism offer which exploits and
repositions local cultures within a touristic culture that allows for maximum
consumption of performance and artefact. This approach challenges the debate
around authenticity by locating definitions of culture within the dynamic relationships
between the three cultural groups identified in the production and consumption of
the cultural tourism offer. The paper has reviewed attempts to create cultural
tourism from arts events - defining and redefining the arts, food - defining and
redefining local wines, and music - redefining local musical styles. These examples
demonstrate that the cultural processes are dynamic and that a dynamic drives
through cultural tourism promotion and development.
References

Bolton, B. and Thompson, J. (2003) The Entrepreneur in Focus (Thomson)

Boorstin, D. (1976) The Image: a guide to pseudo-events in American culture
(Harper)

Cohen, E. (1988) Authenticity and Commoditisation in Tourism Annals of

Tourism Research Vol. 15 No. 3 pp 371 386

Clarke, A. (1990) Italia '90 - football's grand tour (unpublished report for the
British Council)

Clarke, A. (2000) The power to define: meanings and values in cultural tourism in
Robinson, M. et al (eds.) (2000) Reflections on International Tourism:
Expressions of Culture, Identity and Meaning in Tourism (Business Education
Publishing)

Dahles, H. (1996) The Social Construction of Mokum: Tourism and the quest
for local identity in Amsterdam (Berghahn)

Dahles, H. (1998) Redefining Amsterdam as a Tourist Destination Annals of

Tourism Research Vol. 25 No. 1 pp 55 69

Jenks, C. (1993) Culture (Routledge)

Knowles, T., Diamantis, D. and El-Mourhabi, J. B. (2001) The Globalisation of

Tourism and Hospitality: a strategic perspective (Continuum)

MacCannell (1976) The Tourist: A new theory of the leisure class (Macmillan)

Palmer, M. (2001) Out and About in Hungary (Well-PRess)

Pearce, P. and Moscado, G. (1986) The Concept of Authenticity in Tourist

Experiences Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology Vol. 22 pp 121
132

Pelleggi, M. (1996) National heritage and Global Tourism in Thailand Annals of

Tourism Research Vol. 23. No. 2 pp 432 448

Travlou, P. (2002) 'Go Athens: a journey to the centre of the city' in Coleman, S.
and Crang, M. (eds.) Tourism: Between Place and Performance (Berghahn
Books)

Urry, J. (1990) Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies

(Sage)

Williams, R. (1965) Culture and Society (Penguin)

WTO (1985) Developing Tourism (World Tourism Organisation)

The author may be contacted by e-mail at alanatresearch@hotmail.com

 The Impact of Festivals on Cultural Tourism

Razaq Raj

Introduction

Today festivals are considered to contribute significantly to the cultural and

economic development wealth of the United Kingdom. The festivals have major
impact on the development of cultural tourism to the host communities. The festival
organisers are now using the historical and cultural themes to develop the annual
events to attract visitors and creating cultural image in the host cities by holding
festivals in the community settings. The desire for festivals and events is not
specifically designed to address the needs for any one particular group. The hosting
of events are often developed because of the tourism and economic opportunities
addition to social and cultural benefits. Many researchers have contested that local
communities plays vital role in development of tourism through festivals.

Events have the potential to generate a vast amount of tourism when they cater to
out-of-region visitors, grants, or sponsorships, (Getz, 1997) of direct or indirect
intent. The government now support and promote events as part of their strategies
for economic development, nation building and cultural tourism. The events in turn
are seen as important tool for attracting visitors and building image within different
communities. According to Stiernstrand (1996), the economic impact of tourism
arises principally from the consumption of tourism products in a geographical area.
According to McDonnell, Allen and O Toole (1999), tourism related services, which
include travel, accommodation, restaurants, shopping are the major beneficiaries of
the event.

As far as events and tourism is concerned, the roles and responsibilities of

governments as well private sector and society in general have significantly changed
over the last decade. The situation have been changed where the state had the key
responsibility for tourism development and promotion to a world where the public
sector is obliged to reinvent itself by relinquishing of its traditional responsibilities
and activities in favour of both provincial/ state and local authorities. This indicates
the growing influence on the behaviour of governments and business in general of
development of event and tourism industries. This suggests that festivals impact on
the host population and stakeholders in a number of ways. These factors are
primarily concerned with social and cultural, physical and environmental, political
and economic impacts, and can be both positive and negative.

This paper initially reviews literature related to the cultural tourism and the role of
festivals in the creation of opportunities for community orientated events and
festivals which contrast with tourist orientated events which have tenuous links with
local communities. Moreover, paper will argue that community based events and
festivals provide an opportunity for the celebration of local identity and community
empowerment and create tourism for the local area.

The case studies within this paper explore the development of cultural tourism and
multi-cultural festivals and events with the UK, and the positive contribution that
these events play in solidifying community relations with development of the cultural
tourism.
Cultural Tourism

Cultural tourism is defined by Tourism industry professionals as "Travel directed

toward experiencing the arts, heritage and special character of a place." The culture
is an identity and the importance that individual people place on local and national
social organisations, such as local governments, education institutions, religious
communities, work and leisure. Cultural tourism describes tourist the once who take
part in the cultural activities while away from their home cities. Cultural tourism is
that form of tourism whose purpose is to discover heritage sites and cultural
monuments on their travels. Garrison Keillor (1995) in an address to the White
House Conference on Travel & Tourism, best described cultural tourism by saying,

"We need to think about cultural tourism because really

there is no other kind of tourism. It's what tourism
is...People don't come to America for our airports, people
don't come to America for our hotels, or the recreation
facilities....They come for our culture: high culture, low
culture, middle culture, right, left, real or imagined -- they
come here to see America."
http://www.nasaa-arts.org/artworks/ct_contents.shtml

The theme of culture has grown over the last two decades but not clear definition of
culture has accepted by the community has whole. The culture in modern day is
seen as a product by the governments, large organisations and individual people to
develop their own standings in the given market. Wyman states that culture plays
important part in the society:

"...In an economic climate where we hear so much about

crisis in health and education, it is important to remember
that culture, too, is an essential element of a healthy
society. It's not an either-or situation. Health is necessary
for life; culture makes life worth living...."
http://www.culturematters.ca/index.html

Moreover, cultural tourism relates to those individual groups of people who travel
around the world, individual country, local community and individual events that
seeks to experience a heritage, religious and art sites to develop knowledge of
different communities, way of life. This can include a very wide range of cultural
tourist experience. It can include, for example, performing arts, festivals visits to
historic sites and monument, education tours, museums, natural heritage sites and
religious festivals.

Development of Cultural Tourism through Festivals

The festivals have changed over the years, before festivals were associated with key
calendar moments, linked specifically to particular seasons and heritage sites. Over
the last decade these have been changed and developed upon, there is now a broad
and diverse range of festivals events taking place all over the world. Getz (1997, p.1)
introduces festivals events as a:
 Events constitute one of the most exciting and fastest
growing forms of leisure, business, and tourism-related
phenomena.

Goldblatt (2002, p.1) introduces festivals events as a:

Kaleidoscope of planned culture, sport, political, and

business occasions: from mega-events like Olympics and
World fairs to community festivals; from programs of
events at parks and attractions to visits by dignitaries and
intergovernmental assembles; from small meetings and
parties to huge conventions and competitions.

The revolution in festivals has been stimulated through commercial aspect to meet
the changing demand of the local community groups and increasing business
opportunities for the events organisations and local businesses. Festivals play a
major part in a city and local community. Festivals are attractive to host
communities, because it helps to develop local pride and identity for the local people.
In addition, festivals have an important role in the national and host community in
context of destination planning, enhancing and linking tourism and commerce. Some
aspects of this role include: events as image makers, economic impact generators,
tourist attractions, overcoming seasonality, contributing to the development of local
communities and businesses, and supporting key industrial sectors.

The festival organisers are now using the historical and cultural themes to develop
the annual events to attract visitors and creating cultural image in the host cities by
holding festivals in the community settings. Festivals provide an opportunity for the
local communities to develop and share their culture, which create a sense of values
and beliefs held by the individuals in a local community and provide opportunity for
members of the local community to exchanges experiences and information.
Festivals provide the tourist the opportunity to see how the local communities
celebrate their culture and how this effects the community development, it also
helps the visitors to interact with the host community and help people to enjoy and
meet their leisure needs.

The peoples and communities that host the festival provide the visitors with a
vibrant and valuable culture. In addition, culture is the personal expression of
community heritage, community perspective, it provides cultural opportunities for
the visitors to enjoy and experience local illumination and culture. The festivals also
provide support to those who pursue economic opportunity related to sharing
community culture with the broader world. UNEP (2002) suggest that the culture
tourism is boosted through the development of festivals and events. Tourism can
add to the vitality of communities in many ways. One example is that events and
festivals of which local residents have been the primary participants and spectators
are often rejuvenated and developed in response to tourist interest.

Impact of Festivals on Host community

The event organisers do not take into account the social and environmental impact
in to consideration. It is argued that there is a clear need to adopt a holistic
approach:
 In any location, harmony must be sought between the
needs of the visitor, the place and the host community
(English Heritage, 2000 p.29).
Host communities play a major role when running a major sporting event or any
other large scale events. Also, major sporting events play a major role in host
communities. The work of Getz (1997) was concerned with the event manager
gaining support and resources from the host community, while also looking at the
local benefits and costs, cultural meanings of their event and also the political
factors. If all this is taken into consideration then it can lead to a good event and
even a good relationship between event and local community.

A problem a host community may have with the event is the influx of people and it
being unable to cope. This may have a knock on effect in terms of traffic congestion,
crime and vandalism. Also Smith (1989) tells of how the socio-cultural impacts
result from the interaction between hosts and guests. A number of factors may
contribute to difficulties in this relationship. The transitory nature of a visit to a
historic centre may be too short to allow any understanding to be established.
Repeat visits may be more positive in this context. Visitors, especially those on day
visits, have temporal constraints and become more intolerant of wasting time, for
example in finding somewhere to park. Spontaneity may break down as hospitality
becomes a repetitive transaction for the host (Glasson et al 1995, pp.34-5).

However they can intern have increased tourism over the time of the event, then
due to the exposure, have short-term or long-term tourism due to the attention the
event has been given.

The impacts of events can greatly affect the quality of life of the local residents.
Therefore, it is been argued to adopt strategies to take into control the social and
environmental impacts of festivals into analysis when carrying out economic impact
of the each individual event. The event organisers only take into consideration the
economic implications and ignore the resident perceptions, which provide important
non-economic dimension for gauging how events benefit or impinge on the host
community (Jeong and Faulkner, 1996; Hall, 1992).

The festivals have a number of impacts arose on the host city, ranging from cultural,
economic, social and environmental. Festivals have both positive and negative
impacts on their host cities, but emphasis is often focused on the economic analysis.
Hall (1992) suggests that the ability of major events perceived to attract economic
benefits of events often provide the official justification for the hosting events.

Economic analysis of events provides one aspect of why

events are held and the effects that they have on a region.
However, while many of the economics impacts of events
are quite tangible many of the social are not.
(Hall, 992 p.10)

The full assessment of economic impact must also take into account other aspects.
The benefits sought by the development of the cultural tourism through festivals are
similar to the economic roles of events defined by Getz (1997). Getz believes that:

The economic role of events is to act as catalysts for

attracting visitors and increasing their average spend and
length of stay. They are also seen as image-makers for the
destination, creating a profile for destinations, positioning
 them in the market and providing a competitive marketing
advantage.

Economic impacts may be presented using results of benefit/cost analysis,

input/output analysis, and simply economic benefits to local society. Getzs model
(See figure 1.1).

Getz demonstrates the potential benefits of events below:

Attraction
Expansion of season
Image Maker Spread of tourism
Animator
geographically
Hallmark events Static Attractions
Destination theme Public Facilities
and positive image Markets and
shopping
Catalyst
Alternative
Urban Renewal
Infrastructure Tourism and Sustainable
Business and Development
economic
development

Fig 1 Tourism-related roles of festivals and special events, Getz, 1991 p.6.

According to Getz (1997) economic impact assessments often include a multiplier

calculation to demonstrate that incremental tourist expenditure has direct, indirect
and induced benefits for the local economy. At the most basic level, economic
impact analysis techniques estimate average per-person spending, multiplied by the
total number of visitors/users to determine the direct spending associated and then
apply multipliers to estimate secondary or indirect economic effects. The multiplier
usually used in tourism impact studies is the income multiplier which is basically a
coefficient which expresses the amount of income generated in an area by an
additional unit of tourist spending.

Edinburgh Festival

The Edinburgh Festival has become major calendar event for the city of Edinburgh,
festival has developed the cultural tourism and created cultural image for all groups
of the communities. The city has also long been world-renowned for its rich history,
culture and heritage and for hosting leading international events giving it excellent
tourism infrastructure.

The Edinburgh Festival developed since the late 1940s and it has become a major
hotspot for artistic and tourist to enjoy multi-cultural events during the month of
August each year. The festival has developed the following programmes over the
years to attract visitors from all over the world to demonstrate multi-cultural image.
Each summer it is host to the worlds largest arts festival, the Edinburgh
International Festival and Fringe Festival which are merely the biggest and best
known events from a list which includes the Edinburgh Military Tattoo, Hogmanay
celebrations, International science festival, International book festival, Jazz festival
and Film festival.

The Edinburgh Festival provides a phenomenal six weeks of arts and culture in the
city. Festival Director Brian McMaster said:

'We are delighted at the response to this year's

programmes. Reviews have been excellent, but, more
importantly, our audiences are clearly having a very good
time, and are trying out a wide range of familiar and less
familiar events.

http://www.edinburgh-festivals.com/festivals.cfm?id=International

The Edinburgh International Festival has developed significantly over the years, yet
the founders' original intentions are closely reflected in the current aims and
objectives This highlights the point that even though Edinburgh is a successful
festival destination at present to remain competitive in the global marketplace it
must continually invest in itself to retain and improve on its position. It has been
estimated that tourism is worth over 1.1 billion per year to Edinburgh and supports
over 27,000 jobs according to the Edinburgh Convention Bureau (ECB) and of this
business tourism and conferencing accounts for around 120 million annually with
its value increasing year on year.

The Edinburgh Festival attracts tourist from all over the world, over the last decade
the cultural tourism have increased in large numbers. According to official Edinburgh
International Festival Audience Research (2002):

43% of the Festival's audience comes from Edinburgh and

the Lothians, 18% from the rest of Scotland, 21% from the
rest of the UK and 17% from overseas. Visitors stay an
average of 8 nights in Edinburgh.

The success of Edinburgh as a festival destination can be attributed to a combination

of factors. The visitors come to Edinburgh either specifically for the International
Festival or its unique heritage and cultural history, Edinburgh is also renown for it
conferencing destination.

A report carried out by the Business Tourism Forum and Business Tourism Advisory
Committee highlights Edinburgh as a strong business tourism destination but
detected certain infrastructure weaknesses including:

Insufficient number of direct flights and the lack of a direct transport link into
the city centre.
Inadequate exhibition space attached to the EICC.
Need for an additional 400-500 bedroom hotel to act as headquarters hotel.

Moreover, this increasing value of business tourism to the city can be contributed to
Edinburgh becoming the UKs leading conferencing destination according to the
International Convention and Congress Association (ICCA). In 1995 Edinburgh was
outside ICCAs destination league tables top 20, yet jumped to 13th position in 1998
and in 2001 was placed 12th. This steady rise followed the opening of the EICC on 17
September 1995.
Leeds West Indian Carnival

The Caribbean carnival is an annual event celebrated in the city since the early
1960s. The carnival is one of the oldest Caribbean carnivals in Europe. In early days
the Leeds West Indian Carnival used to go into the city centre, that tradition has
changed during the eighty's. The carnival has out grown since early eighty's, know it
take place around Chapletown and Harehills. The carnival has created multi-cultural
spirits for people of all races and nationalities to attend the event during the August
bank holiday each year since 1967. Carnival founder Arthur France said:

This continues to be one of this citys most important and

enjoyable family attractions."

Our events in the run up to Carnival Day provide

something for everyone as well as giving the whole city
the chance to come together in one big party.
(Yorkshire Evening Post, 2002).

Behind the colour and music of the carnival there is a deeper meaning rooted in the
experiences of Caribbean people arriving in England around a time of great change
in late 1950s and early 1960s. So it was a search for identity, for community and
belonging that led to carnival being developed early 1960s in the area of Notting Hill
in London. As stated by the William Stewart the founder of initial Caribbean carnival
in this country.

This great festival began initially from the energies of

black immigrants from the Caribbean, in particular,
Trinidad, where the Carnival tradition is very strong, and
from people living locally, who dreamed of creating a
festival to bring together the people of Notting Hill, most of
whom were facing racism, lack of working opportunities
and poor housing conditions resulting in a general
suppression of good self-esteem.
Source: http://www.mynottinghill.co.uk/nottinghilltv/carnival-countdown.htm

The carnival has created that platform for the Caribbean people to come together
and share their social and cultural differences with the local community from
backgrounds. It is about people coming together and people having fun.

The attendance at the event various from 10,000 to 100,000. The attendance at the
actual carnival site is 80,000, as procession leaves the Potternewton Park the
numbers of carnival watchers grows in large numbers. Over the last ten years the
tourist to the area has grown in large numbers, because the event it self has
attracted tourism to the area by its glorious and characteristic of the event. However,
the other element is the image of the carnival expressing an invisible side of local
and international culture been developed by the event over the years to attract
more and more visitors to the area.

The carnival organisers suggested that the event is becoming more and more as
tourist attraction, compared to before. This is due to the better press coverage by
the local and national press, previously carnival relied on local visitors over the years,
but in last five years with the growth and size of the carnival, it is know seen as one
the major tourism attraction. In returns it has considerable economic and social
impact on the local community of Leeds. It is now strongly viewed by the local
community and small businesses that carnival is the significant part of the attracting
tourism to the area and value the tourist market as a vital tool for the development
of local economy. Therefore, carnival has seen as a key development event for true
tourist attraction to bring the local, national and international tourists to this unique
event.

The Leeds West Indian Carnival is one of the oldest carnivals in the country, which
has created an image and reputation for the local area to enjoy cultural and
economic benefits from this unique event. The carnival has also developed
significant audiences and visitors to attend the carnival weekend from all over the
country to celebrate the West Indian culture.

Conclusion

The finding of this research shows us that the festivals have contributed in the
development of culture tourism. Festivals attract culture tourists to local community
events to promote cultural exchanges between tourists and resident. The cultural
tourism brings benefits to the host cities, these benefits are not been analysed in
greater depth.

The research suggests, there is no doubt that tourism festivals have major effects
on the local economy directly and indirectly. That the spending by visitors on local
goods and services by event-tourist has a direct economic impact on local
businesses and also pass the benefits more widely across the economy and the
community. On the other hand, soft cultural tourism does not take into account the
loss of local beauty, environmental degradation and effects it creates on the local
people of the host communities through their direct and indirect involvement with
tourists.

The study also found that some leading authors, Goldblatt 2002, Getz 1997 and Hall,
1992 argues that the festival organiser and local government only take into account
the economic impacts and ignores the implications of social impacts of the festivals.
They argue that greater attention should be paid to the social impacts of festival.

This research has also suggested that the cultural tourism has been increased
through development of local festivals and provided greater economic and cultural
benefits to the local areas. The visitors are attracted to these festivals as far as
Europe and Caribbean Islands. It was found that social and economic factors
contributed to culture tourism growth in these festivals. The Edinburgh Festival and
Leeds West Indian Carnival festivals have become a major tourist attraction for the
local, regional and international visitors.

This study highlighted in particular those areas the Edinburgh Festival and Leeds
West Indian Carnival festivals have economic impacts on the local economy and the
community. Nevertheless, only an in-depth study can help us to understand the
level of economic and social impacts these two festivals bring to the local businesses
and community in wider.
References

British Tourist Authority (BTA) 2001 [Internet] Available from

<http://www.visitbritain.com> Accessed on [20/11/03]

Dwyer, L. et al (2000) A Framework for Assessing Tangible and Intangible

Impacts of Events and Conventions Event Management Vol. 6 pp.175-189

English Heritage (2000) Tourism Facts 2001 Swindon: English Heritage

English Tourism Board (1991) Tourism and the Environment: Maintaining the
Balance English Tourist Board

English Tourism Council (2001) Time for action: a strategy for sustainable
tourism in England London: English Tourist Board [Internet] Available from<
http://www.english tourism.org.uk > Accessed on [02/12/03]

Edinburgh Convention Bureau (ECB) [Internet] Available from<

http://www.edinburgh-festivals.com/festivals.cfm?id=International > Accessed on
[18/11/03]

Getz, D. (1991) Festivals, Special Events and Tourism New York:Van Nostrand
Reinhold

Getz, D. (1997). Event Management and Event Tourism. New York, Cognizant
Communications Corporation

Glasson,J et al (1995) Towards Visitor Impact Management : Visitor Impacts,

Carrying Capacity and Management Responses in Europes Historic Towns and Cities,
Aldershot, Avebury

Goldblatt, J. (2002) Special Events Best Practices in Modern Event Management 3rd
Ed. New York: International Thompson Publishing Company

Garrison Keillor (1995) [Internet] Available from< http://www.nasaa-

arts.org/artworks/ct_contents.shtml> Accessed on [02/12/03]

Hall, C. (1992) Hallmark Tourist Events: Impacts, Management and Planning

Chichester: John Wiley and Sons Ltd

Hall, C. (1994) Tourism and Politics: Policy, Power and Place Chichester: John Wiley
and Sons Ltd

International Festival Audience Research (2002) ) [Internet] Available from

http://www.edinburgh-festivals.com/festivals.cfm?id=International > Accessed on
[18/11/03]

Key Leisure Markets (2001) Tourism in the U.K. London: MarketScape Ltd

Leeds Civic Trust (2002) [Internet] Available from

<http://www.leedscivictrust.org.uk> Accessed on [23/11/03]

Notting Hill Carnival (2001) [Internet] Available from

<http://www.mynottinghill.co.uk/nottinghilltv/carnival-countdown.htm > Accessed
on [18/11/03]

McDonnell, I. Allen, J. and OToole, W. (1999) Festival and Special Event

Management. Brisbane: John Wiley and Sons Australia Ltd.

