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Workshop on Morphosyntactic Variation in Adpositions May 8-9, 2017

Queens College, Cambridge


Adpositions of Result in Medieval French
Michelle Troberg (University of Toronto Mississauga)

1. Introduction

1.1 The problem

It is generally accepted that as Latin evolved into Modern French, a gradual typological shift took place: a
gradual loss of satellite-framed behavior (productive system of Path prefixes) accompanied by an increase in
verb-framed strategies as the prefixed verbs became monomorphemic, this due to the blurring of the
morphological boundary between the prefix and the verbal root through standard phonetic change (Acedo-
Matellan 2016; Acedo-Matelln & Mateu 2013; Iacobini & Fagard 2011; Kopeka 2006, 2009; Talmy 2000).

Medieval French presents intermediate types of resultative secondary predication found neither in Latin nor in
Modern French, and it is not immediately clear what kind of grammar produces them.

1.2 Goals

i. The first is to propose a formalization of resultative secondary predication in Medieval French that
suggests a satellite-framed grammar is maintained during this period, if we understand satellite-framed
grammars to be those that do not require Result-to-v raising (Folli and Harley 2016).
ii. The second is to contextualize Medieval French within the typological shift from satellite-framed Latin
to verb-framed Modern French (Talmy 2000).

1.3 Theoretical framework

Folli and Harley (2016) frame Talmys well-known typological distinction in fairly standard terms: a
head-raising parameter, much like has been proposed for verb raising to T or C.
The crucial claim is that verb-framed languages require overt head movement from the resultative
secondary predicate into vCAUSE or v GO with the consequence that the verbal root will always encode Path or
Result, never pure manner: (1a). Here obligatory head-raising is motivated by an EPP feature associated
with vO.
This contrasts with a satellite-framed language, where the head encoding result within the secondary
predicate need not raise (but can) to change-of-state v opening up the possibility of a manner root to
lexicalize v (i.e., Manner modification or Co-event conflation). Folli and Harley propose that this occurs
via adjunction of a Manner root to v that subsequently undergoes m-merger or lowering to form one
syntactic head with little v: (1b).
The basic difference between a typical verb-framed language like French and a satellite-framed language
like Latin resides, therefore, in the source of the lexical content of the verbalizing head.

(1a) Verb-framed language: (1b) Satellite-framed language:


Result-to-v raising Manner modification

v v
3 2
v0 uRes* ResP v0 ResP
2 5 2 5
Res0 v0 uRes* tRes MANNER v0

Folli and Harley frame the raising parameter in terms of an EPP feature associated with a categorizing
head, i.e., v change-of-state or v cause; v-framed languages have it while satellite-framed languages do
not. Assuming Embicks constraint that a v0 can determine/check the category of the element they m-
merge with only once, Folli and Harley are able to capture the well-known Manner-Result
complementarity.

This account involves head movement driven by three different kinds of properties:
the EPP feature of a selecting head
an unchecked category feature
a morphosyntactic property, specifically affixation, associated with a lexical head
This account also draws on the effect of the inventory of heads that can lexicalize Path, particularly the
presence or absence of a null head within a satellite-framed system.
I also assumes a resultative secondary predicate that encodes elements of an extended PP (Koopman
2000; den Dikken 2010; Svenonius 2010)

1.4 The analysis in brief

Latin is satellite-framed: it builds resultative secondary predicates with a very productive system of prefixes,
shown in (2a); see Acedo-Matelln (2016). Crucially, Latin has a null Path head with two important properties:
a verbal prefixation property and an EPP feature that essentially requires the incorporation of a locative
preposition.

Medieval French: (2b) shows how, by Medieval French, the Latin Path prefix system had weakened, where
many prefixes underwent a categorial reanalysis. Latin complex Path heads are reanalysed by Medieval French
as simple Path heads with a predominantly telicising effect; see Troberg and Burnett (2017). One dramatic
consequence of this is the liberation of the complement of Path. For example, unlike Latin, Medieval French
now has the possibility of expressing the result of a transition independently as an AdjP or PP in the
complement of Path.

Modern French: (2c) shows the defining characteristic of the Modern French system. The productive system of
resultative prefixes has been lost. This produces a new, verb-framed grammar in which the lexical content of
change-of-state v encodes the entire Result (both Path and Place).

