Gareth Jones City As A Contested Space PDF

Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS)
The Latin American City as Contested Space: A Manifesto

Author(s): Gareth A. Jones
Source: Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 13, No. 1, Special Issue: The Latin
American City as Contested Space (Jan., 1994), pp. 1-12
Published by: Wiley on behalf of Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS)
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Bull. Latin Am. Res., Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 1-12,1994
Elsevier Science Ltd
Pergamon Society for Latin American Studies
Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved
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The Latin American City as Contested Space:

a Manifesto
GARETHA. JONES
Department of Geography, University College Swansea, UK
The right to occupy space is at the heart of a great many debates in

America. Henri Lefebvre (1991) informs us that In itself space has
power. Rather, space reflects social domination, through the dominati
space, even though its appropriation is not determined by the exist
economic or political system. Instead, Lefebvre argues that the diversion
space to the purposes of particular groups restores the ambiguous nature
space?it becomes, to use Lefebvre's terminology, dramatised and eroti
Its position of power goes beyond the rationality of spatial organisat
structure, and needs, to encompass the less fixed categories of symbolism
ideology.
Lefebvre's work calls for a less rigid conceptualisation of space as a
geometrical concept in which 'things happen', to a more socially informed
concept in which social relations are reproduced (gender, 'race'), invented
(myths, stereotypes), identity constructed ('who you are depends on where
you are'), and power exercised or opposed. To cite Hebdige (1990: vi-viii),
this reassertion of space in social theory is predicated upon:
[A] growing skepticism concerning older explanatory models based in

history has led to a renewed interest in the relatively neglected, *under-
theorized' dimension of space... It has become less and less common in
social and cultural theory for space to be represented as neutral, con-
tinuous, transparent or for critics to oppose 'dead ... fixed ... un-
dialectical ... immobile' space against the 'richness, fecundity, life,
dialectics' of time, conceived as the privileged medium for the trans-
mission ofthe 'messages' of history. Instead spatial relations are seen to
be no less complex and contradictory than historical processes, and
space itself refigured as inhabited and heterogeneous, as a moving
cluster of points of intersection for manif old axes of power which cannot
be reduced to a unified plane or organized into a single narrative.1
In what follows I use Lefebvre's terms, 'the spaces of representation', that

is, the lived world, and the 'representation of space', that is, the conceived
(Lefebvre, 1991). The first position is closest to a perception of space as
passive, the innocent context in which actions take place. Here, command of
space is regarded as the 'great variable container for a critical interpretation
of social life' (Soja, 1989: 1). The contestation for space, however, is more
profound. The second position, therefore, regards space as embedded with
politics and ideology, both real and imagined, which afford space with a
2 BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH
contextualisation of power (Soja and Hooper, 1993).

stress in respect to this second position is that space i
duced by human agency, in line with local' situat
apparently more general (structural) conditions, so as
conceal or converge diversity in the urban landscape. W
therefore, relates to the Identity politics of place',
'spatialised politics of identity' in which space must be
hybrid, command of which is always provisional an
Pile, 1993).
Four of the papers in this special issue were presented at the Society of
Latin American Studies' conference held at the University of Southampton
during the session entitled 'The Latin American City as Contested Space'.2
The papers at that session were, at the time, by no means exhaustive of the
potential topics to be addressed under this 'broad church' banner. Similarly,
this special issue makes no claim to include all possible analyses of this topic,
despite the welcome addition of a paper by Craske. In this brief overview,
however, I want to map out what appears to be a highly rewarding angle for
investigating urban Latin America and to indicate at which points the
presented papers engage with the issue's theme.
(a) THE SPACESOF REPRESENTATION

