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Lest we forget: The anti-Tamil pogroms

The riots of 1958

Saturday, 22 July 2017

It is of no doubt, that Sri Lanka has tainted its history with the blood of the
innocent. After gaining independence from the British we turned our attention
towards, quite literally, killing each other. Some call it nationalism, some ethnic
cleansing and some pure mundane madness. Whatever it may be, it is essential
that we as a people understand the true events that led to an unwarranted war
that claimed the lives of the very same we sought to enrich.

The Gal Oya riots

The year is 1951. True to its conservative ideals the UNP and its constituents
continued in free market policies and economic empowerment of the local middle
class after gaining independence. Acquainted to this fiscal philosophy, but
alienated from the communal social conservatism, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike strayed
on to begin the left to centrist SLFP, holding nationalist ideals, empowering rural
anti-establishment views, supported by the Buddhist clergy. Brewing this theory
over the next five years, while amassing a four-party leftist coalition, Solomon
was able to capture power through a landslide victory in 1956. Fulfilling its
electoral promises, the legislature started debates on the Sinhala Only Act in
June of 1956, which dethroned English as the official language, while denying the
same privileges to extend for the Tamil language.

Debated and accepted on 5 June 1956, with overwhelming support in the


Parliament, the Sinhala Only Act was incorporated into law. Opposing this motion,
Chelvanyakam and his colleagues of over 200 from ITAK engaged in a satyagraha
in front of the capital. This event was quickly disturbed by a Sinhalese mob that
eventually went on a looting spree of Tamil merchants in Colombo. While none
could speak of the true intentions of this piece of legislature, it is rather
undeniable that the Sinhalese majority took this opportunity to exert its
dominance in the national political fraternity. It is this tension that embodied
violence after six days in Gal Oya.

Gal Oya was a State-commissioned colonisation area. Primarily belonging to the


Tamils, the area was subsequently apportioned to Sinhalese, while the Tamils and
the Moors were resettled in the lower basins. Upon hearing the developments in
the capital, local Sinhalese organised themselves together as lynch mobs and
hunted down Tamils in the area, while false rumours of a Sinhalese girl being
raped and forced to walk naked in Batticaloa with that of the gathering armed
Tamils in the lower basin, further aggravated their rampage. Unable to subside
the mob alone, the local law enforcement awaited the arrival of the military
before controlling the mob by dusk. More than 150 souls lost their lives that day,
while many more sustained injuries.

The riots of 1958

Upon the unsatisfactory outcome of the Gal Oya riots, Solomon Bandaranaike
defaulted to accept Tamil as an administrative language in the North and East,
which was commonly known as the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact in 1957.
Yet, due to the ongoing pressure exerted by the clergy (who helped in electing the
SLFP) and the doctrinal shift towards populist nationalist views by the UNP under
J.R. Jayawardene (demonstrated by the march on Kandy in 57), the Government
withdrew from this pact.

The riots started in Polonnaruwa on 22 May 1958, with the destruction of the
railway station and the stack on the train from Batticaloa to Vavuniya, which
rumoured to carry Tamils to a convention. To the surprise of the mob, the train
did not carry as many Tamils as they hoped and so, they turned their attention to
the sugar cane farms in the area. Tamil workers who hid themselves in the farm
were flushed out when the farms were lit alight, where most did meet their
unfortunate end. Witness accounts predominantly state of mass desecrations and
mutilations of the dead. Yet to the surprise of everyone, the Government failed to
take this riot, which originated in the same region as in 1956, seriously, which
could have prevented further bloodshed.

With the death of the mayor of Nuwara-Eliya on 25 May, Solomon informed the
nation of ongoing chaos the following day. This incident stirred up riots all over
the country under the presumption that the Tamils themselves started them.
Many minority individuals were murdered through various means, such as,
immolation, decapitation, arson, and multiple means of trauma, with some daring
to take their own life fearing torture at the hands of the mob. Even some
Sinhalese who were misidentified using the common stereotypes and those who
sheltered and aided Tamils escape were violated. In retaliation, Tamils from the
north and east engaged in similar activities of loot, arson and pillage, but little to
no cases of death were reported in these areas.