(2a) Latin (2b) Medieval French


v
3 v
v0 PathP 3
2 3 v0 PathP
MAN v 0
Path0 uPlace* PlaceP 2 2
0
2 3 MANNER v Path0 PlaceP/AdjP
Place0 Path0 uPlace* DP Place -
- 5
tPlace


(2c) Modern French

v
3
v0 uRes* ResP = Path+Place
3 5
Res0 v0 uRes* tRes


1.5 Road map

Section 2: Result-to-v raising applied to Latin


Section 3: Result-to-v raising applied to Modern French
Section 4: Result-to-v raising applied to Medieval French
Section 5: Summary and Conclusions

2. Latin

As a satellite-framed language, Early and Classical Latin allowed a cluster of satellite-framed constructions that
depend on a productive system of spatial prefixes that encode both Location and Path.

(3) a. Caprarum-que uberibus ad-volant


goat.GEN.PLUR-and udders-DAT.PLUR at-fly
And they fly onto the udders of the goats.
(Plin. Nat. 10, 115; in A-M 2010: 100)

b. Qui ubi ad-equitavit portis.


who.NOM.SG as.soon.as at-ride.PFV.3SG doors.DAT
This one, as soon as he had ridden to the gates.
(Liv. 22, 42, 5; in Acedo-Matelln 2010: 189)

(4) a. E-dormi crapulam, inquam.


out-sleep.IMP.2SG intoxication. ACC say.1SG
Sleep off that intoxication, I said.
(Cic. Phil. 2, 30; A-M 2010: 127)

b. Inspectum vulnus abs-terso cruore.


examine.PTCP wound.NOM.SG away-wipe.PTCP blood.ABL.SG
That the wound had been examined after wiping the blood off.
(Liv. 1, 41, 5; in Acedo-Matelln 2010: 97)

Manner modification is clearly permitted; therefore no EPP feature associated with v.


Latin has a null Path morpheme with two important properties:
It has an EPP feature that essentially requires a locative preposition to raise from its complement position.
This follows Victors arguments that the Path prefixes are in fact fundamentally locative and that the
elements span Place and Path.1

1 Acedo-Matelln (2016) argues that the prefixes are not inherently directional or aspectual, but that instead they have
(i) a. Argentum de-erat.
silver.NOM away-was.IPFV
Money was lacking.
(Ter. Phorm. 298; in Acedo-Matelln 2010: 98)
b. Senex ab-est.
old.man.NOM away-is
The old man is missing.
(Plaut. Cas. 882; in Acedo-Matelln 2010: 98)
(ii) a. quorum saepe et diu ad pedes iacuit stratus
whose often and long.time at foot.ACC.PL lay spread.out
At whose feet he often lay at that for a long time.
(Cic. Quinct. 96; in Luraghi 2010: 25)
b. quia ab tergo errant clivi
because from back.ABL were hills
because behind them were hills


Null Path is also a bound morpheme, specified as a verbal prefix. This morphosyntactic property drives
movement to little v.

(5) E-dormi crapulam (see 4a)

v
3
v0 PathP
2 3
0
dorm v Path0uPlace* PlaceP
2 5
0 0
Place Path uPlace* crapulam tPlace
e -

These prefixes appear to be the only way of expressing resultative secondary predication in Latin.
For example, Acedo-Matelln (2016) shows quite convincingly that Latin did not allow complex adjectival
resultative constructions of the type John hammered the metal flat, a hallmark of many other satellite-framed
languages.

(6) *Ovida poculum vacuum bibit.


Ovida.NOM goblet.ACC.SG empty.ACC.SG drink.3.SG
Acedo-Matelln (2016: 169)

One way to explain this fact within the framework that I adopt here is to say that Latin did not have a free null
Path morpheme (i.e., one that is not prefixal), since it could be argued to be such a morpheme that permits the
English adjectival resultatives:

(7) John hammered the metal flat

v
3
v0 PathP
2 3
0
hammer v Path0 LocP
TO 3
DP LocP
the metal 3
Loc AdjP
AT 4
flat


(Liv. 2,65,2; in Luraghi 2010: 26)


3. Modern French

Modern French on the other hand is considered to be a prototypical verb-framed language.


For example, it has none of the constructions that were so productively available in Latin.2

(8) a. * Il avait achevauch les portes.


* Il avait chevauch aux portes.
For: He had ridden to the gates.

b. *Elle a dormi son invresse.