Railton, N. (2002) An Impact Study of Leeds Carling Festival. Leeds Metropolitan

University.

Ryan, C. (1991) Recreational Tourism: A Social Science Perspective London:

Routledge.

Statistics on Tourism and Research STAR UK 2001 [Internet] Available from

<http://www.staruk.org.uk//default.asp?ID=111&parentid=17> Accessed on
[21/11/03]

Stiernstrand, J. (1996) The Nordic Model: A Theoretical Model for Economic Impact
Analysis of Event Tourism Festival Management & Event Tourism Vol 3 pp.165-174

The Leeds Festival (2002) [Internet] Available from

<http://www.leedsmusicfestival.co.uk/> Accessed on [02/12/03]

This is Leeds 2002 [Internet] Available from< http://thisisleeds.co.uk/> Accessed

on [02/12/03]

Tribe, J. (1999) The Economics of Leisure and Tourism 2nd Ed. Oxford: Butterworth-
Heinemann

UK Sport (1998) Public Opinion Survey - Importance and Measure of UK Sporting

Success. London, UK Sport.

UK Sport (1999a). A UK Strategy: Major Events - A 'Blueprint' For Success. London,

UK Sport.

UK Sport (2000a). UK Bids for World Stage (Internet) UK Sport press release, 15
June.

UNEP (2002) [Internet] Available from http://www.uneptie.org/pc/tourism >

Accessed on [29/11/03]

Williams, J and Lawson, R (2001) Community Issues and Resident Opinions of

Tourism Annals of Tourism Research Vol. 28, No2 pp. 269-290
Wyman, M. (2003) (Officer of the Order of Canada) [Internet] Available from
http://www.culturematters.ca/index.html >Accessed on [29/11/03]

Yorkshire Tourist Board (2000). Love Parade at Roundhay Park, Leeds: Event
Evaluation. York, Yorkshire Tourist Board Research Services.

Yorkshire Post Newspaper (2002) [Internet] Available from

<http://www.ypn.co.uK/> Accessed on [29/11/03]

Yorkshire Evening Post (2002) [Internet] Available from

<http://www.thisisleeds.co.uK/> Accessed on [02/12/03]
 Heritage versus Gaming: Odds on winning a piece of the tourist pie.

Glenn McCartney
Institute For Tourism Studies
Macao, SAR

and

Sanjay Nadkarni
Institute For Tourism Studies
Macao, SAR

Abstract

With the liberalisation of the gaming industry, Macao, a former Portuguese enclave
for over four centuries and now a special administrative region of the Peoples
Republic of China, is on the threshold of a major transformation. Do centuries of
accumulated culture and legacy stand threatened in the wake of these developments?
Will a once laid back, relatively sequestered small town lifestyle with its unique blend
of customs be swamped by an influx of outside influences brought in by expatriates
and visitors alike? An uneasy status quo of gaming and cultural tourism that has
prevailed thus far, with gambling revenues contributing circa 60% of Macaos GDP,
over 70% of its tourists and providing significant funding to cultural programmes
and preservation could be unsettled. While the Macao Government are investing vast
sums in the preservation and promotion of cultural tourism, there is the pending
danger that it will be simply relegated to the backstage, with casino development
taking the prime slot. Though the Macao government has over the years promoted
Macao as a city of culture, the future reality of this message will ultimately lie with
the attitudes of local residents, and particularly, its youth. This issue assumes
further significance in light of the proposed listing pending with UNESCO to
designate Macao a World Heritage City. In this paper, the authors highlight some of
the more prominent issues emanating from this identity conundrum facing Macao.

Key words: heritage preservation, culture, casino and tourism development, resident
and youth perceptions.

Introduction

In 1557, the isthmus of Macao1, named after the Chinese sea goddess A-M, came
under the administration of the Portuguese, being given the first official permit to
operate as such by the Chinese. On one of the southern most tips of China, Macao
for the next three hundred years became the main and most important trading post
between the West and East, in particular China. It represented a strategic gateway,
being at the mouth of the Pearl River, an important access point to the go-downs
and warehouses in the region of Canton. During this time, Macao would have been a
thriving melting pot of Eastern and Western nationalities and cultures. This wide
variety of languages and values, architectural styles, cultural traditions, customs,
even cuisine would have existed side by side and gradually influenced one another.

1
Macao is the English translation, while Macau is the Portuguese version
Perhaps fortuitously, Macao developed into a unique pluralistic society, interchanged
with influences from the orient and occident. One such custom and pastime in which
there was a overlap and amiable agreement of cultural acceptance was that of
gambling which became a favourite pastime for many, for foreigner and Chinese
alike, although it was initially illegal (Pinho, 1991) yet very much tolerated by the
local Portuguese authorities as being a part of everyday life and Chinese culture.

Early reporting on gambling in Macao has been portrayed in a rather negative light,
such as from the Franciscan friar, Jos de Jesus Maria, who was in Macao in the
1740s and wrote of how the town was made up of gambling, murder, drunkenness,
fighting, robbery, and a long list of other vices (Pinho, 1991), a sentiment similarly
shared by other writers on Macaos history in the 17th century:

Chinese of the lower orders aggravated the situation by pandering to the

sailors, running brothels, drinking and gambling houses for them, soaking
them in cheap potent Chinese liquors and robbing them (a favourite trick)
when they passed out. (Coates, 1966, pp.39)

The gambling industry was obviously having a negative effect on public order within
the city, although this continued to take a backseat to the main task of trade
between East and West. Macaos gaming industry has metamorphosed through a
matrix of illegal gambling houses, to legalisation, monopoly franchise, and recently
liberalisation (Appendix A), which saw two major Las Vegas gaming consortia (The
Venetian, under the local Galaxy Casino banner, and Wynn Resorts) win casino
concessions in Macao (the other casino concession went to Sociedade de Jogos de
Macau, SJM renamed from STDM, which simply inherited the present eleven
casinos). The liberalisation process was spurred by the similar motives of generating
revenue for government coffers, and other fiscal benefits, as well as social stability
and the wish to limit criminal activities from within the gaming industry (McCartney,
2003).

However, Macaos reliance on the gambling dollar is significant with gambling

representing 60% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) with tax from casino
revenues generating 7.4 billion patacas2 in 2002 (Gaming Control Board, Macao SAR,
2003) showing Macaos casinos (of which there are presently still eleven) to be one
of the most lucrative casino industries internationally. However, while the economic
argument is used to justify and introduce or expand casino development, as done in
many gaming jurisdictions worldwide (Roehl, 1994; Smith and Hinch, 1996; Smeral,
1998), several social costs can emerge as a consequence of this development
(Pizam, 1978) such as increases in crime and prostitution, addiction to gambling and
drug abuse, traffic jams, littering as well as in the case of Macao, the possibility of a
negative impact on its already fragile culture and heritage. With a population of
441,600 inhabitants and landmass of 26.8km2 (DSEC, 2003), tourist arrivals to
Macao in 2002 topped over 11.5 million (MGTO, 2002a) and continue to increase in
2003. This is significant considering Macaos small living area and has put added
pressure on the preservation of its culture. Coupled with this is the introduction in
the coming years of Las Vegas themed casino properties from the Wynn and The
Venetian gaming consortia with promises of creating Macao as Asias Las Vegas, a
mega-gaming hub with casino strips, themed properties and entertainment
complexes with the vision of a casino strip totalling potentially 58 casinos (Events,
2002) and a total investment from all concession winners of US$1.6 billion (a third
of Macaos GDP in 2002) (Ponto Final, 2003). As a result, a once laid back, relatively

2
1USD = 7.8 Patacas
sequestered small town lifestyle with its unique blend of customs and heritage is
progressively being exposed to global cultures. This issue assumes further
significance in light of the proposed listing pending with UNESCO to designate Macao
a World Heritage City (Engelhart, 2002).

In an attempt to protect Macaos unique Sino-Portuguese architectural and cultural

heritage, all the new mega-resorts comprising casinos, convention centres and
hotels and other supporting infrastructure projects are to be built on Macao
Peninsulas Outer Harbour and on reclaimed land between the two off-short islands
of Taipa and Coloane (Ponto Final, 2003), named Cotai, an abbreviated and
combined form of the two island names. This new self-contained city will allow
Macao to expand a further 6.2 square kilometres, and accommodate an estimated
150,000 residents (Macau Image, 2002).

Amidst this substantial growth and infrastructure expansion, the preservation of

Macaos cultural heritage is spearheaded by the Cultural Institute of Macao. Initially
set up as a public institution in 1982 aimed at implementing policies on culture and
academic research related to Sino-Portuguese cultural interchange, and stimulating
interest in Portuguese language and culture in Macao and the region, its status and
responsibilities towards cultural and heritage preservation have evolved and
increased to its final standing in 1994:

The Cultural Institute aims to maintain, preserve and renovate the local
cultural, historical and architectural heritage, and to develop regulations to
ensure that it remains available for the public to enjoy. The promotion of
research to help the community understand Macaos culture and heritage
better is another of its goals. (Macao Yearbook, 2002, pp.325)

The Cultural Institute with a budget of over US$12 million in 2002, has enacted a
broad strategy from publications, the establishment and maintenance of libraries
and archives, cultural and artistic events, arts and film festivals to the running and
maintenance of the Macau Conservatory (for music, dance and drama), The Museum
of Macau (constructed in the interior of one of Macaos oldest and largest fortresses,
Monte Fort) and various libraries.
However, the Cultural Institute is but one of a myriad of stakeholders with a vested
interest in Macaos future. Ultimately though, it will be the reaction or interaction of
Macaos local resident community, as well as Macaos youth population towards
upcoming casino development that will determine and shape Macaos future legacy
and the success of cultural and heritage preservation.
This paper while discussing whether the cohabitation of two seemingly incompatible
concepts of gambling and heritage will spawn a culture paradox, will also highlight
the findings from two previous research projects in relation to cultural preservation;
Perceptions of Casino Impacts Among Macao Residents: A Study of the
Liberalisation of the Casino Industry (McCartney & Vong, 2003) and Assessment of
Intercultural Awareness Among Macaos Student Community (Nadkarni, 2003).

Cultural Tourism applied to Macao

The term cultural tourism contains several related elements, leading to how
attractive the culture will be to the tourist. These have been highlighted by Hall
(1997) showing three components of culture:

Figure1: The three components of culture (Hall, 1997) cited in Hall (2002), pp.284
 CULTURE
Symbolic meaning system

High culture Folk and popular Multiculturalis

culture m
Heritage Performing arts Lifestyles Mass culture Language Ethnicity/
- Art galleries - Gastronomy - Shopping Ethnic symbols
- Museums - Social - Film - Ethnic festivals
- Theatre
- Historic sites - Music environments - Entertainment - Community
- Dance - Folkways - Sport celebrations
- Craft - Electronic mass - Religious
- Events
media
- Festivals events
- Vernacular
architecture

Using the three components of culture, high culture, folk and popular culture and
multiculturalism, which are again broken down into smaller components, culture can
be packed into various tourism products. Through 450 years of historical exchange
between Asian and Western cultures, the Cultural Institute and the Macao
Government Tourist Office offer a year round extensive event list (MGTO, 2003a)
promoting local performing arts, lifestyles (showing the mix of Chinese, Macanese,
Portuguese and other minority cultures cuisine, costume and festivals), languages
(with Chinese and Portuguese as the official languages, although English is widely
used in commerce and education unfortunately the local dialect of Patwa has all
but disappeared), religious events and ceremonies (Christian and Buddhist mostly)
supported by a patchwork of old churches and temples throughout Macao and its
islands, along with a large list and variety of museums (MGTO, 2003 b) and listed
historical buildings. In fact Macao is often cited as having more churches than the
Vatican as well as more gambling tables than Monte Carlo. However tourists to these
cultural components will have varying motivations:

There are a number of aesthetic, intellectual, emotional, and psychological

factors motivating tourists to seek out and enjoy cultural experiencesVisitors
to art galleries are seeking to encounter beauty, authenticity, uniqueness,
and exclusiveness. The individual visitor becomes involved in the often
solemn contemplation of art works and the encounter creates a very personal
aesthetic experience. In contrast, visitors to museums are seeking discovery,
novelty, diversity, and knowledge.Heritage sites can also convey a sense of
place and bring visitors an awareness of the historical context of an area.
However, visitors to performing arts events are seeking a more emotional
experience and an escape from the everyday world. (Hall, 2002, pp.404)

As it is, over three quarters of all tourists to Macao come for the prime reason of
gambling. Of those locations that are visited, mostly by tour groups, such as St.
Pauls ruins, Macaos major icon, they are as honey pots of visitor attraction
(Freitag, 1994, Collins, 1999) which in itself can have a negative effect on the
tourism environment and resident populations around these sites, as the visitors are
not being spatially dissipated. There is a lack of research in visitor (local resident
and tourist) participation and motivation in not just visiting heritage sites, galleries
and shows, but also in measuring their cultural experience. While the Cultural
Institutes main objective is to protect, maintain and revitalise Macaus historic,
architectural and cultural heritage and to draw up the guidelines ensuring their
survival, growth and dissemination (ICM, 2003) the presence of culture is a
promotional spin used by the Macao Government in the marketing of Macao: For
almost four and half centuries international travelers have been coming to
Macaofor adventure and sanctuarybusiness and pleasure. Invariably, they have
found far more than they expected in the tiny outpost that once flourished as the
prime commercial and cultural crossroad between Europe and Asia (MGTO, 2002b,
pp.1). However it is important that Macaos cultural preservation and tourism policy
be closely linked (particularly now in the face of such dramatic casino and
infrastructure development), a sentiment shared by Helmy & Cooper (2002) in the
preservation of archaeological heritage in Egypt. There is a gap between the general
tourist policy and the strategy for cultural heritage conservation. A sub-policy for the
protection of the cultural and historic sites needs to be created to link the main
tourist policy and the strategy for cultural heritage conservation in the field of
tourism (pp.525).

While authenticity is one of the main motivations for tourists to visit foreign culture
and heritage spots, in contrast, the casino industry in fact manufactures the
experience that is transportable:

While mountain or coastal scenery may make an attractive backdrop for

casinos, from a purely functional perspective it can be argued that a casino is
a built facility that is not dependent on any specific natural or cultural
resource. Once patrons are participating in the games of chance, the
backdrop becomes largely irrelevant. Casinos in Las Vegas have consciously
divorced themselves from their natural environmentLas Vegas is literally an
oasis that has been created by developers in the desert. (Smith and Hinch,
1996, pp.38)

In addition, the casino industry may borrow a false or commercially manipulated

historical image, as was the case of casino development in Colorado (Stokowski,
1999). With Macao, there is the ever more presence of danger that even where
historic centers survive, their values intact they often do so as oases surrounded by
featureless and meaningless outlying areas serving more directly the needs of
business, residents and industry (Stovel, 2002, pp.94). With the knowledge that
Macaos cultural and heritage backdrop is not an important feature for the gaming
tourist, efforts must be made to wider the tourist segment profile, and to have
Macaos cultural and heritage attributes marketed in conjunction (and as an equal
partner) with the casino industry to appeal to a broader audience.

Gambling an intrinsic part of Macaos society

In a recent study on cultural sustainability on the island of Cyprus (Scott, 2003),

(which has become increasingly dependent on casinos since commercial gambling
was established in 1975), that although Turkish Cypriots are banned from all forms
of gambling inside or outside the casino, gambling was still widespread in the
community. Before the development of large-scale commercial gambling, it was a
non-monetary pastime allowing for social interaction, forming part of stories and
local song:

Gambling, it seemed, was an underlying fact of life: persistent, relatively

widespread, sometimes problematic, yet socially managed and
 accommodated. It was also evident that a shift had occurred with the opening
of the casinos and the particular gambling opportunities they offered,
exacerbating existing tensions and threatening established social and family
strategies for managing gambling and its sometimes difficult consequences.
(ibid, pp.267)

A problem the author goes on to write (citing McMillan, 1996) is that little research
has been done to the significance of traditional gambling cultures which pre-date
the introduction of commercial casino gambling, apart from wishing to cite as either
a legal or illegal form, although this traditional form of gambling fulfils diverse
social functions, where the economic factor was of minor importance. Albeit,
commercial gambling has been present in Macao for some time. However,
participation rates are low (Vong & McCartney, 2003) which may be due to being
part of the social fabric of Macaos culture and does not arouse any special interest
in the population as yet, in contrast to people living in places where gambling is not
allowed (ibid, 2003) or being legalised for the first time. With the liberalisation, this
may have dramatic impacts on traditional gambling in Macaos society, emphasising
the significance of the socio-cultural context for an understanding of the evolving
casino industry in Macao.

Having had gambling since its outset, historical references to gambling houses, the
initial casinos, those involved in the casino industry and events evolving around
gambling, have all added to the its colourful and exciting past. Even Fantan3, which
would have been a favourite gambling game 450 years ago in Macao, was still
played in some casinos in the second monopoly franchise under STDM (although it is
now no longer played). Another popular game played in Chinese society is that of
Mahjong, which until very recently was also played in some of Macaos casinos, but
continues to be a favourite pastime by many (while small side bets are placed
adding to the vigor of the game, a major factor behind the playing of Mahjong is in
social interaction).

By linking the history of gambling and traditional forms of gambling (such as

Mahjong and Fantan) more into the cultural framework of Macao, can only assist
further in putting heritage preservation on a equal par with that of future
commercial casino gambling.

Perceived impact of casino liberalisation by Macao residents on culture and

heritage4

Most of the literature on casino impact and development explores the introduction of
legalised casinos in the community (Long et al, 1996; Perdue et al, 1995; Stokowski,
1998). However, legalised gambling houses were first introduced into Macao in the
1850s, with the government already receiving revenue from a tax on gaming
revenues. Applying the analogy put forth by Smith & Hinch (1996) that casino have
nuclear hierarchy, spatial distribution, and spatial structure, as Macaos casinos act
as a primary draw for over three quarters of all visitors to Macao, they act as a
primary nucleus. Had they not been present, the argument goes, the tourists would
have gone elsewhere. Regarding spatial distribution, of four possible categories for
the location of casinos (Eadington, 1995), most of Macaos present casinos are in
major urban centres , openly accessible to local and regional populations. A lot of
3
This popular ancient gambling game was easy to set-up requiring no more than a number of buttons, coins or
stones being divided four times with a stick, and guessing the number.
4
Excerpts from (McCartney & Vong, 2003), under journal review.
Macaos residents are in close proximity to casino properties, suggesting the
possibility of stronger opinions and perceptions regarding impacts (Belisle and Hoy,
1980). With regards to spatial structure, three spatial rings are suggested, with the
core being a nucleus (casino and gaming area), an inviolate belt (such as hotels and
restaurants, adding protection to the nucleus), and a zone of closure (surrounding
commercial areas). In Macao, however, these three concentric rings tend to blur in
distinction, as the inviolate belt of hotels and restaurants, rather than offer a
protection function, tends to be more a condition of the casinos existence. Similarly,
some of Macaos commercial enterprises indirectly benefit from the presence of the
casinos. The less distinctive these rings or boundaries, the closer the community will
come into contact with casinos and casino development, increasing the likelihood for
greater impact.

With a large percentage of Macao residents either directly or indirectly employed

within tourism and, therefore, being more dependent economically on the industry,
research has shown that these residents have a tendency to be more positive
toward tourism (the opposite happens with those not employed in tourism) (Pizam,
1978). As the perceived future of the community with gambling becomes more
positive, resident support for gambling will increase. It is tautological to propose that
resident support for gambling will increase with the individuals level of perceived
benefit derived from gambling (Perdue et al, 1995, p.4).

With this in mind, a longitudinal study was conducted in 2003 by McCartney & Vong
among a resident sample in Macao. Several impact factors were researched to
include a comprehensive list of economic benefits and social costs and the residents
asked if the presence of the new casino development would increase these benefits
and social costs. Economic gains (such as employment, tourism spending,
investment) received the strongest agreement. One factor, preservation of local
custom and culture while not showing a clear weighting to agree or disagree, did
show a slight skew to agree (that the new casinos would help preserve local custom
and culture). However, this research was conducted prior to the opening for the new
casinos (with the first, The Sands, under The Venetian banner to open in early 2004),
with the hope that it can serve as a benchmark for future longitudinal and
comparison research. Macao has very definite natural boundaries to expansion.
Because of Macao residents close proximity to the casinos, it is suggested that
stronger opinions and perceptions of impacts will be felt (Belisle & Hoy, 1980).
Carmichael et al (1998) conceptualised that residents would develop either positive
or negative attitudes toward the casino developers (in this case SJM, Galaxy Casino,
The Venetian and Wynn Resorts) base on both personal factors (such as
employment opportunities within the tourism or casino industry) and the perceived
impacts (social, economic, and environmental). Should the perceived social impacts
start to increase significantly enough, one being the decline of local customs and
culture, (i.e. are not at least equally being offset by the various economic benefits),
following Carmicheal et als framework there can be a shift to negative attitudes
toward the casino development.

