Beards, Breasts, and Bodies: Doing Sex in a Gendered World

Author(s): Raine Dozier

Source: Gender and Society, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Jun., 2005), pp. 297-316
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 Articles

BEARDS, BREASTS, AND BODIES

Doing Sex in a Gendered World

RAINEDOZIER
Universityof Washington,Seattle

Genderis commonlythoughtof as dependenton sex even thoughthereare occasional aberrations.Inter-

views withfemale-to-maletranspeople, however,suggest thatsex and sex characteristicscan be under-
stood as expressionsof gender Theexpressionof gender relies on bothbehaviorand the appearanceof
theperformeras male orfemale. Whensex characteristicsdo not align with gender,behaviorbecomes
moreimportantto genderexpressionand interpretation.Whensex characteristicsbecomemorecongru-
ent with gender,behaviorbecomesmorefluid and less importantin assertinggender Respondentsalso
challengetraditionalnotionsof sexual orientationbyfocusing less on the sex of thepartnerand moreon
the genderorganizationof the relationship.Therelationship'sability to validate the interviewee'smas-
culinityor maleness oftentakesprecedenceover the sex of thepartner helpingto explainchangingsex-
ual orientationas female-to-male transsexualand transgenderedpeople transitioninto men.

Keywords: transsexuals; transgenderism; gender theory; gender identity

Gender is ubiquitousand, along with race and class, ordersmost aspects of daily
life. "Talkingaboutgender for most people is the equivalentof fish talking about
water"(Lorber1994, 13). Because transsexuals,transgenderedpeople, and others
at the bordersof genderand sex arefish out of water,they help illuminatestrengths
and weaknesses in common conceptions of gender.This projectclarifies the rela-
tionship between sex, gender, and sexual orientation through interviews with
female-to-male transsexualsand transgenderedpeople.' The interviewees chal-
lenge the underlyingassumptionin much of genderliteraturethatsex, gender,and
sexual orientationalign in highly correlated,relatively fixed, binary categories.

AUTHOR'S NOTE:I wish to thankthe intervieweesand the other transmen,female-to-male transsex-

ual and transgenderedpeople, trannyboys,boydykes,butches,gender benders, and queers who have
freely sharedtheirthoughtsand theirlives withme throughtheyears. I also wish to thankJudyHoward,
an invaluablementor;mypartner,KariLerum;and the reviewersand editor Thisarticle wouldnot have
been possible withoutthem.

REPRINTREQUESTS:Raine Dozier Departmentof Sociology, Box 353340, Universityof Washing-

ton, Seattle, WA98195-3340.

GENDER& SOCIETY, Vol.19No. 3, June2005 297-316

DOI:10.1177/0891243204272153
2005SociologistsforWomenin Society
297
298 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

Instead,these categoriesare a process of differentiationand constructedmeaning

that are bound in social context.

SEX, GENDER, AND SEXUALITY

In the United States, the term "gender"is increasinglyused as a proxy for the
term "sex" (Auerbach1999). My own small rebellion againstthis tendency is to
respondliterally:When askedto indicatesex, I reply female; when askedfor gen-
der, I reply male. PerhapsI am doing little to change concepts of gender and sex,2
but at least I am on mailing lists thattargetmy diverseinterests!At the same time
thatthe public seems to be increasinglyusing "gender"as proxy for "sex,"gender
theorists are more clearly delineating the relationshipbetween sex and gender.
However,because gender and sex are seemingly inexplicablyconnected in most
aspects of social life, theorists have difficulty in retaining these delineations
throughouttheir work.
Intellectualshave been creating,critiquing,and advancingconcepts of gender
for the past 30 years.Generally,genderis definedas the socially constructedcorre-
late of sex. The conceptof genderas socially constructedhas been theorizedexten-
sively and illustratedin a varietyof arenasfrom the playgroundto the boardroom
(Fausto-Sterling2000; Kanter 1977; Kessler 1990; Lorber 1994; Messner 2000;
Thorne 1993; West and Zimmerman1987). However, many definitions positing
gender as an ongoing accomplishmentrely on sex as the "masterstatus"or "coat
rack"on which genderis socially constructed(Nicholson 1994). Althoughthereis
a general consensus that gender is socially constructed,theorists have too often
relied on sex as its initiatingpoint.
Delphy (1993) critiquedthe overrelianceon sex in defininggender.She claimed
that illustratingthe social constructionof genderby describingthe cross-cultural
variationin men's andwomen'sbehaviorandsocial roles only reinforcesthe notion
that gender originates in sex. The descriptionof cross-culturalvariationfurther
entrenchesthe notion of "genderas the contentwith sex as the container"(Delphy
1993, 3). Both Nicholson (1994) andDelphy (1993) challengedthe view thatgen-
der derives from sex and, in a sense, posited the opposite: That "genderis the
knowledgethatestablishesmeaningsfor bodily differences"(Scott 1988, 2). Gen-
der, then, is the concept that creates and defines sex differences.
Typically,sex is assignedbased on genitalinspectionat birth,butbiological sex
is a complex constellationof chromosomes,hormones,genitalia,andreproductive
organs.The study of intersexedand sex-reassignedchildrenillustratesthat social
notions of sex are employed when biological sex is ambiguous (Fausto-Sterling
2000; Kessler 1990). Because sex is an organizingprincipleof most societies, peo-
ple are forced to be one or the other,even when "only a surgicalshoehorncan put
them there"(Fausto-Sterling1993, 24). Given this, sex is both a physical attribute
and socially constructed.
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 299