*Elle a dormi hors son ivresse.
For She slept off/away her drunkenness

As is typical of verb-framed languages, the Path component of these events would be expressed via verbs
whose meaning denotes a change of state or location, while the manner component is expressed either
implicitly or explicitly. In (9a), the telic directional verb arriver encodes transition while manner is expressed
either implicitly or by mention of the horse. In (9b), to sleep off ones drunkenness is expressed using a
change of state verb like dissipate or ferment along with an adjunct expressing manner.

(9) a. Il tait arriv aux portes ( cheval).


He AUX arrived at.the gates (on horseback)
He rode to the gates.

b. Elle a dissip son ivresse en dormant


Elle a cuv sa cuite (par le sommeil).
She AUX dissipated/fermented her drunkenness by sleeping
She slept off her drunkenness.

As we would expect, complex adjectival resultatives are not possible in Modern French (10a). Instead, a
deadjectival verb with an adjunct PP expressing instrument can be used to express the same event (10b).

(10) a. *Jean a martell/battu le metal plat.


John AUX hammered/pounded the metal flat

b. Jean a aplati le metal (avec un marteau).


John AUX flattened the metal with a hammer
John hammered the metal flat.

Save for the small set of French Path verbs (entrer enter, arriver arrive, aller go, descendre go down,
etc.) that permit an overt PP complement, it seems that no element of the secondary predicate can be left


2
See Anne Zribi-Hertz (1984) on orphan prepositions such as avec (i) and derrire (ii). These are regular prepositions that
license pro as a complement and are thus different from verb particles or adverbs.
(i) Cette valise, je voyage toujours avec.
this suitcase, I travel always with
I always travel with this suitcase
(ii) Chaque fois qu il trouve un arbre, Pierre se cache derrire.
every time that he finds a tree Pierre REFL hides behind
Every time he finds a tree, Pierre hides behind it.


stranded in Modern French. Even weak adjectival resultatives (Washio 1997; Takamine 2008) are out, shown
in (11). 3

(11) a. *Marie a essuy la table propre.


Mary AUX wiped the table clean

b. *Le froid a gel la rivire solide.


The cold AUX frozen the river solid

Modern French is thus verb-framed in the sense that it requires at least Path to raise and lexicalize change-of-
state v. Again, following Folli and Harley, this translates as an EPP associated with change-of-state v, see the
examples in (12).

(12a) Jean a aplati le metal (avec un marteau). (12b) Il tait arriv aux portes ( cheval).

v v
3 3
v0 uRes* ResP v0 uPath* PathP
3 3 3 3
0 0 0 0
Res v uRes* DP tRes Path v uPath* tPath PlaceP
aplat i le mtal arriv 5
(il) aux portes

4. Resultative secondary predication in Medieval French (11th - 15th c.)

Medieval French presents a number of constructions that involve types of resultative secondary
predication that are unattested in Latin and that are not possible in Modern French. I will discuss here the
resultative prefixes, directional verb particles, and adjectival resultatives.
To capture these data, I will propose that Medieval French was satellite-framed in the sense that there was
no obligatory Result-to-v raising.

4.1 Resultative prefixes

Medieval French inherited a robust and productive system of verbal prefixes from Latin, but by this time,
they no longer hold much spatial meaning. The literature converges on a description of them as creating
some kind of a bounded event; some describe them as perfectivizing, others as telicising.
I propose that these prefixes are Path heads so, they are vP internal and that as a consequence, they are
resultative. The perfective or telic flavour that they have falls out of resultativity.

Troberg and Burnett (2017) analyse these prefixes in a diachronic context as simple Path heads, differing,
therefore, from the Latin prefixes, which were complex heads that encoded both Place and Path.
The prefixes demonstrate a classic case of grammaticalisation; the Latin complex head is reanalysed as a
simple head; the spatial meaning is lost, and with it, internal merge.


3
However: Jean a peint le mur rouge John painted the wall red. Such adjectival resultatives with verbs meaning to
change the colour of an object are also permitted in other languages that do not allow weak adjectival resultatives; see
Napoli (1992) for Italian and Acedo-Matelln (2016: 174) for Bulgarian.