A lack of perceived impacts in tourism research was reported by Mason and Cheyne
(2000). There are few studies on the perceived impacts of tourism either prior to
any development or when it is not yet seen to be a significant economic area of
activity for a region (pp.400). What is apparent is that the continued success of
gaming tourism and the preservation of cultural tourism for Macao will also rest with
residents perceptions being carefully monitored in the coming years, and the need
for more impact research. A similar cautionary note was highlighted by Long (1996):
 One piece of planning advice commonly heard from all constituencies that
have experiences with gambling is to be vigilant. All jurisdictions report
unanticipated problems, new pressures, the need for constant monitoring and
similar concerns. To build toward long-term success it will be important to
monitor a communitys ability to handle issues, to focus on the health and
integrity of the gambling industry and the value of the experience to the
states visitors, determine the effectiveness of service delivery to the
communities, and monitor the impacts on other parts of the state. (pp.352)

Heritage Management - collaboration in tourism planning

Taking into consideration that heritage resources once removed are irreplaceable, a
collaborated effort of all stakeholders, headed by the Macao Government is needed.
At the moment, major tourism decisions in Macao are a top down approach, where
decisions made at a localised level have little or no impact on government tourism
policy formation. However, as mentioned by Bramwell & Lane (2000):

The importance of involving diverse stakeholders in tourism planning and

management is receiving growing recognition. This has led to increasing
attention being directed to the use of collaborative arrangements or
partnership that bring together a range of interests in order to develop and
sometimes also implement tourism policies. Stakeholder collaboration has
the potential to lead to dialogue, negotiation and the building of mutually
acceptable proposals about how tourism should be developed. (pp.1)

However within Macao, there are a myriad of shareholders with differing and vested
interests in its tourism development. With the Macao Government and the casino
developers taking obvious leadership and power positions, there is all the danger
that such synergy creating bodies become just window dressing with those with
less power being excluded or having less influence on the decision making process.
In responding to the influence of local residents, in Singapore on the issue of
tourism and heritage conservation, public forums were invited by the Singapore
Government, to consolidate residents feelings towards the commercialisation of
conservation projects or tourism developments on one hand, and the need to
preserve local heritage on the other (Teo & Huang, 1995). This assisted in the
formation of a sound tourism development plan, reflecting the views and aspirations
of local people.

Later Teo & Huang writes of the danger that tourism development can destroy local
and regional features and replaces these with psuedo places which suggest nothing
of the history, life, and culture of the people who live or work around them (pp.594)
and in their citing of Relph (1976, pp.95) of the use of the term Disneyfication to
describe places that have become absurd [and] syntheticmade up of a surrealistic
combination of history, myth, reality and fantasy that have little relationship with
the particular geographical setting. Museumization is also mentioned as a form of
Disneyfication of museums, which construct idealized pasts, a historic ambience for
tourist enjoyment than for representing a true picture of the past (pp.594).

With this in mind, there is the risk that culture and heritage solely become
components of the tourism product or as a commodity (Hewison, 1988, sited in Hall,
2002). Already, some are critical of cultural preservation in the face of tourism
development:
 In the coming two years, private investors are expected to sink billions of
patacas (the Macau currency) into the SAR, according to official government
reports. The investment will make a key contribution to the change of the
unique profile of the SAR, as well as the historic sites that blend occidental
and oriental charm in a way not found in other cities. But many government
projects have put the historic sites into a deteriorating situation.Macau is
preparing some historic and natural sites to seek inclusion on the UNESCO
(United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) World
Heritage list. Funds allotted for protection works as well as for the application
process far exceed those of other places, such as mainland China and Hong
Kong, the other SAR. However, if Macaus mode of preserving cultural
heritage keeps following the manner in which local Jesuits are treating their
founding father, it will be money down the drain. (Chan, 2003)

Assessment of intercultural awareness among Macaos youth

The significance of the perceptions of Macaos local resident community, especially

the youth population, was emphasised in the introductory section of this paper. With
reference to the three components of culture as propounded by Hall (1997), an audit
study on one of these components, namely, multiculturalism, was conducted from
the point of view of gauging the extent of cultural sensitivity and awareness
prevailing in Macao.

The recent spate of developments that Macao has been witnessing on the socio-
economic horizons is expected to attract expatriate talent to the SAR. This in turn is
bound to have an influence on the demographic undertones and consequently, the
attitudes of the SARs residents vis--vis non-local cultures. From a socio-cultural
perspective, the dynamism of any society is, inter alia, attributable to the extent to
which external cultural influences and minority sub-cultures can be tolerated,
accommodated, appreciated and assimilated by the dominant host culture. Such a
perspective also has economic as well as political overtones. As Naisbitt and
Adurdene (1997) have sought to underscore, all segments of a society are affected
by the political, social, economic and cultural transformations. The key to
sustainable economic growth, apart from tangible investment climate created by
virtue of regulatory mechanisms on part of the Government is to ensure a healthy
and welcoming environment from the cultural perspective for the expatriates and
their dependents. Building such an environment is all the more relevant in this era of
globalisation which has witnessed the rise of a new breed of global professionals
drawn from different social, national and cultural backgrounds.

Though being a predominantly Chinese society, Macao, as in the case of Hong Kong,
by virtue of being a former protectorate of an erstwhile European metropolitan
power, has, over the years, had a fair degree of international exposure, thereby
attracting overseas migrants who have been integrated to a large extent into the
mainstream of the local ethos, and yet, have managed to retain their distinct roots
and identities. Macao has, in the past four centuries, played host to people from
other Portuguese colonies such as Goa, Brazil, Cape Verde and Timor. These ethnic
minorities have enriched the host society by virtue of their economic and cultural
contributions and have kept alive their Lusophonic identity. In the post colonial
epoch which has coincided with the era of globalisation, to what extent do ethnic
minorities feel assimilated in the host society is a possible reflection of the extent to
which a society can be considered to be cosmopolitan.
More specifically, in the context of Macao, it is imperative that the SAR
metamorphose into a cosmopolitan entity, given the rapid pace of development
spurred by the deregulation of the gaming sector and the attendant inflow of foreign
capital, both, financial and human. Apart from the advantages that accrue towards
attracting overseas expatriate talent to live and work in Macao, a cosmopolitan
environment will also ensure a more at home feeling for overseas tourists and
contribute towards providing further diversity to the local heritage in the long term.
Thus, the advantages that Macao can leverage by enhancing its cosmopolitan image
are two fold: attracting overseas talent and tourists as well as evolving a more
varied heritage.

Towards this end, it is necessary to do the spadework in terms of determining

Macaos preparedness in being able to evolve into a cosmopolitan city whilst
simultaneously being able to conserve its heritage. As economic growth, fuelled by
the deregulation of the gaming sector inadvertently takes precedence over culture,
conservation and heritage face the distinct possibility of being relegated to the
backburner. Such a task can be accomplished from different perspectives that take
into consideration social, cultural, anthropological and demographic factors. Though
the opinions of all sections of the society are important, the segment of population
that matters most is the younger generation who are the citizens of the future.
Corsaro (1997) has highlighted that in social science research, seldom does this
segment of society get recognised as an active social agent. As future citizens, their
perceptions cannot and should not be overlooked. In this regard, Aitken (1998)
emphasises that their role be given due recognition as an important dimension in
social and cultural theory propounded by James & Prout (1992). It is the gist of
these arguments that form the rationale behind focusing on the higher secondary
student segment as the target population for this phase of the study.

The principal aspects of culture on which the students attitude and awareness levels
were gauged were language, cuisine and religion. In so far as language is concerned,
expectedly, an overwhelming majority of the students cited Cantonese, which is the
local dialect, as being their preferred language of communication, this being
irrespective of the medium of instruction at school. In terms of working knowledge,
Mandarin and English figure more prominently though there is a desire on part of
the students to get familiarised with other languages such as Japanese and Korean.
It is of interest to note that despite Portuguese being one of the two official
languages of Macao (the other being Chinese), there does not seem to be any
overwhelming desire on part of the students to learn it. Perhaps, this has to do with
the perceived utility of a language in a globalised context.

Again, in their choice of cuisines, the students demonstrated a predisposition for

Chinese food, which was followed by Japanese cuisine. Portuguese fare also figured
prominently and given the influence that Portuguese kitchen has had on local
cooking such an outcome is consistent with the situational context. Other cuisines
such as Italian, Thai, Korean and Indian also find a reasonable level of mention.
Students were also tested on their awareness of various faiths. Catholicism,
Buddhism and Islam ranked top three in terms of awareness. As such, the
Portuguese influence in the spread of Catholicism is evident vis--vis the response
pattern. A significant number of students indicated their lack of awareness of
Judaism, Hinduism and surprisingly, Taoism. The outcome of this study tentatively
suggests that overall, the younger population of Macao does seem conscious of
multicultural attributes, although the awareness seems largely confined to regions
closer to home.
This study has essentially been a modest preliminary step in probing into the
prevailing extent of intercultural awareness among the youngsters in Macao. It
needs to be emphasised at this juncture that the results are purely tentative, given
the indicative nature of this study. It provides scope for further exploring the
cultural angle from the perspective of sustainable conservation of Macaos s heritage
in the backdrop of economic development as also to develop a research plan for
studying the other two dimensions of culture, namely high culture and folk and
popular culture (Hall, 1997). The pursuit of research along the lines of the
propounded framework will contribute towards evolving policies and practices to
enhance the Macao youths worldview and enrich their cultural kaleidoscope with the
objective of creating a vibrant cosmopolitan environment in Macao. This, it is hoped,
will not just help keep alive the interest in Macaos past legacy in the face of gaming
induced commercialisation but also create a thriving cosmopolitan environment
conducive and receptive to external cultural influences, the assimilation of which into
the local milieu will ensure the evolving enrichment of Macaos heritage to the
benefit of posterity.

Conclusions

By providing a temporal snapshot of Macaos present phase of development, this

paper has brought to the fore an apparent joisting between two seemingly
incompatible concepts of heritage and gaming. To what extent are these
incompatibilities reconcilable and whether an uneasy cohabitation or even a
symbiotic coexistence possible? These are the moot questions, the answers to which
will determine the future of heritage conservation as well as the development of the
casino industry in Macao.

The world over, paucity of funds on account of empty government coffers is a reason
often cited for neglect of heritage sites. Macao has been more fortunate in this
regard, its public purse being consistently in the surplus, thanks to the revenues
generated through taxes imposed on gaming income. Though this paper has avoided
speculation on how effectively the revenues thus generated have been deployed by
various government agencies in the promotion of cultural tourism and conservation
of heritage and culture, it is worth noting that the increasing prioritisation on part of
the government authorities to transform Macaos economic contours as evidenced by
the recent liberalisation of the gaming sector call for the strengthening of
coordination among the stakeholders in evolving effective strategies that will ensure
the conservation of Macaos varied past. That failing, an overemphasis on the
development of the gaming sector would result in heritage and conservation issues
being relegated to the backburner. Once the proverbial Rubicon is crossed, no
amount of resources allocated by a cash-rich government will arrest the gradual or
even rapid fading into oblivion of centuries of culture, thereby leading to an
unfortunate paradox wherein the hand that fed was also the hand that killed.

On the basis of the arguments presented in this paper, the authors recommended a
balanced policy and decision making process, based on continually evolving dialogue
between all the stakeholders, primarily, the government agencies responsible for the
development of tourism and conserving Macaos heritage. Towards this end, it is
recommended that a nodal agency be established, that will be in a position to
coordinate and conduct research relevant to meeting the (at times conflicting)
objectives of the stakeholders. With appropriate policy mechanisms and regulatory
guidelines that are evolved on the basis of sound academic research, it would be
possible to derive synergies vis--vis a seemingly incompatible pair: heritage and
gaming:

At bestculture can be hoped to be co-equal or partner of modern

entertainment in attracting tourists. At worst, culture can be relegated to the
backstage of economic development where the mainstay is the gambling
industry. Therefore, the challenge for Macao SAR Government, especially, the
Macao Cultural Institute is to muster all its efforts in promoting the culture
heritage of the place as a partner of equal significance of the gambling
industry in attracting tourists. UNESCO, to the mind of this paper writer will
demand no less if the place wishes to be inscribed in the World Heritage List.
(Lamarca, 2002, pp.67)

References:

Aitken, S. (1998). Family Fantasies and Community Space. Rutgers University

Press: New Brunswick

Belisle, F. J. & Hoy, D. R. (1980) The perceived impacts of tourism by residents: a

case study in Santa Maria, Colombia. Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 12, No. 1,
pp. 83-101.

Bramwell, B. & Lane, B. (2000). Tourism, Collaboration and Partnerships: Politics,

Practice and Sustainability. Channel View Publications.

Carmichael, B. A. & Peppard, D. M. (1998). The impacts of Foxwoods resort casino

on its dual host community: Southeastern Connecticut and the Mashantucket Pequot
tribe. IN: Lew, A. A. & Van Otten, G. A. eds. Tourism and gaming on American
Indian lands. Tokyo: Cognizant Communication Corporation.

Chan, T. (2003). Macaus heritage allowed to rot away. Asia Times, 9th May. [Online],
Available: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/EE09Ad02.html

Coates, A. (1966). Macao and the British, 1637-1842, Prelude to Hong Kong. Oxford
University Press (China) Ltd. Hong Kong.

Collins, A. (1999). Tourism Development and Natural Capital. Annals of Tourism

Research, vol. 26, no. 1, pp.98-109.

Corsaro, W. (1997). The Sociology of Childhood. Pine Forge Press: Thousand Oaks

DSEC (Statistics and Census Services) (2003). [Online], Available:

http://www.dsec.gov.mo

Engelhart, R. (2002). The Management of World Heritage Cities. Evolving Concepts:

New Strategies. The Conservation of Urban Heritage: Macao Vision, International
Conference, 10th- 12th September 2002. Macao.

Events (2002). Macaus dreams just a smile away. Oct/Nov 2002, pp. 44-48.

Freitag, T. G. (1994). Enclave Tourism Development: For Whom the Benefits Roll?
Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 21, pp.538-554.
Government Information Bureau, Macao SAR (2002). Macau Yearbook. Government
Printing Bureau of the Macao SAR.

Hall, M. C. (1997). Cultural tourism and urban imaging strategies in Canada. In K.

Burridge, L. Foster & G. Turcotte, Canada-Australia: Towards a Second Century of
Partnership. International Council of Canadian Studies and Carleton University Press,
Ottawa, pp.287-304.

Hall, M. C. (2003). Introduction to Tourism: Dimensions, and Issues. 4th Edition.

Pearson Education Australia.

Hewison, R. (1988). Great expectations-hyping heritage. Tourism Management, vol.

9, no.3, pp239-240.

ICM (Macao Cultural Institute), (2003). [Online], Available:

http://www.icm.gov.mo/icm/feicm.asp

James A. & Prout, A., (1998). Theorizing Childhood. Polity Press: Cambridge.

Lamarca, F. (2002). Cultural Significance and Vision of Macao: Are they compatible?
If not, how to make them compatible? The Conservation of Urban Heritage: Macao
Vision, International Conference, 10th- 12th September 2002. Macao

Long, P. T. (1996). Early impacts of limited stakes casino gambling on rural

community life. Tourism Management, Vol. 17, pp. 341-53.

Macau Image (2002). Cotai City. The Building of Macaus City of the Future. No.31.
Macau Trade and Investment Promotion Institute (IPIM).

Mason, P. & Cheyne, J. (2000) Residents attitudes to proposed tourism

development. Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 391-411.

McCartney, G. J. (2003). The Liberalisation of Macaos Casino Industry the

Rationale and Implications. 12th International Conference on Gambling and Risk
Taking, 26th 30th May 2003.The Institute for the Study of Gambling and
Commercial Gaming, University of Nevada, Reno.

McCartney, G. J. & Vong, C.K. (2003). Perceptions of Casino Impacts Among Macao
Residents: A Study of the Liberalization of the Casino Industry [unpublished].

McMillan, J. (1996). Understanding gambling. History, concepts, theories. In J.

McMillan (ed.) Gambling Cultures: Studies in History and Interpretation (pp.6-42).
London: Routledge.

MGTO (Macao Government Tourism Office) (2003 a). [Online], Available:

http://www.macautourism.gov.mo

MGTO (Macao Government Tourism Office) (2003 b). [Online], Available:

http://www.macautourism.gov.mo/english/museums_en.phtml

MGTO (Macao Government Tourism Office) (2002a). Statistics 2002. Macao.

MGTO (Macao Government Tourism Office) (2002b). Meet in Macau.

Nadkarni, S. (2003), Assessment of Intercultural Awareness Among Macaos Student
Community, Internal Research Study, Institute for Tourism Studies, Macao
[unpublished].

Naisbitt, J. & Aburdene, P. (1997). Megatrends Asia. New York: Touchstone.

Perdue, R. Long, P. T. & Kang, Y. S. (1995) Resident support for gambling as a

tourism development strategy. Journal of Travel Research, Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 3-11.

Pinho, A. (1987). Gambling in Macau (Chapter 11). In Macau City of Commerce and
Culture, 2nd Edition: Continuity and Change, edited by R. D. Cremer. Westview Press
Ltd.

Pizam, A. (1978). Tourism impacts: the social costs to the destination community as
perceived by its residents. Journal of Travel Research, Vol.16, pp.8-12.

Ponto Final (2003). Macaus three casino concessionaires to invest more than 17
billion patacas. 2nd November.

Relph, E. (1976). Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Ltd.

Roehl, W. S. (1994). Gambling as a tourist attraction: Trends and issues for the 21st
century. In A. V. Seaton, C. L. Jenkins, R. C. Woods, P. U. C. Dieke, M. M. Bennett, L.
R. Maclellan, & R. Smith, Tourism: the state of the art. New York: Wiley, pp.156
168.

Scott, J. E. (2003). Coffee Shop Meets Casino: Cultural Responses to Casino Tourism
in Northern Cyprus. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, Vol.11, No.2&3, pp.266-279.

Smeral, E. (1998). Economic aspects of casino gaming in Austria. Journal of Travel

Research, 36(4), pp.33-39.

Smith, G. J. and Hinch, T. D. (1996). Canadian Casinos as Tourist Attractions:

Chasing the Pot of Gold. Journal of Travel Research, 34 (Winter), pp.37-45.

Stokowski, P. A. (1998). Community Impacts and Revisionist Images in Colorado

Gaming Development, pp.137-148. Casino Gambling in America: Origins, Trends,
and Impacts. Edited by Meyer-Arendt, K. & Hartmann, R. Cognizant Communication
Corporation.

Teo, P. & Huang, S. (1995). Tourism and heritage conservation in Singapore. Annals
of Tourism Research, Vol.22, No.3, pp.589-615.

Vong, C. K. & McCartney, G. J. (2003). Estimates of the Prevalence of Pathological

Gambling in Macao, the Monte Carlo of The Orient [unpublished].
 Appendix 1. Macaos Casino Continuum

1557

Illegal gaming houses and

other forms of illegal gambling
permitted by local authorities

LEGALISATION 1840

Licensing of casino houses

successfully raises gaming taxes
although industry is still gangster
controlled

MONOPOLY
1932
FRANCHISE

Ownership of Tai Xing Company

SECOND
MONOPOLY 1962
FRANCHISE
Ownership of Sociedade de
Turismo e Diversoes de Macau
(SDTM)

LIBERALISATION
2001

Regulatory framework passed

in August, bidding begins in
November. Close off is December
with 21 tenders received

2002

Awarding of 3 casino concessions

from 1st April 2002

COMPETITION
2006

Each concession holder to implement

contractual obligations

MACAO - ASIAS LAS VEGAS? 2022

 Educational Travel where does it lead?

D H Bodger, P M Bodger, H Frost School of Continuing Education, University of

Nottingham.

Travel, in the younger sort, is a part of education; in the elder, a part of

experience. He that travelleth into a country before he hath some entrance into the
language, goeth to school and not to travel Francis Bacon (1561-1626)

The traveller, as opposed perhaps to the tourist, has always suffered improvement
through the experiences that are an essential part of travelling. Travel for the sake
of education has a long history. The development of the Grand Tour was important
because it provided an opportunity for the movers and shakers in society to develop
a knowledge and understanding of other key cultures in the world and to learn one
or more other languages. This was important in their cultural development the
dictionary defines culture as improvement by (mental or physical training);
intellectual development. It made them more effective as politicians and
administrators as they developed an understanding of the peoples and cultures that
they needed to work with across their worlds. As such it perhaps provided the first
right of passage to improve oneself through international travel. The development of
cheap and easy international travel in the second half of the Twentieth Century not
only provided mass opportunity to enjoy holidays that promised endless sunshine
and cheap beer but also made it possible to offer variations on the Grand Tour to a
wide section of the population.

Today the term educational travel could be taken to mean any of a spectrum of
travel opportunities: from the school child going on a study holiday to a
Mediterranean Cruise with a guest lecturer, or a language student studying abroad
to an adult course of study involving travel to a specific site or sites that are related
to the subject. This presentation confines itself largely to the last of these. It is
concerned with what we call educational study tours, travel packages for adults
where education is a major or the prime objective.

Such study tours have an emphasis on learning; participants are exposed to

situations that encourage them to learn and understand with the aid of skilled
leaders who provide a background of information, lectures, and activities which add
to their experiences. Such programmes are both cultural in their impact and involve
a direct cultural element, either through contact with modern cultures, or through
the enhanced understanding of those of the past. These programmes can also
encourage cultural diversity, bringing together people with different backgrounds
and aspirations but with a common purpose the course of study and bringing
them into close contact with people in the host location. Some are designed to
provide an opportunity to gain university credits for work done on the study tour,
credits which can be put towards an award, and as such these holidays can provide
a route back into learning for potential mature students. They also have an impact
upon the traveller that goes beyond the overt. Group learning and group travel have
social impacts and they provide opportunities for the development of transferable
skills, from the development of scepticism and criticality to confidence in unusual
situations.

The other key feature of an educational travel programme is that it is a travel

experience where the destination is determined by the educational and learning
requirements. The destination and the itinerary will be planned to meet the
perceived learning needs for that programme and thus it should provide a learning
experience second to none.

Educational travel of this sort really developed from the 1960s onwards. Initially it
was a function of educational institutions, for example: university extra-mural
departments which added a field trip to a class that had run through the winter
months so that students could see for themselves the objects of their study.
Educational organisations like the FSC (Field Studies Council) were set up with the
object of educating people by taking them into the field to learn. From beginnings
such as these programmes that were designed to be self contained were developed
and marketed to those who were already engaged in adult education activities.