The contest for daily life
For Latin America's urban poor the competition for space is made real in
daily life. The city as a contested space becomes a contest for the city. As
Jorge Hardoy (1992: xv) has expressed it:
In every city there is a growing competition among low-income groups,
who usually make up half or more of the population, for one of the
relatively few stable jobs, for space to build a house or shack, for a seat
on a bus, for a corner of a sidewalk or in a square to set up a market stall.
Every day people must compete for a place in a school or a bed in a
hospital or a container of potable water.
The acquisition of land and housing is, perhaps, the most visible form of the
contest for space. While this can clearly be no less evident while looking at the
prices households pay and the methods they employ to cope with the
economy of acquisition, it is the physical representation of this process which
is uppermost and for which most observers probably have the highest
admiration. A startling example is provided for the establishment of a settle-
ment in Lima by Blondet (1990:27):
The river flowed right by here. The stream ran behind and the water here
stank. ... We were here, you see, when I saw one of those corpses.
People died like dogs, lots of them. The water arrived, it came in here
bringing mud and rocks from the river banks. It came in here. It was full
of water here, and the river was full. And the people... so many people
died. And a woman said that the water carried a woman right back here
in the yard. She was put in a pit and she rotted here. She's been there ever
since and people live there now, right on top.
THE CITY AS CONTESTED SPACE 3
The language of this description is in st

explain the process which caused the
Instead, there is a tendency to reduce su
tion and temporal change. Interviewing
in Queretaro, Mexico, ostensibly to unco
a group of old ladies described how the
spent standing up to the soldiers sent to
coyotes with frying pans by night (W
whether the settlement had improved o
which it had done so?
This is not to imply that the contes
expression of the right to the city, r
numerous instances where violent con
1985; Zaluar, 1993), there is evidence t
ally imagined to be antagonistic?land
appear to be benign (Gilbert, 1993). Thus
statements that 'political violence an
common, almost normal' (Cochrane, 1987
theless important to appreciate that urb
contested space, but creates space: viol
which are recognised as peaceful, places
Perhaps the most recognised 'safe place
homescape. Bringing the homescape
circumscribes our interpretation of
passive and separate from the public w
language and actions in one space info
tions, languages and actions in the ot
issue). Arizpe (1990: xviii) notes how
intolerable conditions at home have
demands 'using the same language as u
italics). In a slightly different sense, th
political repression affect the home
order' and shape external political act
The contest for space is, therefore, cle
and power. Here too we need to reapprai
The so-called 'rebirth of civil society' su
important even if political apertura
transcended into full democracy and
1991).5 Yet, how are we to interpret the
political agents in new political space
varied interpretations of the women in
to be washed in the city's fountains as a
1990). While, arguably, indicative of t
dichotomy of private-public domain, or
'activist mothers', or strategies ('the p
spatial dimension.
Domination of public space is the most
to control the city?and appears to
America (Friedmann, 1992a; Arana and Giordano, 19

city centre is the arena in which organised social, poli
are played out (Ward, 1993). Again, one can observe th
constantly contested. In Chile, Argentina and Uruguay
as important landmarks for detention and torture as w
terror' (Scarpaci and Frazier, 1993:1). This is never m
the protests against human rights' abuses initiated by
de Mayo (Fisher, 1993). Such movements not only cont
of public space by regimes of terror, they also use
regarded as a predominantly male domain and sym
where a distinct set of rules and forms of deportment a
paseo (evening stroll) which often consists of the men
women, to express a gendered construction of power a
the occupation of space is apparently passive (Scarp
The women in Guadalajara, therefore, expressed their
ing a space of multiple meanings: an elite location
dominated location; and using a spatial imagery of con
plenty with one of poverty.6 Such a message could equa
context of street children in Brazil (Scheper-Hu
involved in the IMF riots ofthe 1980s (Walton, 1989
The contestfor representation

The understanding of identity within modernist politic
an imagined uniformity. More recently, however, bot
agents and the varied forms of individual as well as co
become more fully appreciated. At the centre of this
the study of so-called New Urban Social Movements w
the relegation of class struggle as (possibly) the only c
identity and replaced it with an emphasis on non-class
(Castells, 1983). Although previously apolitical
appeared to be politicised in order to defend and pr
identities (Boran, 1989; Radcliffe, 1990; Redclift, 19
theless an immediate concern that the heterogeneit
would preclude class consciousness (Evers, 1985; Gle
What, perhaps, was lacking was an understanding of
new political form. First, social movements called upo
voices and discourses, and articulated them in new
through multiple claims to representation throug
novels, poetry, street theatre, murals (Buchanan, 1990
and Schelling, 1991), or church choirs (Salman, th
(Banck, this issue). These new spaces and the new cl
to contest dominant discourses of power using local fo
Radcliffe, 1993). Second, the fragmentary nature of t
has offered scope for multiple communities of resista
which, to paraphrase Soja and Hooper, make the sea
refusal' of singular transformation unnecessary (S
187). In the Latin American context, a substantial l
which notes the plurality of communities of identity a
indigenas-peasmts (Schirmer, 1993); fem