(13a) Latin (13b) Medieval French
v
3 v
v0 PathP 3
2 3 v0 PathP
MAN v0 Path0 uPlace* PlaceP 2 2
0
2 3 MANNER v Path0 PlaceP
Place0 Path0 uPlace* DP Place -
- 5
tPlace

Medieval French (13b):


- no EPP feature associated with change-of-state v, so a manner root can freely adjoin and lexicalize the
verbal head.
- room within the secondary predicate to independently express the resultant state or location

4.1.1 The prefix a-

See especially Martin (2001) and Dufresne et al. (2001). Martins (2001) study of this prefix in Middle French
reveals hundreds of very transparent meaning alternations. With what are normally activity verbs, the prefix a-
can contribute a variety of meanings: achievements: see (14), (15), and (16)

(14) a- in alternation with an activity verb


(a)penser to think / to realize
(a)viser to look at / to recognize, identify
(a)fluer flow / flow in abundance somewhere
(a)genouiller kneel / kneel down

(15) a. car il pensoit bien que aucuns de lostel le roi le sivroit.


for he thought well that someone from the-house the king him followed
for he indeed suspected that someone from the kings residence was following him.
(Artu, 13th c., 11; Dufresne et al. 2001)

b. Mais quant il ouy la freinte, il a-ppensa tantost que Glaudes retournoit,


but when he heard the noise, he a-thought immediately that Glaudes return.IMP
But when he heard the noise, he immediately realized that Glaudes was coming back,
(Arras, 1392-1393, 20; DMF)

(16) a. de loing vous a-genoilliez


from far you a-kneel
from a distance, you kneel down
(Mnagier Paris B.F., c.1392-1394, 155)

v
3
v0 PathP
2 3
genouill v0 Path0 PlaceP
a- 5
vous


With translative manner of motion verbs, which are normally used to express simple activities, the contribution
of a- seems to be quite clearly that of a Goal Path.

(17) a- in alternation with a (manner of) motion verb.

(a)brouer flee / flee somewhere


(a)ccourir run / run up
(a)monter climb / climb up
(a)trotter trot/ trot up
(a)voler to fly/ to fly somewhere

(18) a. l innumerable nombre de langoustes qui ad-volerent en France


the innumerable number of locusts who a-flew in France
the uncountable number of locusts that flew into France
(Simon de Phares, Astrol, fo 107 vo; DMF)

b. Ly chevaliers lombars sont au duc a-ccourru


the knights Lombard AUX at.the duke a-run
The Lombard knights hastened to the duke
(Les enfances Garin de Monglane, 17; TFA)

(19a) qui advolerent en France (19b) Ly chevalliers lombars sont au duc accourru

v v
3 3
v0 PathP v0 PathP
2 3 2 3
0
vol v Path0 PlaceP cour v 0
Path0 PlaceP
a- 5 i a- 5
tOp en France li chevaliers au duc

However, with what are normally change-of-state verbs, the prefix a- really contributes a completive meaning.
These verbs are derived entirely by head movement, shown in (21) so, no Manner modification.

(20) a- in alternation with a change-of-state verb

(a)couvrir cover / cover up


(ad)emplir fill / fill up
(a)gaster ruin / completely ruin

(21) Et capiaus sus leurs testes mis, Qui leur a-couvroit le visage.
and hats on their heads put which them a-covered the face
And put hats on their heads, which concealed their faces.
(Froissart, Past. M., c.1362-1394, 163; DMF)

(see tree below)


v
3
v0 PathP
2 3
Path0 v0 tPath Place
3 3
Place0 Path0 DP Place
couvr a- le visage 4
tPlace
This prefix is also involved in the creation of hundreds of denominal and deadjectival verbs in Medieval French,
all with resultative meanings. These do not involve Manner modification.

(22) a-aiser to put at ease; a-fonser to put at the end; abosquier to plant trees;
a-claver/a-clouer to nail in; a-corer to pierce s.o. through the heart, etc.

(23) a-bellir to beautify; a-brunir to darken; a-ffaiblir to weaken; a-rudir to make crude, etc.

Although the literature describes a- as perfectivising or telicising, I do not see it as occupying an aspectual
position outside the vP. One reason for this is that the prefix can introduce an additional argument:

(25) gsir to lie (down) / a-gsir to lay s.o/s.th down
grogner to complain / a-grogner to agress s.o. verbally
rire to laugh / a-rire to greet someone smiling

Similarities with English completive up


I draw on the conclusions in McIntyre (2001, 2002) and McIntyre (2003) and Cappelle (2005) about
English completive up and apply them to the prefix a- (and others).
The real contribution of English completive up is resultative, where its meaning contribution is to express
that the object is fully affected by the event described, and that this really only indirectly implies telicity.
Svenonius (2012) builds on this analysis to suggest that completive up is vP-internal