Britain was not alone in this, other developed Commonwealth countries did much
the same. In America there was no traditional educational programme from which it
could develop but none the less educational travel became established. The
formation of Elderhostel in New Hampshire in 1975 set a pattern which has had a
major influence on Educational travel ever since. Elderhostel was set up by two
visionaries Marty Knowlton and David Bianco. Knowlton, a traveller, former
educator and free-thinker who had seen the role that extra-mural departments, folk
schools and community education programmes played in Europe, combined that
concept unknown in the USA at that time with the value for money
accommodation provided by youth hostels, and saw an opportunity to provide
educational opportunities for retired Americans. Bianco was the director of
residential life at the University of New Hampshire and saw the potential for
universities to provide basic accommodation and tuition. Together they conceived a
learning programme for people aged 55 and over that provided stimulating learning
programmes with comfortable, inexpensive lodgings.

In 1975 Elderhostel offered its first programmes to 220 participants across 5

campuses in New Hampshire. In 1980 more than 20,000 participants took part in
programmes in all 50 states and most Canadian provinces. They offered their first
international programmes in Mexico, Britain and Scandinavia in 1981. Today
Elderhostel is the worlds largest education and travel organisation for adults 55 and
over with nearly 10,000 programmes offered in about 100 countries.

Elderhostel was important not just because of its impact in the US but because it led
to a number of partner operations being set up in other countries for example
Elderhostel Canada and the Australian College for Seniors. Initially these provided
programmes for incoming Americans but then moved on to offer programmes both
within their own country and abroad for their own countrymen.

The development pattern in the UK was different. A number of universities did set
up programmes on their own campuses as we did here in Nottingham. Some
began to work together marketing their summer schools under the banner Summer
Academy. These differed significantly from Elderhostel in not applying a minimum
age restriction though the majority of participants were over 50. Also, whilst
Elderhostel has always shunned offering credit, many of the university providers
have offered credit to students who complete work set as a part of the course.

A feature of the 1990s was the series of international symposia under the Global
Classroom banner. These brought together educational providers and the travel
industry to discuss common issues, share best practice in educational travel and to
forge links, many of which have continued to the present day.
Many UK universities now fund part of the running costs of their student
accommodation through hosting conferences in vacations and such accommodation
ceased to be inexpensive and took the programmes into a higher price bracket.
There was also a market shift with the development of cheap air travel in Europe
when the cost of a study tour to a European destination became little more than the
cost of a programme based on a university campus back home. Demand fell for
campus based programmes and today we have no summer school here in
Nottingham and Summer Academy closed down its operation last September.

This withdrawal by educational institutions went further and most of the universities
in the UK that had an education travel operation have withdrawn them in recent
years or returned to providing an add on travel component to a weekly class based
course. In part this has been due to competition from the changing values of
existing holiday providers, many of whom are now catering for the conscientious
traveller, in part through the increasing requirements of UK and EU travel
regulations and, possibly most importantly, an increasing need to focus on the core
requirements of full time undergraduate teaching and research demands as UK
universities have seen their funding cut year by year.

To an extent there has been a similar pattern of change in other Commonwealth

countries with HE and FE institutions that worked with Elderhostel in the 80s and
90s withdrawing from the field. However this does not imply that educational travel
is on the wane. Quite the contrary: whilst we cannot see the same pattern as that
shown in the growth of Elderhostel throughout the period what we do see developing
is a greater diversity of provider.

There are some traditional educational players still in the field. We have our own
study tour operation here in the University of Nottingham which provides a wide
range of programmes from weekends across the UK to study tours around the world.
The FSC and ACE (Association for Cultural Exchange) have also grown and now offer
large and respected study tour programmes. Some of the early players have moved
out of educational institutions and set up travel companies that offer educational
travel this is the case in Australia and Canada for example. Some of these have
retained a link to an educational partner and use this to enhance their programmes.
There are also examples of travel companies that were established to provide
educational travel from the outset Andante Travels in the UK is one such and
these have gone from strength to strength.

Elderhostel has its competitors in the USA too, both from commercial organisations
and from institutions offering educational travel. A particularly interesting example
from the USA is the growth of Earthwatch. Earthwatch offers programmes (to all
nationalities) where the traveller joins a research project led by an expert team
somewhere in the world. Participants get involved doing valuable work on
programmes such as archaeological digs and biological research in locations around
the world. The success of these research programmes is totally dependent upon the
Earthwatch volunteers who between them provide the staffing and at least part of
the funding for the project. The cost to them for their holiday is high as they are
funding the programme as well as paying for the privilege of aiding key research,
but pay they do for the satisfaction that they get from participating. Overall then the
picture is one of a developing market with a variety of products that shows no sign
of decreasing.

If we drill down a little then we can see a change in the nature of the product. Early
developments, like the establishment of Elderhostel, often concentrated on relatively
low budget offerings with basic facilities the use of field stations with multiple
occupancy rooms for example. This has changed; educational travellers today expect
en suite unless the location presents an unavoidable reason why this is not
available and many of the programmes offer quality accommodation and facilities
as well as quality education. Even Elderhostel has lost much of its focus on
university style accommodation on its overseas programmes and uses hotels in
many places. Whilst some of this change may be due to a reduction in the relative
cost of quality facilities, much of it is market driven. Travellers have come to expect
a certain level of accommodation, reliable travel arrangements, etc. and are
prepared to pay more than the average package traveller to get these as part of
their experiences. The greater cost of an educational package is the value added
offered by the learning experience and many people are clearly prepared to pay for
this as they value the learning.

The travel market in the UK has also shown a wider shift in buying patterns to
reflect value added in travel packages. Adventure and eco-tourism are key areas in
this shift. Neither of these are mutually exclusive, nor do they exclude educational
travel. Indeed educational travel is often linked to eco-tourism in the broad sense,
encompassing as it does the understanding and conservation of natural
environments and human cultures and artefacts. There has been a growth in
companies that claim to be ethically motivated and a growing realisation of the
importance of sustainable tourism.

AITO has long been in the lead as far as environmental initiatives are concerned.
Many AITO members' holidays are, by their very nature, 'green' in aspect - gites in
rural France, for example, and their stable mates in rural Italy and rural Spain,
where holidaymakers meet the local people, live as part of the community and
where their money benefits local businesses. Equally, the adventure travel
companies claim to place up to 60p from every 1 spent into local purses, while in
general a sense of the importance of responsible tourism permeates the operations
of the great majority of AITO members. [Association of Independent Tour Operators]

It seems fair to assume that many, if not all, of the travellers who choose to book
with such tour operators do so in some measure because of the value added that
they perceive coming from this element of their packages.

Just what is the value added in the educational travel context? As stated earlier the
defining feature of educational travel is travelling to study things in their context and
environment. To someone with a love of Renaissance art and architecture a visit to
key places in Italy together with an expert tutor is a far more effective learning
experience than just looking at books, photographs, web pages or whatever. We do
not have to be educationalists to understand that experiential learning is the most
effective form of learning. Going and doing can never be replaced nor matched by
lectures or books. Combine this with an appealing destination and value for money
package and you have a winning combination for the person who wants to expand
their horizons and exercise their mind.

A further feature of educational travel is that the majority of the domestic

programmes can be classed as short breaks. Short break penetration in the
domestic holiday market is increasing according to research by Key Note, as is the
second holiday. They also find that short breaks have a higher penetration among
adults who are staying single and a common feature of the educational travel
programme is the high number of single travellers.
It is arguable that there is a wider reason in here. As people travel more the
superficial approach loses its value. As Horne (1992) observes We can never do a
country, or a city, or even a street, and to believe that we have done a monument
by standing briefly in its presence and ticking it off on an itinerary is foolish and
petty. He goes on to reflect that Sightseeing can become a pilgrimage in which
certain secular objects are given properties similar to holy relics. What the tourist-
pilgrims seek is physical, mental or cultural regeneration. His view that the
intelligent traveller is seeking more than just being able to tick things off but
actually trying to see the objects in a new way gives a powerful reason for such
travellers to seek the sort of support that an educational travel programme can
provide.

One must also question the travellers choice of a package rather than a personal
exploration. Clearly a key feature will be the presence of the expert who can add
much to the experience by sharing their enthusiasm and knowledge. Travelling with
a group of like minded people is also important to many - the intense nature of
learning in a group that is totally immersed in an experience has an effect upon the
group members. It teaches awareness, it affects behaviour and can literally change
peoples lives. The effect of the experience on the travellers can also have an effect
upon the impact of the experience. It can provide them with a unique insight into
the destination and its culture and help to ensure better international understanding.
The value of a form of tourism that develops understanding of, and celebrates the
environment versus the placeless resorts and manicured destinations is such that it
will provide gains to a destination, to its culture and to how it is perceived by the
outside world. Those who do experience such travel tend to return for more and
repeat business is an accepted norm in educational travel (60% to 70% repeat
business is the norm unpublished: Global Classroom Symposium 1990). Clearly it
is therefore providing satisfaction to these travellers and learners.

Despite all the advantages which we can see for the educational traveller, the
current market segment is a very small one if we confine ourselves to packages that
are truly education dependent. Is this a true reflection of the potential market? We
know that once bitten educational travellers tend to become hooked. Maybe we have
yet to find the best route to capture our travellers in the first place.

Many practitioners in the field will argue that Elderhostels continuing success is in
no small part due to its focus on the 55 plus age group. Does this offer a useful
guide to us in the UK? If we look at the UK population and tease out some of the
trends from recent years we find a number of interesting facts. As with most other
developed nations, the UK population is witnessing a decrease in the proportion of
children under 16 and a rise in the number of elderly citizens, such that by 2007 the
proportion of the population of state-pensionable age will outnumber those aged 16
years or under. There is a corresponding decrease in the number of people of
working age and this effect will continue to impact on population structure for
decades to come. The Governments autumn 2003 population predictions show an
increase in the 45 and over age group between 2001 and 2011, and two thirds of
that growth is in the 45 64 age group (National Statistics Online 2003).

In recent years there has been an increase in the number of people who have taken
early retirement, often in order to travel and develop further interests that they
could not satisfy whilst in employment. Personal wealth, at least in terms of
disposable income has, on average, risen together with an increasing willingness to
spend some of this money on oneself. Research is showing that maintaining an
active mind, continuing to stretch it with learning and other activity, is important in
warding off senility. Health in later life is, on average, better and people are
remaining physically active longer. Should we, therefore, be concentrating our
marketing on the older traveller? In making any decision on this we must not lose
sight of two things first that the disposable income has increased markedly for
some younger sectors of the population and second that current predictions show a
possible decrease in disposable income for pensioners in the future.

This will impact in the worker-pensioner ratios and so the fiscal burden of the
government and tax burden on the population. In turn this will affect disposable
income and so consumption levels such that the current generation of senior citizens
may well be one of the last that can enjoy early retirement with a relatively high
level of income. [Mintel]

At the same time we can see a change occurring in the way in which the UK traveller
approaches their holiday booking. There has been a rapid growth in media exposure
of holiday opportunities. The number of programmes devoted to travel opportunities
on television and similarly the increase in holiday magazines has raised the profile of
holidays with added value so changing peoples aspirations away from basic
packages. The media are also encouraging people to learn by offering further
information about the subjects of educational programmes, usually in the form of
links to internet sites.

Research by Key Note has shown that independent leisure travel is becoming ever
simpler to organise, notably through the internet with the opportunities this provides
to cut out the intermediaries. Thus a proportion of travellers now search out their
travel arrangements via the internet knowing that they can often build their own
package for less than they would have to pay on the High Street. This has become
particularly significant in the UK domestic market. However it has impacted less
significantly on package travel booking habits as yet. Here the trend has been more
to using the internet to cut out the travel agent and book direct with the tour
operator.

Despite widespread use of the internet to research holidays, significant numbers of

British travellers still book their holidays through travel agents and tour operators.
Indeed, according to an ABTA survey, the numbers using travel agents to book
holidays have declined steadily from 78% in 1990 to around 60% in 2002, while
those booking directly with a tour operator have risen conversely from 19% to 36%
in the same period. [Mintel]

Exploring the Key Note research further we see that there is evidence that the UK
travel industry has shown that it is capable of adapting to the markets changing
needs. This it is doing by opening up new destinations, offering value added services
and new products such as adventure and activity holidays. Many of these, just as
educational holidays, offer a value added which cannot be obtained except by
travelling in an organised group.

All of this indicates that there is a potentially growing market which could be ripe for
targeting by the educational travel providers. Summarising the issues we find that:

1. Educational travel has:

an established history and role in travel provision;
shown steady growth and expanded its horizons;
shown that association with a respected institution is a valuable selling point;
2. Current demographic trends show:
an ageing population;
improved health in seniors;
early retirement patterns;
increased leisure spend;

3. Current market trends include

moves towards providing value added, often of the type offered by
educational travel;
a growth in popularity of short breaks this fits well with the nature of most
educational travel programmes;
cost alone is not an over-riding factor in holiday selection;
a move away from beach holidays to a demand for a holiday that includes
some self improvement;
a growing number of tour operators introducing sustainable and eco-tourism
strands into their programmes;
increasing public perception of environmental issues.

4. Logic tells us that sustainable tourism has to be the way forward, for without
there is no future for tourism.

So where does educational travel lead? It is not likely that the demand for sun and
sand holidays will go away completely. However there is a growing number of
potential travellers which could be tapped. Many of these people have time and
money together with a desire to widen their minds and experiences and follow up
interests and hobbies. Whilst there are tour operators who offer an element of
education in their programmes there is a gap between them and those providing a
true educational travel programme. In addition the providers who do offer true
educational travel are very thin on the ground.

We consider that there is a market niche here which could be exploited. In the
current climate it is unlikely that educational institutions will rush to fill this gap
alone. However there is a role for them in working with an appropriate tour
operator. The tour operator would provide a comfortable and safe learning
environment. The educational institution would provide the quality learning
experience. This would then combine the unique skills of each and provide a credible
value added with which the tour operator could attract new business. It is worth
noting here that this could apply equally well to incoming tourism as it could to
outbound packages.

There is a further point. Today there is an increasing demand from consumers and
society to recognise the importance of a sustainable approach to our demands and
the potential negative impacts of geographical consumerism. Sustainable tourism
can only be achieved by education of the traveller. Consumers will then come to
want and expect tour operators to be responsible. By its very nature educational
tourism is sustainable. It is successful because it recognises the unique value of the
destinations, it teaches the value of those destinations and provides a cultural
understanding that can only benefit such destinations. Is there then a natural link
here? We are probably going too far if we suggest that since educational travel is
sustainable tourism and teaches the value of sustainability therefore all travel should
be educational travel! However, if by expanding the opportunities for educational
travel we can encourage more people to understand the value and importance of
culture and cultural diversity throughout the world, we can engage their public
support to help ensure its survival.
Travel is addictive Globe trotting destroys ethnocentricity and encourages the
understanding and appreciation of various cultures. Travel changes people, and we
like the results. Many travellers assimilate the best points of different cultures into
their own character. Rick Steves in Asia Through the Backdoor

References

Adamson, S. and Brobyn, A. (1992), Critical Issues in Programming Partnerships,

In J. Archibald and L Jolin (Eds) Toros Educational Tourism and the Needs of
Older Adults. Montreal, Canada: Universit du Qubec Montral.

Andante Travels: http://www.andantetravels.co.uk

Arsenault, N., Williston, R., Swedburg, R. and Anderson, G. (1997), Education,

Leisure and Travel: the Program Choice of Older Adult Learners, In Klercq J. (Ed)
Proceedings of the Fourth Global Classroom Conference. Maastricht, The Netherlands:
Driekant, Education and Consultancy.

Association for Cultural Exchange: http://www.study-tours.org

Association of Independent Tour Operators: http://www.aito.co.uk

Bacon, F. (1561-1626), Of Travel.

Bodger, D. H. (1998), Leisure, Learning and Travel, The Journal of Physical

Education, Recreation and Dance, Vol 69 No 4, pp 28-31.

Cochrane, J. (1992), Cultural and Development Education Tours to the Third World:
Case Studies of India, Indonesia and Nepal, In D. H. Bodger (Ed) Proceedings of
the Second Global Classroom Symposium. Nottingham, England: University of
Nottingham.

Earthwatch: http://www.earthwatch.org

Elderhostel: http://www.elderhostel.org

Field Studies Council: http://www.fscoverseas.org.uk

Horne, D. (1992) The Intelligent Tourist. Margaret Gee Publishing.

Kalinowski, K. M. (1990), Supplying Adventure of the Mind: the Providers

Perspective from a Research Approach, In B. ORourke (Ed) Proceedings of the
Global Classroom Symposium. Christchurch, New Zealand: University of Canterbury.

Key Note Publications Ltd: http://www.researchandmarkets.com

Lovell, R. J. (1992), Cultural Tourism in Australia, In D. H. Bodger (Ed)

Proceedings of the Second Global Classroom Symposium. Nottingham, England:
University of Nottingham.

Mintel: http://www.mintel.com
Muller, T. E. (1994), The Coming Boom in Educational Travel, In J. Archibald and L
Jolin (Eds) Toros Educational Tourism and the Needs of Older Adults. Montreal,
Canada: Universit du Qubec Montral.

National Statistics Online: http://www.statistics.gov.uk

ONeill, M. (1992), Travelling to Save the World, In D. H. Bodger (Ed) Proceedings

of the Second Global Classroom Symposium. Nottingham, England: University of
Nottingham.

Randall, S. (1992), Australias Cultural and Environmental Heritage Approaches to

Educational Tourism, In D. H. Bodger (Ed) Proceedings of the Second Global
Classroom Symposium. Nottingham, England: University of Nottingham.

Russell, B. (1990), The Australian College for Seniors a Case Study, In B.

ORourke (Ed) Proceedings of the Global Classroom Symposium. Christchurch, New
Zealand: University of Canterbury.

Steves, R. (1986), Asia Through the Backdoor. Avalon Travel Publishing

Street, P. (1992), For Love or Money University Overseas Study Tours in the
1990s, In D. H. Bodger (Ed) Proceedings of the Second Global Classroom
Symposium. Nottingham, England: University of Nottingham.

Swedburg, R.B. (1992), Elderhostel Canada: Growth and Development 1980-1992,

In D. H. Bodger (Ed) Proceedings of the Second Global Classroom Symposium.
Nottingham, England: University of Nottingham.

Tsay, L. L. (1997), The Role of the Study Tour in Cultural Studies in Adult Education
in Taiwan, In Klercq J. (Ed) Proceedings of the Fourth Global Classroom Conference.
Maastricht, The Netherlands: Driekant, Education and Consultancy.

Wood, C. (1990), Educational Tourism and the Future, In B. ORourke (Ed)

Proceedings of the Global Classroom Symposium. Christchurch, New Zealand:
University of Canterbury.

van Harssel, J. H. (1994), The Senior Market: Distinct, Diverse and Demanding, In
J. Archibald and L Jolin (Eds) Toros Educational Tourism and the Needs of Older
Adults. Montreal, Canada: Universit du Qubec Montral.
What is remembered and what forgotten: a decade of redefining culture and
heritage for tourism in South Africa

Heather Hughes (University of Lincoln)

Introduction

It is close on a decade since the official death of apartheid and the coming of
majority rule to South Africa. In this time, there have been impressive achievements
in redefining a set of culture and heritage5 principles for the Rainbow Nation. A new
canon has begun to emerge, but has not yet acquired fixed dimensions: there is still
debate over what should be included and what omitted. In the same period, a
major initiative to reopen the new South Africa for international tourism business
has resulted in vastly increased numbers of foreign visitors - over six million
annually in the early years of the 21st century. The two developments are linked:
rethinking culture and heritage has in part occurred because the state has placed
tourism at the centre of economic development strategies, and enthusiasm for
community tourism is the means by which culture, heritage and tourism have been
linked. This paper explores these relationships, focusing on two key developments:
the rise of the cultural village and the popularity of the township tour.

Developing a new approach to culture and heritage

Rethinking a sense of popular culture and heritage radically different to the official
apartheid version began in the anti-apartheid movement, particularly through the
1980s, a time of enormous creativity in response to violence and oppression. There
were a few attempts inside the country to experiment with revisionist interpretations,
such as the KwaMuhle Museum in Durban, a local government initiative dedicated to
the history of African people in the city. However, the struggle itself demanded new
ways of presenting images and meanings, to be used as sharp rebuttals of
government propaganda, and a number of international conferences provided
forums for reflection and consolidation, such as the Culture and Resistance
Symposium in Botswana in 1982. However, like many anti-apartheid organisations
and projects, the nascent cultural thinking suffered something of a crisis of identity
when political transformation ended the frenetic activities so many had been
engaged in for so long. What should writers write about now? What would become of
the crusading role of radical social history in raising awareness of black South
Africans' past? And what sorts of artistic messages could replace the fierce spirit of
resistance that had characterised so much of the best work for decades? Debates
have continued through the 1990s and into the new millennium, and many exciting
new projects have been born in answer to such questions. Despite the overwhelming
difficulties of poverty and an out-of-control AIDS pandemic, South Africa is
experiencing a period of intense vibrancy in its cultural life.

This has not happened by accident. Cultural policy conscious intervention in the
process of deciding what to remember and celebrate, and what to let slip into the
crevices of half-forgetting entails a complex institutional framework of laws, state
5
It would be artificial to draw a boundary between culture and heritage in this discussion: when
considered in terms of tourism policy and uses, these areas of creative public life are very closely
related.
commissions, policy-making bodies, funding policies, and end users (museums,
theatres, festivals, archaeological sites and so on) whose personnel must themselves
demonstrate sensitivity to new policies in order to attract funding in the first place.
(Fowler 1992: 81-93)

Funding is basic to what constitutes the culture and heritage plant: every cultural
and educational organisation in the country eligible for state grants has actively
engaged in the process of considering what are appropriate responses to and
presentations of cultural life and memory in post-apartheid South Africa and how the
distorted bequest of the past might be dealt with. Presiding over all this, the state
has been an enthusiastic shaper of culture and heritage meanings in pursuit of its
nation-building project even (or perhaps especially) in a deeply divided society like
South Africa, this is an important mechanism in presenting a vision to which all may
subscribe as their common inheritance. (Graham et al 2000: 12)

Tourism has become deeply embedded in this effort: it can provide jobs and
therefore hope for the future, based on the one resource that poor communities are
thought to possess in abundance: their past and present culture. The irony is that
while substantial funding has gone into the promotion of community tourism, it has
been exceedingly difficult for communities themselves to access funding for new
initiatives.