West andZimmerman(1987) grappledwith the social aspectof sex by addinga

categoryto the sex, gender,and sexualityframework.They defined "sex category"
as socially perceivedsex andclaimedthat"recognitionof the analyticalindepend-
ence of sex, sex category,and gender is essential for understandingthe relation-
ships among these elements and the interactionalwork involved in 'being' a
genderedpersonin society"(WestandZimmerman1987, 127). However,the cate-
gories of sex category,gender,and sexualityarenotjust analytically,but also prac-
tically, distinct. West and Zimmermanultimatelyidentifiedgender as the perfor-
mance one is accountable for based on sex category's leaving little room for
femininemen andmasculinewomen. "Invirtuallyany situation,one's sex category
can be relevant,and one's performanceas an incumbentof thatcategory(i.e., gen-
der)can be subjectedto evaluation"(WestandZimmerman1987, 145). We areleft
with the ironic conclusion thatgenderis socially constructedyet is rigidly defined
by sex category-an inadequateframeworkfor the explanationof atypicalgender
behavior.
Lorber(1994, 1999) attemptedto uncouplemasculinityandfemininityfromsex
category by developing subcategoriesof gender including gender status (being
takenfor a man or woman),genderidentity(sense of self as a man or woman), and
gender display (being feminine and/or masculine). Even with this delineation,
Lorber,like WestandZimmerman(1987), consistentlyslippedinto assumptionsof
the "natural"link between categories.For instance, she claimed transsexualsand
"transvestites"do not challenge the genderorderbecause "theirgoal is to be femi-
nine women andmasculinemen"(Lorber1994, 20). As well, she describedsocial-
izationas a womanor manas "produce[ing]differentfeelings, consciousness,rela-
tionships,skills-ways of being thatwe call feminineor masculine"(Lorber1994,
14). This accountfails to explain the behaviorand identityof transpeople for two
reasons.First,it assumes the intransigencebetween the categoriesman/masculine
and woman/feminine, which is not the experience of transsexuals and
transgenderedpeople. Not all men, constructedor biological, aremasculineor wish
to be. Second, Lorberassertedthatbeing treatedas a man or womanin social inter-
action creates a masculine or feminine consciousness. This assertion fails to
explain how people grow up to have a gender identity contraryto that expected
fromtheirsocialization.Lorber'sworkis importantin defininggenderas an institu-
tion thatcreatesandreinforcesinequality,but it also illustrateshow easily sex and
gender (masculinity and femininity) become elided when sex is used as the
initiatingpoint for genderingindividuals.
Just like sex and gender,sexuality can also be defined as socially constructed.
Sexualbehaviorsandthe meaningsassignedto themvaryacrosstime andcultures.
For instance, Herdt's (1981) study of same-sex fellatio in a tribe in Papua,New
Guinea, found that this behaviordid not constitutehomosexualityor pedophilia,
althoughit mightbe definedas bothin the UnitedStates.In the UnitedStates,same-
sex behavioris assumedto occuronly in individualswith a gay or bisexualorienta-
tion, yet the AIDS epidemicforced educatorsandepidemiologiststo acknowledge
the lack of correlationbetween identityandbehavior(Parkerand Aggleton 1999).
300 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

Schippers(2000) documenteda lack of correlationbetween sexual orientationand

sexual behaviorin her study of alternativehardrock culturein the United States.
Seeing sexual behavior and its meaning as highly relianton social context helps
explainthe changingattractionsandorientationof female-to-maletranssexualand
transgenderedpeople (FTMs) as they transition.
Sex, gender,and sexuality,then, are all to varyingdegrees socially interpreted,
and all contributeto an overarchingconcept of genderthatrelies on bothperceived
sex and behaviorsand their attributionas masculine or feminine.
A growingnumberof scholarsare writingparticularlyaboutFTMs and female
masculinities. The longest-termcontributorhas been Devor (1989, 1997, 1998,
2004). Adding to Devor's work in recent years have been Cromwell (1999),
Halberstam(1998), Prosser(1998), and Rubin (2003). Although transsexualsare
increasinglyrepresentedin academicresearch,conceptsof gender,sex, andsexual-
ity are rarely explored. Gender theorists have often examined transsexuality
throughthe lens of gender(KesslerandMcKenna1978; Nicholson 1994;Westand
Zimmerman 1987); less often have transsexual theorists interrogatedgender
throughthe lens of transsexuality.Using transsexualityas a standpointto compli-
cate and critique gender has been more common in nonacademic writing
(Bornstein 1995; Califia 1997; Feinberg 1998).
Most work in the social sciences regardingtranssexualshas focused largely on
male-to-female transsexuals(Bolin 1988; Ekins 1997; Lewins 1995). Work by
social scientists is importantbecause it can help transformindividual,personal
experiencesinto broadersocial patternsandilluminatethe role of social interaction
andinstitutions.The limitedresearchon FTMsoffersa uniqueconstructionto social
science researchregardingtranssexuality.Devor (1997) documentedthe lives of 46
FTMs using extensive quotes, allowing FTMs to speak about their lives, their
upbringing, and their experiences with transitioning.Although this work is an
incrediblydetailedrecordingof the life experiencesof FTMs, Devor avoids inter-
preting or theorizing about the experiences of FTMs and the potentialmeanings
they have for the field of gender studies.
Prosser(1998) took to taskthe loss of materialityand"thebody"in postmodern
work regardingtranssexuals.Prosserremindedtheoriststhat genderis not simply
conceptual but real, and experienced in the body (see Devor 1999). Although
Prosser'scritiqueof postmodernthoughtaroundtranssexualityis extremelyimpor-
tant,my interviewsindicatethathe may overemphasizethe importanceof the body
in transsexualexperience. Particularbody characteristicsare not importantin
themselves but become importantbecause of social interpretation.
Cromwell (1999) eloquently summarizednotions of gender and sexuality and
describedthem as being located in either essentialist or constructedframeworks.
He criticizedboth andclaimedthatexclusively constructionistexplanationsrely on
the primacyof social interaction,implyingthatgenderidentitydoes not exist when
individualsarealone. He claimedthattranspeople areimportantto studybecause,
throughthem, it is evidentthateven if socially constructed,thereis an underlying,
unwaveringgenderidentity.Most importantthough,Cromwellassertedthattrans
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 301

people's constructionof identities,bodies, and sexualities as differentratherthan

deviantsubvertsthe dominantgender/sexparadigm.Rubin(2003) concurredwith
Cromwell's view of the paradoxthatgender identityis socially constructedyet at
the same time embodied and "absolutelyreal" (Cromwell 1999, 175). Prosser
(1998), Cromwell, and Rubin all challenge aspects of gender theory that do not
mesh with the experiencesof transsexualsandtransgenderedpeople. The body is a
very realaspectof the (trans)genderedexperienceandexpression,andeven though
genderidentityis socially constructed,it takeson a solidity andimmutabilitythatis
not dependenton social interaction.
Withthis emergingacademicwork regardingtranssexuality,the need to exam-
ine how transsexualityand transgenderismcomplicatethe genderfield has arisen.
Questionssuch as the following have become increasinglycompelling:

Whatis theimpactof changingsex on theindividual's

socialandsexualbehaviors?
Howdoesanindividual'ssexaffectotherpeople'sinterpretation
of hisorherbehavior?
As sex changes,howdoessocialinteractionchange?