On 27 May, the Government declared a state of emergency, introducing the


military in play. Order was restored within two days, while the government
banned the activities of the Marxist JVP and ITAK, leading to multiple arrests from
both sides. Tamil refugees who fled to Colombo were resettled in the north, while
a miniature version of the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact was signed on 3
September. Official numbers for the clash account for deaths between 300 and
1,500. This riot was the first all-island pogrom of its kind, which is said to have
shaped the political ideology of the LTTE and its leader.
1959-1976

With the banishment of ITAK, and the constant disparagement of the Tamil
people, social leaders of the north and east were polarised towards a separate
state. Propagating these extreme views the ACTC under Chelvanayakam pushed
for a political settlement through the parliament, while militant groups like the
LTTE and TELO resorted to communal separatism often displaying violence
through attacks on the local military units.

With the death of Solomon and the takeover of the SLFP by his widow, Sirimavo,
and the interim rule of the UNP, calmed social violence in the period, while
emphasis was asserted towards economic development and parting from Great
Britain.

Still it was the latter that stirred up separatist views back again. When Ceylon
became a republic under Sirimavo, the Tamil ministers, then a part of ACTC, failed
to confine themselves to the idea of a unified nation, where Sinhalese was the
official language and Buddhism was the state religion. Thus, with the coalition of
all minor Tamil parties, the TULF was born in 1974 aiming for a separate Tamil
state, commonly referred to as the Vaddukoddai resolution of 1976. Little did
they know that the elections that followed paved the way for a UNP Government
hellbent on extreme nationalist principles.

It was also during this time that 1974 conference incident took place. The World
Tamil Research Conference, took place in Jaffna, despite the constant invitation
by the government for it to be held in Colombo. In retaliation, the Government
sent a troop of 40 policemen to disturb the conference leading to the death of
nine and injuring more than 50. The SLFP Government not only denied any
investigation into the matter (which would only perjur itself), but ironically
promoted the officers involved in the attack.

The riots of 1977

Unlike before, the riots of 1977 started out as a State-sponsored revenge play.
The UNP won the elections in July 1977, and sought to destroy its opposition by
propagating anti-left hysteria. Supporters of the SLFP, LSSP and the CPSL were
attacked and looted whereas nearly 9,000 families were left homeless on 12
August.

Adding to PM J.R. Jayawardenes previous claim that the TULF and the LTTE were
somehow connected, this rampage spread to major Tamil areas with a pitiful
excuse. The start of the ethnic riots was attributed to the rampage by four
inebriated policemen who eventually shot and killed three Tamils while forcibly
plunging into a carnival. These riots quickly spread to the south, displacing nearly
75,000 Tamils who were eventually resettled in the north and east. When
questioned by the Amirthalingam, JR retaliated stating, if you want a fight, let
there be a fight, referring to the extreme separatist views of the TULF and its
constant threat of arms.
Conspiracies relating to this incident often cite the attack to be pre-planned,
which served the UNP of both decapitating its opposition (i.e. certain leftist
parties were banned) and nullifying the threat of a rouge state. Finally, on 20
August, the State deployed the military to enforce curfews and quell the riots.
Casualties of more than 300 have been reported.

It is after this that the LTTE and TELO became active militant organisations, as
their constitutional counterpart, the TULF, failed to resolve this cause through
constitutional means. Moreover, Uma Maheswaran, formerly of the TULF,
switched sides to the LTTE, where he was made the chairman of the organisation,
after this incident.
Burning of the Jaffna Library in 1981

A piece of art, the Jaffna Library was brought to life in 1933. It housed over 97,000
manuscripts in the 80s and was one of the largest libraries of Asia. The institution
became a hub of literary scholarship attracting researchers from India and around
the world to envisage its collections. So, what really happened?

On 31 May 1981, the TULF held a rally in front of the library which led two dead
and one injured. Unfortunately, these men were Sinhalese policemen, and
subsequently led to malicious retaliation by the same on 1 June. The attack was
carried out by the police, para-military units and angry mobsters, all under the
auspices of two cabinet ministers of the then UNP Government. The library was
torched, together with the TULF headquarters and the random bloodshed of four
civilians. Over the years, both sides of the isle have blamed each other for the
attack, while Ranasinghe Premadasa accepted in his own right, back in 1991, that
it was two UNP members who lead the attack.