Tourism and the freedom struggle

The freedom struggle itself has been at once the most urgent and in many ways
least problematic subject for the ANC governments nation-building efforts. The
flagship project the first official heritage institution of the new democracy'
according to the web site (www.mayibuye.org) - has been the Robben Island
Museum. Situated just off the coast of Cape Town, Robben Island served as
apartheid's maximum-security prison for political offenders, was declared a National
Monument in 1997 and a World Heritage Site in 1999, and houses the Robben Island
Museum.6 The Museum now receives over 300 000 visitors every year (about a third
of them South African7); many of the guides are themselves ex-prisoners. This has
allowed different narratives to be told about the struggle and its goals, depending on
which of the once-outlawed political parties the guide belonged to. The Museum also
possesses explicitly educational and research functions, including a travelling
exhibition for schools and undertaking the training of heritage professionals.
Recently, the Museum has incorporated the key archival collection of papers on the
freedom struggle, initially assembled in the United Kingdom under the auspices of
the International Defence and Aid Fund. This collection was moved to the University
of the Western Cape (UWC) in Cape Town in the early 1990s, to the newly formed
Mayibuye Centre. In 2000, the Centre merged with the Robben Island Museum,
which now has care of the archives, although the collection is still housed at UWC.
The Museum has also hosted a number of widely publicised and nationally symbolic
spectacles, such as the announcement of Cape Towns bid for the 2004 Olympic
Games, and hosting South Africas premier Millennium Party, attended by Nelson
Mandela and many other luminaries.

6
There were debates over what should be included for public consumption: the island had a long
colonial history as a prison, lunatic asylum and leper colony, houses important World War 11 gun
emplacements and also contains an Islamic kramat, or shrine. See Smith (1997) and Deacon (1998).
7
Figures from the Robben Island Museum website at www.robben-island.org.za/news/view.asp
Another means by which the freedom struggle is remembered is by incorporating its
story into existing collections. Perhaps the most striking example has been the
National Military Museum in Johannesburg, long the ultimate symbol of white rule,
with its comprehensive displays of heavy weaponry and strongly ideological
narrative of 'fighting the terrorists'. The Museum has now not only recognised the
historic role of black soldiers in South African military service, but has modified
existing displays and added several new ones, recounting the history of the guerrilla
campaigns that the banned organisations (principally the ANC and PAC) waged,
leading to the negotiated settlement in 1992. The interesting aspect is that it has
managed to achieve this without significantly dismantling too much of the old
symbolism of white power: extension rather than revision 8.

In cultural and heritage terms, the task of remembering South Africa outside of and
beyond the struggle - apartheid itself and further back through colonial and
precolonial times - has proved far more problematic than creating a memory of the
struggle, particularly with the growing importance accorded to tourism viability. An
Apartheid Museum opened in 2001, actually part of a casino development the
winning consortium's offer to 'give something back to the community'. (The
Guardian, 12 December 2001) The museum and casino adjoin Johannesburg's Gold
Reef City theme park, already owned by the same consortium. There has been
praise for the way in which the museum has presented apartheid oppression -
displays include a police surveillance video playing inside an armoured vehicle, and
121 nooses to represent each of those hanged for political offences - although many
feel there is a deeply disturbing element in the lack of state support: the association
with commercial pleasure pursuits was the only way in which the museum could be
funded. (Weekly Mail and Guardian 5 December 2001)

Government ambiguity is more evident in the presentation of popular culture and

heritage. Before the change in government, less than one percent of some 4000
monuments related to the precolonial period of the region's habitation. (Deacon
cited in Davison 1998: 150). Attempts to redress this imbalance have reinforced a
sense of ethnic particularity, such as the restoration of the Venda walled settlement
at Thulamela. (Davison 1998: 150) Many of the so-called 'cultural villages' that have
sprung up in recent years would consider that they are adding to our knowledge of
this past. At the heart of all these recovered memories is a conviction of ethnic
uniqueness. The goal of apartheid was of course to foster ethnic identity in pursuit of
the 'separate but equal' fiction. Yet in the dramatically altered political climate,
ethnic identity, certainly for tourist consumption and it is argued in this paper that
tourist viability is becoming a significant criterion of the very existence of many
cultural sites has found new life. President Thabo Mbeki might wish for a vision of
South African culture that avoids 'the notion of an Africa slowly condemned to
remain a curiosity' (Mbeki, quoted in Witz et al 2001: 277) but the message from
below is more ambiguous. Ethnic cultures (or more accurately, their brokers)
continue to define themselves in competition with other ethnic cultures, through a
stress on uniqueness, rather than revealing the features they share in common or
their interdependence. As Davison observes, 'accommodating ethnic difference
without resorting to essentialist notions of race and culture remains a challenge.'
(1998:151)

There has been much opportunity for community representatives, sometimes

democratically elected but more often self-appointed, to initiate new community
tourism ventures. Two main kinds have emerged: cultural villages in the countryside,

8
Site visit, July 2000
and township tours in urban areas. Both instances reveal that the target market is
international. While some domestic tourists go on township tours and visit cultural
villages, as part of a supposed learning experience about how other South Africans
live, or to learn more about their own culture, the real demand for such products is
from foreign visitors, especially on all-inclusive tours (Koch and Massyn 2001:160).

Ethnicity reinvented: cultural villages

Typically, a cultural village will be sited on or near to an established tourist route in

a rural area, and will consist of a homestead to show living arrangements, an arena
for dance, music and other live cultural displays, a restaurant and of course a
craft/souvenir outlet. There might be add-on features, such as a game enclosure,
museum display, historical video, or a visit to a 'real' homestead nearby. Some have
separate sections showing different 'traditions', so visitors can take their pick: Lesedi
cultural village near Johannesburg and the Shangaan village in Mpumalanga are
examples. (Witz et al 2001:279) Tour operators claim that cultural villages are very
popular with foreign visitors; there are now around forty villages open for business
across the country.

Research into cultural villages has focused on the extent to which they represent
new patterns of ownership and employment opportunities in deprived areas. (See
Jansen Van Vuuren 2001). The picture that emerges is that while a few have been
initiated by small business people and are yielding modest returns, most have
required levels of investment far beyond the reach of local communities, rather
giving the lie to ideals of small, micro or medium-size (SMME) opportunity. For
example, a white ex-night club owner established PheZulu Safari Park near Durban.
In the late 1980s he 'bought a Zulu dance outfit in a small cultural village', later
adding a crocodile farm, snake park, curio shop and restaurant, and built PheZulu
into 'the place to take foreigners'. The latest improvement, in partnership with a
local chief, is a safari park, in which, apart from the animals, are situated several
homesteads and a shantytown. The occupants helped to prepare the land, act as
guides and welcome visitors into their homes. The owners view is that 'this is what
tourists want to see - Zulu life as it is'. (Sunday Tribune 12 August 2001) A multi-
million rand hotel complex is planned for the future.

Perhaps the pre-eminent cultural village in KwaZulu-Natal, the land of cultural

villages, is Shakaland. Of all the precolonial leaders, the first Zulu king Shaka's
name has most resonance in the minds of an international audience, not least
because of the mythology that grew up around his state-building conquests and of
the Zulu as a 'proud, warlike' nation. Shakaland is housed in one of the specially
built sets for the television series Shaka Zulu, starring Henry Cele (who also for a
time appeared in promotional material issued by Tourism KwaZulu-Natal). The idea
of two partners who regard themselves as 'white Zulus', Barry Leitch and Kingsley
Holgate, and later taken over by a large hotel chain, Shakaland offers visitors an
insight into Zulu cultural practices in a way 'that was more concentrated than the
real thing, it was also more perfect.' (Hamilton 1998:197) Meticulously researched
and scripted, it nevertheless eschewed politics and violence, thus lending to the
experience an eerie unreality, since the destructive violence dominating provincial
politics through much of the 1980s and 1990s was over the very issue of Zulu
identity.

The manner in which provincial tourism authorities have chosen to represent their
regions provides strong support to this essentialist notion of ethnic culture. Tourism
KwaZulu-Natal, for example, is marketing its region as The Kingdom of the Zulu,
and has accorded the current Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelethini, a central role in the
marketing strategy. (Mercury Highroad 2 May 2000; Bass 2003) Historians would be
the first to point out that the present-day province was never wholly incorporated
into the Zulu kingdom, and there are many in the province who feel that their own
histories and contributions to culture and politics have been marginalised as a result.
The Bhaca, for example, are a people living in the southern parts of the province
who strenuously resisted incorporation in to the Zulu polity for decades through the
19th century, only to find themselves labelled as belonging to it in the new South
Africa. (To show their distinctiveness they too are planning a cultural village.)
Similarly, there are those among the politically significant Indian minority in the
region who feel that there is another tradition and identity to offer the rainbow
nation - of pacifism and non-violent resistance, symbolised by one-time resident
Mahatma Gandhi (see Tichmann 2000) - which has largely been written out of the
current marketing drive. 9 There are other factors that help to explain the 'cultural
village' phenomenon. In rural areas across South Africa, chiefly power continues
rather uncomfortably alongside the notion of democratically elected representatives.
Such power perpetuates strongly patriarchal relations between leaders and people,
inhibiting the emergence of a real sense of citizenship and presenting culture
brokers with an opportunity to negotiate at 'the top' - not least about leasing
communal land - no matter what local people's views. (Hughes and Vaughan 2000:
251)

Again, there is the mindset of established tour operators, whose cultural co-
ordinates for years have tended to be ethnic ones, and whose tried and tested
products continue to feature in their itineraries. Even in the old days of apartheid
(and far fewer international visitors), there was always a stop at an ethnically
specific souvenir market on the 'grand tour' of South Africa.

One of the difficulties that cultural villages are likely to face is too much supply
chasing too little demand. While it is clear that such attractions are popular for
foreign visitors, in reality they are popular with only a small proportion of foreign
visitors. The Head of the South African Tourism Authority recently challenged the
received wisdoms of the countrys tourism industry when she pointed out that two
thirds of international visitors to South Africa are in fact from other parts of Africa 10
- and they are not consumers of cultural villages.

Another case that serves to underline the central role of tourism in fostering a sense
of ethnic particularism is that of the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria. Built in the
late 1940s after the Afrikaner National Party came to power and dedicated to their

9
It is of interest that the province of KwaZulu-Natal is the only one to have enacted its own legislation
concerning heritage. In 1997, the provincial council passed the KwaZulu-Natal Heritage Act, in terms
of which a statutory body, Amafa, was established 'to administer heritage conservation'. (KwaZulu-
Natal Heritage Act: 94) Amafa is in effect the Heritage Council in the province. To some extent this
was an attempt to assert a position independent of the central state, reflecting political tensions
between the African National Congress (dominant nationally) and the bitterly opposed Inkatha
Freedom Party (dominant regionally). Amafa was largely steered into being by conservationists who
had long associated with the ethnic nationalism of the IFP; it was presented as a more effective
means of preserving heritage than unfolding central government policy. It has contributed powerfully
to an ethos in which ethnic interpretations of the past tend to predominate.

10
Dept of Environment and Tourism, South Africa: official figures.
forebears who had colonised the interior of South Africa in the mid-19th century in a
process of violent conquest and displacement of indigenous inhabitants, the
monument was long an emblem of Afrikaner power in modern South Africa. Its
custodians were so anxious about what the new government would do with it that
they effectively privatised it. It continues to receive a small state grant, but its
considerable operating costs and upkeep have been met by international visitors:
tourism has effectively saved the Monument. (Grundlingh 2001:106-8)

There have been some dissenting voices. The Kung and Khwe clans have rejected
the notion of a Khoisan cultural village, arguing that their culture is constantly
adapting to new circumstances. They prefer to talk, they say, of an
oorkruisingskultuur (cross-over culture) rather than a static set of traditions. (Koch
and Massyn 2001:161) While this does sound like the sort of response some tourism
analysts cry out for, and does articulate a fresh approach to the representation of
culture all too absent in tourism development, it is no more likely to be the view of
'the community' than in the other cases discussed. In any event, other Khoisan
groups have embraced the cultural village idea, their group identity having been
strengthened as a result of land restitution claims. (Witz et al 2001: 281)

In a cultural village it is possible to find sensitive portrayals by professional

historians, architects and anthropologists, alongside complaints by employees that
they have to behave like 'professional tribes' in elaborate reconstructions of
homesteads, while not earning enough to move out of the mud and zinc shacks they
live in. (Koch and Massyn 2001) Yet the issue here is not the degree of authenticity
to be found in presentation and performance in cultural villages, but the kinds of
policies that have permitted this rampant ethnicity to constitute one of main tourist
attractions of the new South Africa. In a very real way, the growth in cultural
villages and the ethnic culture they celebrate signals a legitimation of 'tribalism', a
concept hotly disputed by social historians and anthropologists over the past two
and half decades. Many rejected the term tribe, connoting as it did a sense of
backwardness, stasis, primitiveness and fixity of membership. The preferable term
was chiefdom, signifying dynamism, political power, change. At the end of this
ideological struggle, 'tribes' and 'tribalism' now seem to have been sanitised or
perhaps depoliticised (Zegeye 2001) and happily reincorporated into the everyday
lexicon of South African social life.

Another reality: township tours

Despite the criticisms that have been levelled at them, such as that they 'ghettoise'
townships and perpetuate the sense of spatial division so central to old apartheid,
township tours in many ways subvert the 'pastoral paradigm' of cultural villages.
Most also explicitly stress ethnic diversity. Like their rural counterparts, they are
now ubiquitous in South African towns and cities the South African equivalent of
an open-top bus ride in British cities. A township tour usually includes a visit to a
tavern (shebeen), a cultural display, notable heritage/struggle sites, a crche or
welfare facility where visitors may make donations, and possibly a visit to someone's
home. Thus, the choice of stops on township tours provides an interesting insight
into how heritage and culture are being redefined on the ground. One operator who
offers a tour to Umlazi, Durban's biggest township, takes visitors past the home of
slain anti-apartheid activists Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge, the first church built in
Umlazi, the original mission hospital, schools of note and a traditional healer.
Another takes visitors to 'Coloured' areas of Durban, showing them the Zanzibari
mosque, World War 11 barracks and a parachute factory, apartheid-style housing, a
Leonard Cheshire Home, and a visit to 'real' home for refreshments. (Gailforce Tours,
July 2000)

Some township tours are offered by established operators in partnership with local
guides, but emerging operators offering such tours are arguably the most developed
form of community tourism in South Africa to date. A few started out as small
enterprises and have grown into large-scale ventures, such as Jimmy Ntintili's
Face2Face Tours in Soweto. The overwhelming majority, however, remain fledgling
micro-companies struggling to raise the capital to make their businesses sustainable.
Many operators already had a base in the taxi industry, and have diversified into
airport shuttle work and township tours as and when there has been demand. For
one of the difficulties with township tours is that supply has been rather greater than
demand: one of the most frequent complaints of emergent operators is that while
they have responded with alacrity to the calls for community tourism initiatives, they
have lacked custom in order to stay afloat.

There are a number of reasons for their precariousness that are worth examining.
Unlike the cultural villages and their outside financial backers, these are operators
who represent a far greater degree of direct local involvement in tourism, offering a
potentially less mediated, more challenging view of cultural borrowing, dynamism,
and shared experience. Often they lack a secure physical base, possess few
promotional materials, must hire vehicles from others, and very rarely have access
to electronic communication. Banks will not make loans to such small operations;
notoriously, the only way to raise capital is go to the micro-lending sector, where
interest rates can be up to forty percent. (Interview with Trevor Enniker, BETO,
Durban, July 2000)

Many feel that the established operators, through industry bodies such as the South
African Tourism Services Association, are using 'standards' and high membership
fees as a form of closure. Some within such bodies respond that new operators have
an 'entitlement mentality' which is unhelpful when 'the industry is already flooded'.
(Magardie 2001: 44) This attitude would rather seem to confirm the accusation
being made against the established sector and those few new operators who have
managed to comply, who are often the most vigilant of gatekeepers. Other
complaints include that large venues, such as the big city hotels or International
Convention Centre in Durban, actively deny access to potential custom. Hotels do
not allow emerging operators to display promotional material, and the ICC prefers to
deal with established operators that can handle large client bases. Finally, there is
the problem of promotional lead-time: many small operators despair that the period
between offering a new product and finding it featured in the main promotional
sources for international visitors is too long a wait for business to be sustainable.

Only now are emerging operators beginning to define an organisational milieu for
themselves. A significant development is the recent formation of community tourism
bodies. In 2000, a number of emerging operators in the Durban area formed BETO,
the Black Emerging Tour Operators Association. They have received assistance from
the regional tourism authority, though their experience points to the difficulties of
negotiating a way forward in the absence of traditional culture brokers such as
chiefly figures. It may be that what is eventually incorporated into a canon of
popular culture and heritage in many urban areas will depend on which of these
operators survive to tell the stories of the past.

There have also been a number of public initiatives at local level largely urban to
present a more dynamic, less essentialist, view of culture and heritage. The Durban
tourism authority is developing a number of themed tours that challenge old
separations; in Cape Town, there are similar attempts. Again, the level of take-up
of such products will significantly affect whether or not such novel ways of looking at
the past, designed to harmonise with the nonracialism of the new South Africa, will
survive.

Conclusion

What this paper has argued is that consideration of what might best work as a
tourist attraction has become an important determinant of what culture and heritage
should be remembered and celebrated, and what is likely to be forgotten. Yet there
are some qualifications to be made to this argument. Debates about culture,
heritage and the role of tourism go on; this is after all a time of transition and
fluidity, as noted at the beginning one commentator went so far as to describe the
tourism sector as 'anarchic' (Addison 2001:13). It is more than that, however: it is
about contests between old guard and new arrivals, and what will survive for
presentation as a result of such contests. Perhaps a recent 11 definitive guide book
to South Africa, endorsed by SATOUR (the national marketing body), is an indication
of how difficult it will be to reorient the culture and heritage of the country. It
manages to reproduce deeply traditional activities and sites for international visitors
and fails even to mention Robben Island, let alone the many 'community initiatives'
that had already sprung up to capitalise on increased international numbers. The
text and photographs, with very minor exceptions, could have been taken out of any
South African guidebook over the last thirty years.

References

Addison G (2001) 'An anarchic sector' in Siyaya! [Monthly journal of the Institute for
Democratic Alternatives in South Africa] 7, 13

Bass O (2002) Adventure, paradise, indigenous culture: The Kingdom of the Zulu
campaign in Current writing 14, 1

Davison P (1998) 'Museums and the reshaping of memory' in Nuttall S and C

Coetzee (Eds) Negotiating the past. The making of memory in South Africa Cape
Town, Oxford University Press, 143-160

Deacon H (1998) 'Remembering tragedy, constructing modernity: Robben Island as

a national monument' in Nuttall S and C Coetzee (Eds) Negotiating the past. The
making of memory in South Africa Cape Town, Oxford University Press, 161-179

Fowler P J (1992) The past in contemporary society. Then, now London, Routledge

Graham B, G J Ashworth and J E Tunbridge (2000) A geography of heritage London,

Arnold

Grundlingh A (2001) 'A cultural conundrum? Old monuments and new regimes: the
Voortrekker Monument as symbol of Afrikaner power in postapartheid South Africa'
in Radical history review 81, 94-112
11
Xplore travel and tourism guide to South Africa including Namibia. The date of publication is not
recorded, although there is a front-page message from the current Minister of Environmental Affairs
and Tourism, Valli Moosa, who took office in 1998.
Hamilton C (1998) Terrific majesty. The powers of Shaka Zulu and the limits of
historical invention Cape Town and Boston, David Phillip and Harvard University
Press

Hughes H and A Vaughan (2000) 'The incorporation of historically disadvantaged

communities into tourism initiatives in the new South Africa: case studies form
KwaZulu-Natal' in Robinson M et al (Eds) Reflections on international tourism.
Management, marketing and the political economy of travel and tourism Sunderland,
University of Northumbria, Sheffield Hallam University and Business Education
Publishers, 241-254

Jansen Van Vuuren E (2001) Transforming cultural villages in the Spatial

Development Initiatives of South Africa in South African geographical journal 83, 2.

Koch E and P Massyn (2001) 'South Africa's domestic tourism sector: promises and
problems' in Ghimire K (Ed) The native tourist. Mass tourism within developing
countries London, Earthscan, 142-171

KwaZulu-Natal Heritage Act No 10 of 1997 in Provincial gazette of KwaZulu-Natal 23

January

Lowenthal D (1998) The heritage crusade and the spoils of history Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press

Magardie K (2001) 'Taking on the old boys' club' in Siyaya! [Monthly journal of the
Institute for Democratic Alternatives in South Africa] 7, 42-45

Smith C (1997) Robben Island Cape Town, Struik

Tichmann P (2000) Gandhi sites in Durban Durban, The Local History Museum

Witz L, C Rassool and G Minkley (2001) 'Repackaging the past for South African
tourism' in Daedalus 130, 1, 277-296

Zegeye A Conclusion depoliticising ethnicity in South Africa in his (ed) Social

identities in the new South Africa Cape own and Maroelana, Kwela Books and SA
History Online.
 The New Face of Mining: Cultural Tourism and Identity in the Coalfield
Areas
Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 1

Tourism in Britain is often linked to a relatively long historic past from Stonehenge
to the present. As industrial revolution era industries diminish or vanish, there is a
growing range of tourism opportunities connected with Britains staple industries.
These have been established for very mixed reasons often not simply consumer
driven but responding to problems left for former producers and their communities.
This paper addresses one major example of the issues caused by such developments,
the case of the coal mines.

Since the early 1980s, mining areas witnessed an unprecedented closure

programme, nearly 180 collieries were closed shedding a workforce of about
200,000 miners. The communities in these areas were left with a void of
employment as well as identification opportunities. The development of cultural
tourism seemed to offer a partial solution to both problems, on the one hand
preserving the mining heritage on the other hand spearheading regeneration by
attracting private investment and thus creating new jobs.