(26) Productive resultative verbal prefixes (sample); see Buridant (2000); Kopecka (2009); Martin (2006);
Rainer and Buridant (2015); Tremblay et al. (2003), among others.

a. de- (de-)boter to push (aside) baver/de-baver to drool/to cover with drool


b. e- (e-)duire to take (out) bouillir/ e-bouillir to boil/ to bring to a boil
c. en- (en-)lever to lift (out/off) amer/en-amer to love/to fall in love
c. fors- (fors-)geter to throw (out) joster/for-joster to joust/to out joust
d. oltre (oltre-)noer to swim (across)
e. por- (por-)aler to go (all around)
e. par- (par-)geter to throw (beyond/far away)
f. tres- (tres-)voler to fly (across) batre/tres-batre to beat/ to beat excessively

The productivity of these resultative prefixes with a manner verb as base provides strong support for a satellite-
framed analysis of Medieval French, that is, one that allows Manner modification.

This kind of verbal prefixation was productive in Old French and some prefixes appear to be productive
through the 15th century, as shown in Dufresne et al. (2001), Martin (2001, 2006), Galli (2006), among others.
Of course, the productivity of some prefixes weakened early, but, again, that of others appears to have lasted to
the 16th century.


4.2 Directional verb particles

Directional verb particles were also productively used in Medieval French. The advent of such particles in Late
Latin has been attributed to the loss of productivity of verbal prefixes with spatial value, and certainly in
Iacobini (2015), Iacobini and Fagard (2011) and Iacobini and Masini (2006), the particles are described as a
natural compensatory reflex of the weakening of the verbal prefixes.

ariere back; avant forward; sus up; jus down; ens in; hors/fors out; amont up; aval down;
contremont upward; contreval downward

(27) a. Voldrent le faire sus lever / Mais il ne pot sor piez ester.
wanted.3.PL him make up raise but he NEG can on feet be
They wanted to make him stand up, but he could not stay on his feet.
(VieSGrg1, ms. A1, 2537-38; Buridant 2000: 440)

b. si tost come il fu amont venuz en la roche


so soon as he was up came on the rock
As soon as he came up on the rock
(Qgraal p.94; Burnett & Tremblay 2012a)

c. et qu' il alast hors et parlast luy


and that he go.IMP.SUBJ out and speak.IMP.SUBJ at him
and that he go out and speak to him
(Reg. crim. Cht., I, 382; DMF).

Following Svenonius (2010), I suggest these particles merge within a functional projection that dominates
PathP such as DirP.4 In some cases, such as (27c), the particle restricts the possible Path denotations to those
that are oriented outward. In other cases, the particle emphasizes the restriction on the possible paths that is
already present in the denotation of the verb - such as that in (27a). The derivations that I propose in (28) do
not involve manner modification since the verbs themselves encode transition.

(28a) quil alast hors (28b) il fu amont venuz en la roche


v
v 3
3 v0 DirP
v0 DirP 2 2
2 2 0 0
Dir v PP Dir
0 0
Dir v PP Dir 2 i amont 2
2 hors 2 Path0 Dir0 tDir PathP
Path0 Dir0 tDir PathP ven 2
al 2 tPath PlaceP
tPath PlaceP 5
5 il en la roche
il


4
Medieval French particles are phrasal. For example, they can be shifted (27a) and topicalized (i):
(i) Sus le voldrent faire lever
Up him want make rise
They want to make him get up.
(VieSGrg1, ms. A2, 2411; Buridant 2000)

10


These particles occur, for the most part, with verbs that imply some kind of translative motion; see Buridant
(2000); Burnett and Tremblay (2009, 2012a, 2012b).5

(29) *Il danse hors - to mean He dances out.

This restriction could be used to argue that particle constructions in Medieval French are just verb-framed. It
is true that constructions with directional particles involve head movement and not Manner modification,
but this is not because Medieval French doesnt allow Manner modification.
If no Manner modification, then
- how to account for the verbal prefixes?
- no explanation for the wholesale and rather abrupt disappearance of directional particles during the 15th
century; see Buridant (2000), Marchello Nizia (2002), Burnett and Tremblay (2009, 2012a, 2012b),
Troberg and Burnett (2017).

Medieval French does not have a free null Path morpheme as English does. Without a free null path
morpheme, sentences like (28) cant be generated. As a consequence, the only type of verb that is felicitous
with directional particles is one that can have Path semantics, hence the restriction on these verbs to only those
that can have a translative motion interpretation.