(Machado, 1993). On the surface, the con
of identity and resistance would appear to
over the spatial. The connection of a multi
gender, 'race', culture and class seem to
political goals. Instead of having the imp
'marginalized local space' (Schuurman
paramount objective, the communities
simultaneous creation of political subjec
been achieved by more conventional soci
of civil society'.8 Nevertheless, there is a s
The spatiality of the communities fol
provocative, which proposes that Thi
'homeless people' in the sense that most ha
the city. This is not to question that both
derive their identity from a particular
However, to follow this argument for
increasingly placeless, the resulting identit
than inherent to the space itself. If the
space has therefore to be constantly
boundaries, and more prosaically throug
then it has also to be constantly contested
The focus on the transient nature of a sp
idea of contested space goes beyond reduct
cultural dimensions. This has two impor
perception, and occupation, of limina
man's land'. Here, the paper by Banck
become a contested terrain. The second con
the contest for urban space transcends loc
a global cultural discourse takes on the 'rea
The contest, however, involves many subt
demands and imaginations. Thus, while the
for example, strives to exert a social ide
difference among neighbours, what Jam
talk', the builders mix the language that 'n
high regard for the housing of the rich, g
national and international architectural de
Depoliticising space
If there appears to be an opening of ne
depoliticisation of old ones. One possibl
munity, or at least the conventional view o
consistently stress the power and protest in
considered to be a rigid and territorial con
embedded (Boschi and Valladares, 198
1990; Stokes, 1991). This is at its most ev
ments defined as 'a social organisation with
strives for emancipation by way of coll
Naerrsen, 1989:2). We have already noted the spatiality of t

multiple identities which are now emerging in Latin Amer
of this change may be the deterritoriahsation of certain as
action. One may also go a stage further and argue that the
become depoliticised both actually and within social the
established that the community as a territorial unit is som
The formation and consolidation of a great many low-incom
are the result of a common identity and solidarity: the notio
largely imagined. What is unusual in the Latin America
people's identification with community appears not to brea
the social and political changes taking place around.
The paper by Salman brings together the deterritorialisatio
and the complexity of the 'transient' spatial identity associat
opposition ofthe Santiago poblaciones to Pinochet the territ
was more or less consistent. Salman notes, however, that th
was constructed differently by the groups involved?in tur
responses. Divisions among the pobladores were more pr
level of unity; a territorial identity was constantly sub
contest and friction. Thus, during the early 1980s, the claim
formative notion of movement can be dispelled by the spli
Salman identifies as the movimentistas and the oficialistas.
sion is made by Craske, who notes that the PRI has successfu
emergence of women as apparently new political actors.
(b) THE REPRESENTATION OF SPACE

Contesting the representation of space
Employing a cultural dimension to the city requires an app
as a system of symbols incorporating common values, artef
which are enshnned in the urban landscape (Leitner, 1992).
scape can, therefore, be 'read' as a text which communicates
ings (Duncan and Duncan, 1988). What is increasingly appar
that the symbolic representation of culture in the urban
unitary and consistent. Rather, meaning is constantly bein
contested. One such example is urban planning in Latin Am
longer be regarded, if it ever was, as a normative set of pr
ideology, the outcome of which is the explicit or implicit at
meaning to the urban landscape. Elements of European u
planning have been selectively appropriated by Latin A
ments for use in cities (Hardoy, 1992). Which elements
and applied cannot be divorced from the ideological vision of
that moment in time. Examples highlight the audacity of so
mass relocation of 35,000 low-income families in Santiago b
regime in this sense represents a lasting ideological claim to
et al., 1988). In Brazil, attempts by the elite to instill a sense
progress through the urban landscape meant the demol
colonial houses, narrow streets and alleyways, to be rep
statues and 'nightingales imported from Europe' (Rowe and
38). Indeed, at the extreme, the real plannin