After a short introduction to tourism in the coalfields, the paper aims to explore the
success of heritage tourism in two case studies: the Rhondda Heritage Park in
Trehafod, South Wales and the Snibston Discovery Park in Coalville, Leicestershire
and then try to draw some tentative conclusions.

In the 1980s, local authorities in the mining areas were increasingly faced with the
impending decline of the industry. Tourism was seen as growth sector, especially
with projections of reduced working time, people would have more leisure time and
would want to travel and spend their time in leisure complexes. In line with the
climate of entrepreneurism, local authorities were encouraged to utilise their cultural
assets: an exploitation of the regions industrial past seemed an obvious answer.
This led to a trend towards the re-invention of tradition and the establishment (and
marketing) of heritage attractions such as the National Coal Mining Museums for
England, Wales and Scotland, other mining museums such as the Rhondda Heritage
Park (RHP), Snibston Discovery Park (SDP), Woodhorn Colliery

On the eve of the privatisation of the coal industry, the importance of mining
museums as heritage attractions was acknowledged in the parliamentary debates.
As the member for Wakefield pointed out: Developing Cultural Tourism Conference

In the region of Wakefield, Huddersfield and West Yorkshire in general the mining
museum is a tourist attraction. Many people visit the museum because it signifies a
past industry in the region. The local authorities now need to develop the tourist
trade to increase the flow of resources into their districts. It is a new type of local
tax, trying to bring in tourists. We need that because the English Tourist Board is
not being financed to the extent that it was a few years ago, so we need to find new
attractions. Mining museums are new attractions. The tourist trade in the mining
areas is beginning to develop, and the mining museums are a way of attracting
tourists to our areas. 1

Another example for the rather contentious nature of heritage is the Durham
Heritage Coast. Durham Heritage Coast is the result of Turning the Tide Project
whose objectives were the removal of colliery waste, the creation of cycle and
2
walking routes, establishment of interpretation boards and visitor facilities. One
objective of national heritage coast status is to facilitate and enhance the enjoyment
of the coast by extending opportunities for recreational, educational, sporting and
tourist activities. Here, a piece of land which had been industrially used and heavily
polluted for ages has now been declared (following the definition of a heritage coast)
a coastline of exceptional quality which is substantially undeveloped and contains
features of special significance either natural or manmade3. This is a prime example
for re-imagination, heritage is here understood with reference to the future, the
coast now being worthy of preservation for posterity.

In other communities, non-heritage tourism was embraced, as, frankly, there is a

limited demand for mining museums. Examples include the Welsh International
Climbing Centre, the Stadium of Light and the proposed Solar Pyramid, a permanent
work of art near Chesterfield.4 Here leisure, sports or art and education are seen as
the major motivations for visiting the sites.

Heritage has a great appeal in situations of fragmentation and insecurity. It offers on

the one hand continuity, a sense of place and identity and on the other hand,
reassurance in the achievements of the present in contrast to the bad old times.
While the mining communities find themselves faced with contesting re-imaginations

1
240 H C Debates, col. 152, 22/03/1994 Coal Industry Bill, <http://www.parliament.the-stationery-
office.co.uk/pa/cm199394/cmhansrd/1994-03-22/Debate-2.html>
2
Durham wins heritage coast status, Turning the Tide Project.<http://www.turning-the-tide.org.uk>,
22/03/01, 20/11/03
3
Speakman, Lydia, Proposed Durham Heritage Coast, The Countryside Agency.
<http://www.countryside.gov.uk/WhoWeAreAndWhatWeDo/boardMeetings/boardPapers/CA_AP01_07.asp>,
2001, 20/11/03
4
The Solar Pyramid, <http://www.solarpyramid.co.uk>, 2003, 20/11/03 Developing Cultural Tourism
Conference Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 3
as rural idylls or epicentres of a high-tech future5, heritage institutions offer the
continuance and celebration of well-established myths about the communities and
their raison detre.6

For the communities, heritage are the industrys buildings, artefacts, memorials but
also the community and welfare traditions, the banners, the bands, the choirs and
the distinct community spirit.7 This is what they want to see preserved and despite
the universality of some of their characteristics, mining communities cherish their
localness. Tourists come to the mining areas/ museums for an authentic
experience of what mining was like. (thus the inevitable advantage of museums with
real underground tours, I.e. Big Pit, Caphouse Colliery) But the presence of the
tourist leads to the creation of cultural manifestations specifically for tourist
consumption. This can be seen in the presentation of an underground experience
as opposed to an underground tour, i.e. a mock pit. Usually visitors are led into a pit
cage which descends up to 30 feet underground and is guided through real
mineworkings. Representation tends to show all stages of mining technology and in
the case of the RHP ends with a simulated ride in a coal dram. The sanitised
authenticity produced in these experiences is accepted as real and even preferred
by ex-miners, as one guide at Chatterley Whitfield described the mock pit as far
better than the real underground tour that had to be closed at the museum due to
maintenance problems8. Visitors come with expectations of seeing portrayals of
stereotypes of the hard-working men in close-knit communities where the union is
the most powerful agent in the village. Often these images come from such novels
as How Green was my Valley and Sons and Lovers, or rather their film
versions.(That this is just a simplified and idealised view has been demonstrated in a
number of academic works on mining communities9.) As in the RHP, commercially
exploitable history stops in 1950 when nationalisation was achieved, everybody was
happy in an age of

5
Stranglemann,, Tim; Hollywood, Emma; Beynon, Huw; Bennett, Katy; Hudson, Ray, Heritage Work: Re-
Representing the Work Ethic in the Coalfields, Sociological Research Online, 1999, vol.4, no. 3,
http://www.socresonline.or.uk/socresonline/4/3/strangleman.html , 1.2
6
cf. Lowenthal, David, The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge: CUP, 1998, 128
7
Something to be proud of: Coalfield Heritage and the Scope for Lottery Funding. Report by the Coalfield
Communities Campaign, CISWO, Coalfields Regeneration Trust to the Heritage Lottery Fund. 2002, 6
8
Interview with Jeff Oakes and Jim Worgan, memebers of Friends of Chatterley Whitfield and volunteer guides,
10/12/03
9
see Benson, John, British Coalminers in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan,
1980, 81ff; Strangleman et al. 1999, 3.1ff Developing Cultural Tourism Conference Nottingham 16 December
03 Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 4
affluence and consensus and mechanisation had sufficiently progressed to give the
impression of a reasonable job and the first closure programmes had not yet started.
Thus, by exhibiting pictures of mining life and guiding tourists around former colliery
sites, not only information on the industry and its communities is given but also
oversimplified beliefs will be affirmed. However romantic the notion of isolated and
close-knit communities might appear it poses major problems for tourism
development. Isolation then means inaccessibility, as is problematic for Big Pit in
Blaenavon, and close-knit community means xenophobia and mistrust towards
strangers. Furthermore, there is no longer such a thing as the ideal mining
community for the tourist gaze: employment patterns have changed (actually a
welcome effect of economic regeneration), migration has profoundly changed the
composition of these communities or where regenerative efforts have so far failed,
deprivation, drug abuse and bad health prevails.

These major dilemmas are important for cultural tourism development. The
attractions try to and have to capitalise on fiction. On the level of displays and
representations of mining in the museums, one problem for them, especially those
designed to be a regional tourist attraction, is exactly this aspiration to regional
status. To be major attractions the institutions need to have a universal appeal, at
the same time, however, they want to capitalise on the uniqueness of the site. As a
result, it is difficult to bridge this gap without taking recourse to presenting displays
that will inevitably affirm stereotypes and myths about the industry. This, however,
poses a problem for the museums function as landmarks of local identification.
Unless there is deliberate community involvement in either setting the centres up or
using them for local events, there is the danger of a lack of local support and
acceptance or even a feeling of loss.

Some figures to illustrate the importance of tourism in the coalfields:

In Wales about 10% of the working population work in tourism or tourism related
industries. Since 1981 there has been a substantial increase in jobs in the industry,
10
from 57,000 to 80,000. Similar developments can be seen in the North East where
about 100,000 people work in cultural, tourism, sport and recreation businesses,
11
amounting to about 10% of the regions population.

10
Wales Tourist Board, Tourism Employment in Wales. 2002 <http://www.wtbonline.gov.uk> , 20/11/03
11
Culture North East: Regional Cultural Strategy for the North East of England. 2001, 17 Developing Cultural
Tourism Conference Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 5
To set the scene for the following case studies: in the early 1980s industrial heritage
attractions boasted the following visitor numbers: the Ironbridge Gorge Museum in
Shropshire and Beamish Museum in the North East attracted 180,000 and 250,000
visitors respectively. Chatterley Whitfield, the only coal mining museum to offer an
12
underground tour at the time had about 60,000 visitors. The industrial heritage
market was regarded as growth sector.

Twenty years later the figures have not changed substantially. Up until the
introduction of free entrance, Big Pit and Caphouse Colliery, the National Mining
Museum both had between 60,000 and 78,000 visitors. For both museums, 1992
was the peak in visitor numbers, possibly a reaction to the highly publicised and
emotional closure debates at the time. Free entrance brought for both attractions a
13
dramatic leap in visitor figures up to 110,000.

Rhondda Heritage Park

Plans for the establishment of a heritage museum at the site of the Rhondda
Heritage Park (RHP) were first conceived after the closure of the Lewis Merthyr
Colliery in 1983. The National Coal Board intended to dispose of the site as quickly
as possible to discharge its responsibilities for security and maintenance. However,
there was a long-standing campaign by local politicians and mining history
enthusiasts as well as the grassroots to preserve the Victorian colliery as heritage.
At the same time, Rhondda Borough Council was increasingly willing to consider the
heritage and tourism option as one way out of the economic crisis in the Rhondda.
Thus, for the establishment of the museum, the meeting of two local strands of
thought were essential a popular memorialist discourse urging the council to
support a fitting tribute to the mining industry and an urban planning discourse that
14
was beginning to recognise the potential benefits of tourism.
For funding the museum, local development agencies and other councils apart from
the Rhondda Borough Council had to become involved. This, however, took the
development of a small, community-based tribute to mining out of the hands of the
locals into the hands of a consortium led by agencies without a connection to the
12 th
Notes of a joint meeting held on 26 August 1982 between members of
Leicestershire County Council and North West Leicestershire District Council, source:
Snibston Archives

13
<http://www.ncm.org.uk>, Wales Tourist Board, Visits to Tourist Attractions.
<http://www.wtbonline.gov.uk>
14
Dicks, Bella, Heritage, Place and Community. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000, 127 Developing
Cultural Tourism Conference Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 6
locality. This consortium then brought in tourism consultants who eventually
suggested a large-scale operation envisaging more than 250,000 visitors annually.
The study by John Brown consultants who had successfully worked on Ironbridge
Gorge and Wigan Pier, painted a picture of a family-day-out destination for the
valley, incorporating representations of rural Wales so as not to be a solely mining-
oriented attraction. The problems pointed out earlier, e.g. inaccessibility, were also
identified in this study and it suggests: The areas industrial image, the poor
communications, the general lack of things to see and do (apart from atmosphere )
mean that any new attraction has to be big enough in its appeal to overcome these
15
handicaps.
The project was approved on the grounds that it would have the same regenerative
role as industrial units. Thus, regeneration was the driving motive in the parks
establishment.

In spite of rosy projections of visitor numbers the park has been underperforming.
There have not been more than 60,000 visitors annually, far below the expected
number. The project had to be downscaled with mounting difficulties between the
parties involved. Furthermore, it has not yet lived up to the expectations of fuelling
widespread economic regeneration. It has only provided few local jobs and heritage
for ex-miners is still no adequate substitute for hard labour. Im glad Ive got a job,
16
() but it isnt real work. Although the information pack proudly boasts that c.
60% of visitors are tourists, several studies have shown that they are not tourists
as such but are local in provenance or have at least strong connections to the
17
Valleys or mining . The appeal of the RHP as stand-alone attraction for outside
visitors has thus not been as great as expected.

Apart from its economic failure, the park can also not live up to local aspirations of
providing a landmark for identification. During the planning process, a gap between
the grassroots initiative and the authority-led efforts developed. The local people
could no longer identify with the designed displays despite deliberate efforts during
the design process to involve them. The script for the Black Gold story can
nevertheless also be seen as a positive achievement in that it was written by a
18
someone who was local, sympathetic to and indeed an expert on local history.
Still, the park was often seen as not the space of the community any more but as

15
Welsh Development Agency, 1984, quoted in Dicks 2000, 134
16
Welsh coal museum miner quoted in Lowenthal 1998, 96
17
Dicks 2000, 208-9; Prentice, R., Witt, S., Hamer, C., The experience of industrial heritage: the case of black
gold, Built Environment. 19 (2), 1993, 137 46
18
Dicks 200, 245 Developing Cultural Tourism Conference Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering,
University of Nottingham 7
something that had been taken away from them. Local people suddenly found
themselves excluded from their own cultural resources and it seemed absurd to
them that a colliery labelled uneconomic can nevertheless metamorphose into a
19
loss-making yet sustainable and publicly subsidized tourist attraction. In this way,
the RHP was a landmark for identification, but rather negatively in that it is a
constant reminder of the death of the industry that had been the source of local
pride.

Snibston Discovery Park

Snibston Discovery Park experienced a similar fate. Plans for its establishment were
conceived after the closure of Snibston Colliery in 1985. The site was bought by the
Leicestershire County Council and plans concerning a museum were made. As with
the RHP, the establishment of Snibston Discovery Park (SDP) was facilitated by the
concurrence of different strands of thought. On the one hand, there was a political
desire to establish a museum outside the city of Leicester. On the other hand,
councillors from coalfield areas emphasised the need to preserve the mining heritage.
Coalville and the Snibston mine offered a solution, especially considering the
existence of Victorian colliery buildings and the fact that the town had been built
specifically around coal. The project retained an historic landmark and supported the
areas culture, but put it to a new use.20 One of the factors that would draw visitors
to the site was its unique and nostalgically charged environment for
preservation.21 As such, the project was from the start seen as tool for a
psychological boost to the community. The Museum would also give an intangible
but very important psychological lift to the community by demonstrating the County
Councils continued faith in its future and concern for its industrial heritage.22
The consultants study envisaged a leisure complex incorporating a golf range, a ski-
slope as well as cycle tracks. This would then give rise to more private investment in
retail outlets. The museum and leisure complex would act as attraction to visitors
from outside Leicestershire draw them to the area and thus function as gateway to
further tourism. (Visitor studies have shown that only about 25 % visitors actually

19
Dicks 2000, 164
20
Sabey, Donald, Draft Submission by Leicestershire County Council for Grant Aid from the European
Community for an environmental initiative leading to employment generation: Snibston Heritage Centre Project,
1988, source: Snibston Archives
21
Boylan, Patrick, The Industrial Adventure: A Museum of Leicestershires Industrial Heritage, Curatorial
Assessment and Interpretation Plan. 1986
22
Joint Report of the Environment Committee and the Libraries and Museums Committee, 1986, source:
Snibston Archives Developing Cultural Tourism Conference Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering,
University of Nottingham 8
consider visiting other tourist attractions in Leicestershire, maybe due to the fact
that almost 60% come from Leicestershire anyway.)23 Although the idea of the
museum was important to local people, the main objective for the SDP was never to
be a local museum, but a regional attraction. Thus, it inevitably invokes criticism
from the local historical groups because the museum is not really for this area. On
the level of representing the local heritage of mining, the museum has failed and
cannot offer a means of identification. Therefore, an idea to develop a local history
collection on the site of the museum has arisen. However, considering the museum
itself as a focus for local pride, it does have a positive effect. The SDP likes to see
itself as service to the community in providing more than just exhibitions but also
community events and the space for displays by local societies. Thus an integration
into community life is achieved and therefore also local support. This could be seen
in the local reaction to recent debates about the financing of the museum. As the
curator pointed out, local people were horrified at the idea that we were going to be
privatised.

At the time of its conception, the SDP was also envisaged as a stimulant to local
economic regeneration. However, there was still a huge amount of political and
officer doubt about heritage around.24 It has not become a big employer but the
majority of the 25-30 employees have in some way or other been connected to the
mining industry. Coalville itself seems to be in a phase of economic recovery and
although the impact of the museum cannot truly be evaluated, it must not be
overestimated.

Reactions from the local community show the importance of the park to the
Leicestershire community and consider it a vital part of Leicestershires heritage.
Even though, mining rather seems to be a vehicle for the promotion of the rest of
the site, the coalmining heritage believed to be (most) valuable aspect of
Snibston,perhaps if the focus was on the colliery side this would help Snibston to
stand out from the crowd. Much of the historic nature of Snibston comes from the
colliery we do not want to spoil the pit atmosphere. In summary it can be said
that economic objectives for the museums have not been achieved, the expected
regenerative effect has not materialised. It is an ambitious project to establish a
regional or national attraction in localities where the sense of place and uniqueness
of the locality is part of the heritage to be exploited. These projects invariably have
to face a gap between local aspirations and the demands on a regional attraction.
For a more successful economic regenerative effect, however, the attractions have
to be incorporated into a regional tourism strategy, with the aim of generating
synergy effects with other attractions in the area. However, the heritage parks, even
if they only continue to present certain mining myths, which do not necessarily
relate to the local culture, fulfil their function as landmarks for identification. The
mere presence of the colliery headgear instead of just derelict land or housing
estates, as at many other former colliery sites, affirms their former identity as
mining villages and all the romantic notions associated with this. Former ambiguities
towards the industry can now more easily be glossed over and the good times be
remembered.

23
Snibston Visitor Survey 1994/95, source: Snibston Archives Developing Cultural Tourism Conference
Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 9
As shown in the paper, the coalfields had to meet two challenges: not only
developing cultural tourism but also developing a tourism culture. They had to
overcome negative external perceptions which had already triggered negative
internal perceptions to start a process of positive external perceptions creating a
positive self-image. Thus, even if tourism has not been crucial in economic terms, it
has been crucial for the psychological well-being of these communities.

References:

Boylan, Patrick, The Industrial Adventure: A Museum of Leicestershires Industrial

Heritage, Curatorial Assessment and Interpretation Plan. 1986

Coalfields Communities Campaign, CISWO, Coalfields Regeneration Trust,

Something to be proud of: Coalfield Heritage and the Scope for Lottery Funding.
Report by the Coalfield Communities Campaign, CISWO, Coalfields Regeneration
Trust to the Heritage Lottery Fund. 2002

Culture North East: Regional Cultural Strategy for the North East of England. 2001,
17

Dicks, Bella, Heritage, Place and Community. Cardiff: University of Wales Press,
2000

Lowenthal, David, The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge: CUP,
1998

Prentice, R., Witt, S., Hamer, C., The experience of industrial heritage: the case
of black gold, Built Environment. 19 (2), 1993, 137 46

Stranglemann,, Tim; Hollywood, Emma; Beynon, Huw; Bennett, Katy; Hudson,

Ray, Heritage Work: Re-Representing the Work Ethic in the Coalfields,
Sociological Research Online, 1999, vol.4, no. 3,
<http://www.socresonline.or.uk/socresonline/4/3/strangleman.html>
24
Interview with Steph Mastoris, curator at Snibston Discovery Park, 13 October 2003 Developing Cultural
Tourism Conference Nottingham 16 December 03 Heike Doering, University of Nottingham 10
 Turning the Tide Project.<http://www.turning-the-tide.org.uk>

Wales Tourist Board, Visits to Tourist Attractions. 2002

<http://www.wtbonline.gov.uk>

Wales Tourist Board, Tourism Employment in Wales. 2002

<http://www.wtbonline.gov.uk> , 20/11/03

Snibston Archives
 Quality issues and cultural tourism: the changing role of reconstructions,
re-enactments musical performances.

Paul Bracken

This paper considers some current debates about historical representation in relation
to the so-called cultural and heritage industries (hereafter CHIs), and draws upon
historical debates as well data on businesses collected as part of the empirical
research on the Nottingham Creative Industries Cluster.12 The conclusions have
some bearing on HE outreach, regional tourism and CHI activity. My main focus in
this paper is the relationship between the CHIs , especially museums and heritage
sites, historical research, music and education.

Historians of business and management strategy have often acknowledged that the
economic success of post-war Japan was based on the development and control of
quality. Indeed, the processes of quality inspection, control, assurance and so-called
TQM were successful, it has often been argued, because they provided a means of
managing and controlling the workforce as well as satisfying customer requirements
by ensuring flexibility. However, the imposition of controls in the pursuit of
customer satisfaction, a key issue in relation to quality, seems to have little
relevance to CHIs. The very word control suggests the imposition of bureaucracy,
associated with loss of spontaneity and concomitant inhibition of creativity.

Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the nature of the CHI client base is changing.
There is abundant evidence that the CHI customer profile reflects the general
consumer trend towards increasing selectivity, which may be seen as part of a wider
response to increasing access to information about history, culture and heritage
matters.13 It is well known that television viewing figures for history and heritage-
related television programmes, sales figures for heritage-related magazines, hits on
history web-sites and the sales figures for history books have been surprisingly high
in recent years. Also, the nature of the holiday is changing, as many customers
actively seek out heritage sites and events, making choices based on the perceived
merits of these rather than opting for passive leisure on a beach or camping site.
Consequently, there can be little doubt that CHIs, especially those which involve
reconstructions or recreations of life in historic buildings, historic leisure activities
or recreations are now perceived as more than mere entertainment for a captive
audience which happens to be in the locality. It is now widely recognised that this
type of CHI is being selectively targeted by consumers, used as an adjunct to
mainstream education, utilised by regional development bodies in order to promote
areas and cultures, as well as to encourage conservation and the revival and
preservation of ancient traditions and skills.