By investigatingthe changingbehaviorsandinteractionsof FTMsas theytransi-

tion, this article illustratesimportantconnections between gender and perceived
sex andcontributesto the social scientificunderstandingof transsexuality.Examin-
ing the experienceof FTMsclarifiesthatmasculinityandfemininityarenot inextri-
cably linked with male and female andthatperceivedsex is importantin interpret-
ing behavioras masculine or feminine. This projectalso adds to social scientific
workon transsexualityby using transsexualityas a standpointto critiquegenderin
a systematic,empiricallybased manner.As well, it supportsrecentacademicwork
regardingFTMs (Cromwell 1999; Prosser 1998; Rubin 2003) by illustratingthe
importanceof the body to genderandgenderidentityandhelps to increasethe rep-
resentationof FTMs in the social scientific literatureon transsexuality.

STUDY DESIGN AND SAMPLE

For this project, I interviewed 18 trans-identifiedpeople, all born female, the

majorityresidingin Seattle,Washington.I soughtinformantsin a varietyof ways. I
contacted friends and acquaintanceswith contacts in the trans community and
introducedmyself to people I knew to be trans,soliciting interviews.I also attended
the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force conference, CreatingChange, in Oak-
land, California,in November 1999, recruitingtwo informantsand attendingtwo
trans-specificworkshops,one regardingfamilies and the otherregardingrelation-
ships. I relied on snowball sampling to recruitthe majorityof the interviewees.
Althoughthis small sampleis not random,the intervieweeswere able to providea
great deal of informationregardingthe relationshipbetween perceived sex and
genderedbehavior.
302 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

TABLE 1: Sample Characteristics

Time from
Beginning of
Race/ Current Sexual Physical
Pseudonym Age Ethnicity Preference Transition TransitionStatus

Aaron 34 White Bio women, bio men, 1 year Hormones

FTMs
Billy 30 White Bio men, FTMs 6 years Hormones,
chest surgery
Brandon 20 African FTMs, male-to-female Nontransitioned
American transsexuals, bio
women
Dick 27 White Bisexual 2 years Hormones,
chest surgery
Jessica 22 White Mainly bio women, Nontransitioned
femmes
Jay 27 Chinese Bio women Nontransitioned
American
Joe 38 Latino Bio women, FTMs 8 years Hormones,
chest surgery
Kyle 25 White Bio women Nontransitioned
Luke 25 White Mainly bio women Nontransitioned
Max 21 White Bio women, femmes 1 year Hormones,
chest surgery
Mick 38 White Lesbians 2 years Chest surgery
Mitch 36 White Bio women, femmes 4 years Hormones,
chest surgery
Pete 34 White Queer, bisexual 3 years Hormones,
chest surgery
Rogelio 40 Latino/Black Bio women 6 years living Hormones
as trans, 1
year taking
hormones
Sam 30 White Bio women, bio men, 4 years Hormones,
FTMs chest surgery
Ted 29 White Pansexual 1 year Hormones
Terry 45 White Unknown because of 3 months Hormones
recent transition
Trevor 35 White Bio women, femmes 1 year Hormones,
chest surgery

NOTE: Bio women = biological women; bio men = biological men; FTMs = female-to-male
transsexual and transgendered people.

Respondentsrangedin age from 20 to 45 andhad begunliving as transbetween

the ages of 18 and 45 (see Table 1). I say this with some hesitationbecause many
FTMs privatelyidentify as transfor years before transitioningor being out about
theiridentity.In this case, I am defining"livingas trans"as being referredto as "he"
consistently, publicly and/or in their subculturalnetwork. With this definition,
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 303

three of the respondentswere not living as trans even though they identified as
transgendered.
Fourteenof the respondentswere white, one was AfricanAmerican,two were
Latino, and one was Chinese American.Only one respondentdid not previously
identify as lesbian or bisexual. After transitioning,defining sexual orientation
becomes more complicatedsince sex, and sometimes sexual preference,changes.
Assigning sexual orientationrequiresassigning people to categoriesbased on the
sex of the sexual participants.Since many FTMs reportbeing newly attractedto
men aftertransitioning,it appearsthattheirorientationhas changedeven though,in
a sense, they remainhomosexual(previouslya lesbian,now gay). However,if they
are still primarilyinvolved with lesbians or with feminine women, it is difficultto
say their orientationhas changed when only their perceived sex is different. As
well, if an individual is primarily attracted to feminine people, but after
transitioningdates feminine men as well as feminine women, his genderedsexual
preferencehas not changed,so it is unclearwhetherthis describesa change in sex-
ual orientation.Because of these complexities,Table 1 recordsthe reportedsexual
preference as closely as possible without relying on usual categories of sexual
orientation.
Even though they were raised in a variety of locations, the great majorityof
respondentscurrentlylive in urbanareas.The sampleis probablynot representative
of the transpopulationin the United Statesbecauseit is overwhelminglyurbanand
emphasizesFTMs who have chosen not to assimilateinto mainstream,heterosex-
ual culture. These people, it seemed, might be betterpositioned to comment on
changes in the trans community regardingnotions of sex, gender, and sexuality
because they have access to greaternumbersof transpeople and are more often
engaged with others abouttransissues.
At the time of the interviews,five of the informantswere nonoperativeand not
takinghormones.Only one seemed certainhe neverwantedmedical intervention,
and thatwas due to a compromisedimmunesystem. Of these five, none have seri-
ously consideredtakinghormones,butfourexpresseda strongdesirefor chest sur-
gery thatinvolves removalof the breastsand repositioningof the nipples if neces-
sary.Two could not have surgeryfor financialreasonsandone for medicalreasons,
and one was hesitantfor family and political reasons.3
Only 1 of the 18 intervieweeshad had chest surgery,was not takinghormones,
and had no furtherplans for medical intervention.Twelve of the 13 taking hor-
mones had had chest surgeryor were planningto do so. The remainingindividual
was not consideringchest surgerydue to concerns about keloids due to his dark
skin.4He expressed frustrationat how little informationwas availableto darker-
skinnedtransmenaboutthe potentialeffects of surgery.
I interviewedFTMsusing a generalset of questionsregardingtheirexperiences
with the medical community,the transcommunity,their families, and their rela-
tionship to masculinity. I did not set out to prove a preformulatedhypothesis
regardingthe relationshipbetween sex, gender, and sexual orientation;nor did I
predeterminethe ideal numberof respondents.Instead,in a mannerderivedfrom
304 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

groundedtheory,I interviewedrespondentsuntilI startedto hearcommonpatterns

in their comments and stories. Ekins (1997, 3), utilizing groundedtheory in his
exploration of identity processes for female-to-male transsexuals, described
groundedtheoryas that"whichdemandsintimateappreciationof the arenastudied,
but which writes up that intimate appreciationin terms of theoreticalanalyses."
Groundedtheory expands our understandingof qualitativeresearch;it relies not
only on documentationof interviewsbut also on the standpointof the researcher
and her or his intimate relationshipwith the topic of interest.For this reason, I
revealmyself as transgendered,bornfemale, with no immediateplansto transition.
By "transition," I meanto live as a manby takinghormonesandacquiringwhatever
surgeriesnecessary.This position as both transgenderedandnot transitionedgives
me a keen interestin the relationshipbetweensex, sex category(perceivedsex), and
genderandperhapsa voyeuristicinterestin hearingwhatit is like to "crossover"-
the differencebetween internalidentityas a man and social interactionwhen per-
ceived as one. I believe being transidentifiedgave me easier access to transpeople
andmadeit easierfor intervieweesto confide in me not only becausethey felt more
at ease but because I had familiaritywith common culturalterms, customs, and
issues.