physical 'improvements' or organisation a
designated meaning for the built environ
In this sense one can perceive that the
structed. Place is created by the names
symbolic importance of the contest for the
Banck and Duomo, 1989). Lisboa (1988) re
ised through radical Catholic groups and the
symbolically created the sense of communit
hymns. Similarly, one finds in Curitiba, Br
known as Nossa Luta (Our Struggle) and
while in Puebla the political symbolism is r
Colonia Mao Tse Tung? Indeed, the associ
may become a symbol of the city itself.
public demonstrations in the centre of P
government figure to claim that 'without a
in the day, it would not be Puebla'.10
Nor does the meaning placed in an urb
remain unchallenged. Dickenson's paper hi
tion of Brazil's heritage, its selectivity o
promoted, a predominantly urban one,
establish a justifiable or imagined 'golden ag
landscape may change little, but its meanin
order to express a different social reality. E
street names to embrace a changing notion
and create a political 'advertising space' (B
names dictated by dominant ideological or c
of the city may be contested by a very dif
the street names in other areas, particularly
literal account of urban morphology wou
reflection of the powers and agendas which
Finally, the symbolic construction of the
as reflect the identity ofthe agents involve
reflect that the figure of Superbarrio in
power of a WASP-ish Superman for the bar
barrio is perhaps even more complex. His id
'creole culture' (see Banck, this issue), ble
campaign material representing icons of
culture of wrestling (lucha libre), which
Mexico City, and religion?Superbarrio^ v
The multiple identity of Superbarrio is c
identity which he has appropriated and '
Keith and Pile (1993) call the 'identity po
politics of identity'. Thus Superbarrio^ id
spatial messages to create a symbolic oppo
whom he opposes: Superbarrio proclaims
Christian ethic and a local identity.
Symbolic oppositions of 'us' and 'them' are
identity within the representation of space. The

described by Jones and Varley, for instance, defined
an 'imagined' popular incursion on the historic centre
in a spatial context through the renovation programm
movement of street traders formed to oppose the phy
the renovation programme also claimed a territorial i
and a defence of the right to occupy the centre, rath
constructing these identities, what Jones and Varley
come of the renovation programme was strongly d
ability of the street-trader leadership to fully co
grounding of the movement.
CONCLUSION: CONTESTING THE REPRESENTATION OF

KNOWLEDGE AND DEVELOPMENT
An analysis of urban space as continually contested has become a hall

of recent geographical and cultural theory (building). Both in Europe
USA, this analysis has staked a claim for the reconceptualisation
urban space and the urban subject based on an identification of diffe
(West, 1990).
Perhaps not entirely by coincidence this debate has come at a ti
crisis in development thinking (Long, 1990; Slater, 1990).11 If, a
(1990) and Trinh (1989) argue, the post-colonial identity is built u
realisation of difference, a question-mark must hang over the p
'expert knowledge' which continually stresses normality and conf
Prolonged attempts to found topics, questions, countries and the sub
single or diachronistic terms has hidden the extent to which science's
gaze) is essentially male and ethnocentric, and that reality is diverse,
tingent and provisional (Watts, 1991). Watts appears to be suggest
the foundational elements of development knowledge are bankru
becomes critical to reappraise the subject, for so long excluded fr
apparently inclusionary discourse of colonialism through what W
and Radcliffe (1993) term 'Otherisation'; a contradictory set of stereo
of the colonial subject built up around a fixed and unchanging order a
apparent disorder and degeneracy. If, hitherto, the analysis of urban
America has afforded little space to the 'voices' of resistance, the
increasing need to establish mechanisms for their empowerment (Co
1992;Friedmann, 1992b).12
The preceding discussion has attempted to place some of this debat
Latin America context and highlight its value as a 'new way of seeing
issues. There are, however, risks associated with this approach. S
Hooper (1993: 184), for example, warn against 'intellectual exer
divorced and abstracted from "real" radical politics'. The prescrib
tion, apparently, is to 'place ourselves at the margin'?something whi
Americanists do continually, but which colleagues 'building theor
reluctant to do while simultaneously underplaying the work of t
whom, building on the intellectual legacy of Franz Fanon and others
ing the space of the margin' has long been a rite of passage (Gilbert,
More critically, perhaps, in rejecting the conventional bipolarity
analysis?namely, capital-labour, middle c