Furthermore, there is evidence that teachers at all levels, including higher education,
are increasingly reliant on CHI visits and CHI-related products as educational

12
This research project, based at the Institute of Business History at the University of Nottingham under the
direction of Dr. John Wilson, has involved extensive interviewing of business practitioners in order to provide
important strategic information and make positive recommendations towards the further development of
Creative Industries in the region. This work has been sponsored by a HIRF regional fellowship and is being
conducted in partnership with Nottingham City Council, East Midlands Development Agency and EM-Media.
13
For the purposes of this article, history is here defined as the process of discovering the past, and heritage
as the process of presenting the past to the public in a manner tailored to current tastes.
resources. Indeed, many education professionals are travelling to particular
locations in search of CHI products which they can use as teaching resources. This
quest for resources coincides with market research suggesting that customers in
Britain and the U.S. are quite prepared to pay 200% more for items which they
perceive as having quality in comparison with a base-line brand.14

Overall, this diverse evidence indicates that increasing access to and appetite for
culture and heritage-related information in addition to increasing levels of disposable
income combine to make the contemporary CHI customer considerably more
informed, selective and discriminating than ever before. The corollary is simple:
CHIs should address the quality issue in terms of the historical validity of the
experience they offer by adapting to the changing expectations, habits and demands
of their customers; their marketing operations should concentrate on higher-quality
items, on items related to the particular museum or heritage site, and perhaps
offering resources which encourage and support further learning.15

However, the path towards improved quality is by no means clear because the
changing nature of history, coupled with the fierce debates which have enveloped
the discipline in recent years, have barely disturbed the complacent tranquillity of
many areas of the CHI. History is no longer a discipline which concentrates mainly
on political, governmental and demographic changes and social structures through
the study of documents alone. Traditional empirical history has mutated into a
broader discipline which admits the study of individuals, and welcomes the
reconstruction of earlier life-styles and patterns of behaviour, through involves
interdisciplinary research, collaborative work and complex theoretical models and
justifications of methodology. A much wider range of source materials, including
archaeological and material evidence, literary descriptions, contemporary
iconography and even the results of practical experiments are now often considered
valid evidence in historical argument. Clearly, this is a discipline which is far more
closely related to the presentation and evaluation of heritage, and thus more
relevant to the CHIs themselves.

The latter approach to history is a shift of focus which is still in process as

interdisciplinarians battle against empiricists for acceptance in British universities.
However, its origin may be traced to the group of French historians known as the
Annalist school.16 Their work, spearheaded by the medievalists Jacques Le Goff,
Marc Bloch and Georges Duby, enabled significant advances to be made in relation
to social and cultural life. 17 As a consequence of the questions they asked and the
methodology they established, far more is now known about areas such as early
military tactics, behavioural conventions, day-to-day household affairs, the
development and function of how higher education, as well as areas such as the
early theatre and musical performance practice before the era of printing.

14
Cf. Silverstein, M.J. and Fiske, N. Trading Up: the transformative power of mass luxury brands, Harvard,
2003. Reviewed by Van der Post, L. The Times, 24 Nov. 2003, 4-5.
15
Indeed, the much-improved museum provision in the provinces, the increased emphasis on educational
outreach by higher education and elite practitioners are examples of the excellent responses to this changed
climate made by some organisations.
16
This has often been associated with the seminal article Stone, L. The Revival of Narrative: reflections on a
new old history, Past and Present LXXXV (1979) 3-24. The recent publication of a retrospective collection of
Dubys work Quest-ce que la socit fodale, Paris, 2002, which reprints some of his most important work
from the 1970s and 80s, reflects the continuing importance of this approach to historiography, which has surely
been an important influence on the work of the great Joachim Bumke.
17
Cf. Le Goff, J. (Trans. Fagan, T.L.) Intellectuals in the Middle Ages, Oxford, 1993; Duby, G. Lhistoire
continue, Paris, 1991.
However, the general acceptance of what I might call post-Annalist-style research
has been complicated by post-modernist history and one of its core arguments,
derived from literary criticism, which asserts that historical discourse is essentially
reflexive, often based upon earlier explanatory patterns, formulaic narratives,
established vocabulary, and influenced by personal prejudices and the intellectual
climate surrounding the writer.18 As such its value is limited, post-modernists have
argued, especially as the sources of historical knowledge are anecdotal survivals.
Thus any attempt to fill in or reconstruct gaps in the information they provide will
be no more than a reflection of the writers preconceptions and influences.
Accordingly, adherents of this school and its splinters assert, clear distinctions
between fact and fiction are almost impossible to make. Consequently, they argue,
historical writing can never convey truth because it is a form fiction.

The complex arguments of post-modernism, obviously beyond the scope of this

paper and grossly over-simplified here, have done much to encourage
reconsideration of methodology, to promote refreshing new approaches to old
problems, and to renew the discipline of history from within. However, post-
modernism contains within itself an implicit attack on the concept of historical
validity, to the extent that authenticity is now considered a loaded and
problematical word. 19 In my view, this has been damaging to the reputation of the
CHIs, their relationship with the public, and their involvement in education. It is
obvious that two approaches to life-style or cultural reconstructions are justifiable
in this new climate: neo-Annalist reconstruction, based on a mosaic of diverse
information, or an extreme post-modernist rejection of reconstruction and the
quest for authenticity as inevitably doomed to failure.

As a consequence therefore, the nature of the CHI experience is extremely varied.

The involvement of professional historians in the presentation and representation of
heritage and of CHI-related products, including supporting written work, is patchy.
Indeed, books, DVDs, videos, models, replicas and sound recordings reach the
market place, often the shops of CHIs, with vastly differing degrees of historical
validity.
Indeed, historical validity, a term I use here to avoid the loaded term authenticity,
has become a poisoned chalice in certain areas of the CHIs only. As a result, life-
style recreations, period performances and drama are all conducted with minute
reference to details of items such as clothing, furniture, eating utensils and
weaponry, while the description and contextualisation of artefacts at some heritage
sites, or of the methodology behind so-called informed performance of drama,
poetry or indeed, music (in which I am professionally involved) are often conducted
on another level entirely. In these areas positivism is frequently shunned in favour
of the post-modern nebulousness of the concept of otherness, which receives
support from nihilistic arguments that our perceptions of period music performance
styles are based entirely on modern preconceptions.20 .

18
Leading figures include Hayden White, Roland Barthes and Jacques Derrida. The arguments of the movement
are presented in the journal Rethinking History: The Journal of Theory and Practice, currently edited by Alan
Munslow.
19
As a result, concepts of authenticity, especially in relation to heritage, have become very diverse, cf.
Burnett, K.A. Heritage, Authenticity and History, in: Drummond, S. and Yeoman, I. (Eds.) Quality Issues in
Heritage Visitor Attractions, Oxford, 2001, 39-53, esp. 43-7.
20
Cf. Kenyon, N. (Ed.) Authenticity and Early Music: a symposium, Oxford, 1988, a seminal group of essays in
relation to the authenticity debate in relation to music. See also Leech-Wilkinson, D. The Modern Invention of
Medieval Music: scholarship, ideology and performance, Cambridge, 2002. The latter work, by no means as
Thus, addressing specific issues about the nature of performance can be sidelined,
and it is currently quite possible to see excellent productions of period costume
drama or historical re-enactments, prepared with minute attention to physical
details of all types, associated with music which, while apparently appropriate to the
non-specialist, is from a different period and milieu entirely. Indeed, the number of
UK CHI sites selling sound recordings of music based on out-dated or inaccurate
editions, which use inappropriate performance practices and carry erroneous
descriptions of the material on the sleeve notes is alarming.

There are complex ethical and legal issues involved in naming particular culprits, of
course, and this is not the purpose of this article. However, there can be no doubt
that this problem, in relation to CHI events and merchandising is continuing despite
increasing public awareness of it. Indeed, although the critical spotlight has not been
turned on this area specifically so far, it is surely coming closer. A number of articles
have begun to highlight the issue of historical validity in the context of documentary
films. A wealth of examples of strained relationships symptomatic of the failure of
the CHIs and historians to improve their problematical relationship could be cited
here. The resignation of Ian Kershaw, the unquestioned world authority on Hitler,
from a recent project to make a film about the dictators life is a well-known
example. However, a more relevant example to this argument, in the specific
context of documentary film production, was exposed recently in a provocative
article in the journal History Today which highlighted the misuse of images and film
clips by documentary filmmakers.21

Surely, it is only a matter of time before performance reconstructions and the

performance of period music in general is subject to the same degree of intellectual
scrutiny as film making. One of the areas of period performance which invites close
examination, in the light of recent research, is the entire issue of voice and its
relationship to language. The vast majority of music before 1600 was for voice or
voices, and there is unequivocal evidence that the voice and the pronunciation of
language, when singing, reciting poetry or declaiming prose was an area of
considerable interest. However, although film makers and period performers often
taken enormous steps to establish what instruments were used in specific historical
contexts, the central real issue of period musical reconstruction, the nature of the
vocal style, and even more crucially the pronunciation of language, continues to
attract little attention.

As a result of this, it is surely appropriate that a process of defining and quantifying

the historical validity of CHI-related products in general, and in my view sound
recordings in particular, is initiated, together with a review of the extent to which
customer expectations are being fulfilled in this respect. Crucial to this process is far
more debate and interaction between the research base of higher education,
especially professional historians, and the CHIs themselves. The problem is to
achieve a general recognition that although practitioners in these two areas often
see their roles as unrelated, their activities should be perceived as increasingly
conjoined, particularly in the current CHI marketplace.22

However, despite the criticisms of the current situation outlined above, there are

wide-ranging as the title suggests, is elegantly argued, but ultimately anarchic in its attack on positivist
scholarship.
21
Smith, M. History and the Media: are you being hoodwinked?, History Today LIII (3) (2003) 28-30.
22
Cf. Lowenthal, D. The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History, 2nd Ed. Cambridge, 1998, intro. x-xi and
passim.
several very promising signs that some current academic initiatives, apparently
models of good relations between academic research and the CHIs, are generating
outcomes with a variety of uses and considerable commercial potential as well as
historical validity. These include the Cistercians in Yorkshire Project, directed by Dr.
Sarah Foot at the University of Sheffield,23 the Christianity and Culture Project,24and
the Sheffield-Besanon-Froissart Project.25 These all seem to be excellent examples
of academic projects which can positively support tourism and the CHIs. However, I
would like to highlight a new partnership project called Lector Studiosus, currently
based in Nottingham, which is addressing the relationship of the CHIs, HE and music
described above. It is an interdisciplinary partnership of academics, historians,
language scholars and musicologists producing highly specialised sound recordings,
focussing especially on historic languages, poetry and songs. The group are also
offering a consultancy service for CHIs, museums and film-makers.

Their work focuses on historically important texts in Old French, Anglo-Norman,

Occitan, Middle French and Middle English, and is aimed primarily at the higher
education market. The texts they are recording, current subjects of language and
literature courses in universities worldwide, will be presented in their original forms,
as far as these are currently understood, and thus some of the recordings will be as
dramatic readings while others will be in the form of musical performances. It is
crucial to the understanding of this market to appreciate that considerable research
and academic inside knowledge about courses underlies the selection of material
currently being prepared, although ultimately the academic credibility and
publication records of the participants and the supporting documentation which they
are producing are major selling points.

Conclusion

Although academic research in history and the CHIs should be closely related, the
extent to which research output has informed and interacted with CHIs, especially in
the field of performance still leaves much to be desired. This is not due to public
ignorance or lack of interest; it is partly due to the aftermath of post-modernism,
and partly due to complacency within the CHIs themselves. Initiatives such as the

23
This interdisciplinary project, funded by the hosted HRI and funded by the New Opportunities Fund is
producing web-based packages which will be freely available when complete. The first of these, on Roche
Abbey, will come on-line in 2002. They will offer a virtual re-creation of life in the Cistercian Houses based on
extensive interdisciplinary group research, together with supporting educational material. It can be seen as an
adjunct to a visit to any of the Yorkshire Cistercian sites, such as Byland, Fountains, Kirkstall, Rievaulx and
Roche, or as a more general educational resource for history teaching.
24
This is a partnership co-ordinated from York, which has produced a CD Rom database of images from
European illuminated MSS, architecture and sculpture which are of interest to art historians, as a resource for
teaching and research, as an aid to teachers of medieval and renaissance history or religious education, although
it is intended primarily as a learning aid to students or visitors who may be studying western-European history
but have no grounding in Christian tradition on which our pre-Reformation culture is so obviously built.
25
This is a partnership based at the University of Sheffield under Professor Peter Ainsworth which has received
a major AHRB grant. Its outcome will be a DVD Rom of a previously unedited although very important MS of
Froissarts Chroniques held in the public library at Besanon. Access to this magnificent illuminated MS of the
early-fifteenth century is limited, although it is a major version of one of the most important chronicles of the
entire middle ages. The DVD Rom will include a full digital facsimile with a unique blow-up facility with
extraordinarily high resolution, as well as an edited and annotated text, which is searchable, and an English
translation with contextual essays and some music of the period. This DVD Rom is almost complete, and will
set new standards for this type of material. It is to be launched in France in 2004 and in the UK and US in 2005,
at a retail price which will make it accessible to the general public, as well as to university libraries and
specialist scholars.
Sheffield-Besanon-Froissart Project and Lector recording project, which explore the
close and relationship between scholarship, text and music, seem to be addressing
the quality issue in a new way. However, all the projects mentioned above are
manifestations of an exciting new realisation in academic research: that it can reach
audiences at a variety of levels, contribute positively to the CHI economy and also
add greatly to the quality and appeal of regional tourism and heritage-related
experiences. It is up to academics and CHIs alike to make good use of this new
opportunity.

Dr. Paul Bracken,

Senior Research Associate,
Institute of Business History,
Jubilee Campus,
University of Nottingham.
 Tourism, Authenticity and the Folk Music Session.

Lesley Stevenson

Introduction

In 1999, the Scottish Arts Council (SAC) and the Scottish Tourist Board (STB)
launched The Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative, a 3-year project designed to
raise the profile of Scotlands traditional music, and increase visitor access to
traditional music performances. In more ideological terms, the initiative was also
intended to transform tourists preconceptions of Scottish traditional music. In
particular, it claimed that overseas visitors perceptions of Scotlands musical
heritage had been dominated by such conventional symbols as the bagpipes, pipe
bands and ceilidh bands. The Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative was therefore
promoted as a counterweight to this image: it was, claimed the music director of
the SAC, about the real thing, not the shortbread tin image of Scottish traditional
music (Knowles, 2002). This paper will argue that the prevalence of folk music
sessions in the Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative is a manifestation of the
projects concern with authenticity. Drawing on Dean MacCannells model of
destination spaces, it will argue that the Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative was
an exercise in manufacturing back region experiences in order to provide tourists
with the authenticity which they are deemed to desire. It will also, however, draw
attention to the problematic manner in which the rhetoric of authenticity was used
to promote this initiative.

Authenticity, Music and Tourism

Rob Stokes of Rockville Music criticises those musical performances which are staged
for visitors to Scotland and suggests that tourists wish to experience informal
musical events which are not organised specifically for their benefit:

educated, sophisticated, independent-minded visitors to Scotland

are served up the same old heather and Haggis shows on their
travels unless they are lucky enough to stumble upon informal
sessions or folk clubs. (Clark, 1997a)

The pejorative tone of Stokes comments regarding tourist shows suggests that he
believes these to offer visitors a superficial, caricatured impression of Scottish
musical culture. Tourists wish to penetrate beyond such contrived experiences, he
argues, and attend pub sessions which are less staged and more representative of
Scotlands genuine folk tradition.

Stokes comments are evocative of Dean MacCannells assertion that the travels of
Western tourists are primarily motivated by the search for authenticity: Touristic
consciousness is motivated by its desire for authentic experience (1999: 101).
Thus, according to MacCannell, the modern tourist eschews the superficiality of
performances and events staged specifically for tourists, in favour of what they
conceive as the real life experienced by the destinations inhabitants. He argues
that: "Sightseers are motivated by a desire to see life as it is really lived, even to
get in with the natives. (MacCannell, 1999: 94). It is MacCannells contention
that tourists wish to have meaningful interactions with host populations and to
penetrate beyond the superficiality of experiences which are staged specifically for
the tourist market. MacCannell (1999: 94) argues that tourists aim to overcome
the front regions of the destination, namely those social spaces which are
manufactured for tourist consumption. Their objective is to penetrate the back
regions, those spaces which are reserved exclusively for the host community, and
from which audiences and outsiders are typically excluded. Entering such areas, it is
presumed, permits tourists to experience the inner workings of the community and
thereby achieve the authentic experience which they seek.

The division between front and back may be aided by architectural arrangements,
but is primarily based on social relations (MacCannell, 1999: 92). In the
destinations front regions, for example, the divisions between performers and
audiences are evident and fixed: performers are paid to entertain, whereas
audiences pay to be entertained and these social boundaries are not transgressed.
As MacCannell observes, however, the front and back regions are ideal, if
unattainable, poles of the tourist experience. Divisions between front and back are
blurred rather than dichotomous, for front regions often appropriate characteristic
elements of the backstage in order enhance their touristic appeal. More specifically,
MacCannell argues that whilst the tourist may seek authentic experiences, attempts
to do so are invariably thwarted by the staged authenticity of what is presented to
tourists in those spaces which are manufactured to resemble back regions.
According to MacCannells logic, the modern tourist is condemned to only inauthentic
experiences, with no means of escape.

The Session

This paper proceeds from the understanding that authenticity is a socially defined
concept, and as such is negotiable rather than absolute. Nevertheless, MacCannells
concept of the backstage is a pervasive notion for many folk music practitioners,
who in common with Stokes, believe that that tourists favour music which is
performed in an informal environment over performances which are aimed directly
at the tourist market. It will thus be apposite to offer an overview of the session
itself, in order to assess why musicians should consider it to be so intimately
associated with the concept of authenticity. Niall MacKinnon offers a succinct
definition of the typical British pub session:

A session is a gathering of musicians who meet informally to play

tunes. A singing session or singaround is a similar gathering of
singers, though if instrumental and vocal music occur together it is
normally referred to as a session (MacKinnon, 1993: 99).

The musicians who participate in sessions and singarounds often know one another
and may play together on a semi-regular basis. The session is not a performance in
the sense that it has no need for an audience. Indeed, even if listeners are present,
session musicians typically play facing one another, rather than their observers.
Architectural arrangements are often also invoked to contribute to the sessions
back region atmosphere. Session musicians are invariably drawn to pubs which
have back rooms or small bars (MacKinnon, 1993: 102), in order to create a
physical boundary between themselves and others present who are not actively
participating in the session.

As MacKinnon notes (1993: 103), the session is designed to be the antithesis of

staging. Unlike concerts, the session is not a staged event in the sense that
musicians are not booked to perform at it. Moreover, the music is played in an
extempore fashion, without sheet music. A key feature of the session is therefore
its informality: this, together with spontaneity, is a quality which MacKinnon argues
is greatly revered in folk music (1993: 103). Indeed, it is the supposed
spontaneity of sessions that contributes to their back region mystique. Although
many sessions are regular events which are publicised in advance, many others are
simply impromptu happenings, or are organised on a word-of-mouth basis.

The informality of the session also permits visitors to participate in the music-
making. With its apparently egalitarian ethos, the session effectively blurs the
distinction between hosts and guests. The social relations which pervade staged
events are erased. In the concert, for example, there are evident divisions between
the performers selling their wares, the audience who pay to consume that music,
and the event promoters who dictate how the show is presented. In the session,
conversely, divisions between audience and performers are fluid: musicians are free
to play, or sit back and listen, as they see fit. Lack of musical ability need not be a
barrier to participation: indeed, even listeners who clap in time with the music are
arguably becoming part of the performance. It is this theoretical equity of access
which renders the session a prime example of visitor admission to the backstage.
For this reason, traditional musicians often consider the session to be a more
authentic representation of Scottish traditional music than that which is performed
on a concert stage. Rather than being a musical pseudo-event, the session is
conceived of as a back region happening, an event which is not manufactured for
the benefit of visitors.

A further reason for the particular appeal of the session is that the music performed
therein is not mediated through the aesthetic demands of an event promoter:
rather, it is the musicians who determine what music is played and how their
tradition is represented. There is accordingly a widely held perception amongst
musicians that the music-making which takes place in sessions is often of higher
quality than that performed on a concert stage. Untrammelled by the strictures of
the staged music event, musicians are free to experiment musically, to engage in
musical exchange and to play for enjoyment, rather than for any financial
recompense. As MacKinnon observes, it is in such informal settings as opposed to
staged performances that many practitioners believe that the real music is able to
reach its heights (MacKinnon, 1993: 103).

This statement points to the perceived connection between authenticity and quality:
it is invariably presumed that real music is, by definition, good music. This
pervasive notion has been noted by Peter Kivy (1995). Arguing that the term
authentic has virtually become a synonym for good, Kivy asserts that: But the
continual use of authentic has had an effect on musical discourse that is so
profound as to have made it apparently unthinkable for a performance to be
inauthentic and good, or authentic and bad (Kivy, 1995: 2). Indeed, it will become
evident that this equation of authenticity with quality is practised by many
traditional musicians in Scotland, and has accordingly informed public policy on both
traditional music and tourism.

Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative

In particular, this equation of authenticity with quality, and hence economic

profitability, pervades The Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative (TMTI).
Launched in 1999, The TMTI was a 3-year project organised jointly by the (then)
Scottish Tourist Board, and the Scottish Arts Council. An initial report into the first
year of the project was published in 2000 under the title The Traditional Music and
Tourism Initiative 1999-2000, while the entire project was assessed in A Soundtrack
for Scottish Tourism 1999-2002 (SAC/ VisitScotland, 2002), a report published in
2002.

In 1998 the TMTI steering group was set up: its membership included a number of
tourist board staff, but was dominated by traditional musicians. At a practical level
the initiative was designed to enable visitors to access music performances more
readily, thereby creating synergy between the traditional music and tourism sectors.
A number of local demonstration projects were also gathered together under the
umbrella of the TMTI. Together, SAC and STB made funding available which
individual regions could apply for in order to finance individual projects in their
respective areas. In the first year of the initiative projects came to be organised in
Angus and Dundee, Dumfries and Galloway, Fife, Orkney, Ross and Cromarty,
Scottish Borders and Shetland. Further projects were supported in the following
years, with the result that, by the end of the three year initiative, 19 projects in 11
different areas had been financially supported.