FINDINGS

The perceived sex of individuals, whether biological or not, influences the

meaningassignedto behaviorandthe tenorof social and sexual interaction.FTMs
illustratethe relianceon both sex and behaviorin expressingand interpretinggen-
der.Perceivedsex and individualbehaviorarecompensatory,andboth arerespon-
sible for the performanceof gender:When sex is ambiguousor less convincing,
thereis increasedrelianceon highly genderedbehavior;when sex is obvious, then
thereis considerablymorefreedomin behavior.Forthis reason,sex is not the initi-
atingpointfor gender.Instead,sex, whetherbiological or constructed,is an integral
aspectof gender."Ifthe body itself is alwaysseen throughsocial interpretationthen
sex is not something that is separate from gender but is, rather,that which is
subsumableunderit" (Nicholson 1994, 79).
As I listened to interviewees, the tension and balance between behavior and
appearance,between acting masculine and appearingmale, became evident. In
general,intervieweesconfirmedNicholson's (1994) assertionthat(perceived)sex
is an importantaspectof the constructionof genderandthatperceivedsex is a lens
throughwhich behavioris interpreted.However,particularsex characteristicssuch
as a penis or breastsarenot as crucialto the perceptionof sex as theirmeaningscre-
ated in both social and sexual interaction.
Generally,aftertakinghormones,intervieweeswere perceivedas men regard-
less of behaviorandregardlessof otherconflicting sex signifiersincludingbreasts
and,in the case of one interviewee,even when nine monthspregnant.5The physical
assertion of sex is so strong through secondary sex characteristicsthat gender
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 305

identityis validated.Intervieweesfind certainsex characteristicsto be particularly

importantto their social identityas male: "I thinkit's all aboutfacial hair.It's not
aboutmy fetish for facial hair,but socially, when you have facial hair,you can pass
regardlessof whatyourbody looks like. I mean, I was nine monthspregnantwalk-
ing aroundand people were like, 'Ooh, that guy's fat' " (Billy).
Anotherintervieweealso finds facial hairto be particularlyimportantto initial
gender/sexattribution.In replyto the question,"Foryou, whatis the most important
physical change since transitioning,"he responds, "Probablyfacial hair,because
nobody even questions facial hair.... I've met FTMs thathave these huge hips. I
mean this guy, he was [shaped]like a top, and he had a full beard.Nobody ques-
tionedthathe hadhuge hips, so thatis the one key thing.And probablysecondaryis
a recedinghairline.Even with a high voice, people accepta high voiced man"(Joe).
As the intervieweesbecame socially recognizedas men, they tendedto be more
comfortableexpressinga varietyof behaviorsandengagingin stereotypicallyfem-
inine activities, such as sewing or wearing nail polish. The increase in male sex
characteristicscreatesboth greaterinternalcomfort with identityand social inter-
actions that are increasinglycongruentwith sex identity.As a result, some FTMs
are able to relax their hypermasculinebehavior.

I wentthrougha phaseof thinkingeverybehaviorI dois goingto be cuedintosome-

howby somebody.So, I'vegotto be hypervigilant abouthowmanylongsentencesI
say,doesmyvoicego upattheendof a sentence,howdoI movemyhands,amI quick
to tryandtouchsomeone.... AndI gotto a pointwhereI said,Thisis whoI am...
Therearefeminineattributes andtherearemasculineattributes
thatI like andI am
goingto maintainin my life. ... If thatmakespeoplethink,"Ohyou'rea fag,"well
great,allmybestfriendsarefags.... ButwhenI wasfirstcomingout,it wasallabout
"I'vegot to be perceivedas maleall thetime,no matterwhat."Thatbone-crushing
handshake andslappingpeopleon the backandall of thatsilliness.I did all that.
(Rogelio)

Like Rogelio, Pete findstransitioninggave him the freedomto expresshis feminine

side: "Itwas very apparenthow masculinea womanI was ... and now it's like I've
turnedinto this flaming queen like 90 percentof the time. And so my femininity,I
had an outletfor it somehow,butit was in a kind of gay way. It wasn't in a womanly
kind of way, it was just femininity.Because I don't thinkthatfemale equals femi-
ninity and male equals masculinity"(Pete).
Sex category and gendered behavior, then, are compensatory;they are both
responsiblefor the social validationof genderidentityandrequirea particularbal-
ance. When sex is ambiguous or less convincing, there is increased reliance on
highly genderedbehavior.When sex categoryis obvious, thenthereis considerably
morefreedomin behavior,as is evidentwhen talkingto FTMs aboutthe process of
transitioning.
For two interviewees,gay men areparticularlyvaluablerole models in decons-
tructingtraditionalmasculinity and learning to incorporate"feminine"behavior
and expressioninto a male identity:
306 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

So, those fairly feminine men thatI have datedhave been very undeniablymale, but
theyhaven'tbeena hundredpercentmasculineall thetime,andI thinkI'velearned
frommyrelationships withthemto sortof relax.Lightenupa little;nailpolishisn't
goingtokillanybody.I thinkthatI'mmoreabletobeatpeacewithallof theaspectsof
myself.... [Now]I'mnotgoingto go outof mywayto butchit up.I'mmalelooking
enoughto getawaywithit, whereaswhenI didthatkindof stuffbeforeI transitioned
peoplewerelike,"Well,you'renotbutchenoughto be a man."(Billy)