difference there is the 'danger that in arti
incoherence' (Keith and Pile, 1993:32). Ac
such pitfalls is a necessary step in presen
looking at urban space in Latin America.
urban studies of Latin America to inform s
in the North.
NOTES
1. Hebdige is from 'Subjects in space', New Formations 11: vi-vii, cited in Soja and
(1993:196).
2. The other two papers presented at that session were by Jorge Fiori and Ann Varle
explored the place of self-help housing in urban policy, noting the increasing conve
between urban policy and established ideological and theoretical approaches.
discussed the connectedness between the supposed anti-poverty programme in M
known as PRONASOL and the electoral fortunes of the government party, the PRI.
3. The challenge to modernity and urban violence is brought out in other examples fro
America. The actions of Sendero Luminoso, for example, have concentrated upon att
'the agents of modernity' resulting in urban victims rather than the imagined confinem
rural areas (Bourque and Warren, 1989).
4. It is interesung to note how the Santiago poblaciones as communities of resistance w
'no-go' areas for the police (see Salman, this issue).
5. Lehmann (1991) observes that popular movements are prone to colonise the stat
they oppose to extract civil or labour rights rather than democracy and citizenship.
6. Sarah Radcliffe (1993) draws a similar conclusion from an analysis of the Madres de
de Mayo in Argentina. The women made a conscious effort to occupy public spaces
had become significant under military rule, but which previously had held no such mea
In other respects, however, Radcliffe notes that the women reinforced their gender po
7. The IMF-debt riots of the 1980s were significant not only because of the numbers i
but through the symbolic importance of people 'taking to the streets'. Occupation
street transcended space to become a metaphor for opposition to national develo
The urban informal sector might be similarly interpreted. There is an extensive literatu
'repeat' studies which confirm the linkage between the informal and formal sector, but
unaware of an account of the informal sector which relates this dynamism to the ab
this sector to appropriate public space.
8. See Foweraker (1990) for a discussion of the transformative ability of social movem
represent a true birth of civil society.
9. I am grateful to Richard Trenchard for drawing my attention to this literature. The Cu
example is also his.
10. Interview, Mtro. Mario Ramirez Breton, Delegado SRA. Puebla, 9 May 1988.
11. Both Long and Slater argue that development thinking has been caught be
agnosticism on the one hand, and an inability to include power and human agency in
calculus on the other. A failure to deal with the 'subject' other than as a constituent
continues to plague discussion.
12. One important voice to emerge has been from indigenous peoples, particu
Amazonia. In taking on the state, multinational companies and colonists of the front
indigenous groups have asserted a position which has drawn upon ethnic and hi
images, but has also brought more contemporary issues of citizenship, developmen
and nationhood to bear?even if, internationally, It has been far more difficult to m
western public opinion on behalf of murdered peasants and labour organisers than
behalf of trees' (Cleary, 1991:129).
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Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS)

The Latin American City as Contested Space: A Manifesto

The Latin American City as Contested Space:

The right to occupy space is at the heart of a great many debates in

[A] growing skepticism concerning older explanatory models based in

In what follows I use Lefebvre's terms, 'the spaces of representation', that

contextualisation of power (Soja and Hooper, 1993).

(a) THE SPACESOF REPRESENTATION

The language of this description is in st

America (Friedmann, 1992a; Arana and Giordano, 19

The contestfor representation

indigenas-peasmts (Schirmer, 1993); fem

Naerrsen, 1989:2). We have already noted the spatiality of t

(b) THE REPRESENTATION OF SPACE

38). Indeed, at the extreme, the real plannin

identity within the representation of space. The

CONCLUSION: CONTESTING THE REPRESENTATION OF

An analysis of urban space as continually contested has become a hall

analysis?namely, capital-labour, middle c

ARANA, M. and GIORDANO, F. (1992), 'Montevideo: between participation

ARIZPE, L. (1990), 'Foreword: democracy for a small two-gender planet',

GILBERT, A. (1993), In Search ofa Home: Rental and Share

geographical margins of the new cultural politics', in Place and the

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