Whoever the perpetrators may be, the burning of the library was considered to
be a biblical blow to the soul of the Tamil people, similar to the burning of Jewish
literature in Nazi Germany.
Black July
Four Four Bravo, an Army unit conducting
patrols in Thirunalweli. On 23 July 1983, the unit was ambushed by a 25-man LTTE
squad, in retaliation for the rape and murder of Tamil schoolgirls by Government
forces. The attack left 13 of the 15-man Army unit dead, while the LTTE suffered
one casualty.

The following day President J.R. Jayawardene called for the burial of the fallen in a
public ceremony in Borella, which was against the usual norm of home-town
burial. Accounts recollect that even PM Premadasa advised against this as it
would only fuel violence. The funeral attracted over 8,000 people. This kindled
violence, with the first blow on Tamil merchants and houses starting in the nearby
suburbs.

As shown in the timeline, violence ravaged the country for six days. The rioters
targeted Tamils using voter registrations (lessons learnt from misidentification in
1958). The Police were unable (or unwilling) to implement control until the
deployment of the military, who acted in the same manner. It was similar to
medieval Egypt, while Israel lived in peace, Egypt was plagued by God. Only here, I
dont believe God intervened. On the 28th, JR addressed the nation, calling for
the cease of violence, blaming the TULF and LTTE for igniting the issue by
spreading a separatist propaganda. Casualties accounted between 300 and 4,000,
while more than 25,000 suffered injuries. The sites of mutilated corpses were
ambiently similar to primitive cannibalism.

As stated before, many believe that the riots of 1983 could have been avoided if it
werent for the complicity of JR and the Government. In a statement, two weeks
before the incident, JR is quoted saying I am not worried about the opinion of
the Jaffna people now if I starve the Tamils, Sinhala people will be happy
Many international periodicals openly suggested that this riot was never a
spontaneous outburst of communal hatred, but a well-orchestrated series of
events. These claims only created further doubt in the minds of the Tamil people
of these pogroms to be State-sponsored, alienating them from their homeland,
which was clearly demonstrated by the abstention in voter registration by Tamil
people in the following years.

Throughout the riots, some Sinhalese people did provide shelter to their
neighbours together with the Moors, while temples, schools and even military
bases were open for non-combatants. Their compassion was usually recognised
by the infliction of the same hardship by the mob. Eyewitness accounts even state
that certain MPs went as far as organising provisions for those they protected
under aircraft hangers and other Government buildings under the threat of their
own life. Hence, it is essential that we do not label a total ethnicity as narcissists.
The massacres that followed
Communal violence never ended after this debacle, with the military and the
police being involved in State-sponsored colonisation efforts which resulted in
massacres. The timeline clearly depicts casualties caused by each side between
1984 and 2000. The numbers below only include reported massacres, while
neglecting minor perpetrations, unreported incidents and deaths which cannot be
clearly arbitrated to be related to these events.

Needless to say, these violent uprisings were brought on by both sides of the isle
and continued till the end of the war in 2009 with brief intermission between
2001 and 2005. An attack was almost definitely followed by a retaliation. The era
that followed made many martyrs, for a cause that the victims themselves did not
identify with.
Lessons learnt

Absolutely nothing. Over the course of this year, we have witnessed many a play
on Muslim settlements in our country. Groups that associate themselves with the
BBS, such as Sinhala Ravaya, Ravana Balaya, Sinhale, Mahasan Balaya and Sinhala
Jathika Balaya, have increasingly stirred up anti-Muslim sentiment in the west and
the south, resulting in communal violence, with a huge spike in May. These fascist
ideologies should be nipped from the bud, while the Government must exert its
influence in denying this dogma to be spread through religious outlets.

Unlike ITAK, TULF and JVP, the State would generally refrain from intervening
with the BBS, due to its religious affiliation. Yet, it is imperative to reject such
rhetoric, for these cults are merely wolves in sheep clothing. Radicalisation is a
two-way process, it is best if we deny them that.

To my Sinhalese brothers I say, please dont start another one. Enemies arent
born, we create them. To my Muslim friends I say, return violence with kindness,
for we have seen enough of the former. And finally, to my fellow millennials I say,
involve yourselves within the political system and stand for the rule of law. For, if
this continues, we will inherit a world of misery that we could have help put an
end to.

(The writers blog is www.jemuelcj.wordpress.com.)


Posted by Thavam

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