The creative direction of the project was guided by those members of the steering
group who were themselves musicians. In this respect, the TMTI was an
opportunity for members of Scotlands folk music community to reclaim ownership
over the representation of their tradition. The initiative was viewed by many on the
steering group as an opportunity to rectify historical misrepresentations of
Scotlands traditional music. As the comments of one steering group member
indicate, the initiative offered the traditional music community the opportunity to
determine which aspects of Scotlands musical traditions should be foregrounded,
and which should receive lesser emphasis in future promotional campaigns:

we could say to [VisitScotland] ... its time you stopped punting

this whole idea that the only Scottish music youre going to hear is
from bagpipers wearing big furry bonnets. And they took that on
board right away, they didnt really have a problem with that But
that was certainly one of the aims of the whole initiative was to try
and change the way people look at traditional music as well,
because thats actually a very false image. Youre much more likely
to see traditional musicians playing in an informal basis, or even in
a formal environment, certainly not dressed up in tartan, you know
(Interview A, 2003)

The Highland bagpipes, an instrument which most musicians in the working group
deemed to have received undue prominence in tourism literature over the years,
were therefore to be sidelined in favour of a less false image of Scotlands musical
traditions. In advocating such a stance, the musicians on the working group were
effectively practising a politics of cultural selection, one which was informed by an
ideology of authenticity. Naturally, the musical image which they sought to promote
was allied their own professional musical interests. It is significant that there was
no piper on the TMTI steering group.

This selective view of Scotlands musical traditions was to become the TMTIs entire
rationale and ethos. Carolyn Paterson of the Scottish Arts Council, explained that
the research study which was carried out as part of the TMTI established that
tourists perceptions of Scottish traditional music were dominated by what she
termed the conventional symbols, namely bagpipes, pipe bands and ceilidh bands
(SAC/ STB, 2000: 8). The TMTI was therefore not intended to promote the tartan
and haggis image associated with these symbols (Paterson, 2002), she argued:
rather, it was designed to counter such perceptions, and promote a more realistic
image of Scottish music.

This attempt to downplay piping and tartan imagery in tourism promotion was
publicised by the TMTIs progenitors as a means of offering tourists a more authentic
experience of Scotlands musical culture. The Soundtrack for Scottish Tourism itself
foregrounded the TMTIs concern with authenticity, when paraphrasing the words of
Allan Wilson MSP at the launch of Dumfries and Galloways More Music Live!
initiative: Visitors were discerning, recognised good when they saw it, and good
meant authentic. Traditional music could provide that authenticity, he concluded
(SAC/ VisitScotland, 2002: 6). With this statement Wilson explicitly equates
authenticity with quality, thereby bolstering Kivys (1995) contention that authentic
has become a synonym for good in musical criticism. The result of such rhetoric
was that the TMTIs ethos of authenticity virtually became a marketing tool designed
to assure consumers of the projects high quality. In an effort to confer this valuable
air of authenticity upon the initiative, certain aspects of Scotlands musical traditions
(piping, most notably) were by-passed in favour of events which, as we have seen,
are intimately associated with the concept of authenticity: namely, traditional music
sessions.

Sessions and the TMTI

The influence of the Irish experience is evident throughout the TMTI, with the report
itself even featuring a bodhran player on its front cover. A fundamental component
of the initiative consisted of a research trip to Ireland, undertaken by Shetlands
Music Development Officer, in order to assess how Scotland may development a
similarly vibrant traditional music and tourism scene. The report attributed
Irelands success in generating tourism through traditional music to its healthy
network of pub sessions:

Bord Failte (The Irish Tourist Board) recognise that Irish traditional
music is one of the top three reasons why visitors choose to
holiday in Ireland. The traditional music scene is well organised in
Ireland, primarily through the efforts of pubs themselves who are
aware of the potential financial gain to be made from music. The
music played in pubs and bars is generally of such high quality that
people do not have to go to concert halls to see Irish traditional
music. (SAC/ STB, 2000:6)

Much of the initiative appears therefore to be an attempt to emulate the Irish

experience through the development of pub sessions. Indeed, an examination of
the projects which the TMTI supported, reveals a preponderance of session-oriented
events. Of the 11 areas which received support through the initiatives, 7 of those
organised projects which either entirely or partially comprised of establishing
sessions in local venues. Ninety-six sessions were organised in pubs and hotels
throughout Orkney in the summer 2001 season, for example: the result was that
music was available somewhere in the Isles 6 nights per week over a 12 week
period (OTB, 2001: 2). Similar projects were arranged in Angus, Arran, Dumfries
and Galloway, Fife, Ross-shire and Shetland. This predominance of sessions had the
indirect (but desired) effect of excluding the Highland bagpipes from the TMTI, these
being an instrument not amenable to indoor performance.
Also of significance in this respect are the criteria used to determine which particular
pilot projects should receive financial support through the TMTI. These criteria were
decided upon through discussion with the initiatives advisory board (Paterson,
2002b) and are alluded to as follows in The Soundtrack for Scottish Tourism:

In selecting projects to support, the Initiative has acknowledged

that visitors like to feel they have happened upon a normal facet
of life in Scotland, rather than bespoke entertainment.
This approach is aligned with VisitScotland market research
suggesting that todays tourists value authenticity. (SAC/ STB,
2002: 3)

This statement makes explicit the connection between authenticity and an absence
of staging. In common with MacCannell, it presumes that tourists do not wish to be
entertained by musical pseudo-events which are organised specifically for their
benefit. An evident irony which emerges from this enterprise, however, is the fact
that the TMTI is in itself an exercise in creating bespoke entertainment for tourists.

The selection of criteria which favoured session-oriented projects can be attributed

to a number of factors. One particularly prosaic reason is the relatively modest
costs which sessions entail. In the TMTI, the standard method for organising a
session involved paying a fee of approximately 60 to one musician who was then
required to encourage others to also participate. The cost of organising a session
is therefore significantly cheaper than that of organising a concert, a factor which
has evident appeal for venue proprietors and funding agencies. In a similarly
commercial vein, one steering group member attributes the focus on sessions to an
acknowledgement that in the short term if you were trying to get people to have
access to traditional music that perhaps the best way was through a session
(Interview A, 2003). As sessions are free to attend, they do not entail any financial
barriers to participation. Moreover, given that most professional musicians cannot
be hired for a 60 fee, such events offer paid performance opportunities for
amateur musicians. Such series of sessions are deemed to be influential in
enhancing networking opportunities and thereby fostering a sense of community
amongst local musicians.

Another steering group member interprets the prevalence of sessions in the TMTI as
a response to tourist demand and as a means of increasing tourist satisfaction. In
more ideological terms, however, he does make an explicit connection between the
informality of the session and the authenticity which tourists supposedly seek.
Speaking specifically of Shetland, he observes that:

[sessions were] just something that was there, something that we

saw was authentic and something that the tourists said yes, thats
what Im looking for what I really want to do is see you guys
playing your fiddles down the pub in an informal setting.
(Interview B, 2003)

Another respondent develops the theme of informality in his discussion of the

session-oriented nature of many of the TMTI projects. He points to the particular
appeal of happening upon events which are not designed or marketed for tourist
consumption:
 I think in their heart of hearts tourist people know that visitors
often have the best experience when they stumble on something
local and quite exclusive, accidentally. You know, if you came
across a village dance or that kind of thing, its not something thats
been hyped up, its not something that youre necessarily prepared
for. But in the best of these circumstances when you go to
something like that and youre just kind of accepted as part of the
company, thats often when people have the best time. And I think
that what a lot of these events are trying to do is almost kind of
recreate that experience. But of course you cant. (Interview C,
2002)

Thus, the village hall is a classic example of MacCannells back region, a social
space reserved for locals and from which visitors are generally excluded. It is the
type of space and experience which is deemed to inspire the tourist gaze.
Acceptance into such an environment, it is assumed, will satisfy tourists desire for
an experience of genuine Scottish culture. According to this steering group
member, it is this ethos which informs many of the projects in the TMTI. As his
final caveat suggests, however, there are inherent difficulties in attempting to
manufacture such experiences for tourists. In order to establish the precise nature of
these difficulties it will first be apposite to offer a detailed overview of one project
which was launched under the auspices of the TMTI.

Dumfries and Galloway: More Music Live!

The project organised in Dumfries and Galloway in 2001 was entitled, More Music
Live!, and involved the programming of 72 sessions in pubs and hotels around the
region. Organised by Dumfries and Galloway Arts Association (DGAA) and marketed
by the local tourist board, this initiative was intended to:

increase visitor awareness of traditional music and to ensure that

visitors had ready access to traditional music during a visit to
Dumfries and Galloway thus enhancing their visitor experience and
encouraging a return visit. (DGAA, 2001a: 2)

Indeed, the original intention was that visitors to the region would be able to find
music somewhere in the region on every night of the week (DGAA, 2001b). Fliers
advertising the programme of sessions were compiled by Dumfries and Galloway
Tourist Board (DGTB), and were distributed to venues, tourist information centres
and DGTB members throughout the region. Like the TMTI itself, the More Music
Live! fliers featured photos of local musicians performing in pub sessions.

In touristic and economic terms the initiative was highly successful, with 88% of
audiences reporting that such events would encourage them to make a return visit
to the region. The response from venue proprietors was similarly positive, for the
average rise in takings on session nights was 29%. Musicians also responded
favourably to the initiative, with all who participated agreeing that the initiative
should be continued in the future (DGAA, 2001a). Indeed, so successful was the
project that it secured 3 year funding from an EU community regeneration fund in
order to continue following the end of the TMTI.

From 2002 onwards, the More Music Live! publicity material adopted a subtitle: Real
Music, Real Close. The real close element of this slogan derives from DGTBs Area
Tourism Strategy (2001-2006), which promotes Dumfries and Galloway to domestic
visitors as an accessible destination for short breaks. The real music element is
indicative of the projects concern with authenticity. Indeed, in common with
Francis (2002), we can interpret the sessions themselves as an attempt to create for
tourists the illusion that they have moved beyond the superficiality of staged
performances and stumbled upon a back region event.

In 2003, however, More Music Live! incorporated ceilidhs into its programme: this is
a somewhat singular inclusion for a project which self-consciously promotes its ethos
of authenticity, for the modern day ceilidh is arguably an invented tradition. In the
Western Isles and Highlands of Scotland the term ceilidh traditionally referred to a
visit, that is a social gathering in a neighbourhood house, at which music and songs
were performed. (Feintuch, 2002: 8). As Flett and Flett (1964: 39) note, however,
in most districts of the Highlands such informal ceilidhs are now things of the past.
Since the First World War this understanding of the ceilidh as a domestic social
event has waned, and throughout Scotland it has been reinterpreted to mean a
public event at which traditional dances are performed to the accompaniment of a
Scottish country dance band.

Thus, with its relatively recent origins, the type of ceilidh which More Music Live!
promotes does not conform to any essentialist interpretation of the concept of
authenticity. Moreover, as events with necessarily strict music and dance
conventions, ceilidhs cannot lay claim to the informality or spontaneity which
supposedly confer an air of authenticity upon the session. Whilst one could argue
that the Scottish ceilidh has acquired what Cohen (1988) terms emergent
authenticity, it is apparent that its inclusion in this programme problematises the
projects claim to historical verisimilitude (although this does not render the ceilidh
any less worthwhile or enjoyable for its participants). Indeed, it is perhaps
indicative of Urrys (2002) notion that the very concept of authenticity is jeopardised
under the condition of postmodernity: it remains an eminently appealing, yet
ultimately elusive concept, and the tourist is deemed to be aware of this dichotomy.
Indeed, McCrone et al (1999) develop this argument, specifically in relation to the
Scottish context, noting that:

It is even possible to acknowledge pastiche while believing in it.

Somehow, simulacra pretences, presented as the real, for example
the Scottish ceilidh experience, have the power to overcome our
cynicism.

Thus, for McCrone et al the type of ceilidh promoted under the auspices of More
Music Live! is nothing more than a simulacrum: a perfect replica of an original event
that never existed. Although a tradition of only relatively recent origin, it is
marketed as real music by the More Music Live! publicity material. The event
coordinator discusses the reasons for incorporating a previously separate series of
ceilidhs into the More Music Live! session programme: ceilidhs, I think, are good for
tourism. Thats the kind of thing that tourists like [adopts American accent]
authentic Scottish dances (Interview D, 2003). Thus, this respondent points to
not only the perceived touristic demand for the real, but also to the socially
constructed nature of that authenticity. Whilst the More Music Live! ceilidhs may
have little claim to historical verisimilitude, they are authentic insofar as they are
experienced by visitors. It is the authenticity of the subjects experience which
matters.
Yet to what extent can sessions which are planned, publicised and paid for claim to
offer such an experience? It is apparent that many TMTI initiatives were intended to
create the illusion that the tourists concerned had stumbled upon a back region
happening. Arguably, however, such attempts to create musical back regions for
tourists are inherently contradictory in nature.

Commodification of the Session

Indeed, evidence of the staged nature of the event can easily be detected. Any
illusion that the visitor has stumbled upon a back region event must surely be
dashed when they are asked to complete a questionnaire rating their enjoyment of
the session, a procedure which occurred at many of the events organised under the
auspices of the TMTI. Audiences at the Arran Sessions had an especially slight
chance of avoiding this indicator of the events staged quality, for each venues
funding was withheld until proprietors returned questionnaires which had been
completed by attendees (Boyle, 2002). Moreover, the content of the questionnaire
itself will enlighten participants to the tourism-oriented nature of the event:
respondents are required to provide information regarding their demographic
characteristics and place of residence, and answer questions such as Would this
kind of event encourage a return visit? (DGAA More Music Live! questionnaire,
2001). Thus, although intended to give the impression of being informal,
spontaneous happenings, the manner in which observers and participants were
surveyed highlights the staged quality which such encounters retain.

Indeed, attempts to promote sessions for tourism purposes are fraught with
challenges, not least of which is the fact that a session is, almost by definition, an
impromptu occurrence. Initiatives including More Music Live! and Shetlands
Simmerin Sessions produced programmes, detailing the locations, dates and times
of the various events, together with the names of musicians and artists booked to
appear. Some 40% of attendees at Orkneys Rolling in the Isles initiative found
out about the sessions through the events publicity material and as such were
aware that the sessions were planned rather than impromptu events (OTB, 2001:
4). Moreover, such publicity renders the musicians, rather than the session itself, to
be the attraction, and highlights the contrived nature of the event. The very
scheduling of a session is inherently contradictory in nature, for an event which is
programmed cannot be spontaneous.

Moreover, without the requisite funding, none of the TMTI sessions would have
happened. When MacKinnon published his critique of the British folk scene in 1993
sessions and singarounds were distinct from concerts in that they were not
mediated by any financial transaction whatsoever (MacKinnon, 1993: 132). In the
attempt to create imitation back regions, however, this distinction has been erased.
It is the seed money paid to the anchor which acts as the stimulus for the session
and which alters its rationale for existence.

Thus, through this financial transaction the session itself becomes commodified. The
music is no longer played simply for its use-value: rather it is given an explicit
exchange value which transforms the nature of the social relationships between
those who participate in the session. Due to their financial investment in the
session, funders are able to make demands of the musicians which they would not
be able to if the musicians were receiving no financial remuneration for their efforts.
At a more general level, the venue proprietor who provides the seed money may be
able to choose which musicians he wishes to anchor the session in his venue.
Venues which participated in the Dumfries and Galloway More Music Live! initiative,
for example, were able to select their desired session performers from a Musical
Menu (a list which detailed participating groups members, instrumentation and
musical style). This is a luxury which the host of a genuinely ad hoc event would
not enjoy. More specifically, the proprietor is able to stipulate where the musicians
should be seated, what tunes they should be play and the volume at which they
should perform. Whilst this may not necessarily act as a source of conflict, it does
highlight the changes wrought upon the session by the commodification process.

Meanwhile, the session becomes a place of work for the musician who is booked to
appear and it is no longer an opportunity to let ones hair down, as MacKinnon
(1993) conceived of it. Indeed, the anchor musicians are obliged to perform
professionally in order to secure work for themselves in the future. The session is
thus transformed from a musical happening free of the trappings of capitalism into
one which can be bought and sold.

Commodification also transforms the relationships between the anchor musicians

and passive observers. As previously noted, the session has traditionally been
understood as an event at which divisions between audience and performers are
minimal, with observers welcomed and positively encouraged to participate in the
music-making. When particular musicians are booked to instigate, and hence
guarantee, a session, this changes the very dynamics of the session itself: in
particular, the social divisions which characterise the staged event are reinstated.
The anchor becomes a performer, rather than one of many participants. While
other attendees are still able to participate in the music-making, the anchor, by
virtue of his paid post, is responsible for directing the musical direction and content
of the session.

Similarly, the commodification of the session creates audiences, a social grouping

which is typically excluded from back regions. The fact that particular musicians
have been hired to lead the session can intimidate others and thus deter them from
contributing. As a result, they become audience members rather than participants.
Equally, when particular musicians are booked to lead sessions, they become
performers, and the session ceases to be defined by its informality and equity of
access. The session, in effect adopts many of the elements of staging associated
with the concert and as such loses its essential defining features.

Conclusion

As both musicians and tourists alike have particular reasons to favour the session as
a forum for traditional music-making, venue proprietors have an evident vested
interest in hosting such events. Indeed, the TMTI is testament to the economic
benefits which sessions may afford the venues in which they are held. The impact
of the TMTI has been such that a musical event which has hitherto eluded
commodification has since become commodified. This has had profound impacts on
the form of the session, changing the dynamics of the social relations within the
event itself, and essentially transforming it from a back region occurrence to one
which possesses merely the illusion of informality and spontaneity.

These observations do not necessarily render the music-making which takes place in
such sessions any less meaningful or enjoyable for the participants, however.
Indeed, the commodification of the session has had evident economic benefits for
hundreds of amateur musicians, providing them with paid employment opportunities
that otherwise would not have existed. In cultural terms, moreover, the
organisation of such sessions had had beneficial impacts on the musical lives of local
communities. The sessions which were organised in both Dumfries and Galloway
and The Borders have spawned further sessions and have offered local musicians the
opportunity to make contacts with other performers in their respective regions. In
this sense, they have served to stimulate further music-making in many
communities.

Thus, the intention here is not to suggest that the commodification of the session
has been an entirely negative development. Rather, it is to highlight the
problematic nature of much of the rhetoric used to promote these traditional music
initiatives. The TMTI was described by its proponents as a more authentic - and
hence a superior representation of Scottish traditional music than that which had
historically been promoted by the tourism authorities. The TMTI working group
decided that certain musical forms should be sidelined in favour of those which more
closely reflected their own musical interests. In so doing they practised a politics of
cultural selection which was justified by its self-conscious concern with authenticity.
Musical authenticity was not sought and promoted for its supposed innate value,
however. Rather, there was a clear commercial intent behind such pronouncements:
if authenticity is indeed equated with quality, then the SAC and VisitScotland had an
evident material interest in convincing the listening public that the musical product
of the TMTI was indeed real, and hence good.

Yet this constant equation of authenticity with quality is inherently problematic. The
superior musical value which the TMTI events were reputed to possess was not
predicated on the status of the musicians themselves (for all of the participants were
amateurs). Rather, it was based on the presumption that the session is, by
definition, a more authentic forum for traditional music-making. As has become
evident, however, this is a highly problematic claim in relation to those sessions
which were organised as part of the TMTI. The manner in which these events were
commodified robbed them of their spontaneity and compromised their informality,
the very qualities which have traditionally caused the session to be so closely
associated with authenticity. The session, in effect, became staged.
Bibliography

Boyle, D (2002). Presentation: Traditional Music and Tourism Seminar, Glasgow.

Clark, A. (1997) "Heather and Haggis Shows Put in the Shade by the Reel Thing."
The Scotsman 16/05/97.
Cohen, E. (1988). "Authenticity and commoditization in tourism." Annals of Tourism
Research 15(3): 371-386.
Dumfries and Galloway Arts Association (2001) More Music Live! Project Evaluation.
Unpublished.
Dumfries and Galloway Arts Association (2001) Project Brief, Unpublished.
Feintuch, B. (2002). "The Conditions for Cape Breton Fiddle Music." unpublished.
Cited with kind permission of the author.
Flett, J. P. & Flett, T. M. (1964). Traditional Dancing in Scotland. London, Routledge
& Kegan Paul plc.
Kivy, P. (1995). Authenticities: Philosophical Reflections on Musical Performance.
New York, Cornell University Press.
Knowles, N (2002). Presentation: Traditional Music and Tourism Seminar. Glasgow.
MacCannell, D. (1999). The Tourist: a New Theory of the Leisure Class. Berkeley,
University of California Press.
MacKinnon, N. (1993). The British Folk Scene: Musical Performance and Social
Identity. Buckingham, Open University Press.
McCrone, D, Morris, A and Kiely, R (1999). Scotland the Brand: the Making of
Scottish Heritage. Polygon: Edinburgh.
Orkney Tourist Board. (2001). Rolling in the Isles: Evaluation 2001. Unpublished.
Paterson, C. (2002). Presentation: Traditional Music and Tourism Seminar. Glasgow.
SAC/ STB (2000). The Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative. Edinburgh, The
Scottish Arts Council/ The Scottish Tourist Board.
SAC/ VisitScotland (2002). A Soundtrack for Scottish Tourism. Edinburgh, The
Scottish Arts Council/ Visit Scotland
Urry, J. (2002). The Tourist Gaze. London, Sage.

Interviews

Interview A (2003). Telephone Interview, 08/07/03.

Interview B (2003). Telephone Interview, 03/07/03.
Interview C (2002). Interview, 13/11/02.
Interview D (2003). Interview, 26/02/03.