FTMs transitionfor manyreasons,but aligning externalappearancewith inter-

nal identity and changing social interactionwere the chief reasons given by my
interviewees."Doinggender"(WestandZimmerman1987) in a way thatvalidates
identityrelies on bothinternalandexternalfactors.Being ableto look like one feels
is key to the contentmentof many FTMs. More than interactingwith the social
world as a man, comfort in one's body can be a chief motivatorfor FTMs, espe-
cially when seeking chest surgery."I'd say that having a flat chest really seems
right,and I reallylike that.I can throwa T-shirton andfeel absolutelycomfortable
insteadof going [hunchingshoulders].And when I catchmy reflectionsomewhere
or look in the mirror,it's like, 'Oh, yeah' insteadof, 'Oh, I forgot,'and that'sbeen
the most amazingthing . . . recognizing myself' (Trevor).
Some intervieweesbelieved they would be contentto live withoutany medical
treatmentor with chest surgerybut not hormones as long as they were acknowl-
edged as transgenderedby themselves and their social circle. Even for those who
were able to achieve a reasonable level of internal comfort, social interaction
remainedan ongoing challenge. Feeling invisible or not being treatedin congru-
ence with their gender identity motivatedthem to take hormones to experience
broadersocial interactionappropriateto theirgenderidentity.Some FTMsreported
the desireto be seen as transby otherFTMs as an importantfactorin theirdecision
to transition.Forothers,being called "ma'am"or treatedas a womanin public was
particularlygrating.Being "she'd"was a constantreminderof the incongruence
between social identity and internalgender identity.

AndthelongerI knewthatI wastransgendered, theharderitgottolivewithoutchang-

ingmybody.It'sliketheacknowledgment wasn'tenoughforme,andit gotto a point
whereit wasnolongerenoughforthepeoplewhoknewmeintimately to seemymale
side.Itjustgotto be thisreallydiscordant thingbetweenwhoI knewI wasandwho
thepeopleinmylifeknewI was... becauseI wasperceivedasa womansocially.I was
seenas a womanandwastreateddifferently thanhowI wastreatedbymyfriendsand
thepeoplethatI loved.... Sofinallyaftera coupleof years... I finallydecidedtotake
hormones.(Billy)

The potentialimpact on social interactionis key to the decision to transition.

Although for some FTMs, gaining comfort in theirbody is the crucialelement in
decision making,for most interviewees,the changein social interactionis the moti-
vatingfactor.Being treatedas a mansocially is importantenoughto riskmanyother
things includingloss of family,friends,andcareer.Forotherinterviewees,though,
not wanting to be treatedas a man in all social situationsmotivatedthem not to
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 307

transition."Insome ways, I wouldn'treally wantto give up my access to woman's

space, and I think that would be a big reason why I wouldn't do it because I like
being aroundwomen. I don't feel like I'm women identified,but I'm women cen-
tered.So in that sense, I wouldn'twant to give up being able to spend a lot of time
with women in differentcontexts thatI might lose if I passed as a man"(Jay).
Some intervieweesalso worriedthatappearingas a biological man would make
them no longer identifiableas transor queer,makingthem invisible to their com-
munities.As well, for some of those not transitioning,the potentialloss of friends
and family outweighedtheir desire to transition.
As expected, social interactionchangedradicallyaftertransitioning,but some-
times in ways not anticipated.Whetherthese changes were positive or negative,
expected or not, they still provided FTMs with social validationof their gender
identity and the clear message thatthey were passing.

CHANGING INTERACTION

Many transmenfound being perceived as a man enlightening.The most often

notedchangesto social interactionincludedbeing treatedwith morerespect,being
allowedmoreconversationalspace,being includedin men's banter,andexperienc-
ing an increasein women's fear of them. Some FTMs realizedthatthey would be
threateningto women at nightandactedaccordinglywhile otherswere surprisedto
realizethatwomen were afraidof them."Irememberone time walkingup the hill; it
was like nine o'clock, and this woman was walking in front of me, and she kept
looking back, and I thought, 'What the hell is wrong with that girl?' And then I
stopped in my tracks.When I looked at her face clearly under the light, she was
afraid.So I crossed the street"(Joe).
FormanyFTMs,becoming an unquestionedmemberof the "boys'club"was an
educationalexperience.The blatantexpressions of sexism by many men when in
the companyof each otherwas surprisingto these new men.

I wasononeof theschoolshuttlesoncampusandit wasatatimewhenthereweren'ta

lotof peopleon.Therewasa malebusdriver,myself,anda youngwomanonthebus,
andshehadlongblondehair,a veryprettygirl.Shegotoffthebus,andtherewasjust
me andthebusdriver,andthebusdriverwasreadingme as a guyandtotallybeinga
sexistpig.I didnotknowhowto dealwithit orhowto respond,let alonecallhimon
his shitbecauseI wasn'tparticularly,
atthispoint,feelinglikeI wantedto getreador
anything.So I basicallyjustnoddedmy headanddidn'tsayanything.(Ted)

One nontransitionedFTMwho is usuallytakenfor a manat workalso feels pres-

sureto conformandto wardoff suspicionby eitherignoringor contributingto sex-
ist andhomophobiccommentswhen amongcoworkers.This is in directcontrastto
Pete's experience, who became known as an outspokenadvocatefor women and
minoritiesat his job after transitioning:"I feel like I'm one of the guys, which is
reallykind of odd. In some ways, it's really affirming,andin some ways, it's really
308 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

unsettling.In Bellevue [his formerjob], it was a joke. 'Pete's here, so you better
shut up.' Because they're sexist, they're homophobic,they'reracist. And I would
say, 'This is not somethingI thinkyou shouldbe talkingaboutin the lunch room.'
So I was constantlyturningheads because I'm kind of an unusualguy" (Pete).
Acting like a "sensitivenew age guy" did not challenge Pete's masculinityor
essentialmalenessbutsimply definedhim as "kindof an unusualguy."He was able
to assume this role because his genderwas establishedand supportedthroughhis
unquestionablymale appearance.
Intervieweesfoundthattheirinteractionswith both men andwomen changedas
they transitioned.Aftertransitioning,a few FTMs,like the previouslyquotedinter-
viewee, maintainedstrongfeminist ideals and workedhardto change to appropri-
ate behaviorfor a feminist man. This was an effort as behavioralexpectationsfor
men andbutchlesbiansdifferradically,andwhatmay be attributedto assertiveness
in a masculinewoman becomes intolerablein a man:

I foundthatI hadto really,reallyworkto changemybehavior. Becausetherewerea

lot of skillsthatI neededto surviveas a butchwomanin theworldthatmademe a
reallyobnoxiousguy.TherewerethingsthatI wasdoingthatjustwerenotokay.Like
in school,talkingoverpeople.Youknowwhenwomenspeak,theyoftenspeakatthe
sametimewitheachotherandthatmeanssomething reallydifferentthanwhena guy
speaksatthesametime.Andso it wasn'tthatI changed,it wasthatpeople'spercep-
tionsof mechangedandthatinordertomaintain thingsthatwereimportant tomeasa
feminist,I hadto reallychangemybehavior.(Billy)