4.3 Adjectival resultatives

A kind of adjectival resultative construction exists in Medieval French (see Troberg and Burnett 2014).

(30) a. Que tricherie abat jus plate


that deception beats down flat
[Virtue] that knocks Deception down flat
(Pizan, Fortune, t.2, 29; DMF)

b. Yci tout nu le despoulliez


here all naked him strip
Strip him naked here
(Mir. St Panth., 350; DMF)

limited to transitive verbs with some kind of scalar meaning


the adjective introduces an endpoint to the scale
the upper limit of the scale is often emphasized with a modifier like tout all/completely.

Troberg and Burnett (2014) argue that adjectival resultatives in Medieval French are weak, along the lines of
Washio (1997); see (31).

Broad range of verbs, abattre beat down, acravanter crush, knock down, bouter push, cheoir fall, dlivrer
liberate, dpouiller strip, envoyer send, fendre split, jeter throw, ruer strike down, se taire to silence
oneself, tuer kill, etc.

Broad range of adjectives adens face down, carr square, coi quiet, enfardel wrapped up, envers
upside down, escervell brains out, tendu stretched out, tourdi senseless, mort dead, nu naked,
pm unconscious plat flat, rous broken, sanglant bloody, souvin face up


5
Buridant (2000) claims that the particle fors can be used with the activity verbs manger, boire, and payer to contribute a
completive meaning, much like the contribution of up in English: eat up; drink up and pay up. Furthermore, Burnett
and Tremblay (2012) discuss the inchoative use of avant, as in avant parler to begin speaking

11


(31) Yci tout nu le despoulliez

v
3
v0 PathP
2 3
Path0 v0 tPath PlaceP
despoill i 5
(le) tout nu

Why are strong resultatives not permitted in Medieval French?


Not a general restriction on manner modification, but rather is a consequence of the absence of a free null
Path morpheme. Recall example (7).

The loss of adjectival resultatives goes, it appears to correlate with the loss of particles. They are productive
through to the 15th century. The last adjectival resultative construction identified in our corpora was written by
Franois Villon, born in the first half of the fifteenth century.

5. Conclusion

Latin is a satellite-framed system based on Path-Place prefixes.

Medieval French is a satellite-framed system, but based on weaker resultative (Path) prefixes.
The grammaticalisation of the Latin prefixes frees up the complement of PathP for Adjective phrases to
encode the result state of a transition brought about by another event and for PPs also to encode the goal
or source of transition in directed motion constructions with or without directional particles.
The absence of a free null Path morpheme restricts the range of verbs that are found in resultative
secondary predicates; they are thus weaker than the English (and Latin) kind.

Modern French is verb-framed.


What changed in the primary linguistic data to cue the acquisition of a verb-framed grammar?
The dearth of evidence of Manner modification leads the child learner to assume that the lexical
content for change-of-state v is always a result of head-movement from the secondary predicate.
This is precisely what would motivate the EPP feature on change-of-state v. This would also mean
that a verb-framed grammar is the unmarked one, which is consistent with other work on the
satellite- vs verb-framed distinction; Snyder (1995), Mateu (2011).
From a diachronic point of view, the EPP feature is the grammatical expression of the lexicalization
of the prefixes, and although the process leading up to it is gradual, the EPP is discrete and it has two
dramatic consequences for the grammar.

The loss of weak verb particle and adjectival resultative constructions by Preclassical French
change-of-state v now has an EPP feature: this affects the particles
strict selectional requirement for PathP with the consequence that there no place for directional
particles, since they merge higher than PathP.
the advent of the EPP feature would offer an explanation for the timing and the abruptness of the
loss of a category (Dir) and the lexical items associated with it.
Path roots now span both Place and Path: this affects the adjectival resultatives
the only (strictly) Path morphemes that remain are the Path verbs (venir, descendre, entrer, etc.)

12


Satellite-framed Verb-framed
Strong (English) Weak (Latin) Super weak (Med Fr.) ? Modern French
vO EPP
PathO prefixal
PathO EPP

5. Selected References

ACEDO MATELLN, V. 2016. The Morphosyntax of Transitions. OUP.


ACEDO MATELLN, V. AND J. MATEU. 2013. Satellite-framed Latin vs. verb-framed Romance: A syntactic
approach, Probus 25: 227-265.
BURIDANT, C. 2000. Grammaire nouvelle de lancien franais. Paris: Sedes.
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