The perceptionthatbehaviorhadnot reallychanged,butpeople's assignationof

meaningto thatbehaviorhad, was common in the interviews.Thatis, whatis mas-
culine or feminine, what is assertive or obnoxious, is relative and dependenton
social context. And the body-whether one appearsmale or female-is a key ele-
mentof social context.These interviewssuggest thatwhethera behavioris labeled
masculineor feminine is highly dependenton the initial attributionof sex.
Besides gaining informationas insiders,FTMs also felt they gainedpermission
to takeup more space as men. ManyFTMs transitionfrom the lesbiancommunity,
and most in this sample had been butch identified.As a result, they were used to
havingwhattheyperceivedto be a comfortableamountof social spaceeven though
they were women. As they transitioned,however,they were surprisedat how much
social privilegethey gained,both conversationallyandbehaviorally.Terry,a previ-
ously high-profilelesbian known for her radicaland outspokenpolitics, reported,
"Iam gettingbetterservicein storesandrestaurants,andwhen I expressan opinion,
people listen. And that'sreally weirdbecause I'm not a shy person,so havingpeo-
ple sortof check themselvesandmakemore conversationalspace thanthey did for
me before is really kind of unsettling"(Terry).
As well as being allowed conversationalspace, manyof these new men received
special attention and greater respect from heterosexual women because their
behaviorwas gender atypicalyet highly valued. They were noticed and rewarded
when confronting sexist remarks, understandingwomen's social position, and
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 309

performingtasks usually dominatedby women. Billy reportsan experience in a

women's studiesclass wherehe was the only man siding with the female students'
point of view: "A woman came up to me after class and said, 'Wow, you know
you're the most amazingfeministmanI've ever met.'I just did not have the heartto
ruin thatfor her. I was just like, you know, there are otherguys out there who are
capableof this, and it's notjust because I'm a transsexualthatI can be a feminist"
(Billy). The ability to shop for clothes for their girlfriendswas cited by two inter-
viewees as a skill much admired.They reportedexcessive attentionfrom sales-
women as a result of theircompetencein a usually female-dominatedarea:

OneotherthingI havenoticedaboutwomen,andin particular saleswomenin stores,

is thatthey'realwaysshockedthatI canpickoutgoodclothingitemseitherformyself
orforsomeoneelse,andI don'treallyneedhelpwiththat.AndI getflirtedwithcon-
stantlybysaleswomen, I thinklargelybecausetheygetthatI gethowto shop.So,they
seethisguythat'smasculineandsecureinhimselfandhe'snothavingto posture,and
hecanwalkupwithanarmload of women'sclothesthathe'sbeenpickingout.... She
[thesaleswoman]says,"Wow,I wanta boyfriendlike you."So I get a lot of that.
(Mitch)

These accountsunderscorethe relationshipbetween behaviorand appearance.

WhenFTMsareperceivedas men, theirgender-atypicalbehavioris not sanctioned
or suspect but admiredand rewarded.Their perceived status as male allows their
masculinityto remainintacteven in the face of contradictoryevidence. This con-
trastswith the experienceof one FTMnot takinghormoneswho is usuallytakenfor
a butch lesbian. Saleswomen at Victoria's Secret treated him rudely when he
shoppedfor lingeriefor his girlfrienduntilhe madea greatereffortto pass as a man.
When passing as a man, he received markedlybetterservice.
Not all FTMs gain social status by being perceived as men. It is a common
assumption,borderingon urbanlegend, thattransitioningbringswith it improved
status,treatment,andfinancialopportunities.However,havinga papertrailinclud-
ing a previous female name and identity can severely compromisejob prospects,
especially in a professionalposition.

Therealityis we areonthebottomof theeconomictotempole.Andit doesnotmatter

whatoureducational backgroundis. We couldbe the mostbrilliantpeopleon the
planetandwe'restillfuckedwhenit comestothekindsofjobsthatwe'vegottenorthe
kindsof advancesthatwe'vegotteninthejobmarket.HereI am,I'vebeenoutof law
schoolfornearly10years,andI'mbarelyscrapingby.Andif I go in andapplyfora
jobwithafirm,wellyeah,theymayreallylikeme,butoncetheystartdoinganyinves-
tigatingon mybackground, my old namecomesup.(Mitch)

The assumptionof a rise in statusaftersex reassignmentalso restslargelyon the

assumption of whiteness. Through my limited sample and conversations with
friends,it appearsthatbecominga Black manis often a step downin status.Rogelio
talks aboutthe change in his experienceas he becomes more consistentlytakenfor
a man:
310 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

I am a Black male. I'm the suspect.I'm the one you have to be afraidof. I'm the one
fromwhomyouhavetogetaway,soyouhavetocrossthestreet,youhavetolockyour
doors.Youhaveto clutchwhatever you'vegota littlecloserto yourbody.... It'svery
difficultto get whiteFTMsto understand
that.... [Asa Blackperson],if I go intoa
store,I amfollowed.NowI amopenlyfollowed;beforeit was,"Oh,let'shidebehind
therackof breadorsomethingso thatshewon'tseeus."Nowit's,"Oh,it'sa guy,he's
probably gota gun;he'sprobably
gota knife.Wehaveto knowwherehishandsareat
all times."(Rogelio)

Althoughit is an unpleasantexperience,he reportsthatat least he knows he is con-

sistently passing as a man by the rude treatmenthe receives from other men in
social situations.
Anothergroupof FTMs also experiencesbeing perceivedas male as a liability,
not a privilege. Even though FTMs can have feminine behavior without calling
their maleness into question, feminine behavior does lead to an increase in gay
bashing and antigayharassment.FTMs who transitionedfrombeing very butchto
being perceivedas male generallyexperienceda radicaldecline in harassment.Two
of these butcheswere even gay bashedbefore transitioningbecausethey were per-
ceived to be gay men. Withadditionalmale sex characteristics,however,they were
no longer perceived to be feminine men. For these men, the transitionmarkeda
decline in publicharassmentandintimidation.However,for morefeminineFTMs,
the harassmentincreased after transitioning.Appearingas small, feminine men
made them vulnerableto attack.This interviewee reporteda markedincrease in
violence and harassmentaftertransitioning:

I getgaybashedoften.That'smybiggestfearrightnowis male-on-male violence....

OnceI justgotoverpneumonia. I wasdowntownandI wason mywayto choir,and
someguylookedatme,andI waswondering whyhewasstaring.I lookedathimandI
lookedaway.Hecalledme a faggotbecauseI wasstaring.He said,"Stoplookingat
me,faggot,"andhechasedmesevenblocks.AtfirstI thoughthewasjustgoingtorun
me off,butI keptrunningandhe wasrunningafterme as fastas he couldandevery-
bodywasstandingaround justkindof staring.AndI becamereallypanickedthatno
onewasevergoingtohelpif I reallyneededit.Peopleyell"faggot"atmeallthetime.
(Dick)

One intervieweeexperiencedaboutthe same level of violence and harassment

before andaftertransitioning.Unfortunately,he was attackedandharassedas a gay
man as often before as aftertransitioning.On one occasion before transitioning,he
was followed home and badly beaten by two men who forced their way into his
house believing thatthey were assaultinga gay man:"If I'm with my partnerI'm
readas straightso I don'thaveto worryaboutbeingjumpedas a gay guy, butif I am
at a queereventandmy partner'snot aroundor if'mjust by myself.... But I'vejust
gotten to a point where I'm like, 'Fuck it.' At least now that I am on hormones,I
have a little more strengthto fight back"(Ted).
In sum then, FTMs aremotivatedto changetheirphysicalpresentationsfor two
reasons:First, to become more comfortablewith theirbodies and achieve greater
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 311

congruencebetweenidentityandappearanceand,second,to change social interac-

tion so that it better validatestheir gender identity,both subculturallyand in the
wider social world. This strategyto change social interactionis very effective. All
FTMswho transitionednoticeda markedchangein theirsocial interactions.Not all
of these changes in interactionwere positive, however.First, the recognition that
women are treatedpoorly comparedto men was a shock. Second, being identified
as a man was a liabilitywhen one was Black or appearedfeminine.In otherwords,
the assumptionof an increasein privilege only consistentlyappliedto masculine,
non-Blackmen. Even then, the liabilitiesof being found out, especially on thejob,
remained.

SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND GENDER IDENTITY

Sexual behavior is another site that more clearly explicates the relationship
between sex andgender.Sexual orientationis based not solely on the objectof sex-
ual and erotic attraction,but also on the sex categoryand genderperformancecre-
atedin the contextof sexualinteraction.The performanceof genderis crucialin the
sexual arena for two reasons: First, because sexuality is expressed through the
body,which may or may not align with an individual'sgenderidentityand,second,
because heterosexualintercoursecan symbolize the social inequalities between
men and women. Altering the body alters the sexual relationshipsof FTMs by
changingtheir gender/sexlocation in sexual interaction.
Many FTMs change sexual orientationafter transitioningor, at the least, find
that their object attractionexpands to include both sexes. Devor (1997) found a
large increase in the number of FTMs who, after transitioning,were sexually
attractedto gay men. Why do many transmenchange sexual orientationafter
transitioning?Even the earliestsexualitystudiessuch as the Kinsey report(Kinsey,
Pomeroy,and Martin 1948) provide evidence that individuals'attractions,fanta-
sies, andbehaviorsdo not alwaysalign with theirprofessedsexualorientation.Cur-
rently,a diversegay cultureandthe increasedease of living a gay lifestyle have cre-
ated a wide varietyof options for people with attractionsto the same or both sexes
(Seidman2002). As well, coinciding with a rise in gay and lesbian culturesin the
1960s and 1970s was a heightened feminist consciousness. For some feminists,
sexual relationshipswith men are problematicbecause of the power dynamic and
broaderculturalcommentaryenacted in heterosexualrelations.Bisexual women
sometimesfind the dynamicuntenableandchoose to identify as lesbians. Aaron,a
previouslybisexual woman, confirms:

I dohaveanattractiontomen;however,whenI wasa straightwoman,I totallygaveup

goingoutwithmenbecauseI wasa strongfemalepersonandhada lot of problems
interacting
withmen,evenin the anarchistcommunity, thepunkcommunity. They
liketoughgirls,thisstrongriotgirlpersona,andyet whenyou'rein therelationship
withthosesamepeople,theystillhavethosemisogynistic,sexistbeliefsabouthow
312 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

you'resupposedto interactin bed, in the relationship.Ijust neverfit intothatmold and

finally said, "Fuckyou guys; I'm not going there with you," andjust came out as a
dyke and lived happily as a dyke. .... What I realize coming into the transgendered
community myself was that it made so much sense to become transgendered,to
become visually male, and to be able to relate to men as a man because then they
would at least visually see me as partof who I am in a way thatthey could not see me
when I was female. .... That's really exciting for me.... I can still relate to femmes
who are attractedto transmen.I can still relateto butches.I can still relateto straight
women ... but I also get back being able to relateto men, and that'sdefinitely a gift.
(Aaron)

In another example, Dick was primarily involved with men and briefly identi-
fied as a lesbian before transitioning. He found sexual orientation and gender iden-
tity to be inexplicably entangled as he struggled to clarify his identity. When he was
a woman and in a long-term relationship with a man, he began to identify as queer.
He assumed that his male partner was incongruent with his queer orientation. Over
time, he realized that the sex of his partner was not as crucial to his queer identity as
was the gender organization of the relationship. Identifying as queer was an attempt
to express the desire for interaction congruent with gender identity rather than
expressing the desire for a partner of a particular sex.

[Transitioning]makesa differencebecause it's queerthen, andit's not locatingme as

a straightwoman, which is not going to work. The way that I came out as queer, I
thoughtit was aboutsexualitybutit's really aboutgender.I was in a relationshipwith
a man who I hadbeen with for a couple of years ... andthenI startedfiguringout this
thing aboutqueerness,andI could not put my finger on it andI couldn't articulateit,
butI knew thatI couldn'tbe in a relationshipwith him. ... But whatI figuredout a lot
laterwas thatit wasn't aboutnot wantingto be with a guy; it was aboutnot wantingto
be the girl. (Dick)

Heterosexuality, then, is a problem for these FTMs not because of object choice
but because of the gendered meaning created in intimate and sexual interaction that
situates them as women. Most of the FTMs in the sample who changed sexual ori-
entation or attractions after transitioning did not previously identify as bisexual or
heterosexual. Two key changes allowed them to entertain the idea of sexual
involvement with men. First, the relationship and power dynamic between two men
is very different from that between a man and a woman. Second, in heterosexual
interactions previous to transitioning, the sexual arena only reinforced FTMs'
social and sexual position as women, thus conflicting with their gender identity.
After transitioning, sexual interaction with men can validate gender identity:

So, it's okay for me to datemen who were bornmen becauseI don'tfeel like they treat
me weird.I couldn't standthis feminizationof me, especially in the bedroom.Now I
feel like I actuallyhavea sex drive.Hormonesdidn'tmakeme horny,the combination
of me transitioningand taking hormonesmade me have maybe a normalsex drive.
(Dick)
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 313

I'venevertotallydismissedmenassexualpartners
ingeneral,butI knewthatI'mvery
muchdykeidentified.ButI thinkbeingmasculineandhavinga malerecognizeyour
masculinityisjustas sexyas a womanrecognizingyourmasculinity,
as opposedto a
manrelatingto youas a woman.(Trevor)

I do not wish to imply thatmanylesbians are simply repressedbisexuals or het-

erosexualsusing sex reassignmentto cope with theirsexual attractiontowardmen.
Instead,I am arguingthatthe sexual interactionbetween FTMs and men is decid-
edly differentfrom heterosexualinteraction.The type of male partnergenerally
changes as well-from straightto gay. FormanyFTMs,theirchange in sexual ori-
entationand the degree of thatchange was a welcome surprise.Some appreciated
the opportunityto interactwith men on a sexual level that felt free of the power
dynamicsin heterosexualrelations.Otherswere happyto date otherFTMs or bio-
logical men as a way of maintainingtheirqueeridentity.Severalintervieweeswho
transitionedfrom a lesbian identitydid not like appearingheterosexualand identi-
fied as queerregardlessof theirobjectchoice because theirbody and genderstatus
disruptedthe usual sexualityparadigm.Still, they struggledwith their invisibility
as queeraftertransitioning."Beingwith an FTM,we're the same, it's very queerto
me. ... A lot of times, I'm bugged if I walk down the streetwith a girl andwe seem
straight.... I thinkthat'sthe worstpartabouttransitioningis the queernessis really
obliteratedfrom you. It's takenaway.I mean you're prettyqueer,somebody walk-
ing down the streetwith a guy with a cunt is queer,but it's invisible"(Joe).
In his workwith male-to-femaletranssexuals,Lewins (1995) discussedthe rela-
tionship between gender and sexual orientation in the context of symbolic
interactionism.The sexual arenais a site for creatingandvalidatingsex andgender
identity because "when we desire someone and it is reciprocated,the positive
natureof continuinginteractionreaffirmsand, possibly for some, confirms their
gender identity"(Lewins 1995, 38). Sexual interaction,depending on the sexual
orientationof the partner,is key to validatingthe male identityof FTMs. Whether
thatpartneris a heterosexualor bisexual woman or a gay man, the interactionthat
involves the FTM as male confirmsgender identity.

CONCLUSION

Transpeople arein the uniquepositionof experiencingsocial interactionas both

women and men andillustratethe relativityof attributingbehavioras masculineor
feminine.Behaviorlabeledas assertivein a butchcan be identifiedas oppressivein
a man. And unremarkablebehaviorfor a woman such as shopping or caring for
children can be labeled extraordinaryand laudable when performedby a man.
Althoughgenerallythese new men found increasedsocial privilege,those without
institutionalprivilege did not. Becoming a Black man or a feminine man were
social liabilities affecting interactionand increasingrisk of harassmentand harm.
314 GENDER & SOCIETY / June 2005

Whetherfor betteror worse, being perceivedas a man changed social interaction

and relationshipsand validatedgender identity.
In additionto illustratingthe relativityof assignationof meaningto behavior,
these interviewsillustratethe relativityof sexual orientation.Sexual orientationis
based not exclusively on object attractionbut also on the genderedmeaningscre-
ated in sexual and romanticinteraction.Sexual orientationcan be seen as fluid,
dependingon boththe perceivedsex of the individualsandthe genderorganization
of the relationship.
This studyof a small groupof FTMs helps clarify the relationshipbetween sex
andgenderbecauseit does not use sex as the initiatingpointfor genderandbecause
most respondentshave experienced social interactionas both men and women.
Much sociological theoryregardinggenderassumes thatgenderis the behavioral,
socially constructedcorrelateof sex, thatgenderis "writtenon the body."Even if
therearecase studiesinvolvingoccasionalaberrations,genderis generallycharac-
terized as initiatingfrom sex. With this study,though,the opposite relationshipis
apparent.Sex is a crucialaspect of gender,and the genderedmeaningassigned to
behavioris based on sex attribution.People are not simply held accountablefor a
gender performancebased on their sex (see West and Zimmerman 1987); the
genderedmeaningof behavioris dependenton sex attribution.Whetherbehavioris
defined as masculineor feminine, laudableor annoying,is dependenton sex cate-
gory. Doing gender,then, does not simply involve performingappropriatemascu-
linity or femininitybased on sex category.Doing genderinvolves a balanceof both
doing sex and performingmasculinityand femininity.When thereis no confusion
or ambiguity in the sex performance,individuals are able to have more diverse
expressions of masculinity and femininity. This balance between behavior and
appearancein expressinggenderhelps explain the changingbehaviorof FTMs as
they transitionas well as the presence of men and women with a diversity of
genderedbehaviorsand display.

NOTES

1. Intervieweesdo not necessarilyidentifyas female-to-maletranssexualandtransgenderedpeople

(FTMs).Therearemanytermsthatmoreclosely describeindividuals'personalidentityandexperience
including"trans,""boydyke,""trannyboy," "queer,""man,""FTM,""transsexual," and"genderbender."
Forsimplicityandclarity,I will use "FTM"and"trans"andapologizeto intervieweeswho feel this does
not adequatelyexpresstheir sex/genderlocation.
2. See Lucal (1999) for an excellent discussion regardinginterpersonalstrategiesfor disruptingthe
gender order.
3. Politically,some feministFTMsexpressdiscomfortat becomingmembersof the most privileged
economic and social class (white men).
4. A keloid is thick,raised,fibrousscartissue occurringin responseto an injuryor surgery;it occurs
more often in darker-skinnedindividuals.
5. Aftertakingtestosterone,an individualappearsmale even if he or she discontinuesuse. The inter-
viewee who becamepregnantdiscontinuedhormonesto ovulateandcontinuehis pregnancythenbegan
hormonesagain afterchildbirth.
 Dozier / DOING SEX IN A GENDERED WORLD 315

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Raine Dozier is a graduatestudentin sociology at the Universityof Washingtonwith research

interests in gender sexuality, and economic inequality.Her current research examines the
growth in the earnings gap betweenBlackand white womensince 1980.